MASTER NEGATIVE NO. 93-81447- MICROFILMED 1 993 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the „ • » "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the photocopy or other reproduction is not to be "used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research." If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of "fair use," that user may be liable for copyright infringement. This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. A UTHOR: SMITH, SIR WILLIAM TITLE: HISTORY OF PLACE: NEW YORK DATE: 1880 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRA PHIC MTCRnFORM TARHKT ' Master Negative # Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record 831 SiaSll * f t ■n Restrictions on Use: Smith, Sir VJillian, 1^:13-1893. A histon: of Greocu, fro-n the earliost times to the Roman conquest, vitb supplementary chapters en the hictorv of literalvro and art. Rot. v/ith an p-ppondix by George '/;. Greorie. Jw York, flarper, IbHO. xxxiv, 704 p. illus. (incl. maps, plans), plate, (Students serirs) 1 1 « FILM SIZE: 3 ^'''^>^'^ TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA //AT REDUCTION RATIO: IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA hX) ylB JIB DATE FILMED: ^lSj$_2rr3__ INITIALS HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PIJBLICATlhMS. 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" ■ '•tiprfu 8^0- S-v-nGll Hibrarg BORN ia64-DI£0 19W PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY SCHOLAR AUTHOR TBACHlll AS A MEMORIAL OF HIS LIFE AND WORK HIS STUDENTS AND FRIENDS GAVE HIS LIBRARY TO HIS ALMA MATER A. 0. 1907 KAcivo? 8' 6 TTO'VOS flOl ■((■ii mmfpi •■ ■ ■"..iiiii»» •■■ "■•,'ii" A CO H < HISTORY OP GREECE, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE ROMAN CONQUEST. WITH SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTERS ON THE HISTORY OF LITERATURE AND ART. BY WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D., BditaHT of tha DiftioiiHries of " Greek and Roman Antiquitiefi,** " BiogrRphy and Mytholo^," Bad " Geography." KEVISED, WITH AN APPENDIX, BY GEORGE W. GREENE, A.M. Sllufttateli hs ®ne l^unTireH Hnjjrabfnfls on WSodH. '^KKinn Teiti^lv u4 UlymiiiiHi J*ve. NEW YORK: HARPER & B R O T II E 11 S, PUBLISHERS, VBANKLIN 8QUABB. 1880. A w 1-4 HISTORY OF GREECE, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE ROMAN CONQUEST. WITH SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTERS ON THE HISTORY OP LITERATURE AND ART. BY WILLIAM SMITH, LL.D., K4ii«H- of th« Dictionaries of " Greek nnd Koniari Antiquities," " Biojjraphy and MytWIojfyi* «nd "Geography." REVISED, WITH AN APPENDIX, BY GEORGE W. GREENE, A.M. SllustratcTi bv #nc IQuntivcTi Htifltabfnas on S^ooH. NEW YORK: HARPER & D li O T H E U S, PUBLISHERS, FBANKLIN SQUAB B- 1880. ^ THE STUDENT'S SEKIES 12iiO| Cloth, vnifobm in bttlk. MANUAL OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTOBY, By Philii* Smith. Illustrated. |l 50. THE STUDENT ^8 CLASSICAL DICTION- ARY. Illastriited. |1 95. ANCIENT niSTORY OF THE EAST. By Philif Smith. IllnstrHted. $1 S5. HISTORY OF GREECE. By Dr. William Smith. Itlustratetl. $1 35. CON'S GENERAL HISTORY OF GREECK With Maps. $1 S&. LlDItELL 'S HISTORY OF ROME, IlIo»tra- t««l. |1 S5. MERIVALE'S GENERAL HISTORY OF ROME. With Mapa. |1 25. GIBBON'S DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE Illustrated. $1 35. LYELL'S GEOLOGY. Illuatratad. $1 25. HISTORY OF FRANCE. By the Rer. W. H. Jbrvis, M.A. ItliMtrnted. |1 S5. 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Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the 3'car 1854, bj HARPER &; BROTHERS, In the Clerk's Office for the Southern District of New York. PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOE. No history is so full of instruction as that of Greece, and there is none whose lessons have been more uniformly perverted. Gillies treated it as an exposition of the " incurable evils inhe- rent in every form of republican policy," and dedicated his work to the King. Mitford wrote from a point of view so purely English, that, with all his learning and industry, he was never able to understand the distinction between a republican and a demagogue. We have all been taught that the condem- nation of Miltiades was a flagrant instance of repubUcan in. gratitude ; that the Athenian democracy was fickle, and cow- ardly, and mean ; and that the happy days of Greece were those transient pauses which followed the concentration of power in the hands of an oligarchy or a tyrant. •: ./"I \0 Now, if there be any value in history, it must consist in the truthful record of man's tendency to grow wiser and better, or more ignorant and more wicked, under particular forms of gov- ernment, and in certain modes of existence. If " every form of republican policy" be tainted by incurable evils, it is very im- portant that we should know it, and prepare ourselves in time for the inevitable development of them. If the experience of ether nations has brought any thing to light which can be ap- 423864 ▼i PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. plied to our own ciKse, it is our duty to study it carefully, and do our best to turn it to account. The past has a claim upon us for just and conscientious appreciation. It is as wicked as it is vain to attempt to sever the ties which bind us to the old world and make the civilization of elder days an important element in our own. And as every vice sooner or later brings its own chastisement, the people which shuts its eyes wilfully to the teachings of history, will sooner or later find that, even in its hardest struggles, it has been treading a path hi which almost all the dangers had been revealed long before. If we would read these lessons aright, we must come to the "stndy of the past with candid and fearless minds ; ready to accept whatever it really tells us ; and earnest only in searching out the true meaning of its revelations. This alone can make the study of history fruitful, and bring out that earnestness, sincerity, can- dour, and toleration, which are as essential to the healthy develop- ment of nations as of individuals. It is all the more to be regretted that Grecian history has been so sadly distorted, as it necessarily lies at the basis of our historical studies. Greek civilization is the first of the civiliza- tions of the old world with which we still have an active and enduring sympathy. The elder empires of Asia are subjects of deep interest to the professed scholar ; Egj'pt is full of strange revelations of character and power; but Greece is the only country which still continues to exercise a direct and healthy influence upon the development of the mind in every depart- ment of thought and taste. Every now and then, it is true, we are startled by the apparition of some new Homer, or De- mosthenes, or Phidias: but long before their generation has passed away, the world is glad to fall back again upon the old ones. When Canova began his reform in sculpture, he went back to the antique with the simplicity and devotion of a chiM ; and the result was the modem school, the most brilliant since PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. vii the briUiant days of Greece. And yet I have often heard its greatest master say, that he never could look at an ancient statue without feeling that there was something in it which neither he, nor Canova, nor any modern of them all, had ever reached. It has often been said that half the disputes between philoso- phers arise from the want of accurate definitions : and the word progress is a striking illustration of the truth of this saying. For the greater part of mankind it means nothing but move- ment ; a change of position, without any definite starting-point or goal : any thing, in short, to gratify the feverish love of novelty and that impatience of delay, which are the real incen- tives of more than half we do. But progress implies move- ment from a fixed point to one still higher ; a movement which shall be in itself the preparation for something higher and bet- ter still. There is but one way of finding that starting-point, and that is by a thorough and conscientious study of the past. The reform in the study of Grecian history began in Germany, and Mr. Bancroft rendered a real service to his countrymen when he published his translation of Heeren's " Politics of Ancient Greece." Thirlwall's work was a great improvement upon every thing that had preceded it, both in the conception of the subject and in the exposition of it. But Grote, with his vast learning, his sound philosophy, his grasp of mind, and liis republican con- victions, was eminently fitted to be the historian of Greece. The present volume, though not without pretensions to original investigation, is mainly based upon Grote, whose enlarged views will generally be found to be happily reflected in its pages. Its author is well known by previous publications, which had won him the reputation of an accurate, diligent, and profound scholar. He may now justly lay claim to the additional one of a pleasing, graceful, and classic writer. TUl PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. In preparing an edition for American schools and readers, 1 have not lelt at liberty to make any changes in tlie text ; which, with the exception of a few of those slips of the pen from which no work is altogether free, will be found to correspond word for word with the original publication. What 1 felt to be neces- sary for the American student I have thrown into an Ap- pendix ; and the suggestions on the following page contain an outline of the manner in which, I believe, it can be studied with most pleasure and profit both to the teacher and his pupil. GEO. w. gree^:e. New York, Jfa^ d, 1854. (I II SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS. I HAVE already remarked that this work is e(iually adapted to the private student and the school or college class-room. To those who use it as a text- book, the following suggestions may not be unwelcome. The historical course in our public institutions is thus far so imperfect, that it is safer to take it for granted that the student on opening this volume gets his first glance at Grecian history. Now it is very important that this glance should be accompanied by a definite conception of the space which that history fills both in territory and in time ; and it is for this purpose that I have added Heeren's clear and comprehensive geographical summary, and drawn up the synchronitic tables in the Appendix. The first should be studied with the map ; the second by itself; and both repeated, even after the nar- rative has been begun, until the geography and general chronology of Greece have become as familiar as the boundaries of the States and the names of the Presidents. During the whole of this stage of the study the black-board may be used with great advantage. The student now begins with a fir.m basis. The first course may be made rapidly, and in the form of narration. It will give him a clear and compre- hensive view of the subject ; and, in connection with the geography and chronology, make a distinct and definite impression upon his mind. The second course should be one of thorough detail ; combining narration and questions. The summaries at the head of each chapter will be found to answer the purpose of regular examination questions ; and the substance of each section should be narrated, leaving the teacher to ask additional ques- tions whenever the subject, or any omission in the narrative, requires it. Half the advantage of the study is lost where every thing is put down in the form of question, instead of requiring the scholar to select the circumstances for himself, and express them in his own language. Take, for example, the first chapter cf the first book. A scholar is called upon to recite : Q. What is the general subject of this chapter? A. The earliest inhabitants of Greece. Q. To what age of Grecian history does this question belong ? A. To the Mythical. Q. What are the subjects of the first three sections ? A. 1, The legendary character of early Grecian history. 2. Legends of the Greeks respecting their origin. 3. The Hellenes and their diffusion in Greece. Now call upon him to give in his own language, but in a proper order, the substaace of these three sections. And if you are not satisfied with his nar- lation. question him minutely upon the parts where he has failed. The third course should be guided by the general questions (pp. 633, 634), which may be answered orally, on the black-board, and m the form of regular written exercises. SUGGESTlOiiS TO TEACHERS. li M m it Dorin. the second and third courses, written weekly exercise, should to During the »==°"" . . ei,„acters o£ individuals ; the nature of "^"cufarTeT pa ai&len eminent men ; particular systems „. pel- C^ntriSy'^Tf other questions, which '^^'^^J^Z:^^^^ to every competent instructor. In preparing these, the student suouia be ic ouirdTo consult other writers : Grote, Thirlwall, Heeren. Wachsmuth, etc., ^^A iiictifv rvprv assertion by exact references. Take 2. e«mpTe The Condemnation of M.ltiades has been a standing reproach^P^n the Athenian democracy, and through that upon democracy it- "L lhe'"m£ give first a brief statement of the facts l^ eompa- various authorities, beginning w>lh Cornelius N epos, and »"?^-f ^™. Gillies Mitford, Thirlwall, and Grote. Let him see, too, whether tl.e ques orhak n^lte; reduced to its true fo""^.^ M-.'''".!;"j '^l^r Mm a by Grote in his notes. A single exercise like this will do more for h.m tiinker and a writer, than three months «f ""'i-^'y fomposmon^ R.,t ihi, is very slow work. It may seem so. It may keep you 'o".^" "^ .cht, ;tt it : Ul t„d you into the world with «iowledge and habits th« will Slick by you through life. PREFACE. The following work is intended principally for schools. It was commenced several years ago, at a time when the Grecian his- tories used in schools were either the superficial and inaccurate compilations of Goldsmith and older writers, or the meagre abridgments of more recent scholars, in which the facts were presented in so brief a manner as to leave hardly any recollec- tion of them in the minds of the readers. Since that time one or two school histories of Greece of a superior kind have ap- peared, but they have not been written from the same point of view which I had proposed to myself; and in the best of them the history of literature and art, as well as several other sub- jects which seemed to me of importance, have been almost entirely omitted. I have therefore seen no reason to abandon my original design, which now requires a few words of expla- nation. My object has been to give the youthful reader as vivid a picture of the main facts of Grecian history, and of the leading characteristics of the political institutions, literature, and art of the people, as could be comprised within the limits of a volume of moderate size. "With this view I have omitted entirely, or dismissed in a few paragraphs, many circumstances recorded in similar works, and have thus gained space for narrating at length the more important events, and for bringing out promi- nently the characters and lives of the great men of the nation. It is only in this way that a school history can be made in- BtructivG and interesting, since a brief and tedious enumeration A PREFACE. PREPACK Jdfl of e¥ery event, whether great of Bmall, important or unimpor- tant, confuses the reader and leaves no permanent impression upon his memory. Considerable space has been given to the history of hterature and art, since they form the most durable evi- dences of a nation*8 growth in civilization and in social progress. A knowledge of these subjects is of far more importance to a pupil at the commencement of his classical studies than an ac- quaintance with every insignificant battle in the Peloponnesian war, or with the theories of modem scholars respecting the early population of Greece ; and as it cannot be expected that a schoolboy should read special treatises upon Grecian literature and art, these subjects find their appropriate place in a work like the present. It is perhaps hardly necessary to observe that I have availed myself of the researches of the eminent scholars, both in thic country and in Germany, whose writings have thrown so mucli light upon the history of Greece ; but the obligations I am under to Mr. Grote require a more particular acknowledgment. It is not too much to say that his work forms as great an epoch in the study of the history of Greece as Niebuhr's has done in the study of the history of Rome, and that Mr. Grote's contributions to historical science are some of the most valuable that have been made within the present generation. As my own studies have led me over the same ground as Mr. Grote, I have care- fully weighed his opinions and tested his statements by a refer- ence to his authorities ; and in almost all cases I have been compelled to adopt his conclusions, even where they were in opposition to generally received opinions and prejudices, as, for instance, in his views respecting the legendary history of Greece^ the legislation of Lycurgus, the object of ostracism, the general working of the Athenian constitution, and the character of the Sophists. Indeed it will be admitted by the most competent judges, that any school history of Greece, which aspires to re- present the present state of knowledge upon the subject, must necessarily be founded to a great extent upon Mr. Grote's his- T tory ; but I have derived such valuable assistance from his re- searches, that I am anxious to express, in the fullest manner, the great obligations this work is under to that masterpiece cf historical Hterature. In a brief outline of Grecian history, original research is of course out of place ; all that can be ex- pected from the writer is a clear and accurate account of the most recent results at which the best modem scholars have arrived; and in this respect it is hoped that the intelligent reader will not be disappointed. Of the many other modem works which I have consulted, it is only necessary to refer to Colonel Mure's " Critical History of Greek Literature," from which I have derived valuable assistance in the chapters of the work devoted to that subject. As a general rule, references to ancient and modern works are not given, since they are useless to the pupil and occupy valuable space, while the scholar will look for the authorities elsewhere. The illustrations, of which the majority have been drawn by my friend Mr. George Scharf, consist of maps of different districts, plans of battles and places, views of public buildings, works of art and other objects, the representation of which renders the descriptions in the history more intelligible and interesting to the reader WILLIAM SMITH. London, November^ 1853. T ^y^^ Greek and Persian Combatants. From the Frieze of the Temple of Nike Apteroa (See pp. 216. 391,392.) CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. H- The three peninsulas of Southern Europe. ^2. Position and boundaries of Greece. ^3^ Size of the country. M. Name. <^ 5. Northern Greece : Thessaly and Epirus. ^ 6. Central Greece : its principal divisions and mountains. ^ 7. Eastern half of Central Greece : Doris, Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, Attica, Megaris. ation of Pisistratus. Return and death o? 87 CHAPTER XL HISTORY OP ATHENS PROM THE USURPATION OP PISISTRATUS TO THI ESTABLISHMENT OP THE DEMOCRACY BY CLISTHENES. 41. Despotism Of Pisistratus. His first expulsion and restoration. 6 2. His second expulsion and restoration. ^ 3. Government of Pisistratus after his final restoration to his death, b.c. 527. ^ 4. Government of Hippias and Hipparchus. Conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogiton, and «sassi„ation of Hipparchus. B.C. 514. ^ 5. Sole government of Hippias His expulsion by the Alcmsonidae and the Lacedaemonians, B.C. 510. 6 a Honors paid to Harmodius and Aristogiton. ^ 7. Party struggles at Athens between Clisthenes and Isagoras. Establishment of the Athenian CONTENTS. xbc democracy. ^ 8 Reforms of Clisthenes. Institution often new tribes and of the demes. ^ 9. Increase of the number of the Senate to Five Hundred « 10 Enlargement of the functions and authority of the Senate and the Ecclesia. ^11. Introduction of the judicial functions of the people In atitution of tho Ten Strategi or Generals. ^ 12. Ostracism. \ b First attempt of the Lacedemonians to overthrow the Athenian democracv Invasion of Attica by Cleomenes, followed by his expulsion with that of Isagoras. ^ 14. Second attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow the ^^^ITttt'^Tr-T '^^" Lacedemonians, Thebans, and Chalcidians mttack Attica. The Lacedemonians deserted by their allies and compelled to retire. Victories of the Athenians over the Thebans and Chalcidians, followed by the planting of 4000 Athenian colonists on the lands of the Chalcidians. ^ 15. Third attempt of the Lacedemonians to overthrow the Athenian democracy, again frustrated by the refusal of the allies to take part m the enterprise. ^ 16. Growth of Athenian patrrotism, a conse- quence of the reforms of Clisthenes. ... j^ CHAPTER XII. HISTORY OF THE GREEK COLONIES. $ I. Connection of the subject with the general history of Greece. 6 2. Ori- gin of the Greek colonies and their relation to the mother-country 6 3 Characteristics common to most of the Greek colonies. 6 4. The ilolic* Ionic, and Doric colonies in Asia. Miletus the most important, and the parent of numerous colonies. Ephesus. Phocea. 6 5. Colonies in the south of Italy and Sicily. History of Cume. »««edings. ^ 13. Proceedings at Samoa. Alcibiades joins the democracy there. ^ 14. The Athenian envoys at Samos. 6 15 Dissensions among the Four Hundred. They negotiate with Sparta. A 16.* Counter revolution at Athens. Defeat of the Athenian fleet and capture of Eubcea by the Lacedsmonians. ^ 17. The Four Hundred deposed and democracy re-established at Athens __ 34^ CHAPTER XXXII. FIOM THE FALL OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS TO THE BATTLE OF .OIGOSPOTAMI. * i;f !*'7J' o ^"'«^'7!f • .* 2. Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cynos- sema. § 3. Capture of Cyzicus by the Athenians, and second defeat of the Peloponnesians at Abydus. ^ 4. Arrest of Alcibiades by Tissaphemes and his subsequent escape. Signal defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cyzi! cus. ^ 5. The Athenians masters of the Bosporus. The Lacedemonians mTr "" P^Tp^'r' " 'rtr'' ^ '■ P^«-abazus assists the Laced" - n Zt'uJnf A?^r '; of ChaU^edon and Byzantium by the Athenians. « 8. Return of Alcibiades to Athens. ^ 9. He escorts the sacred proces- sion to Eleusjs. $ 10. Cyrus comes down to the coast of Asia. Lvs2 der appointed commander of the Peloponnesian fleet. A 11. Interview between Cyrus and Lysander. ^ 12. Alcibiades at Samos. Defeat oT Antiochus at Notium. ^ 13. Alcibiades is dismissed. 6 14 Lysande superseded by Callicratidas. Energetic measures of the latter. ' 6 fs De- d 7i F.^r'' ""'^ r??^' *"^ investment of that town by Callicratidas. ^16. J^xcitement at Athens, and equipment of a large fleet. 6 17. Battle of Arginus^. Defeat and death of Callicratidas. ^ 18. Arraignment w!l r" f »^^A»^««i-" generals. ^ 19. Re-appointment of Lys^der as Navarchns. ^ 20. Siege of Lampsacus, and batUe of ^gos- 357 CHAPTER XXXIII. FROM THE BATTLE OF ^OOSPOTAMI TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE THIRTY TYRANTS AND THE RE-ESTARLISHMENT OF DEMOCRACY AT ATHENS. ^ lthp!?r a' ^'^"': ^ ^- P~«««dings of Lysander. Capture of the tsted ATmr^'r^K'- '''^'"'' ""^ *^« ^^^-'-^ Athens in Lysander tL^ Conditions of capitulation. «& liysander takes possession of Athens. Destruction of the long walls &c 4 6. Return of the oligarchical exiles. Establishment of the S'' fj CONTENTS. xxvu Surrender of Samos and triumph of Lysander. $ 8. Proceedings of the Thirty at Athens. ^ 9. Opposition of Theramenes. MO. Proscriptions. Death of Theramenes. ^ 11. Suppression of intellectual culture So- crates. | 12. Death of Alcibiades. « 13. Jealousy of the Grecian states towards Sparta and Lysander. 4 CHAPTER XLVII. HISTORY or GRECIAN ART FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO ITS DECLINE. M*A^^w'*''^**^"K^'^?'^^''*'"'P*""'• «2. Scopas. M. Praxiteles. « 4. Sicyoniim school Of sculpture. Euphranor, Lysippus. 6 5 Sicyo- w 't? l^^^'T'l^- f"P«»P"«» Pamphilius, Apelles. 4 6 Architec PU,'a ^ fn^''f ""^T ^*^^''"^" *h« ^^^^' School of Rhodes. 6 8. Plunder of Greek works of art by the Romans 579 CHAPTER XLVin, CRECIAN LITERATURE FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO THB LATEST PERIOD. i I. The drama. The Middle comedy. The New comedy: Philemon f r U ;•• t '• ^'*'°'^- .^^"^"'"^t^^^es which favoured it at Athens' ^3. Its Sicilian origin. <, 4. The ten Attic orators : Antiphon, Ando" nlt^'l ^'Tn ^^''f ' ^r"'* ^schines, Lycurgus, Demosthen;s, Hy: perides and Dinarchus. ^ 5. Athenian philosophy, Plato. ^ 6. Sketch of his philosophy « 7. The Megarics, Cyrenaics. and Cynics 6 8 The Ac^ademicians. § 9. Aristotle and the Peripatetics. 6 10. The Stoics and Epicureans. ^ Ih The Alexandrian school of literature T 2 Later Greek writers : Polybius, Dior.ys.us of Hal.camassus, Diodorus Sicu us Arrian, Appian, Plutarch, Josephus, Strabo, Pausa;ias, Don SZr ""'"*" *^^* 'r^^^'^*^'^ Scriptures and Fathers. Con- '■ 587 The Bema of the Pnyx at Athens. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. View of Athens „ Theatre of Dionysius at Athens Frontispiece. 1 itle Page. Greek and Persian combatants. From the Frieze of the Tem- ple of Nike Apteros ix The Bema of the Pnyx at Athens xxvii Coin of Acarnania xxviii Vale of Tempe in Thessaly ... 1 Map of Greece, showing the general direction of the Moun- tain Ranges 3 Arch of Tiryns ..!!!....!.. . .' . ." .' 10 Head of Olympian Jove ..'. n Pans, from the ^ginetan Sculp- tares ^ jq Ajax, from the ^ginetan Sculp- tures ly Gate of MycenjB * .\' ] 25 Hercules and Bull 3j Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Asia Minor 37 Homer enthroned 30 Bust of Homer 46 Primitive Vessels from' Athens and A-gos . a-t ^[V ""! ^«"nt"Taygetus"from the site of Sparta 55 U-arly Greek Armour, from Vasel paintings 79 Leaden Sling bullets and Arm wl Jieads, found at Athens, Mara- thon, and Leontini 79 *'Oin of Corinth " qq 114 119 Croesus on the Funeral Pile ^7 Ruins of the Temple of the Olym'- plan Jove at Athens 102 Coin of Athens II3 Ancient Sculptures from Selinus Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Sicily Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Southern Italy 122 Coin of Cyrene, representing on the reverse the Silphium .... 125 Alcajus and Sappho. From a Painting on a vase 126 Temple at ^gina, restored! . ] .* ." 140 Wall at Tiryns 141 Wall of the Citadel ofArgos! '.'.' 142 VV ooden Hut in Asia Minor . . 143 Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian Co lumns 144 Doric Architecture " ] . . ] 145 Ionic Architecture ib. Corinthian Architecture .... . , . 146 Cyrus Behistun rock on which are inl scribed the exploits of Darius Ruins of an Ionic Temple in Lycia The Plain and Tumulus of Ma- rathon i-yi Battle of Marathon .... . . . . . . ' ng Bust of Miltiadcs J84 151 163 170 Ill CONTENTS. CHAPTER XLVI. WMOU THE BATTLE OP IP8U8 TO THE CONQUEST OF GREECE BY TH« ROMANS. § 1. Proceedings of Demetrius Poliorcctes. He captures Athens. 6 2. Obtains the Macedonian crown. His flight and death. 6 3. Lysimachus reigns over Macedonia. He is defeated and slain by Seleucus. 6 4 Sc leucus assassinated by Ptolemy Ceraunus. Invasion of the Celts' and death of Ptolemy Ceraunus. ^ 5. Antigonus Gonatas ascends the Mace- donian throne Death of Pyrrhus of Epirus. Chremonidean war. 6 6 The Ach.Tan League. ^ 7. State of Sparta. Reforms of Ag.s and Clco- menes The Cleomenic war. ^ 8. The ^tolian League. 6 9. The So- cial War. n«P'fieant spot of earth bearin-r their nam? whichthevasterapiresofRiw«l-nn^pi..„„ 1 " name, i 4 The naniP nfrZ . ''^""^ """""^ equalled, the connt™ Th ,,Tl '^'^ ""'"" "^'l ''y th« '"habitants of £ritTs frImThrR"* *'""'[*""' ^'*'*' »"'' 'hemselvcs ^1 lenes. it is Irom the Romans that we have derived the namo nf fmTthkt ^T^^ T^ *••' ^""^""^ ^"^-^ it '^ didir^it appXioi StooZl^^fWr''-"' ""T* ^ J-^termined. It isTowe "er di^e "SfZSn * f""'^"'' ^'"^T'^y <="" '^ I'<»Pl« by a name amerent Irom the one m use among themselves. Thus the natin,. themselves , and the people whom the Romans named Etnisc^^ or Tuscans, were known in their own language by that ofZ '^ sal^t'hr'^ ^f'^rr'^.'^ "' fi'^t ""'y'* ™al[ districts^: sdly the original abode of the Hellenes From this district t ho people and along with them their name. gradllW spreld over the whole country smith nf ih^ n^^u fe*"""**";^ fepreau over rude tribes of EpLThowever wC ™'^" mountains. The Hellenpx ai.H itx^Ii.^' .^^"^ "°* reckoiietl among tho HeUenes, and the nnrthem boundary of Hellas proper was a line if iKTBott OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGKAPHY. ^ drawn from the Ambracian gulf to the mouth of tho rivei- Peneus. The term Hellas was also employed in a more er tended seijse to sigmiy the abode of the HeUenes, wherever they might be settled; and accordingly the Grecian cities of Cyreiie m Africa, of Syracuse in Sicily, and of Tarentmn in galy, were a^ much parts of Hella* as Athens, Sparta, and Map of Greece, showing the general direction of the Mountain Ranges. 1. Thessaly. 9. Ki>Lnis. 3. Doris. 4. Phiiois. 8. l.W c^un^ ^tol an Corax ^tcdia and Acarnania, separated bv the riv<.r Achelous, are also mountainous, the great;r part of their sS bemg occupied by a continuation of the hills of Epiras but at 1.1 r?,°^'°"»- AH three countries were the haunts of rn,I» "^^'tH^T :r " ^1*^^ *•'•' P«loi— ia„ Jlr ' s„«Vh;™ T- '^'"* """^^"t^ """t^l Greece with the lorm 01 the latter, that the ancients regarded the Deninsuk hb ■,„ _;i • ,^ "^'"'''4 ^•'"' "f *his name. Its form w^ compared m antiqmty to the leaf of the plane tree or th7v^^ and its modem name, the Morea. was bestowed ,^ritfo,m,.: resemblance to the leaf of the mulberry. ^ ^"^ "" of Th^ T"^^^, of Peloponnesus have their roots in the centre of the comitry, from which they branch out towards the "ea rS of nltiraT^r'^^A'' """ "^ ""Stains, forml^ P„i„Z. • '"*'^'^'" ^all, which separates it from the othnr Peloponnesian states. These mountains are unbZen on tl,» northern, eastern, and southern frontiers, a fd 77oZ on ft trSil*tVt'b' "''*''" f''' Alph.us,'t'h?cair S the El a V^^'' T^y '^'"^"^ ^ "^'""^^ "{^"i^ towards S^r ::: thJ^stdToSSr :k tht^;tr eastern extremity of the coimtrv M^TT t n ii • ^*^" heiffht of 77R« L? 1^ country Mount Cyllene rises to the m1« wh?„^T A r ^' '^ '"torsected by numerous ranges of rS ;uS ,t^''"'^.^T the Arcadian mountains, and either Wo^re'L^iL'rr 1^ '"^f Y"'' promontories, or .nW.al n«j ♦u „ o i"® snore. Ihe plains thus left on the onn^t "4 ferti^'^^ ''*"'"" ^'^ "'°'^*^- - ^' th: mit S Introd. OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. Argolis was used as a collective term to signify the territories of several independent states. Of these the most important were Corinth and Sicyon, near the eastern extremity of the Corinthian gulf, and Argos, situated at the head of the Argohc gulf, in a plain ten or twelve miles in length and from four to five in breadth. The remainder of Argolis consisted of a rocky peninsula between the Saronic and Argolic gulfs, containing al its eastern extremity the territories o( Epidaurus, Tra'zen, and Hermioiie. Iyi,com(i and Mcsscnui occupied the whole of the south of Pelo- ponnesus from sea to sea. Tiiey were separated by the lofty range of Taygetus, running from nortli to south and terminating in the promontory of Tajnarum (now Cape Matapan), the south- ernmost point of (t recce and Europe. Along the eastern side of Laconia the range of Mount Parnon extends from north to south parallel to that of Taygetus, and terminates in the promontory of Malea. Between these two ranges is the valley of the Eurotas, in which Sparta stood, and which south of this city opens out into a plain of considerable extent toward the Laconian gulf. Messenia in like manner was drained by the Pamisus, whose plain is still more extensive and fertile than that of the Eurotas. Blis was the region between the western barrier of Arcadia and the Ionian sea. It is covered to a great extent with the olishoots of the Arcadian mountains, but contains several plains. In the centre of the country is the memorable plain of Olymjiia, through which the Alpheus flows, and in which the city of Pisa stood. Hi. The numerous islands whicli line the Grecian shores were occupied in historical times by the Grecian race. Of these the most important was Eubaca, ninety miles in length, stretch- ing along the coasts of Bffiotia and Attica. Through it ran from north to south a long chain of mountains which may be regarded as a continuation of the range of Ossa and Pehon. South of EuboBa was the group of islands called the Cy dudes, lying romid Delos as a centre ; and east of these were the Sporades, near the Asiatic coast. South of these groups lay the two large islands of Crete and Rlwdes. In the Saronic gulf between Attica and Argolis were the celebrated islands of Scdamis and JEgina, the former reckoned as part of Attica, and the latter long the rival and eye-sore of Athens. Off the western coast of Greece, in the Ionian sea, we find Corey ra opposite E pirns, CepJudhnia and ItJiaca opposite Acarnania, and Zacynthus near the coast of EUs in Peloponnesus. Cythera was separated by a narrow chamiel from the southern extremity of Laconia. M2. The physical features of the country exercised an im- portant influence upon the political destinies of the people. 8 HISTORY OF GREECE. IwTBODi, Greece is one of the most mountainoug countries of E„n,n» Its surface is occupied by a number of .,r,»ii i • -.l ^""P«- surrounded by CcsJeZ^^ Tl!^ZytT"'''' Mountams, not rivers, have in MZ^^TZltllJ^t ^ ners to intercourse between neighbouriu^ tribes StiH'' case m Greece, and thus the very nature of th,'. U.,, f /''" proclnce that la,^e mrnxber of inZe;:::^ 1 1 ihtt'oi" the nu« stnkmg pha,nomena in Grecian histo,^ ST, pnncpa^ Grec.au cities was founded i„ one o fTlie sma 1 already descnbed ; and as the mountains which ^ parato i t"" Its neufhbours were lo)W »n.l ^ i 1 """ " separatiHl it Irom neiwl^L. o. I <■ • ^ " ruSRcd. it grew up ii solitary iiid.!- ptudence, aud formed its own character bclbre it coidd hTS i l>y any external iulluence. "^ aliected The monutainoua nature of tbo »>™i..t„, „i ^ . ,. „ ibn^gjUuvasion. as weU 0^^^^".;^ mitf S^^rra^nd^'Cr T '• '''TTt o'T-S™ ;;! northern a^ centrd Gr^A "^ ^ike mamier. is S Crt7 T\ ^T^'\ ^y *^" ^OTtian Danaus, who fled to Greece with his fifty daughters to escape from the persecution of their suitors, the fifty sons of his bmther ^gyptus The thf tribe" f/^^°^^J^^^^lf t.-d king by the natives, and from him auentlv n,l ^^"^' i^"''^"^ *^"^ ^^^' ^^^^^ Homer fre- fact wLTl , ^ ^"""'^^ appellation for the Greeks. The only col nT in P any countenance to the existence of an Egyptiai colony m Greece is the discovery of the remains of two p^amiX at no great distance from Argos ; but this form of bmCt and Met:^ ' f''^'' J^^'^' ^'^ ^^^^^ - I-<^-, Babylonia • f^uw. T'r^^ ™^y therefore have been erected by the early inhabitant of Greece independently of any comiexion 4h E^t 16 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. L « $ 8. Another colony, not less celebrated and not more credible than the two just mentioned, is the one led from Asia by Pelops, from whom the southern peninsula of Greece derived its name of Peloponnesus. Pelops is usually represented as a native of Sipylus m Phrygia, and the son of the wealthy king Tantalus. By means of his riches, which he brought with him into Greece, he became king of Mycenae and the founder of a powerful dynasty, one of the most renowned in the Heroic age of Greece. From him was descended Agamemnon, who led the Grecian host against Troy. § 9. The case is different with the Phoenician colony, which m said to have been founded by Cadmus at Thebes in Bceotia. We have decisive evidence that the Phoenicians planted colonies at an early period in the islands of Greece; and it is only natural to beheve that they also settled upon the shores of the mainland. Whether there was such a person as the Phcenician Cadmus, and whether he built the town called Cadmea, which afterwards became the citadel of Thebes, as the ancient legends relate, can not be determined ; but, setting aside ail tradition on the subject, there is one fact which proves indisputably an early intercourse between Phcenicia and Greece. It was to the Phcenicians that the Greeks were indebted for the art of writing ; for both the names and the forms of the letters in the Greek alphabet are evidently derived from the Phoenician. With this exception the Oriental strangers left no permanent traces of their settlements in Greece ; and the population of the country contumed to bo esientially Grecian, uncontarainated by any foreign elementa. Paris, ftom the JEgineUn Sculpturea. Ajax, from the JEginetan Sculpturea CHAPTER II. THE GRECIAN HEROES. * fl ?^^I?"*^*^ character of the Heroic A^e. 8 2. Hercules. 8 *i Ti.. § 4. Mmos. § 5. Voyage of the AreonaX S a Ti! c^ Theseus. Thebes and the Epiffoni 8 7 TheTr^tnW ^ ^- ^.^^^Seyen against laid w Jr„' r^"7"y ^^'^^f ^y the Greeks that their native Snla lur^l '"'"'' ^^ .™'^ ^y '^ "°1'1« ^^«e "f beings, pos- r^Jnfnt ™P^*!™^" though not a divine nature, and superior turcs torm the great mine from which the Greeks derived in- exhaustible materials for their poetry— "Presenting Thebes or Pelops' line Or the tale of Troy divine." ' 18 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. H 11 According to m>^hical chronology the Heroic age constitutes a period of about two hundred years, from the first appearance of the Hellenes m Thessaly to the return of the Greeks from Troy, bince the legends of this period belong to mytholocrvand not to history, they find their proper place in a work devoted tc the former subject. But some of them are so closely interwoven with the historical traditions of Greece that it is imiwssible to p:iss them by entirely. Among the heroes three stand con- spicuously forth : Hercules, the national hero of Greece ; Theseus the hero of Attica ; and Minos, king of Crete, the principal lounder of Grecian law and civilization. ♦u l^V^^^^ the Heroic families none was more celebrated than that ot Danaus, king of Argos. In the fifth generation we find It personified m Danae, the daughter of Acrisius, whom Jove wooed m a shower of gold, and became by her the father of rerseus. the celebrated conqueror of Medusa. Perseus was the ancestor of Hercules, being the great-grandfather both of Alc- mena and of her husband Amphitryon. According to the well- JcQown legend. Jove, enamoured of Alcmena, assumed the form ot Amphitryon in his absence, and became by her the father o! Hercules. To the son thus begotten Jove had destined the sovereignty of Argos ; but the jealous anger of Hera (Juno) raised up agamst him an opponent and a master in the person ot Jsurystheus another descendant of Perseus, at whose biddincr the greatest of all heroes was to achieve those wonderful laboui^ which hUed the whole world with his fame. In these are reahzed on a maguificent scale, the two great objects of ancient heroism —the destruction of physical and moral evil, and the acquisition of wealth and power. Such, for instance, are the labours, iu which he destroys the terrible JSTcmean lion and Lerneaii hydra carries off the girdle of Ares from Hippolyte, queen of" the Amazons and seizes the golden apples of the Hesperides, guaitled by a hundred-headed dragon. At the same time, however, we perceive, as is the case with all the Grecian heroes, that the extraordinary endowments of Hercules did not preserve him Irom human weakness and error, and the consequent expiation which they demanded. After slaying in his ungovernable rage his triend and companion Iphitus, the son of Eurytus, he is seized with sickness becomes the slave of the Lydian queen Omphal6 devotes himself to effeminate occupations, and sinks into luxury and wantonness. At a subsequent period another crime pro- duces his death. The rape of lole. the daughter of the same i^urytus whose son he had slain, incites his wife Deianira to send mm the fatal shirt, poisoned with the blood of the centaur JNessus. Unable to endure the torments it occasions, ho repairs Chap. IL THE GRECIAN HEROES. 19 to Mount (Eta, which becomes the scene of his apotheosis. As he lies on the funeral pile there erected for him by Hyllus, his eldest son by Deianira, a cloud descends and bears him off amidst thunder and lightning to Olympus, where he i. received among the immortal gods, and, being reconciled to Hera, receives in marriage her daughter Hebe, the goddess of youth. ^3. Theseus was the son of ^geus, king of Athens, and of ^thra, daughter of Pittheus, king of Troezen. Cn his return to Athens iEgeus left ^thra behind him at Trcezen, enjoinhig her not to send their son to Athens till he was strong enough to lift from beneath a stone of prodigious weight his father's sword and sandals, which would serve as tokens of recognition. Theseus when grown to manhood, accomplished the appointed feat with ease, and took the road to Athens over the isthmus of Corinth a journey beset with many dangers from robbers who barbarously mutilated or kiUed the unhappy wayfarers who fell into their hands. But Theseus overcame them all, and arrived in safety at Athens, where he was recognised by iEgeus, and declared his successor. Among his many memorable achievements the most famous was his deliverance of Athens from the frightful tribute imposed upon it by Minos for the murder of his son. This con- sisted of seven youths and seven maidens, whom the Athenians were compelled to send every nine years to Crete, there to be devoured by the Minotaur, a monster with a human body and a buUs head, which Minos kept concealed in an inextricable labyrinth. The third ship was already on the point of saiUnn- with its cargo of innocent victims, when Theseus offered to gS with them, hoping to put an end for ever to the horrible tribute Ariadne, the daughter of Minos, became enamoured of the hero and having supplied him with a clue to trace the windings of the labynnth, Theseus succeeded in kiUing the monster, and m tracking his way out of the mazy lair. As he returned towards Athens, the pilot forgot to hoist the white sail, agreed on as the signal of success, in place of the black sail usually carried by the vessel which bore that melancholy tribute, where- upon ^geus, thinking that his son had perished, threw himself into the sea which afterwards bore his name. Theseus, havhig now ascended the throne, proceeded to lay the loundataons of the future greatness of Athens. He united into one pohtical body the twelve independent states into which Cecrops had divided Attica, and made Athens the capital of the new kingdom. In order to accommodate the mcreased popula- tion of the city, he covered with buildings the ground lyincr to the south of the Cecropian citadel ; and in commemoration of the umon, he instituted the festivals of the Panathenaea and so li HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. II Synoikia in honour of Athena (Minerva), the patron goddess of the city. He then divided the citizens into three classes, namely, Bwpatridm, or nohles, Geomcri, or hushandmen, and Demi7/rsri^ or artisans. Ho is further said to have established a constituuon- al government, retaining in his own hands only certain definite powers and privileges, so that he was regarded in a later age as the founder of civU equality at Athens. He also extended the Attic territory to the confines of Peloponnesus, and established the games in honour of Poseidon (Neptune), which were cele- brated on the isthmus. He subsequently engaged in a variety of adventures in conjunction with Hercules and Pirithous, king of the Lapitha?. But on his return to Athens after these exploits, the Athenians refused to obey him any longer, whereupon he retired to the island of Scyros, and was there murdered through the treachery of king Lycomedes. § 4. Minos, king of Crete, whose story is connected with that of Theseus, appears, Hke him, the representative of an historical and civil state of hfe. Minos is said to have received the laws of Crete immediately from Jove ; and traditions uniformly represent him as king of the sea. Possessing a numerous fleet, he reduced the surrounding islands, especially the Cyclades, under his domi- nion, and cleared the sea of pirates. A later legend recognizes two heroes of the name of Minos ; one, the son of Jove and Europa, who after his death became a judge in the lower world, and the other his grandson, who held the dominion of the sea. ' ^ 5. If, turning from the exploits of individual heroes, we examine the enterprises undertaken by a collective body of chiefs, we shall again find three expeditions more celebrated than the rest. These are the Voyage of the Argonauts, the War of the Seven against Thebes, and the Siege of Troy. In the Voyage of the Argonauts the Solids play the principal part. Pchas, a descendant of ^olus, had deprived his half- brother ^son of his dominion over the kingdom of lolcus in Thessaly. When Jason, son of ^son, had grown up to manhood, he appeared before his uncle and demanded back his throne. Pelias consented only on condition that Jason should first fetch the golden fleece firom ^a,* a region in the farthest east, ruled by ^etes, ofispring of the Sun-god. Here it was preserved in the grove of Ares (Mars), suspended upon a tree, and under the guardianship of a sleepless dragon. The Argo, a ship built for the expedition, gave its name to the adventurers, who, under the conduct of Jason, embarked in the harbour of lolcus, for the purpose of bringing back the fleece. .hey consisted of the most renowned heroes of the time. Hei^ * Identified by the Greeks of a later age with Colchia. Chap. JL THE GRECIAN HEROES. 21 cules and Theseus are mentioned among them, as weU as the prmcipal leaders m the Trojan war. Jason, however, is the central figure and the real hero of the enterprise. When he and his companions arnved, after many adventures, at ^a, kin^ iEetes promised to deliver to him^the golden fleece, provided he yoked two fire-breathing oxen with brazen feet, ploughed with them a piece oHand sowed in the furrows thus made the remain der of the teeth of the dragon slain by Cadmus, and vanquished the armed men that would start from the seed. Here, also, as m he legend of Theseus, love played a prominent part. Medea, the daughterof^etes,whowasskilledinmagicandsupernaturalarts furnished Jason with the means of accomplishilig the labouS imposed upon him ; and as her father still delayed to surrender the fleece she cast the dragon asleep during the iiight, seized the fleece, and set sail m the Argo with her beloved Jason and liis compamons. ^etes pursued them ; but after many long and strange wanderings, they at length reached lolcus in safe^. J 6. In the Heroic age Thebes was already one of the principal cities of Greece. Towards the close of this period it beeamX scene of the last struggles of a fated race, whose legendary his- tory IS so full of human crime, of the obscure warnings of the gods and of the inevitable march of fate, as to render it one of the favourite subjects of the tragic poets of Athens. Lams, king of Thebes, was warned by an oracle to beget no children, or he would be murdered by his son. He neglected the prediction, but to obviate its effects'caused his son fedipus by Jocasta to be exposed to death. The infant, however, was saved and carried to Corinth, where king Polybus reared him ^Us Z\..?r7V^ ^"^ manhood, and stmig by the reproaches which he heard cast upon his birth, (Edipus consulted the Delphic oracle respectmg iis parentage, and was warned by it not to re- turn to his native land as he was there destined to slay his father and commit incest with his mother. (Edipus, beheving Polybus Th L Y?u^^^'?'."^'^ ^^^^^^^ ^«^"^th and took the road to Ihebes but by so donig incurred the very fate which he sought to avoid. Meetnig Laius in a narrow road he slew him in a quarrel, and theii proceeding to Thebes obtained the hand of his mother, queen Jocasta, promised a^ a reward to the man who shou d solve a ridd c propounded by the sphinx, a monster which had long mfested the land, but whicli was driven to slay itself by thp ^ f T.f •'' ^'"^^- ^^^ ^^^ ^"d two daughters were the Iruit oi the incestuous marriage. These horrors drew down •^ff i'rr ^^^ ^^^^'^' ^"^ "^ ^^^^^ t^ ^^«^t it> an oracle com- 2^utf'". ^r '^'" 1 '^*^' ™"^^^^^^ ''^^^^'- The inquiries instituted to discover the guilty man revealed the fatal truth. 22 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. IL CuAP. IL THE GRECIAN HEROES. Jocasta hangs herself; (Edipus, unable any longer to bear the light of day, puts out his eyes, and being expelled from the city by his two sons, Eteocles and Polynices, pronounces upon them a curse which speedily takes effect. In a struggle for undivided dominion, Polynices is driven out of Thebes by his brother, and repairing to Argos obtains the aid of king Adrastus to reinstate him in his rights. Besides that monarch and Polynices ^ve other iieroes join the expedition, making the confederacy known under the name of the " Seven against Thebes." All of them except Adrastus are slain, whilst Polynices and Eteocles fall by each other's hands. Ten years later the sons of the alUed princes undertake another expedition against Thebes in order to avenge their fathers' fate, hence called the war of the Epigorti, or the Descendants. It proved successful. Thebes was taken and razed to the ground after the greater part of its inhabitants had left the city on the advice of the prophet Tiresias. h 7. In mythological chronology the war of the Epigoni im- mediately precedes the expedition against Troy, whose legend forms the termination of the Heroic age. Wliile it was the last, it was also the greatest of all the heroic achievements. It formed the subject of innumerable epic poems, and has been immortal- ised by the genius of Homer. Paris, son of Priam, king of lUum or Troy, abused the hospi- tality of Menelaus, king of Sparta, by carrying off his wife Helen, the most beautiful woman of the age. All the Grecian princes looked upon the outrage as one committed against themselves. Responding to the call of Menelaus, they assemble in arms, elect his brother Agamemnon, king of Mycenae, leader of the expedi- tion, and sail across the jEgean in nearly 1200 ships to recover the faithless fair one. Several of the confederate heroes excel Agamemnon in fame. Among them Achilles, chief of the Thes- sahan Myrmidons, stands pre-eminent in strength, beauty, and valour, whilst Ulysses, king of Ithaca, surpasses all the rest in the mental qualities of counsel, subtilty, and eloquence. Thus, though by opposite endowments, these two heroes form the centre of the group. Next to them we observe the aged Nestor, king of Pylus, distinguished for his wisdom and experience ; the vaHant Diomedes, king of Argos, son of Tydeus, slain at Thebes, and one of the Epigoni ; the Telamonian Ajax, of Sa- lamis, who, though somewhat heavy and unwieldy, is next to Achilles in person and fighting power ; and lastly, Idomeneus of Crete, a grandson of Minos. Among the Trojans, Hector, one of the sons of Priam, is most distinguished for heroic quahties, and ibnas a striking contrast 28 to his handsome but effeminate brother Paris. Next to Hector m valour stands ^neas, son of Anchises and Aphrodite (Venus) Even the gods take part in the contest, encouragmg their lavourite iieroes, and sometimes fighting by their side or in their stead It IS not till the tenth year of the war that Ilium yields to the meyitable decree of fate and it is this year which forms the sub- ject of the Ihad. AchUles, offended by Agamemnon, abstains Irom the war, and even entreats his mother Thetis to obtain Irom Jove victory for the Trojans. In his absence the Greeks are no match for Hector. The Trojans drive them back into their camp, and are already setting fire to their ships, when Achilles gives his armour to his friend Patroclus, and allows him to charge at the head of the Myrmidons. Patroclus repulses the Trojans from the ships, but the god Apollo is against him, and he ialls under the spear of Hector. Desire to avenge the death of his fnend proves more powerful m the breast of Achilles than anger against Agamemnon. He appears again in the field in new and gorgeous armour, forged for him by the god Heph^stus (Vulcaii) at the prayer of Thetis. The Trojans fly before hi^ and although AchiUes is aware that his own death must speedii; follow that of the Trojan hero, he slays him in single combat.^ A tn , T^ ''^''^''^ ^'^^ ^^^ ^"^^ai of Hector. The death of Achilles and the capture of Troy were related in later poems, as well as his victon^ over Penthesilea, queen of the Amazons, and Memnon king of Ethiopia. The hero of so many achievements ni'^ ^^'I-rT ^^t}"^ ^^" unwarlike Paris, but directed by the hand of Apollo. The noblest combatants had now faUen Zlti r f' f ^''"".^^ ^"^^ ^^^ P^^^^d ""able to accom- Son^ 7^^t f atagem at length effects. It is Ulysses who now steps into the foreground and becomes the real conqueror of nn7;f v,^^' "^ ^ T^^^ ^^^^ '^ b"ilt, in whose inside ho admit i"! l^""^^ conceal themselves. The infatuated Trojans admit the horse withm their walls. In the dead of night the (greeks rush out and open the gates to their comrades. Ihum IS delivered over to the sword, and its glory sinks m ashes. '« there is an artless simplicity? ^fi ■^" ^'^'^^">" »» this, npon every reader the cSLTthti'^^Pj'r ''^'"'^ ^"^'^ fcom real hfe, and not from lant^r . / ^^ ^'^"^ ^'^ P'^twes Ideas of his o*-n. The d^rttlon '^h "^ r*°' ^«>'" ''"^gi"a'y "jent.mam.ers. Booi^y^TZ^^fJfP'''' "!'*'«' ^-'''^ attentive consideration, rincewiUiinnri 'f^" "^T^-'d^ °« people commences. ' ""* luiowledge of the Greek CHAPTER III. STATE OP SOCIETY OP THE HEROIC AGE. § 1. Political condition of Greece — ^the Kings. § 2. Tlie Bouli, or Coun. cil of Cliicfs. § 3. The Agora, or general assembly of freemen. 8 4. The condition of common freemen and slaves. § 5. State of social and moral feeling. § 6. Simplicity of manners. § 7. Advances made in civilization, g 8. Commerce and the arts, g 9. The physical sciences. § 10. Tlie art of war. H. In the Heroic age Greece was already divided into a num- ber of independent states, each governed by its own king. The authority of the king was not limited by any laws ; his power resembled that of the patriarchs in the Old Testament ; and for the exercise of it he was responsible only to Jove, and not to his people. It was from the Olympian god that his ancestors had received the supremacy, and he transmitted it, as a divine inheritance, to his son. He had the sole command of his people in war, he administered to them justice in peace, and he offered up on their behalf prayers and sacrifices to the gods. He was the general, judge, and priest of his people. They looked up to him with reverence as a being of divine descent and divine appointment ; but at the same time ho was obliged to possess personal superiority, both of body and mind, to keep alive this leehng in his subjects. It was necessary that he should be brave C 8ft HISTOBY OF GKEECE Chap. IU. in war, wise in counsel, and eloquent in debate. If a kimr he- hTlS- "bu'rtT '""^ r'""'*' '"' "-'■> not ea:i]y':^tat nis position, but as ong as his personal qualities commanded lence audeapr.ce. An ample domain was assigned to him 1^ his support, and ho received frequent pieseuU to avert hi enmity and gain his favor. p "« lo avert Jus Although the king was not restrained in the exercise of 1,;. ZTiy ^''y.Po^itive laws, there were, even in the Hlie a^' In^ ^K •I^'"'' •""'' practically have limited his autS' ^it^rt^'^Vu "'P"*'^''''" ^^'"^'' tl-o «olo depositarrj^^of 4 , v-^°?':«' °^ ««"««1 assembly of freemen. ' V . Z"" *"'" ^'^ surrounded by a limited number of nnhl™ or ehiefe, to whom the title of iJai, was giv" well as t„ the monareh himself. Like the kin-r they tS XZ! . from the gods, and formed his BoJi, or €0^ to whtH of the t^ "i^y:^rtrf4:T:^^::tr-^ i^esior tenders his advice to A66f;) is uncertain ; some deriving it from the staff or wand of office (/ia/idof, or^airlg), and others from /^uTTTEiv uoidffv to denote the coupling together of verses without any considerable pauses, — the even, unbroken flow of the epic poem as <«*witrasted with lyric verses. Chap. V. POEMS OF HOMER. 48 in short fragments before private companies, or as continuous poems at public festivals. § G. In early times the Rhapsodists appear to have had ex- clusive possession of the Homeric poems. But in the seventh century belbro the Christian era literary culture began to prevail among the Greeks ; and men of education and wealth were naturally desirous of obtaining copies of the great poet of the nation. From this cause copies came to be circulated among the Greeks ; but most of them contained only separate portions of the poems, or single rhapsodies, as they were called. Entire copies of such extensive works must have been very rare at this early period of literature. The way in which the separate parts should be arranged seems to have given rise to some dispute ; and it was found that there were numerous variations in the text of different copies. The ver>^ popularity and wide exten- sion of the poems contributed to the corruption of the text. Since the Iliad and the Odyssey were the recognized standard of early history and mythology, each tribe was anxious that honourable mention should be made of their heroes and their race in these poems, and endeavoured to supply such omissions by interpo- lating passages favourable to themselves. The Rhapsodists also introduced alterations, and in order to gratify their vanity in- serted lines of their own composition. From these causes, as well as from others, we can easily account for the variations found in the text by the reading class which began to be formed ia the seventh century. The discovery of these varieties na- turally led to measures for establishing a standard text of the national poet. Solon is said to have introduced improved regu- lations for the public recitations of the poems at the Athenian festivals ; but it is to Pisistratus, the tyrant or despot of Athens, that the great merit is ascribed of collecting and arranging the poems in their present form, in order that they might be recited at the great Panathenaic festival at Athens. It is expressly stated by Cicero* that Pisistratus is ** reputed to have arranged the books of Homer, previously in a state of confusion, in the form in which we now possess them ;" and this statement is supported by the testimony of other ancient writers. From this time therefore (about b.c. 530) we may conclude that the Greeks possessed a standard text of their great poet, which formed the basis of all subsequent editions. ^ 7. We have already seen that the whole of antiquity, with scarcely an exception, regarded the Iliad and the Odyssey as the productions of the one poet, called Homer. This opinion con- tinued to be held by almost all modem scholars down to tho * De Oratore, iii. 34. 44 HISTORY OP OREEGK CnAP. V. year 1795, when the celebrated Gennan Professor, F. A. "Wolt published his Frdegfrmma, or Prefatory Essay to the Iliad. In this work he maintained the startling hypothesis that neither the Iliad nor the Odyssey was composed as a distinct whole, lut that they originally consisted of separate epical ballads, each con- stituting a smgle poem, and that these separate lays, which had no common purpose nor fixed arrangement, were for the first time reduced to writing and formed into the two great poems ot the Uiad and the Odyssey by Pisistratus and his friends. Strange and startling as this theory seems, it was not entirely new. The substance of it had been already propounded by Vico, a Neapo- htan writer of great originality, and by our own gieat comit^- man Bentley ;* but their opinions had not been supported by arguments, and were soon forgotten. Accordingly the publi- cation of Wolf's Essay took the whole hterary world by sur- prise, and scarcely any book in modem times has efiected so complete a revolution in the opinions of scholars Even those who were the most opposed to his views have had their own opinions to some extent modified by the arguments which he brought forward, and no one has been able to establish the old doctrine in its original integrity. It is impossible m the present work to enter into the details of the controversy to which Wolf's Essay has given rise. We can only endeavour to give a sketch of his principal arguments and of the chiet objec- tions of his opponents, stating at the same time the opimon which seems to us the most probable. S 8. The first argument which Wolf brought forward to sup- port his position was, that no written copies of the Iliad and the Odyssey could be shown to have existed during the earlier times to which their composition is referred, and that without writing such long and complicated works could neither have been comp^ nor transmitted to posterity. In order to prove tliis he entered into a miimte discussion concerning the age of the art of writing. It is sufficient to state here a few of the more important results at which he arrived. In early times the Greeks had no easy and convenient materials for virriting, such as must have been indispensable for long manuscripts hke the Iliad and the Odyssey. Moreover the traces cf writing in Greece are ex- ceedingly rare, even in the seventh century before the Christian era, and we have no remaining inscriptions earlier than the 40th • Vico died in 1*744. The words of Bentley are: "Homer wrote a Beqnel of songs and rhapsodies, to bo sung by himself, for small earnings and good cheer, at festivals and other days of merriment; the Iliad ho made for the men, the Odyssies for the other sex, Tliese loose songs were not collected together mto the form of an epic poem imtil 500 years after. Chap. V POEMS OF HOMER. 4i Olympiad (b.c. 620). In the Homeric poems themselves there is not a single trace of the art of writing.* We find no mention of any epitaph or inscription ; coins are miknown, and even the supercargo of a ship has no written list of his cargo, but is oblicred to remember it.f In addition to this the absence of the letter called Digamma in the text of the poems is a strong proof thai they were not originally committed to writing. This letter ex- isted at the tune of the composition of the poems, and was con- stantly employed by the poet, but it had entirely vanished from the language when they were first written. J^^t' i* ^^""^ therefore necessary to admit the former part oi WoU s first argument, that the Iliad and Odyssey were original- ly not written ; but does it therefore follow that without this means such long poems could neither have been composed nor handed down to posterity ? These two questions are not neces^ sarily connected, though they have been usually discussed to- gether. Those who have maintained the original unity of the Ihad and Odyssey m opposition to Wolf have generally thouirht It mcurnbent upon them to prove that the poems were written Irom the beginmng. But this appears to us quite umiecessary. in the present day the memory has become so much weakened by tlie artificial aid of writing that it may be diflicult for us to conceive of the production of a long work without such assistance. I5ut there is nothing impossible in it. Even modern poets have composed long poems and have preserved them faithfully in their memories belore committing them to writing. It must also be recollected that poetry was the proibssion of the ancient bards : that It was not the amusement of their leisure hours, but that they devoted to It all the energies of their hearts and souls. The poems which they thus composed were treasured up in the memories ot their iaithlul disciples, and were handed down lo posterity by tne lihapsodists, whose lives were also devoted to this object. 1 he recollection of these poems was rendered easier by the sim- ple nature of the story, by the easy stmcture of the verse, by the Irequeiit recurrence of the same words, phrases, and similes, and by the absence ot abstract ideas and reflective thoughts. Accord- mgly we believe that the Iliad and the Odyssey might have been composed and might have been handed down to i^osterity with- out being written. ^ ^ k 10. The second argument employed by Wolf to maintain his hypothesis was derived from an examination of the Iliad and ln*h?ihna^^vFT/l''; ^^Ifich letters are supposed to be mentioned is in the llind m lh8 but here the ari^ara 'Av^^pd arc supposed bv Wolf and othei-s to sigmfy; pictorial and not alphibetieal characters!^ t ile is ^oprov fivrjfiuv. Odyss. viii. 164. 4A HISTORY OF GREECE. ciiAP. v: Odyssey themselves. He endeavoured to show that the only unity of the poems arises from their subjects, and that the nu- merous contradictions found in them plainly prove that they could not have been the productions of a single mind. The Trojan war and the wanderings of Ulysses, he remarks, had formed the subjects of numerous epic ballads, and it was only because they had happened to fit into one another that they were combined into two comprehensive poems by Pisistratus and his literary friends. A modem disciple of his school has gone so far as to attempt to resolve the Iliad into the original independent lays out of which he supposes the poem to have been formed. Now it is evident that this question can only be settled by a minute examination of the structure of the poems, for which there is no space in the present work. We can only state that the best modem scholars, with very few exceptions, have come to a conclusion directly contrary to Wolf's daring theory. Sonie of the ablest critics in modem times have directed their attention to this subject, and while they have not denied the existence of interpolations, more or less extensive, in both poems, the general result has been to establish their poetical unity, and to vmdicate their claim to be the greatest models of the epic art. Primitive Vessels from Athens and Argos. BOOK II. GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES. B.C. 776—500. Bufit cf Eomfir. CHAPTER VI. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE. § 1. Nature of the subject 8 2. The chief ties which bound the Greeks together. Coramunity of blood and of language. §3. Community of religious rites and festivals. §4. The Amphictvonic Council. §5 The Olympic games. § 6 The Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian^gamea I L7 , Vf i"^''^"'' S^n *'?f ^*''^'^?^'- § ^- Influence of the oracle of Apollo at Delphi. § 9. Community of manners and character. 8 10 1 he mdependent sovereignty of each city a settled maxim in the Greek V*^'''"^^^*^^^"* ^"^^ ^'^^ contain the History of Greece from the first Olympiad, or the year 776 b.c, to the commencement of the revolt of the Ionic Greeks from Persia, in the year 500 b c Our knowledge of the early part of this period is very scanty, and consists of only a small number of solitary facts, which have little or no connexion with one another. The division of Greece mto a number of small independent states is a circumstance 4ft HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. Y Odyssey themselves. He endeavoured to show that the only unity of the poems arises from their subjects, and that the nu- merous contradictions found in them plainly prove that they could not have been the productions of a single mind. The Trojan war and the wanderings of Ulysses, he remarks, had formed the subjects of numerous epic ballads, and it was only because they had happened to fit into one another that they were combined into two comprehensive poems by Pisistratus and his literary friends. A modern disciple of his school has gone so far as to attempt to resolve the Iliad into the original independent lays out of which he supposes the poem to have been formed. Now it is evident that this question can only be settled by a minute examination of the structure of the poems, for which there is no space in the present work. We can only state that the best modem scholars, with very few exceptions, have come to a conclusion directly contrary to Wolf's daring theory. Sonie of the ablest critics in modern times have directed their attention to this subject, and while they have not denied the existence of interpolations, more or less extensive, in both poems, the general result has been to estabhsh their poetical unity, and to vmdicate their claim to be the greatest models of the epic art. Best cf Uoijisr. Primitive Vessels from Athens and Argos. BOOK IT. GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES. B.C. 776—500. CHAPTER VI. GENERAL SURVEY OP THE GREEK PEOPLE. jif 4. The Amphicty^ — -^v,u,iv,.. gy xne J. A nV, r.- ^ nncxion witli one another. The division of Greece into a number ol small independent states is a circumstance 48 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VL that causes great difficulties to the historiau. Unlike the history of Rome, which is confined to an account of the origin and de- velopment of a single people, the history of Greece from its commencement to its close suffers to a greater or a less extent from a want of unity in its suhject. This is strikingly the case with the first two centuries of the period narrated in the present Book ; and it is not till we come to its close that we are able to present a connected history of the Grecian nation. It was the Persian invasions of Greece which first impressed the leadine Greek states with the necessity of uniting together against the common foe ; and since the military resources of ISparta were then confessedly superior to those of all the other Greeks they naturally intrusted to her the conduct of the war. In this way Grecian history acquires a unity of interest which is altogether wanting in the earlier times. There are, however, some facts durmg the carher period which claim our attention. Of these the most important are the growth of Sparta and Athens • the number of despots who arose in the various Grecian cities • the foundation and progress of the numerous colonies planted on the coasts of the Mediterranean and its coimected seas ; and, last of all, the origin and progress of literature and art. Before we proceed to give an account of these events, it may be meinl to take a general survey of the Greeks in the earlier period of their history, and to jwint out the various causes which imited them as a people, notwithstanding tlieir separation into no many independent communities. f 2. The chief ties, which bound together the Grecian world were commmuty < f blood and language— community of re- ligious ntes and festivals— and community of manners and cha- racter. Of these the first and the most important was tljc possession of a common descent and a common language The Greeks were aU of the same race and parentage ; they all con- sidered themselves descendants of Hellen ; and they all described men and cities which were not Grecian by the term Barbarian This word has passed into our own language, but with a very different idea; for the Greeks applied it indiscriminately to every foreigner, to the civihzed inhabitants of Eg>'pt and Per'^ia as weU as to the rude tribes of Scytliia and Gaul. Originally it seems to have expressed repugnance to one using a foreign lan- guage ; but as the Greeks became in course of time superior la mtelhgence to the surrounding nations, it conveyed aho a notion oi contempt. Notwithstanding the various dialects employed in different parts, there was. throughout the Grecian world, sufficient uiuformity in the language to render it ever\- v/herc mteUigible to a Greek ; and there can be no doubt that Chap. VL AMPHICTYONIC COUNCIL. 49 the wide-spread popularity of the Homeric poems in early times powerfully assisted in maintaining the same type of language among the different Greek races. k 3. The second bond of union was a community of religious rites and festivals. From the earliest times the Greeks appear to have worshipped the same gods ; but originally there were no religious meetings common to the whole nation. Such meetings were of gradual growth. They were either formed by a number of neighbouring towns, which entered into an association for the I)eriodical celebration of certain religious rites, or they grew out of a festival originally confined to a single state, but which was gradually extended to the inhabitants of other cities till at length it became open to the whole Grecian world. Of the former class we have an example in the Amphictyonies, of the latter ia the Olympic, Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian games. k 4. The word Amphictymiy is usually derived from the mythic- al hero Amphictyon ; but the name probably signifies only resi- dents around and neighbors,''^ and was used to designate a relig- ious association of neighbouring tribes or cities, who were accus- tomed to meet at fixed times to offer sacrifices to the god of a particular temple, which was supposed to be the common property and under the common protection of all. There were many re- ligious associations of this kind in Greece ; but there was one of so much celebrity, that it threw all the others into the shade, and came to be called the Amphictyonic Council. This assem- bly seems to have been originally of small importance : and it acquired its superiority over other similar associations by the wealth and grandeur of the Delphian temple, of which it was the appointed guardian. It held two meetings every year, one hi the | t/U. 7UU.„^\ spring at the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the other in the ^' autumn at the temple of Demcter (Ceres) at Thermopylae. Its members, who were called the Amphictyoiis,t consisted of sacred deputies sent from twelve tribes, each of which contained several independent cities or states. The deputies were composed of two classes of representatives from each tribe ; a chief called ^e^ Hieiwnnemon, and subordinates named Eylagoxap. The names of these twelve tribes arc not the same in all accounts, but they were probably as follows: — ThessaHans, BoBotians, Dorians, lonians, Perrha;bians, Magnetos, Locrians, (Et»ans, Achaeans, Phocians, Dolopes, and Malians. These names are of themselves sufficient to prove the great antiquity of the Council. Several of tlue tribes lierc mentioned scarcely ever occur in the historical * The original form of the name seems to liave ])eon ' A/uipiKTiovia, not 'A/i(j)iKTi>ovia. The word uft*♦, 00 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. Vt period ; and the fact of the Dorians standing on an equality with the Dolopcs and the Malians, shows that2e Council muBtlmve ex,s.cd before the Donan conquest of Peloponnesus. The tribS repi^sentcd m it stoorat<'d cv<'ry third year, and was called ai TrhUrls {'VfUiTjjfHr). f 'lL,X'Auvo6iKcu. a HISTORY OF GBEECa Chat. Vl y xS>'' '4' deputies* from the different Greek Btates, who vied with one another m the number of their oflerings and the splendour of th^r S TS"?^' V^V ""Pf^V^" ^°^<>^ of their native cities. At hrst the festival was confined to a single day and consisted of nothing more than a match of runners in the sta- dium; but m course of time so many other contests were intro. duced, that the games occupied five days. They comnnWH ranoustnals of strength and skill, such as wrestlingf boxingtte catea r entathl uro (mcludmg jumping, running, the quoit the javehn, and wresthng), but no combats with any kind ol Weapons There were also horse-races and chariot-races f and the chariot: race, with four fidl-grown horses, became one of the most popular and celebrated of all the matches. popular The only prize given to the conqueror was a garland of wild m" '•■^] *"' v"' ^'^"'^ '",'"" "^ ^^-^ dearesf distinctionTj We To have his name proclaimed as victor before assembled w t;Tr!e o-"""} °* ""'"'*'•"» ^^'"' '»'« »«Wcst a^id the Zfe^f "^ "^^ ?"^^'; ^"""^ " I^^" ^»« <=<'»«'>«^ed to have conferred everhisting glory upon his family and his country hoLr HiT^^f. ''' •■" fcllow-citizcns with distinguished ^ITf T w'^," "^'^- S^^^^^'y ""'ted in the Altis or sacred grove of Jove at Olymp.a ; and on his return home he entered ^native city m a triumphal procession, in which his praises ^vT^; •^l""'*'^,!" '^' ^*'^* ^*™'.'« "f poetry. He Z received still more substantial rewards. He was generally ro- l»ved from the payment of taxes, and had a right to the front seat at all pubhc games and spectacles. An Athcwan victor m the Olympic gMnes received, in accordance with one of Solon's ^tTV\^'^ ''r*"""^' ""• '^ "^^' t" "^ P^'^"- "t the tabic of the ma^stratcs m the prytaneum or town-hall ; and a Spartan fl.L^* .?''""/ ^^\ ^'^9" .*'*'"^"^ ^^^«»*^ *J^« Christian era the three other festivals of the Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmia^ E' "t^ vZ "' '"' "*^y ^-^^' ^^-"- ^^- to the .hot ^H 1 ; ^ ' V ^"^PH*'!^'^"^ «ft^ tl^e destmction of Cirrha in &iio L.c, m honour of Apollo, as has heen already related Thev were celebrated m every third Olympic year, on the Cirrha^an _ ""^^'^/j^^ superintendence of the Amphictyons. The inr^r^f "'T ^ f "'^'"^^^ '" ©mnastics and of horse and chanot races, but also of contests in music and poetry. * Called Theori (Oeupoi), Chap. VL NATIONAL FESTIVALS. 53 They soon acquired celebrity, and became second only to the great Olympic festival. The Nemean and Isthmian games occurred more frequently than the Olympic and Pythian. They were celebrated once in two years — the Nemean in honor of the Nemean Jove, in l^e valley of Ncmea, })etwcen Phlius and Cleona), originally by the Cleoriaians and subsequently by the Argives — and the Isthmian by the Corinthians, on their isthmus, in honour of Poseidon (Neptune). As in the Pythian festival, contests in music and in poetry, as well as gymnastics and chariot-races, formed part of these games. ^7. Although the four great festivals of which we have been speaking had no influence in promoting the political union of Greece, they nevertheless were of great importance in making the various sections of the race feel that they were all mem- bers of one family, and in cementing them together by common sympathies and the enjoyment of common pleasures. The fre- quent occurrence of these festivals, for one was celebrated every year, tended to the same result. The Greeks were thus annu- ally reminded of their common origin, and of the great dis- tinction which existed between them and barbarians. Nor must we forget the incidental advantages which attended them. The concourse of so large a number of persons from every part of the Grecian world afforded to the merchant opportunities for traffic, and to the artist and the literary man the best means of making their works known. During the time of the games the Altis was surrounded with booths, in which a busy commerce was carried on ; and in a spacious hall appropriated for the purpose the poets, philosophers, and historians were accustomed to read their most recent works. The perfect equality of persons at the festival demands par- ticular mention. The games were open to every Greek without any distinction of country or of rank. The horse-races and chariot-races were necessarily confined to the wealthy, who were allowed to employ others as riders arid drivers ; but the rich and lx)or alike could contend in the gymnastic matches. This, how- ever, was far from degrading the former in public opinion ; and some of the greatest and wealthiest men in the various cities took part in the running, wrestling, boxing, and other matches. Cylon, who attempted to make himself tyrant of Athens, had gained the prize in the foot-race ; Alexander, son of Amyntas, prince of Macedon, had also run for it ; and instances occur in which cities chose their generals from the victors in these games. ^8. The habit of consulting the same oracles in order to ascer- tain the will of the gods was another bond of union. It was the 54 niSTORT OF GREECE. Chap. VI universal practice of the Greeks to undertake no matter of im- portance without first asking the advice of the gods ; and there were many sacred spots in which the gods were always ready to give an answer to pious worsliipjwrs. Some of tliesc oracles were consulted only by the surrounding neighbourhood, but others obtained a wider celebrity ; and the oracle of Apollo at Delphi in particular surpassed all the rest in importance, and was regarded with veneration in every part of the Grecian world. So great was its fame that it was sometimes consulted by foreign nations, such as the Lydians, Phrygians, and Romans ; and the Grecian states constantly applied to it for counsel in their diffi- culties and perjilexities. Li the centre of the temple at Delphi there was a small opening in the ground, from which it was said that a certaui gas or vapour ascended . Wienever the oracle was to be consulted, a virgin priestess, called Fythia, took her scat upon a tripod, which was placed over the chasm. The ascending vapour affected her brain, and the words which she uttered in this excited condition were believed to be the answer of Apollo to his worshippers. They were always in hexameter verse, and were reverently taken down by the attendant priests. Most of the answei-s were equivocal or obscure ; but the credit of the oracle conthmed unimpaired long after the downfall of Grecian independence. ^ i). A further element of union among the Greeks wr.s the similarity of manners and character. It is true the difference in this respect between the polished inhabitants of Athens and the rude mountaineers of Acarnania was marked and striking ; but if we compare the two with foreign contemporaries the contrast between them and the latter is still more striking. Absolute despotism, human sacrifices, polygamy, deliberate mutilation of the person as a piuushmeut, and selling of children into slavery, existed in some part or other of the barbarian world, but are not found in any city of Greece in the liistorical times. Although we caimot mention many customs common to all the Greeks and at the same time peculiar to them, yet we cannot doubt that there did exist among them certain general characteristics in their manners and customs, which served as a bond of union among themselves, and a line of demarcation IVom foreigners. HO. The elements of union of which we have been speaking —community ol" blood and language, of religion and festivals, and of manners and character — only bound the Greeks together in common feelings and sentiments. They, never produced any political union. The independent sovereignty of each city was a fundamental notion in the Greek mind. The only supreme au- th^ ity which a Greek recognised was to be foimd within his c)hap. VI. WANT OF POLITICAL UNION. 65 own city walls. The exercise of authority by one city over another, whatever advantages the weaker city might derive from such a comiexion, was repugnant to every Greek. This was a sentiment common to all the ditiereut members of the Greek race, under all forms of government, whether oligarchical or democratical. Hence the dominion exercised by Thebes over the cities of Bceotia, and by Athens over subject allies, was sub- mitted to with reluctance, and was disowned on the first oppor- tunity. This strongly rooted feeling deserves particular notice and remark. Careless readers of history are tempted to suppose that the territory of Greece was divided among a comparatively small number of independent states, such as Attica, Arcadia, BcBotia, Phocis, Locris, and the like ; but this is a most serious mistake, and leads to a total misapprehension of Greek history. Every separate city was usually an independent state, and con- sequently each of the territories described under the general names of Arcadia, BoBotia, Phocis, and Locris, contained numerous political communities uidependent of one another. Attica, it is true, formed a single state, and its difierent towns recognised Athens as their capital and the source of supreme power ; but this is an exception to the general rule. The patriotism of a Greek was confined to his city, and rarely kindled into any general love for the common welfare of Hellas. The safety and the prosperity of his city were dearer to him than the safety and prosperity of Hellas, and to secure the fonner he was too often contented to sacrifice the latter. For his own city a patriotic Greek was ready to lay down his property and his life, but he felt no obligation to expend his substance or expose his Ufe on behalf of the common interests of the country. So complete was the political division between the Greek cities, that the citizen of one was an alien and a stranger in the terri- tory of another. He was not merely debarred from all share in the government, but he could not acquire property in land or houses, nor contract a marriage with a native woman, nor sue in the courts of justice, except through the medium of a friendly citizen.* The cities thus mutually repelling each other, the sympathies and feelings of a Greek became more centered in his own. It was this exclusive patriotism which rendered it difficult for the Greeks to unite under circumstances of common danger. It was this political disunion which led them to turn their arms against each other, and eventually made them sub- ject to the Macedonian monarchs. * Sometimes a city granted to a citizen of another state, or even to the whole state, the right of intermarriage and of acquiring landed pro- perty. The former of these rights was called kniyafiia^ the latter iyKTijaLc. View of Mount Taygetus from the site of Sparta. CHAPTER VII. EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS AND LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. § 1. Conquest of Peloponnesus by tlic Dorians. Division of the Pelo- sion of the Done states in Peloponnest,.. Arpos orii,Mnallv the first Done stae Sparta seeond. .Messene third. §3. Phidon'of Ir^ol §4. Legislation of Lycur»,ru3. go. Life ofLycurirus. §6. The chief feedlnlTh^fr r '" 'T^"J*"^- i' I^ulatioVo/ Lneol 2*'?^^f,!f.*«**^^ee classes. Spartans. §8. Perioeci. 8 9. Helots § 10. Political firovernment of Sparta. The kings. The senate The popular assembly. The ephoi4. § IL Trainifg and edSion of the Spartan youths and men. § 12.Vaini„g of the Spartan .^^Ln § 13. Division of landed property. § U. Other regulations ascrS CrortrS?"; JT T°"^- § ''• I>^^«"«iWe positio^n of Spartlf § 16 §1. In the Heroic ages Peloponnesus was the seat of the ffreat wTrrT^r- ^rr r ^ '*;' ^^^^^^^^^^ of Agamemnon, ting ot men, Sparta oi his brother Menelaus, and Arcos of Dio- medes who dared to contend in battle with the immortal irods Jint before the commencement of history all these monarchies had been swept away, and their subjects either driven out of the land or compelled to submit to the dominion of the Dorians, i 1 .fy ""^ \^^ conquest of Peloponnesus by this warlike race 18 clothed m a legendary form, and has been already narrated Chap. VII. EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS. 57 in the preceding Book. In what manner this conquest was really effected is beyond the reach of history, but we have good reasons for believing that it was the work of many years, and was not concluded by a single battle, as the legends would lead us to sup]X)se. We find, however, in the early historical times the whole of the eastern and southern parts of Peloponnesus in the undisputed jwssession of the Dorians. The remaining parts of the peninsula were in the hands of other members of the Greek race. On the western coast from the mouth of the Neda to that of the Larissus was the territory of E lis, including the two dependent states of Pisa and Triphylia. The Eleans are said to have been descendants of the JEtolians, who had accompanied the Dorians in their invasion, and received Elis as their share of the spoil. The Pisatans and the Triphylians had been originally independent inhabitants of the peninsula, but had been conquered by their more powerful neighbours of EKs. The strip of land on the northern coast of Peloponnesus, and soutli of the Corinthian gulf, was inhabited by Achajans, and was called after them Achaia. This territory extended from the promontory Araxus on one side to the confines of Sicyonia on the other, and was divided among twelve Achaean cities, which are rarely mentioned in the earlier period of Greek history, and only rose to importance in the Macedonian times. The mountainous region in the centre of Peloponnesus was* inhabited by the Arcadians, who may be regarded as genuine Pclasgians, since they are uniformly represented as the earliest inhabitants of the country. Their country was distributed into a large number of villages and cities, among which Tegea and Mantinea were the two most powerful. ^ 2. The division of Peloponnesus among the Dorian states differed at various times. At the close of the period which forms the subject of the present Book, Sparta was unquestionably the first of the Dorian powers, and its dominions far exceeded those of any other Dorian state. Its territory then occupied the whole of the southern region of the peninsula from the eastern to the western sea, lieing separated from the dominions of Argos by the river Tanus, and from Triphylia by the river Neda. At that time the territory of Argos was confined to the Argolic peninsula, but did not include the whole of this district, the south-eastern part of it being occupied by the Doric cities of Epidaurus and Troizen, and the Diyopian city of Hermione. On the Isthmus stood the powerful city of Corinth, westward Sicyon, and to the south of these Cleona) and Phlius, both also Doric fiities. North-east of Corinth came Megara, the last of the Doric CiiAv. VIL EAllLY llISTOliY OF TELOPOl^NESUS. 57 Vk'W of Mount Taygetus from the site of Sparta. CHAPTER VII. EARLY HISTORY OF PELOrONNESUS AND LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. § 1. Conquest of Peloponnesna hy tlio Dorians. Division of tl»e Polo r>onnesu. into th. Doric statos.Klis, A.l.nia, and ArcX ^o' D .•-" 8IOE of the Done states in Pel<.,>onnes„.. Arpos ori-nnalh^he first Bone state Sparta seeond, Messene third. J? 8- Phidon 'of Ar^o. H; i;Cgi«lationofLveurirus. §5. Life of Lyeurtrus. i^ G. The chief ^ti'- ^^T^"^ " ^''^ le*(islation. §7: Popidati<^ '0/ tt^^ divulea.nto three classes. Spartans. § S. PeVia-ei. §9. IleloN ^ 10. I olitical troveniment of Sparta. The kinirs. The senate The t^f"rrtrnT^^* Theepho.^ s< 11. Traini^^,,. and Vdu^\bn of the spartan youths and men. § 12. Training,, of the Spartan women. |f 13. Dn ision of landed property. § U. Otlier rei;ul itions ascrihed to Ljcurgus Iron money. § 15. Defensible position of Spart.. i 'f (.rowth of the Spartan power, a consequence of the disci ine of Lycurgus. Conquest of Laconia. * H. In the Heroic ages Peloponnesus was the seat of the m-eat Achajan rnonarehies. Mycenje was the residence of Agamemnon limg of men Sparta of his hrother Menelaus, and Amos of Dio' inedes who dared to contend in battle with the immortal pods. lint iKiiore the commencement of history all these monarchies had been swept away, and their subjects cither driven out of the land or compelled to submit to the dominion of the Dorians. • 1 .If?" ""^ ^}'^ conquest of Pelopomiesus by this warlike race is clothed m a legendary form, and has been already narrated in the preceding Book. In what manner this conquest was really efiectcd is beyond the reach of history, but we have good reasons for believing that it was the work of many years, and was not concluded by a single battle, as the legends would lead us to sup|X)se. We find, however, in the early historical times the whole of the eastern and southern parts of Peloponnesus in the undisputed |X)ssession of the Dorians. The remaining parts of the peninsula were in the hands of other members of the Greek race. On the western coast from the mouth of the Neda to that of the Larissus was the territory of E lis, including the two dependent states of Pisa and Triphylia. The Eleans are said to have been descendants of the JEtolians, who had accompanied the Dorians in their invasion, and received Elis as their share of the spoil. The Pisatans and the Triphylians had been originally independent inhabitants of the peninsula, but had been conquered by their more powerful neighbours of Elis. The strip of land on the northern coast of Peloponnesus, and south of the Corinthian gulf, was inhabited by Achaans, and was called after them Achaia. This territory extended from the promontory Araxus on one side to the confines of Sicyonia on the other, and was divided among twelve Achaean cities, Avliicli are rarely mentioned in the earlier period of Greek history, and only rose to importance in the Macedonian times. The mountainous region in the centre of Peloponnesus was inhabited by the Arcadians, who may be regarded as genuine Felasgians, since they are uniformly represented as the earliest inliabitants of the country. Their country was distributed into a l.irg*^ inunbcr of villages and cities, among whicli Tegea and Manlinea were the two most powerlul. S^ 2. The division of Peloponnesus among the Dorian states diliered at various times. At the close of the period which forms the subject of the present Book, h^})arta was unquestionably the first of the Dorian powers, and its dominions far exceeded those of any otlier Dorian state, lis territory then occupied the whole of the southern region of the: peninsula from the eastern to the western sea, being separated freiii the dominions of Argns by the river Tanus, and from Trijdiylia by the river Neda. At that time the territory of Argos was confined to the Argolic peninsula, but did not inclnde the whole of tliis district, the south-eastern part of it being occupied by the Doric cities of Epidaums and Traizen, and the Dryopian city of Hermione. On the Isthmus stood the powerful city of Corinth, westward Sicyon, and to the south of these Cleona3 and Pldiiis, l)oth ako Doric cities. North-east of Corinth came Megara, the last of the Doric m IlIiJTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VU cities, whose territory stretched across the Isthmus liom sea to sea. But if we go back to the first Olympiad, we shall find Sparta in possession of only a very small territory, instead of the exten- sive domiiuon described above. Its territory at that time ap- pears to have comprehended little more than the valley of the river Eurotas. Westward of this valley, and separated from it by Momit Taygetus, were the Messenian Dorians, while eastward oi it the whole of the mountainous district along the coast, from the head of the Argohc gulf down to Cape Malea, was aUo inde- pendent of Sparta, belonging to Argos. In the earhest historical times Argos appears as the first power in the Peloponnesus, a Ikct which the legend of the Herachds seems to recognize by making Temenus the eldest brother of the three. Next came Sparta, and last the Messene. The importance of Argos appears to have arisen not so much iiom her own territory as from her being the head of a powerful confederacy ol' Dorian states. Most of these states are said to have been Ibimdcd by colonies from Argos, such as Cleonaj, Phhus, Sicyon, Epidaurus, Trcezen, and ^gina. They formed a league, the patron god of which was Apollo Pythaeus, whose common worship was a means of uniting them together. There was a temple to this god in each of the coiilederated cities, wliile liis most holy and central sanc- tuary was on the acropolis of Argos. But the power of Argos rested on an insecme basis; the ties which held the confederacy together became gradually weakened; and Sparta was able to wrest from her a large portion of her territory and eventually to succeed to her place as the lirst Dorian state in the peninsula. § 3. The importance of the privileges possessed by Argos before the rise of the Spartan power is shown by the history of Phidon. This remarkable man may be placed about the 8th Olympiad, or 747 b.c, and claims our attention the more as one of the first really historical personages hitherto presented to us. He was king of Argos, and is represented as a descendant of the Heraclid Temenus. Having broken through the lunits which had been imposed on the authority of his predecessors, he changed the govenunent of Argos into a despotism. He then restored her supremacy over all the cities of her confederacy which had become ncariy dissolved. He appears next to have attacked Corinth, and to have succeeded in reducing it under Us dominion. He is further reported to have aimed at extending his sway over the greater part of Pelopoimes^us,— laying claim, as the descendant of Hercules, to all the cities which that liero had ever taken. His power and his influence became so great in the Pelopoinit ?iis tliat the Pi-«itans. who had been accustomed Ka 141. EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUa 60 to preside at the Olympic games, but who had been deprived of this privilege by the Eleans, invited him, in the 8th Olympiad, to restore them to their origmal rights and expel the intruders. This invitation fell in with the ambitious projects of Phidon, who claimed for himself the right of presiding at these games, which had been instituted by his great ancestor Hercules. He accord- ingly marched to Olympia, expelled the Eleans from the sacred spot, and celebrated the games in conjunction with the Pisatans. But his triumph did not last long ; the Spartans took the part of the Eleans, and the contest ended in the defeat of Phidon. In the following Olympiad the Eleans again obtained the manage- ment of the festival. It would appear that the power of Phidon was destroyed in this struggle, but of the details of his fall we have no information. He did not however fall without leaving a very striking and per- manent trace of his influence upon Greece. He was the first per- son who introduced a copper and a silver coinage and a scale of weights and measures into Greece. Through his influence they became adopted throughout Peloponnesus and the greater part of the north of Greece, under the name of the Jilginetan scale. There arose subsequently another scale in Greece called the Euboic, which was employed at Athens and in the Ionic cities generally, as well as in Euboea. It is usually stated that the coinage of Phidon was struck in the island of Mgina., but it appears more probable that it was done in Argos, and that the name of ^gine- taii was given to the coinage and scale, not from the place where they first originated, but from the people whose commercial ac- tivity tended to make them more generally known. ^ 4. The progress of Sparta from the second to the first place among the states in Peloponnesus was mainly owing to the pecu- liar institutions of the state, and more particularly to the mili- tary discipline and rigorous training of its citizens. The singular constitution of Sparta was mianimously ascribed by the ancients to the legislator Lycurgus, but there were difierent stories respect- ing his date, birth, travels, legislation, and death. Some mod- ern writers on the other hand have maintained that the Spartan institutions were common to the vrhole Doric race, and there- fore cannot be regarded as the work of a Spartan legislator. In their view Sparta is the full type of Doric principles, tendencies, and sentiments. This, however, appears to be an erroneous view ; it can be shown that the institutions of Sparta were pe- cuhar to herself, distuiguishing her as much from the Doric cities of Argos and Corinth, as from Athens and Thebes. The Cretan institutions bore, it is true, some analogy to those of Sparta, but the resemblance has been greatly exaggerated, and m HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VIL was chiefly confined to the syssitia or public messes. The Spartans, doubtless, had original tendencies common to them with the other Dorians ; but the constitution of Lycurgus im- pressed upon them their peculiar character, which separates them so strikingly from the rest of Greece. Whether the sys- tem of Spartan laws is to be attributed to Lycurgus, cannot now be determined. He lived in an age when writing was never employed for literary purposes, and consequently no ac- count of him from a contem[M)rary has come down to us. None of the details of his life can be proved to be historically true ; and we are obliged to choose out of several accounts the one which appears the most probable. k 5. There arc very great discrepancies respecting the date of Lycurgus ; but all accounts agree in supixjsing him to have lived at a very remote priod. His most probable date is b. c. 77G, in which year he is said to have assisted Iphitus in restoring the Olympic games. He belonged to the royal family of Sparta. According to the common account he was the son of Eunomus, one of the two kings who reigned together in Sparta. His father was killed in the civil dissensions which afflicted Sparta at that time. His elder brother, Polydectes, succeeded to the crown, but died soon afterward, leaving his queen with child. The ambitious woman oflercd to destroy the child, if Lycurgus would share the throne with her. Lycurgus pretended to consent ; but as soon as she had given birth to a son, he presented him in the market-place as the future king of Sparta ; and, to testify the people's joy, gave him the name of Charilaus. The young king's mother took revenge upon Lycurgus by accusing him of enter- taining designs against his nephew's life. Hereupon he resolved to withdraw from his native country, and to visit foreign lands. He was absent many years, and is said to have employed his time in studying the institutions of other nations, and in con- versing with their sages, in order to devise a system of laws and regulations which might deliver Sparta from the evils under which it had long been suffering. He first visited Crete and Ionia ; and not content with the Grecian world, passed from Ionia into Egypt ; and according to some accounts is reported to have visited Iberia, Libya, and even India. During his absence the young king had grown up, and assumed the reins of government ; but the disorders of the state had meantime become worse than ever, and all parties longed for a termination to their present sufferings. Accordingly the return of Lycurgus was hailed with delight, and lie found the people both ready and willing to submit to an entire change in their government and institutions. Ho now set himself to work to B.C. 776. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 61 carry his long projected reforms into efliect ; but before he com- menced his arduous task, he consulted the Delpliian oracle, from which he received strong assurances of divine support. Thus encouraged by the god, he suddenly presented himself in the market-place, surrounded by thirty of the most distinguished Spartans in arms. The king, Charilaus, was at first disposed to resist the revolution, but afterwards supported the schemes of his uncle. Lycurgus now issued a set of ordinances, caUed Rlictra, by which he effected a total revolution in the political and military organization of the people, and in their social and domestic life. His reforms were not carried into effect without violent opposition, and in one of the tumults which they excited, his eye is said to have been struck out by a youth of the name of Alcander. But he finally triumphed over all obstacles, and succeeded in obtaining the submission of all classes in the com- munity to his new constitution. His last act was to sacrifice himself for the welfare of his country. Having obtained from the people a solemn oath to make no alterations i-i his laws before his return, he quitted Sparta for ever. He set out on a journey to Delphi, where he obtained an oracle from the god, approving of all he had done, and promising everlasting prosperity to the Spartans as long as they preserved his laws. Whither he went afterwards, and how and where he died, nobody could tell. He vanished from earth like a god, leaving no traces behind him but his spirit : and his grateful countrymen honoured him with a temple, and worshipped him with annual sacrifices down to the latest times. ^ G. In order to understand the constitution of Lycurgus, it is necessary to recollect the peculiar circumstances in wliich the Spartans were placed. They were a handful of men in possession of a country which they had conquered by the sword, and which they could only maintain by the same means. They pro- bably did not exceed 9000 men ; and the great object of the legislator was to unite this small body together by the closest ties, and to train them in such habits of hardihood, bravery, and military subordination that they might maintain their ascendency over their subjects. The means which he adopted to attain this object were exceedingly severe, but eminently successful. He subjected the Spartans to a discipline at once monastic and warlike, unparalleled either in ancient or in modern times. His system combined the ascetic rigours of a monastery with the stern discipline of a garrison. But before we proceed to relate the details of this extraordinary system, it will be necessary to give an account of the difibrent classes of the population of the country, and also of the nature of the government. m HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VII P.a 776. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 63 § 7. The population of Laconia was divided into the three classes of Spartans, PericBci, and Helots. The Spartans were the descendants of the leading Dorian conquerors. They formed the sovereign power oi'the state and they alone were eligible to honours and pubhc offices. They hved in Sparta itseli; and were all subject to the discipline of Lycurgus. They were maintained from their estates in different parts of Laconia, which were cultivated for them by the Helots, who paid them a fixed amount of the produce. Originally all Spartans were on a footing of perfect equality. They were divided into three tribes,~the Hylleis, the Pamphyh. and the Dymanes,— which were not, however, pecuhar to Sparta, but existed in all the Dorian states. They retained their fuU rights as citizens, and transmitted them to their children, on two con- ditions, — first, of submitting to the discipline of Lycurgus- and secondly, of paying a certain amount to the public mess, which was mamtamed solely by these contributions. In course of time many Spartans forfeited their full citizenship from being unable to comply with the latter of these conditions, either through losin^r their lands or through the increase of children in the poorer families. Thus there arose a distinction among the Spartans themselves, unknown at an eariier period — the reduced number of qualified citizens being called the Equals or Peers,* the dis- franchised poor the luferiors.f The latter, however, did not become Penojci, but might recover their original rank if they again acquired the means of contributing their portion to the public mess. ^8. The Periadt were personally free, but politically subject to the Spartans. They possessed no share in the government, and were bound to obey the commands of the Spartan magis- trates. They appear to have been partly the descendants of the old Achaean population of the country, and partly of Dorians who had not been admitted to the full privileges of the niliim- class. They were distributed into a hundred townships, which were spread through the whole of Laconia. They fought in the Spartan armies as heavy-armed soldiers, and therefore must have been trained to some extent in the Spartan tactics ; but they were certainly exempt from the pecuhar discipline to which the ruhng class was subject, and possessed more individual free- dom of action. The larger proportion of the land of Laconia Oi 'OfAOlOl. f 01 ^YTTOfieiovet;. 1 Ihe name TrepioLKoi signifies literally 'Mwellers around the city" and 13 used generally by the Greeks to signify the inhabitants in the countrv districts, wlio possessed inferior political privileges to the citi- «ena who hved in the city. r r t, belonged to Spartan citizens, but the smaller half was the pro- perty of the PerioBci. The whole of the commerce and manu- lactures of the country was in their exclusive possession, since no Spartan ever engaged in such occupations. They thus had means of acquiring wealth and importance, from which the Spartans themselves were excluded ; and although they were probably treated by the Spartans with the same haughtiness which they usually displayed toward inferiors, their condition upon the whole does not appear as oppressive or degrading. They were regarded as members of the state, though not pos- sessing its full citizenship, and were included along with the Spartans as Laconians or Lacedaemonians. § 9. The Helots were serls bound to the soil, which they tilled for the benefit of the Spartan proprietors. Their condition was veiy diflerent from that of the ordinary slaves in antiquity, and more similar to the villanage of the middle ages. They lived in the rural villages, as the Periojci did in the towns, cultivating the lands and paying over the rent to their masters in Sparta, but enjoying their homes, wives, and families, apart from their master's personal superintendence. They appear to have been never sold, and they accompanied the Spartans to the field as fight-armed troops. But while their condition was in these respects superior to that of the ordinary slaves 'in other parts of Greece, it was embittered by the fact that they were not strangers fike the latter, but were of the same race, and spoke the same language as their masters. Their name is variously explained, and we have different accounts of their origin ; but there is no doubt that they were of pure Hellenic blood, and were probably the descendants of the old inhabitants, who had offered the most obstinate resistance to the Dorians, and had therefore been re- duced to slavery.* Li the earlier times they appear to have been treated with comparative mildness, but as their numbers increased, they became objects of greater suspicion to their masters, and were subjected to the most wanton and oppressive cruelty. They were compelled to wear a pecuhar dress — a leather cap and a sheepskin — to distinguish them from the rest of the population; every means was adopted to remind them of their inferior and degraded condition ; and it is said they were often forced to make themselves drunk, as a warning to the Spartan youth. Whatever truth there may be in these and * The common account derives the name of Helots (E^Awrec) from the town of Ilelos ('EAof) in the south of Laconia, the inhabitants of which had rebelled and been reduced to slavery. Others connect their name with ^Aiy, marshes, as if it signified inhabitants of the lowlands Others, again, with more probability explain EUwrec as meaning prt»- oncrs, from the root of klsiv, to take. / 64 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VII. similar talcs, it is certain that the wanton and impolitic oppres- sions of the Spartans produced in the minds of the Helots a deep-seated and inveterate detestation of their masters. They were always ready to seize any opportunity of rising against their oppressors, and would gladly '* have eaten the*^ flesh of the Spartans raw." Hence Sparta was always in apprehension of a revolt of the Helots, and had recourse to the most atro- cious means for removing any who had excited their jealousy or their fears. Of this we have a memorahle instance in the secret service, called Cryptla* which authorized a select hody of Spartan youths to range the country in all directions, armed with daggers, and secretly to assassinate such of the Helots as were considered formidable. Sometimes, however, the Helots, who had distinguished themselves by their bravery in war,* received their freedom from the government ; but in that case they formed a distinct body in the state, known at the time of the Peloponnesian war by the name of Neoflamdflcs.\ HO. The functions of the Spartan government were distri- buted among two kings, a senate of thirty members, a jjopidar assembly, and an executive directory of five men called the Ephors. This jwlitical constitution is a.scril)ed to Lycurgus ; but there is good reason for behoving that the Ephors were added at a later time ; and there cannot be any doubt that the senate and the i>opular assembly were handed down to the Sj)artans from the Heroic age, and merely received some modilieatiou and rcni- lations from Lycurgus. *' At the head of the state were the two hereditary kings. The existence of a pair of kings was peculiar to Sparta, aiufis said to have arisen fmm the accidental circumstance of Aristodemus havmg left twin sons, Eurysthenes and Prock-s.$ This division oi the royal power naturally tended to weaken its influence and to produce jealousies and dissensions between the two kings, who constantly endeavored to thwart each other. The royaf jjower was on the decline during tlie whole historical jieriod, and the authority of the kings was gradually usuri)ed by the Ephors, who at length obtained the entire control of the government, and reduced the kings to a state of humiliation and dependence! Originally the Spartan kings were the real and not the nominai chiels of the state, and exercised most of the functions of the monarchs of the Heroic age. In later times the most imiwrtant of the prerogatives Mhich they were allowed to retain, was the supreme command of the military force on foreign expeditions. But even m this privilege their authority was restricted at a * Kpimreia, a secret commhnon, from Kfrntrro, hide, conceal. t miiAafiuiihig : that is. ncwbf cnfranckited, X Soc above, p. 38. B.C. 776. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS «6 later time by the presence of two out of the five Ephors. Al- though the political power of the kings was thus curtailed, they possessed many important privileges, and were always treated with the profomidest honour and respect. They were regarded by the j^eople with a feeling of religious reverence as the de- scendants of the mighty hero Hercules, and were thus supposed to connect the entire st;ite M'ith the gods. They were the high- priests of the nation, and cveiy month oHered sacrifices to Jove on behalf of the people. They possessed ample domains in various parts of Laconia, and received frequent pn^sents on many public occasions. Their death was lamented as a public calamity, and their funeral was solemnized by the most striking obsequies. The Senate, called Gcrusia,* or the Council of Elders, con- sisted of thirty members, among whom the two kings were in- cluded. They were not chosen under sixty years of age, and they held their office for life. They possessed considerable power, and were the only real check upon the authority of the Ephors. They discussed and prepared all measures which were to be brought before the popular assembly, and had some share in the general administration of the state. But the most important of their functions was, that they were judges in all criminal cases afiecting the life of a Spartan citizen, without being bound by any written code. The Popular Assembly was of little importance, and appears to have been usually summoned only as a matter of form for the election of certain magistrates, for passing laws, and for determ- ining upon peace and war. It would appear that open discus- sion was not allowed, and that the assembly rarely came to a division. Such a popular assembly as existed at Athens, in which all public measures were exjwsed to criticism and com- ment, would have been contrary to one of the first principles of the Spartan government in historical times, which was charac- terized by the extreme secrecy of all its proceedings. The Ephors may be regarded as the representatives of the popular assembly. They were elected annually from the general body of Spartan citizens, and seem to have been originally appointed to protect the interests and liberties of the people against the encroachments of the kings and the senate. They correspond in many respects to the tribunes of the people at Rome. Their functions were at first limited and of small im- portance ; but in the end the whole political power became cen- tred in their hands. They were thus the real rulers of the state, and their orders were submissively obeyed by all classes in Sparta. Their authority was of a despotic nature, and they ex- * Tepovaia, 66 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. Vn RC. 7T6. LEGISLATION OP LYCURGUS. erased it without responsibility. They had the entire manage- ment of the mternal as well as of the foreign aflkirs of the state • they formed a court to decide upon causes of great importance ; they dismissed at their pleasure subordinate magistrates, and imposed upon them fines and imprisomncnt ; tlioy even arrested the kings, and either fined them on their own autliority or brought them to trial before the senate. It will be seen from the preceding account that tlie Spartan government was in reklity a close oligarchy, in whicli the kincrg and the senate, as well as the people, were alike subject to the irresponsible authority of the five Ephors. j 11. The most important part of the legislation of Lycurgua did not relate to the political constitution of Sparta, but to the discipline and education of the citizens. It was these which gave Sparta her pecuhar character, and distinguished her in so stnking a maimer Irom all the other states of Greece. In mod- ern tunes It has been usually held that the state exists for the citizen, and tliat the great object of the state is to secure the citizen in the enjoyment of his life and his property. In Sparta on the contrary, the citizen existed only for the state, and was bound to devote to its honour and glory not only all his time, atfections and energies, but to sacrifice to its interests his property and Ins hfe. We have ahready seen that the position of the bpartans, surromided by numerous enemies, whom they only held m subjection by the sword, comi)elled them to be a nation ot soldiers. Lycurgus determined tliat they should be notliiiicr " else ; and the great object of his whole system was to cultivate a martial spmt, and to give them a training which would make them mvmcible in battle. To accomplish this the education of a Spartan was placed under the control of the state from his earliest boyhood, and he continued to be under pubhc inspection to his old age. Every child after birth was exhibited to public view and if deemed deformed and weakly, and unfit for a future life of labour and latigue, was exposed to perish on Momit Taygetus. At the age of seven he was taken from his mother's care, and handed over to the public classes. His trainmg was under the special charge of an officer nominated by the state,* and was subject to the general siipermtendence of the elders. He was not only taucrht all the gymnastic games, which would give vigour and strength to his body, and all the exercises and movements required from the Lacedaemonian soldiers in the field, but he was also subjected to severe bodily discipline, and was compeUed to submit to hard- Rhipa and sufienng without repining or complaint One of the • Called Pc^hnomw {na^dovofior), 67 tests to which tlie fortitude of the Spartan youths was subjected, was a cruel scourging at the altar ol" Artemis (Diana), until their blood gushed forth and covered the altar of the goddess. It was udhctcd publicly before the eyes of their parents and in tlie presence of the whole city ; and many were known to have died mider the lash without uttering a complaining murmur. No means were neglected to prepare them for the hardships and stratagems of war. They were obliged to wear the same garment winter and summer, and to endure hunger and thirst, heat and cold. They were purposely allowed an insufficient quantity of food, but were permitted to make up the deficiency by hunting in the woods and mountains of Laconia. They were even en- couraged to steal whatever they could ; but if they were caught in the fact, they were severely pmiished for their want of dex- terity. Plutarch tells us of a boy, who, having stolen a fox, and hid it under his garment, chose rather to let it tear out his very bowels than be detected in the theft. The literary education of a Spartan youth was of a most re- stricted kind. He was taught to despise literature as unworthy of a warrior, while the study of eloquence and philosophy, which were cultivated at Athens with such extraordinary success, was regarded at Sparta with contempt. Long speeches were a Spar- tan's abhorrence, and he was trained to express himself with sententious brevity. He was not, however, an entire stranger to the humanizing influence of the Muses. He was taught to sing and play on the lyre ; but the strains which he learnt were either martial songs or hymns to the gods. Hence the warlike poems of Homer were popular at Sparta from an early period, and are even said to have been introduced into Pelopoimesus by Lycurgus himself The poet Tyrtseus was for the same reason received with high honours by the Spartans, notwithstanduig their aversion to strangers ; wliile Archilochus was banished from the country because he had recorded in one of his poems liis flight from the field of battle. A Spartan was not considered to have reached the full age cf manhood till he had completed his thirtieth year. He was then allowed to marry, to take part in the public assembly, and was ehgible to the offices of the state. But he still continued under the pubhc discipline, and was not permitted even to reside and take his meals with his wife. The greater part of his time was occupied in gymnastic and military exercises ; he took his meals with liis comrades at the public mess, and he slept at night in the pubhc barracks. It was not till he had reached his sixtieth year that he was released from the public discipline and from military service. it 108 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VII. B.C. 776. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 69 The public mess— called Sijssitia*— is said to have been insti- tuted by Lycurjrus to prevent all indulgence of the appetite. Pubhc tables were provided, at which every male citizen was obliged to take his meals. Each table accommodated fifteen j or- tious, who formed a separate mess, into which no new member was admitted, except by the unanimous consent of the whole company. Each sent monthly to the common stock a specified quantity of barley-meal, wine, cheese, and figs, and a little money to buy flesh and fish. No distinction of any kind was allowed at these fnigal meals. Meat was only eaten occasionally ; and one of the principal dishes was black broth. Of what it consisted we do not know. The tyrant Dionysius found it very unpala- table ; but, as the cook told him, the broth was nothing without the seasoning of fatigue and hunger. 4 12. The Spartan women in their earlier years were subjected to a course of training almost as rigorous as that of the men. They were not viewed as a part of the family, but as a part of the state. Their great duty was to give Sparta a vigorous race of citizens, and not to discharge domestic and household duties. They were therefore trained in gynuiastic exercises, and con- tended with each other in running, wrestling, and boxing. The youths were present at these exercises, and the maidens were allowed in like manner to witness those of the youths. The two sexes were thus brought into close intercourse in a manner un- known to the rest of Greece ; but it does not appear to have.^ been followed by any injurious consequences, and the morals of' the Spartan women were probably purer than those of any other females in Greece. At the age of twenty a Spartan woman usually married, and she was no longer subjected to the public disciphne. Although she enjoyed little of her husband's society, she was treated by him with deep respect, and was allowed a greater de- gree of liberty than was tolerated in other Grecian states. Hence she took a lively interest in the welfare and glory of her native land, and was animated by an earnest and lofty spirit of patriot- ism. The Spartan mother had reason to be proud of herself and of her children. When a woman of another country said to Gorge, the wife of Leonidas, " The Spartan women alone rule the men," she replied, " The Spartan women alone bring forth men." Their husbands and their sons were fired by their sympathy to deeds of heroism, and were deterred from yielding to the foe by the certain reproaches and contempt which awaited them at their domestic hearths. " Return either with your shield, or upon ♦ Ivffmria, that is, eatinff, or meBmng together or in eommon. The pub- hc mesa was also called Phlditia {rd 4>etdiTia\ or frugal meals. it," was their exhortation to their sons, when going to battle ; and after the fatal day of Leuctra those mothers whose sons had fallen returned thanks to the gods ; while those were the bitter sufferers whose sons had survived that disgraceful day. The tri- umphant resignation of a Spartan mother at the heroic death of her son, and her fierce wrath when he proved a recreant coward, are well expressed in two striking poems of the Greek Anthology : "Eight sons Dema;neta at Sparta's call Sent forth to fight ; one tomb received them alL No tear she shed, but shouted 'Victory! Sparta, I bore them but to die for thee.' " " A Spartan, his companion slain. Alone from battle fled ; His mother, kindling with disdain That she had borne him, struck him dead ; For courage, and not birth alone, In Sparta, testifies a son!"* S^ 13. One of the most celebrated measures ascribed to Lycur- gus by later writers was his redivision of the land of the country. It is related that the disorders of the state arose mainly from the gross inequality of property : the greater part of the land was in the hands of a few rich men, whilst the majority of the people were left in hopeless misery. In order to remedy this fearful state of things, he resolved to make a new division of lands, that the citizens might all live together in perfect equality. Accordingly, he redistributed the territory belonging to Sparta into 9000 equal lots, and the remainder of Laconia into 30,000 equal lots, and assigned to each Spartan citizen one of the former of these lots, and to each Perioicus one of the latter. It is, however, very questionable whether Lycurgus ever made any division of the landed property of Laconia. It is not men- tioned by any of the earlier writers, and we find in historical times great inequality of property among the Spartans. It is suggested with great probability by Mr. Grote, that the idea of an equal division of landed property by Lycurgus seems to have arisen in the third century before the Christian era, when an attempt was made by Agis and Cleomenes, kings of Sparta, to rescue their country from the state of degradation into which it had sunk. From the time of the Persian war, the number of the Spartan citizens was constantly declining, and the property accumulating in a few hands. Tlie number of citizens, reckoned by Herodotus at 80U0, had dwindled (lo\vn in the time of Aristotle to 1000, and had been still further reduced in that of * See Antkoloffia Polyglotta, editad by Dr. AVellesley, pp. 191, 202. fO niSTORY OF GREECE. ||< cuAF. vn Agis to 700 ; and in the reign of tliis king 100 alone possessed nearly the whole of the landed property in the state, while the remainder were miserably poor. At the same time the old dis- cipline had degeneratetl into a mere form ; numbers of strangers had settled in the city ; and Sparta had long lost her ancient influence over her neighbours. The humiliatmg condition of their country roused Agis and other ardent spirits to endeavour to restore Sparta to her former glories ; and for this purpose they resolved to establish again the discipline of Lycurgus in its pristine vigour, and to make a fresh division of the landed property. Agis perished in his attempt to carry these reforms into eliect ; but a similar revolution was shortly afterwards ac- comphshed by Cleomenes. It was in the stat« of public feeling which gave birth to the projects of Agis and Cleomenes, that the idea arose of an equal division of property having been one of the ancient institutions of their great lawgiver. The discipline and education ol' Lycurgus tended greatly to introduce equality among the rich and the poor in their habits and enjoyments ; and hence we can easily understand how this equality suggested to a subsequent age an equaHty of property as likewise 'one of the institutions of Lycurgus. § 14. It has been already remarked that the Spartans were not allowed to engage in any trade or manufactures ; and that all occupations, pursued for the sake of gain, were left in the hands of the PericBci. We are told that Lycurgus therefore banished from Sparta all gold and silver money, and allowed nothing but bars of iron to pass in exchange for every commodity. It is, how- ever, absurd to ascribe such a regulation to Lycurgus, since silver money was first coined in Greece by Phidon of Argos in the sue- cceding generation, and gold money was first coined in Asia, and was very little known in Greece, even in the time of the Pelopon- nesiaii war. In this case, as in others, the usage of later times was converted into a primitive institution of the lawgiver. As the Spartans were not allowed to engage in commerce, and all luxury and display in dress, furniture, and food was forbidden, they had very little occasion for a circulating medium, and iron money was found sufficient fqr their lew wants. But this pro- hibition of the precious metals only made the Spartans more anxious to obtain them ; and even in the times of their greatest glory the Spartans were the most venal of the Greeks, and could rarely resist the temptation of a pecuniary bribe. The Spartans were averse to all changes, botli in their govern- ment and their customs. In order to preserve their national character and the primitive simplicity of their habitF, Lycurgus IS said to have Ibrbidden all strangers to resido at SjKirttt without B.C. 116. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 11 special permission. For the same reason the Spartans were not allowed to go abroad without leave of the magistrate. Caution was also another characteristic of the Spartans. Hence we are told that they never pursued an enemy farther than was necessary to make themselves sure of the victory. They were also forbidden by Lycurgus to make frequent war upon the same foes, lest the latter should learn their peculiar tactics. ^15. The city of Sparta was never fortified, even in the days of her greatest power, and continued to consist of five distinct quarters, which were origmally separate villages, and which were never united into one regular town. It is said that Lycurgus had conmianded them not to surround their city with walls, but to trust for their defence to their own mihtary prowess. Another and a better reason for the absence of walls is to be sought in the admirable site of the city, in the midst of a territory almost in- accessible to invaders. The northern and western frontiers of Laconia were protected by lofty ranges of mountains, through which there were only a few difficult passes ; while the rocky nature of its eastern coast protected it frcm invasion by sea. Sparta was situated inland, in the middle of the valley of the Eurotas ; and all the principal passes of Laconia led to the city, which was thus placed in the best position for the defence of the country. There can be no doubt that one of the causes of the Spartan power is to be traced to the strength of its frontiers and to the site of Sparta itself H6. The legislation of Lycurgus was followed by important results. It made the Spartans a body of professional soldiers, well trained and well disciplined, at a time when military train- ing and discipline were little known, and almost unpractised in the other states of Greece. The consequence was the rapid growth of the political power of Sparta, and the subjugation of the neighbouring states. At the time of Lycurgus the Spartans held only a small portion of Laconia ; they were merely a garrison m the heart of an enemy's country. Their first object was to make themselves masters of Laconia, in which they finally suc- ceeded after a severe struggle. The military ardour and love of war, which had been implanted in them by the institutions of Lycurgus, continued to animate them after the subjugation of Laconia, and led them to seek new conquests. We have abeady seen that they offered a successful resistance to the formidable power of Phidon of Argos. They now began to cast longhig eyes upon the possessions of their Dorian brethren in Messenia, and to mechtatc the conquest of that fertile country. ? Early Greek Armour, from Vaae-paintings. CHAPTER VIII. HISTORY OF SPiVRTA. THE MESSENIAN, ARCADIAN, AND ARGIVE WARS. § 1. Authorities for tlio liistory of the Mcssenian wars. § 2. The first Messeiiiaa war, b.c Vlo— 724. § 3. The second Messci'iian war, r.c. 685 — 068. Aristonit lies, the Mcssenian hero, and Tyitanis, theSpartan liero, of this war. §4. Wars between th*^ Spartans and Arcadians. Conquest of the soutliern ]>art of Arcadia hy Sparta, AV'ar lietwecii Sparta and Te^'ca. i? T). Wars between th*e Spartans and Artrives. Battle of the tliree hundred champions to decide the possession of Cyuuriai. ♦ 1. The early wars of Sparta were carried on against the Mes- senians, Arcadians, and Argives. They resulted in making Sparta the undisputed mistress of two-thirds of Peloponnesus, and the most powerful of the Grecian states. Of these wars the two waged against Messcnia were tlie most celebrated and the most imjKirtant. They were botli long protracted and obsti- nately contested. They kith ended in tlie victory of Sparta, and in the subjugation of Messenia. ^ These facts are beyond dispute, and are attested by the contemporary poet Tyrtajus. But of the details of these wars we have no trustworthy narrative. The account of them, which is inserted in most histories of Greece, is taken from Pausanias, a writer who lived in tlie second ceu- tory (li' the Christian era. He derived his narrative of the first ! B.C. V43. FIRST MESSENIAN WAR. n i war from a prose writer of the name of Myron, who did not live earlier than the third century before the Christian era ; and he took his account of the second irom a poet called Rhianus, a native of Crete, who hved about b.c. 220. Both these writers were separated from the events which they narrated by a period of 500 years, and probably derived their materials from the stories current among the Messenians after their restoration to their na- tive land by Epaminondas. Information of an historical character could not be expected from the work of Rhianus, which was an epic poem celebrating the exploits of the great hero Aristomenes. We must not, therefore, receive the common account of the Mcs- senian wars as a real history ; and we shall consequently give only a brief outline of the narrative of Pausanias. The dates of the two wars cannot be fixed with certainty. Pausanias makes the first last from b.c. 743 to 724, and the second from b.c. 685 to 668. Both of these dates are probably too early. ^ 2. The real cause of the first Mcssenian war was doubtless the lust of the Spartans for the fertile territories of their neigh- bours. But its origin was narrated in the following manner. On the heights of Momit Taygetus, which separated the two kingdoms, there was a temple of Art einis (Diana), common to the Spartans and Messenians. It was here that the Spartan king Teleclus was slain by the Messenians ; but the two people gave a diflerent version of the cause of his death. The Spartans asserted that Teleclus was murdered by the Messenians, while he was attempting to defend some Spartan virgins, whom he was con- ducting to the temple, from the insults of the Mcssenian youth. The Messenians, on the other hand, averred that Teleclus had dressed up young men as virgins with concealed daggers, and that Teleclus was slain in the aflVay which ensued upon the dis- covery of the plot. The war did not, however, immediately break out ; and the direct cause of it was owing to a private quarrel. Polychares, a distinguished Mcssenian, who had gained the prize at the Olympic games, had been grossly injured by the Spartan Euaephnus, who had robbed him of his cattle and mur- dered his son. Being unable to obtain redress from the Spartan government, Polychares took the revenge into his own hands, and killed all the Lacedaemonians that came in his way. The Spartans demanded the surrender of Polychares, but the Messe- nians refused to give him up. Thereupon the Spartans deter- mined upon war. They silently prepared their forces ; and without any formal declaration of war, they crossed the frontier, surprised the fortress of Amphea, and put the inhabitants to the »word. Thus commenced the first Mcssenian war . E uphaes, who was E T M HISTORY OF GREECE. ClIAF. VIIL then king of Messenia, carried on the war with energy and vigour. For the tirst lour years the Lacedaemonians made little progress ; but in the fifth a great battle was fought, and although its result was indecisive, the Messenians did not venture to risk another engagement, and retired to the strongly fortified mountain of Ithome. In their distress they sent to consult the oracle at Delphi, and received the appalUng answer that the salvation of Messenia required the sacrifice of a virgin of the house of jEpytus* to the gods of the lower world. Aristodemus ofiered his own daughter as the victim ; but a young Messenian, who loved the maiden, attempted to save her life by declaring that she was about to become a mother. Her father, enraged at this assertion, killed his daughter with his own hand, and opened her body to refute the calumny. Although the demands of the oracle had not been satisfied, since tliis was a murder and not a sacrifice, the Spartans were so disheartened by the news, that they abstained from attacking the Messenians for some years. In the thirteenth year of the war, the Spartan king Theopompus marched against Ithome, and a second great battle was fought, but the result was again indecisive. Euphiies fell in the action ; and Aristodemus, who was clioseii king in his place, prosecuted the war with vigour and ability. In the fifth year of his reign a third great battle was fought, in which the Corinthians fought on the side of the Spartans, and the Arca- dians and Sicyonians on the side of the Messenians. This time the Messenians gained a decisive victory, and the Laceda3monians were driven back into their own territory. They now sent to ask advice of the Delphian oracle, and were promised success upon using stratagem. They therefore had recourse to fraud ; and at the same time various prodigies dismayed the bold spirit of Aristodemus. His daughter too appeared to him in a dream, showed to him her wounds, and summoned him away. Seeing that his country was doomed to destruction, Aristodemus slew himself on liis daughter's tomb. Shortly afterwards, in the twentieth year of the war, the Messenians abandoned Ithome, which the Lacedaemonians razed to the ground, and the whole country became subject to Sparta. Many of the inhabitants fled into Arcadia, and the priestly families withdrew to Eleusis, in Attica. Those who remained in the country were treated with great severity. They were reduced to the condition of Helots, and were compelled to pay to their masters half of the produce of their lands. This is attested by the authority of Tyrtajus, who says, " Like asses worn down by heavy burthens they were com- * The royal family of Messenia was descended from ^Epytus, who was a son of Cresphontes. B.C. 686. SECOND MESSENIAN WAR. 75 polled to make over to their masters an entire half of the produce of their fields, and to come in the garb of woe to Sparta, them- selves and their wives, as mourners at the decease ot the kings and principal persons." , , i • i i ^ 3 For thirty-nine years the Messenians endured this degrad- ing yoke. At the end of this time (b.c. 685) they took up arms against their oppressors, having foimd a leader in Aristomenes, of Andania, sprung from the royal fine of ^pj^us. The exploits of this hero form the great subject of the second Messeman war. It would appear that most of the states in Pelc ;)onnesus took part in this struggle. The Argives, Arcadians, Sicyonians, and Pisatans were the principal allies of the Messenians ; but the Corinthians sent assistance to Sparta. The first battle was fought before the arrival of the aUies on either side ; and though it was indecisive, the valour of Aristomenes struck fear into the hearts of the Spartans. To frighten the enemy still more, the hero crossed the frontier, entered Sparta by night, and affixed a shield to the temple of Athena (Minerva) of the Brazen House, with the inscription, " Dedicated by Aristomenes to the goddess from the Spartan spoils." The Spartans in alarm sent to Delphi for advice. The god bade them apply to Athens for a leader. Fearing to disobey the oracle, but with the view of rendering no real assistance, the Athenians sent Tyrtseus of Aphidnse, who is represented in the popular legend as a lame man and a schoolmaster. The Spartans received their new leader with due honour ; and he was not long in justifying the credit of the oracle. His martial songs roused the fainting courage of the Spartans, and animated them to new effbrts agamst the foe.* The Spartans showed their gratitude by making him a citizen of their state. So efficacious were his poems, that to them is mainly ascribed the final success of the Spartans. Hence he appears as the great hero of Sparta during the second Messenian war. Some of his celebrated songs have come down to us, and the following war-march is a specimen : — "To the field, to the field, gallant Spartan band. Worthy sons, like your sires, of our warlike land! Let each arm be prepared for its part in the fight. Fix the shield on the left, poise the spear with the right, Let no care for your lives in your bosoms find place. No such care knew the heroes of old Spartan race." \ Encouraged by the strains of Tyrtaeus, the Spartans agam ♦ "Tyrtanisque mares animos in Martia bella Versibus exacuit."— Hor. Ars Poet. 402. f Mure's History of Greek Literatuio, vol. iii. p. 195. m mSTORV OF GREECE. Chap. VUL marched against the Messeiiiaii?. But they were not at first suc- cessful. A great battle was fnught at the Boar's Grave iii th« plain of Stenyclerus, in which the allies of both sides were pre- sent. The Spartans were defeated with great loss; and the Messenian maidens of a later day used to sing how " Aristo- menes pursued the flying LacedsBmonians down to the mid-plain of Stenycleras, and up to the very summit of the mountain." Id the third year of the war another great battle was fought, i» which the Messenians suffered a signal defeat, in consequence of the treachery of Aristocrates, the king of the Arcadian Orcho- menus. So great was the loss of the Messenians, that Aristo- menes no longer ventured to meet the Spartans in the open field ; and he therefore resolved to follow the example of the Messenian leaders in the former war, and concentrate his strength in a fortified spot. For this purpose he chose the mountain fortress of Ira, and there he contiimed to prosecute the war for eleven years. The Spartans encamped at the foot of the moun- tain ; but Aristomenes frequently sallied from his fortress, and ravaged the lands of Laconia with fire and sword. It is unne- cessary to relate all the wonderful exploits of this hero in his various incursions. Thrice did he offer to Jove Ithomates the sacrifice called Hecatomphonia, reserved for the warrior who had slain a hundred enemies with his own hand. Thrice was he taken prisoner ; on two occasions he burst his bonds, but on the third he was carried to Sparta, and thrown with his fifty com- panions into a deep pit, called Ceadas. His comrades were all killed by the fall ; but Aristomenes reached the bottom unhurt. He saw, however, no means of escape, and had resigned himself to death ; but on the tliird day perceiving a fox creeping among the bodies, he grasped its tail, and following the animal as it Btruggled to escape, discovered an opening in the rock. Through the favor of the gods the hero thus escaped, and on the next day was again at Ira to the surprise alike of friends and foes. But his single prowess was not sufficient to avert the ruin of his country ; he had incurred moreover the anger of the Dioscuri or the Twm gods ; and the favour of heaven was therefore turned from him. One night the Spartans surprised Ira, while Aristo- menes was disabled by a wound ; but he collected the bravest of his followers, and forced his way through the enemy. He took lefuge in Arcadia, where he was hospitably received ; but the plan which he had formed for surprising Sparta was betrayed by Aristocrates, whom his countrymen stoned for his treachery. Many of the exiled Messenians went to Rhegium, in Italy, under the sons of Aristomenes, but the hero him^-lf finished his days in Rhodes. His memory long lived in the hearts of hia B.C. 66a WAR BETWEEii SPARTA AISTD TEGEA. in countrymen ; and later legends related, that in the fatal battle of Leuctra, which destroyed for ever the Lacedaemonian power, the hero was seen scattering destruction among the Spartan troops. The second Messenian war was terminated by the complete subjugation of the Messenians, who again became the serfs of their conquerors (b.c. 668). In this condition they remained till the restoration of their independence by Epaminondas, in the year 369 b.c. During the whole of the intervening period the Messenians disappear from history. The country called Messenia in the map was in reality a portion of Laconia, which, after the second Messenian war, extended across the south of Pelopon- nesus from the eastern to the western sea. § 4. Of the history of the wars between the Spartans and Arcadians we have fewer details. Tlie Spartans made various attempts to extend their dominion over Arcadia. Hence the Arcadians afforded assistance to the Messenians in their struggle against Sparta, and they evinced their sympathy for this gallant people by putting to death Aristocrates of Orchomenus, as has been already related. The conquest of Messenia was probably followed by the subjugation of the southern part of Arcadia. We know that the northern frontier of Laconia, consisting of the districts called Sciritis, Beleminatis, Maleatis, and Caryatis, originally belonged to Arcadia, and was conquered by the Lace- daemonians at an early period. The Lacedaemonians, however, did not meet with equal success in their attempts against Tegea. This city was situated in the south-eastern corner of Arcadia, on the very frontiers of Laconia. It possessed a brave and warlike population, and defied the Spartan power for more than two centuries. As early as the reign of Charilaus, the nephew of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonians had invaded the territory of Tegea ; but they were not only defeated with great loss, but this king was taken prisoner with all his men who had survived the battle. Long afterward, in the reign of Leon and Agesicles (about b.c. 580), the Lace- daemonians again marched against Tegea, but were again defeat- ed with great loss, and were compelled to work as slaves in the ver}' chains which they had brought with them for the Tegeatans. For a whole generation their arms continued unsuccessful ; but in the reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston, the successors of Leon and Agesicles (about b.c. 560), they were at length able to bring the long protracted struggle to a close. In their dis- tress they had applied as usual to the Delphic oracle for advice, and had been promised success if they could obtain the bones of Orestes, the son of Agamemnon. The directions of the god enabled them to find the remains of the hero at Tegea : and by a ^8 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VIII skilful stratagem one of their citizens succeeded in carrying the holy relics to Sparta. The tide of the war now turned. The Tegeatans were constantly defeated, and were at lengtli obliged to acknowledge the supremacy of Sparta. They were not, how- ever, reduced to subjection, hke the Messenians. They still con- tinued masters of their own city and territor)% and oidy became dependent aUies of Sparta. ^ 5. The history of the early struggle between Argos and Sparta is quite unknown. We have already seen that the whole eastern coast of Peloponnesus had originally belonged to Argos, or the confederacy over which this city presided. The Lacede- monians, however, succeeded not only in conquering all the eastern coast of Laconia, but also in annexing to their territory the district of Cyimria,* on their northern frontier, which had originally formed part of the dominions of Argos. It is uncer- tain at what time the Lacedajmouians obtained this important acquisition ; but the attempt of the Argives to recover it in 547 B.C. led to one of the most celebrated combats in early Grecian history. It was agreed between the Lacedaemonians and Argives that the possession of the territory should be decided by a combat between three hundred chosen champions on either side. So fierce was the conflict that only one Spartan and two Argives survived. The latter, supposing that all their opponents had been slain, hastened home with the news of victory ; but Othryades, the Spartan w-arrior, remained on the field, and spoiled the dead bodies of the enemy. Both sides claimed the victory, whereupon a general battle ensued, in which the Argives were defeated. The brave Othryades slew himself on the field of battle, being ashamed to return to Sparta as the one survivor of her tliree hundred champions. This victory secured the Spartans in the possession of Cynuria, and effectually humbled the power of Argos. Sparta was now by far the most powerful of the Grecian states. Her owm tenitory, as we have already seen, included the whole southern portion of Peloponnesus ; the Arcadians were her sub- ject allies ; and Argos had suffered too much from her recent defeat to offer any further resistance to her formidable neighbour. North of the Isthmus of Corinth there was no state whose power could compete with that of Sparta. Athens was still suffering from the civil dissensions which had led to the usurpation of Pisistratus, and no one could have anticipated at this time the rapid and extraordinary growth of this state, which rendered her beibre long the rival of Sparta. • The plain, called Thyreatia from the town of Thyrea, was the most important part of Cynuria. Leaden Sling-bullets and Arrow-heads, found at Athens, Marathon, and LeontinL CHAPTER IX. THE AGE OF THE DESPOTS. § 1. Abolition of royalty throughout Greece, except in Sparta. § 2. Estab- lishment of the oligarchical governments. § 2. Overthrow of the oli- garchies by the despots. Character of the despots, and causes of their fall. § 4. Contest between oligarchy and democracy on tlie removal of the despots. § 5. Despots of ISicyon. History of Clisthenes. § 6. Des- pots of Corinth. History of Cypselus and Periander. § 7. Conflicts of the oligarchical and democratical parties at Megara. Despotisn: of Theagenes. The poet Theognis. f 1. Sparta was the only state in Greece which continued to retain the kingly form of government during the briUiant period of Grecian history. In all other parts of Greece royalty had been abolished at an early age, and various forms of republican government established in its stead. In all of these, though dif- fering widely from each other in many of their institutions, hatred of monarchy was a universal feeling. This change in the popular mind deserves our consideration. In the Heroic age, as we have already seen, monarchy was the only form of govern- ment kftown. At the head of every state stood a king, who had derived his authority from the gods, and whose commands were reverently obeyed by his people. The only check upon his au- thority was the council of the chiefs, and even they rarely ven- tured to interfere with his rule. But soon after the commence- ment of the first Olympiad this reverential feeling towards the king disappears, and his authority and his functions are trans- ferred to the council of chiefs. w 80 HISTORY OF GREECE. CH4P. IX B.C. 650. THE GRECIAN DESPOTS. 81 This important revolution was owing mainly to the smallnesa of the Grecian states. It must be constantly remembered that each political community consisted only of the inhabitants of a single city. Among so small a body the king could not surround himself with any pomp or mystery. He moved as a man among his fellow-men ; his faults and his foibles became known to all ; and as the Greek mind developed and enlarged itself, his subjects lost all belief in his divine right to their obedience. They had no extent of territory which rendered it advisable to maintain a king for the purpose of preservuig their union ; and, conse- quently, when they lost respect for his j^erson, and faith in his divine right, they abolished the dignity altogether. This change appears to have been accomplished without any sudden or violent revolutions. Sometimes, on the death of a king, his son was ac- knowledged as ruler for life, or for a certain number of years, with the title o^Archon ;* and sometimes the royal race was set aside altogether, and one of the nobles was elected to supply the place of the king, with the title o^Pnjtanis or President.! In all cases, however, the new magistrates became more or less responsible to the nobles ; and in course of time they were elected for a brief period Irom the whole body of the nobles, and were ac- countable to the latter for the manner in which they dischargcxi the duties of their office. k 2. The abolition of royalty was thus followed by an Oli- garchy, or the government of the Few. This was the first form of repubUcanism in Greece. Democracy, or tlie government of the Many, was yet unknown ; and the condition of the general mass of the freemen appears to have been unailccted by the re- volution. But it paved the way to greater changes. It taught the Greeks the important principle that the political power was vested in the citizens of the state. It is true that these were at first only a small portion of the freemen ; but their number might be enlarged ; and the idea could not fail to occur that the power which had been transferred from the One to the Few might be still further extended from the Few to the Many. The nobles possessed the greater part of the land of the state, and were hence frequently distinguished by the name of Gco- mori or Gamori.| Their estates were cultivated by a rural and dependent population ; whilst they themselves lived in the city, and appear to have formed an exclusive order, transmitting their privileges to their sons alone. But besides this governing body and their rustic dependents, there existed two other classes, con- sisting of small landed proprietors, who cultivated their fields * 'Ap;f(jv. \ Jlpvravic. X Tetajiopoi (Ionic), Tofiopoi (Doric), landowtien. with their own hands, and of artisans and traders residing in the town. These two classes were constantly increasing in nmnbers, wealth, and intelligence, and, consequently, began to demand a share in the government, from which they had hitherto been excluded. The ruling body meantime had remained stationary, or had even declined in numbers and in wealth ; and they had excited, moreover, the discontent of the people by the arbitrary and oppressive manner in which they had exercised their au- thority. But it was not from the people that the oligarchies received their first and greatest blow. They were generally over- thrown by the usurpers, to whom the Greeks gave the name of Tyrants.* ^ 3. The Greek word Tyrant does not correspond in meaning to the same word in the English language. It signifies simply an irresponsible ruler, and may therefore be more correctly ren- dered by the term Despot. The rise of the Despots seems to have taken place about the same time in a large number of the Greek cities. They begin to appear in the middle of the seventh century B.C. ; and in the course of the next hundred and fifty years (from B.C. 650 to 500) there were few cities in the Grecian world which escaped this revolution in their government. The growing discontent of the general body of the people afforded facilities to an ambitious citizen to overthrow the existing oli- garchy, and to make himself supreme ruler of the state. In most cases the despots belonged to the nobles, but they acquired their power in various ways. The most frequent manner in which they became masters of the state was by espousing the cause of the commonalty, and making use of the strength of the latter to put down the oligarchy by force. Sometimes, but more rarely, one of the nobles, who had been raised to the chief magistracy for a temporary period, availed himself of his position to retain his dignity permanently, in spite of his brother nobles. There was another class of irresponsible rulers to whom the name of ^symnetes,\ or Dictator, was given. The supreme power was voluntarily entrusted to him by the citizens, but only for a limited period, and in order to accomphsh some important object, such as reconcilmg the various factions in the state. The government of most of the despots was oppressive and cruel. In many states they were at first popular with the gen- oral body of the citizens, who had raised them to power and were glad to see the humiliation of their former masters. But discon- tent soon began to arise ; the despot had recourse to violence to put down disalibction, and thus became an object of hatred to his fellow-citizens. In order to protect himself he called in the * Tvpawoi, \ AiavfjLV^Tfji, E* 83 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. IX. aid of foreign troops, and took np his residence in the Acropolis, surrounded by his mercenaries. The most illustrious citizens were now exiled or put to death, and the govenmient became in reality a tyramiy in the modern sense of the word. Some of these despots erected magnificent public works, either to gratify their own love of splendour and display, or with the express view of impoverishing their subjects. Others were patrons of litera- ture and art, and sought to gain popularity by inviting literary men to their court. But even those who exercised their sov- ereignty with moderation were never able to retain their jjopu- larity. The assumption of irresponsible power by one man had become abhorrent to the Greek mind. A person thus raising himself above the law was considered to have forfeited all title to the protection of the law. He was regarded as the greatest of criminals, and his assassination was viewed as a righteoujj and holy act. Hence few despots grew old in their goverinnent ; Mill fewer bequeathed their power to their sons ; and very rarely did the dynasty continue as long as the third generation. § 4. Many of the despots in Greece were put down by the Lacedaemonians. The Spartan government, as we have already seen, was essentially an oligarchy ; and the Spartans were always ready to lend their powerful aid to the support or the establish- ment of the government of the Few. Hence they took an active part in the overthrow of the despots, with the intention of es- tablishing the ancient oligarchy in their place. But this rarely happened ; and they thus became unintentional instniments in promoting the principles of the popular party. The rule of the despot had broken down the distinction between the nobles and the general body of freemen ; and upon the removal of the des- pot it was found impossible in most cases to reinstate the former body of nobles in their ancient privileges. The latter, it is true, attempted to regain them, and were supported in their attempts by Sparta. Hence arose a new struggle. The first contest after the aboUtion of royalty was between oligarchy and the despot ; the next which now ensued was between oligarchy and democracy. The history of Athens will afford the most striking illustration of the difierent revolutions of which we have been speaking ; but there are some examples in the other Greek states which must not be passed over entirely. { 5. The city of Sicyon, situated to the west of the Corinthian isthmus, was governed by a race of despots for a longer period than any other Greek state. Their dynasty lasted for a hundred years, and is said to have been founded by Orthagoras, about B.C. 676. This revolution is worthy of notice, because Ortha- B.C. 625. DESPOTS OF SICYON AND CORINTa 83 goras did not belong to the oligarchy. The latter consisted of a portion of the Dorian conquerors ; and Orthagoras, who belonged to the old inhabitants of the country, obtained the power by the overthrow of the Dorian oligarchy. He and his successors were doubtless supported by the old population, and this was one reason of the long continuance of their power. The last of the dynasty was Clisthenes, who was celebrated for his wealth and magnificence, and who gained the victory in the chariot race in the Pythian and Olympic games. He aided the Amphictyons in the sacred war against Girrha (b.c. 595), and he was also engaged in hostilities against Argos. But the chief point in his history which claims our attention was his systematic endeavour to depress and dishonour the Dorian tribes. It has been already remarked* that the Dorians in all their settlements were di- vided into the three tribes of Hylleis, Pamphyli, and Dymanes. These ancient and venerable names he changed into new ones, derived from the sow, the ass, and the pig,t while he declared the superiority of his own tribe by giving it the designation of Archelaiy or lords of the people. Clisthenes appears to have continued despot till his death, which may be placed about B.C. 560. The dynasty perished with him. He left no son; but his daughter Agarista, whom so many suitors wooed, was married to the Athenian Megacles, of the great family of the Alcmaeonidae, and became the mother of Clisthenes, the founder of the Athenian democracy after the expulsion of the Pisistratidae. k 6. The despots of Corinth were still more celebrated. Their dynasty lasted 74 years. It was founded by Cypselus, who over- threw the oligarchy called the BacchiadaB in b.c. 655. His mother belonged to the Bacchiadae ; but as none of the race would marry her on account of her lameness, she espoused a man who did not belong to the ruling class. The Bacchiadse having learnt that an oracle had declared that the issue of this marriage would prove their ruin, endeavoured to murder the child ; but his mother preserved him in a chest, from which he derived his name.J When he had grown up to manhood he came forward as the champion of the people against the nobles, and with their aid expelled the BacchiadaB, and established himself as despot. He held his power for thirty years (b.c. 655-625), and transmitted it on his death to his son Periander. His government is said to have been mild and popular. The sway of Periander, on the other hand, is universally repre- * Above, c. T. § T. Hyatae (Tarat), OneataB ('Ovearat), ChtEreatJe {XoipeuTaC). Cypselus from cypsele (kv^e^ti), a chest I 84 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. IX sented as oppressive and cruel. Many of the tales related of him may be regarded as the calumnies of liis enemies ; but there is good reason for believing that he ruled with a rod of iron. The way in which he treated the nobles is illustrated by a well-known tale, which has been transferred to the early history of Rome. Soon after his accession Periander is said to have sent to Thra- sybulus, despot of Miletus, to ask him for advice as to the best mode of maintaining his power. Without giving an answer in writing, Thrasybulus led the messenger through a com-field, cutting off; as he went, the tallest ears of corn. He then dis- missed the messenger, telling him to inform his master how he had found him employed. The action was rightly interpreted by Periander, who proceeded to rid himself of the powerful nobles of the state. The anecdote, whether true or not, is an indication of the common opinion entertained of the govern- ment of Periander. We are further told that he protected his person by a body-guard of mercenaries, and kept all rebellion in check by his rigorous measures. It is admitted on all hands that he possessed great ability and military skill ; and, however oppressive his government may have been to the citizens of Corinth, he raised the city to a state of great prosperity and power, and made it respected alike by friends and foes. Under his sway Corinth was the wealthiest and the most powerful of ail the commercial communities of Greece ; and at no other pe- riod in its history does it appear in so flourishing a condition. In his reign many important colonies were founded by Corinth on the coast of Acamania and the surrounding islands and coasts, and his sovereignty extended over Corcyra, Ambra- cia, Leucas, and Anactorium, all of which were independent states in the next generation. Corinth possessed harbours on either side of the isthmus, and the customs and port-dues were so considerable that Periander required no other source of revenue. Periander was also a warm patron of literature and art. He welcomed the poet Arion and the philosopher Anacharsis to his court, and was numbered by some among the Seven Sages of Greece. The private life of Periander was marked by great misfortunes, which enabittered his latter days. He is said to have killed his wife Mehssa in a fit of anger ; whereupon his son Lycophron left Corinth and withdrew to Corcyra. The youth continued so incensed against his father that he refused to return to Cor- inth, when Periander in his old age begged him to come back and assume the govenmient. Finding him inexorable, Periander, who was anxious to insure the continuance of his dynasty, then B.C. 600. DESPOTS OF CORINTH AIST) MEGARA. 86 offered to go to Corcyra, if Lycophron would take his place at Corinth. To this his son assented ; but the Corcyraeans, fearing the stern rule of the old man, put Lycophron to death. Periander reigned forty years (b.c. G25-585). He was suc- ceeded by a relative, Psammetichus, son of Gorgias, who only reigned between three and four years, and is said to have been put down by the Lacedaemonians. § 7 . During the reign of Periander at Corinth, Theagenes made himself despot in the neighbouring city of Megara, probably about B.C. G30. He overthrew the oligarchy by espousing the popular cause ; but he did not maintain his power till his death, but was driven from the govenmient about b.c. 600. A struggle now ensued between the oligarchy and the democracy, which was conducted with more than usual violence. The popular party obtained the upper hand, and abused their vic- tory. The poor entered the houses of the rich, and forced them to provide costly banquets. They confiscated the property of the nobles, and drove most of them into exile. They not only cancelled their debts, but also forced the aristocratic cre- ditors to refund all the interest which had been paid. But the expatriated nobles returned in arms and restored the oligarchy. They were, however, again expelled, and it was not till after long struggles and convulsions that an oligarchical government was permanently established at Megara. These Megarian revolutions are interesting as a specimen of the struggles between the oligarchical and democratical parties, which seem to have taken place in many other Grecian states about the same time. Some account of them is given by the contemporary poet Theognis, who himself belonged to the oligar- chical party at Megara. He was bom and spent his life in the midst of these convulsions, and most of his poetry was composed at the time when the oligarchical party was oppressed and in exile. In his poems the nobles are the good^ and the commons the bad, terms which at that time were regularly used in this political signification, and not in their later ethical meaning.* We find in his poems some interesting descriptions of the social changes which the popular revolution had effected. It had rescued the country population from a condition of abject poverty and serfdom, and had given them a share in the govern- ment. • It sliould be recollected that the terms oi ayaOoL, IcOloi, pelriarot, «fec. are frequently used by the Greek writere to signify the nobles, and oi KOKOL, decXoi, Ac., to signify the coniraons. The Latin writers employ in like manner boni, optimates, and milt. 86 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. IX * Our commonwealth preserves its former fame : Our common people are no more the same. They that in skins and hides were rudely dress'd, Nor dreamt of law, nor sought to be redress'd B^ rules of right, but in the days of old Liv'd on the land, like cattle in the fold, Are now the Brave and Good ; and we, the rest. Are now the Mean and Bad,* though once the best." An aristocracy of wealth had also begun to spring up in place of an aristocracy of birth, and intermarriages had taken place between the two parties in the state. ** But in the daily matches that we make The price is everything ; for money's sake Men marry — Women are in marriage given ; The Bad or Coward* that in wealth has thriven. May match his offspring with the proudest race : Thus everything is mixed, noble and base." Theognis lost his property in the revolution, and had been driven into exile; and the following lines show the ferocious spirit which sometimes animated the Greeks in their party struggles. "Yet my full wish, to drink their very blood. Some power divine, that watches for my good, May yet accomplish. Soon may he fulfil My righteous hope— my just and hearty wilL"f These Sicyonian, Corinthian, and Megarian despots were some of the most celebrated ; and their history will serve as samples of what took place in most of the Grecian states in the seventh end sixth centuries before the Christian era. * All these terms are used in their political signification. . T IJe preceding extracts from Theognia are taken from the transh*- tion of the poet published by Mr. Frere at Malta in 1842. Coinof Corintlu CrcBsus on the Funeral Pile. (See p. 100.)— From an ancient Vaise. CHAPTER X. EARLY HISTORY OP ATHENS DOWN TO THE USURPATION OF PISISTRATUS. § 1. Early division of Attica into twelve independent states, said tohav* been united by Theseus. § 2. Abolition of royalty. Life archons. Decennial archons. Annual archons. § 3. Twofold division of the Athenians. (1.) Eupatridaj, Geomori, Demiurgi. (2.) Four tribes: Geleontes, Hopletes, ^gicores, Argades. § 4. Division of the four tribes into Trittyes and Naucraria3, and into Phratriae and Gentes. § 5. The government exclusively in the hands of the Eupatridse. The nine archons and their functions. The senate of Areopagus. §6. The legislation of Draco. §7. The conspiracy of Cylon. His failure, and massacre of his partisans by Megacles, the Alcmseonid. Ejtpulsion of the Alcmfeonidae. §8. Visit of Epimenides to Athens. His purifica- tion of the city. | 9. Life of Solon. § 10. State of Attica at the time of Solon's legislation. § 11. Solon elected archon, B.C. 594, with legislative powers. § 12. His Seisachtneia or disburdening ordinance. § 18. His oonstitutional changes. Division of the people into four 88 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. X. ^C 683. EARLY HISTORY OF ATHENS. 89 classes, accordini^ to tlieir propeHv. § 14. Institution of the Senate of Four Ilunaml. Enlargement of the powere of the Areopagu^ The Athoniau iroverninent continues an oligarcliy after the tunc of Solon. § 1 5. the special laws of Solon. § 1 6. The travels of Solon. § 17. Usurpation of Pisistratus. Return and death of Solon. f 1. The history of Athens before the age of Solon is almost a blank. Its legendary tales are few, its historical facts still fewer. Cecrops, the first ruler of Attica * is said to have divided the country into twelve districts, which are represented as inde- pendent communities, each governed by a separate king. They were afterwards united into a single state, having Athens as its capital and the seat of government. At what time this im- portant union was effected cannot be determined. It took place at a period long antecedent to all historical records, and is ascribed to Theseus, as the national hero of the Athenian j)eople.t The poets and orators of a later age loved to represent him as the parent of the Athenian democracy. It would be a loss of time to point out the folly and absurdity of such a notion. Theseus belongs to legend, and not to liistory ; and in the age in which he is placed a democratical form of government was a thing quite unknown. k 2. A few generations afler Theseus, the Dorians are said to have invaded Attica. An oracle declared that they would be vic- torious if they spared the life of the Athenian king ; whereupon Codras, who then reigned at Athens, resolved to sacrifice himscli for the welfare of his country. Accordingly he went into the invader's camp in disguise, provoked a quarrel with one of the Dorian soldiers, and was killed by the latter. Upon learning the death of the Athenian king, the Dorians retired from Attica without striking a blow ; and the Athenians, from respect to the memory of Codrus, abolished the title of king, and substituted for it that of Archon| or Ruler. The office, however, was held for life, and was confined to the family of Codrus. His son, Medon, was the first archon, and he was followed in the dignity by eleven members of the family in succession. But soon after the accession of Alcmseon, the thirteenth in descent from Medon, another change was introduced, and the duration of the archon- ship was limited to ten years (b.c. 752). The dignity was still confined to the descendants of Medon ; but in the time of Hipix)- menes (b.c. 714) this restriction was removed, and the office was thrown open to all the nobles in the state. In b.c . 683 a still more important change took place. The archonship was now made annual, and its duties were distributed among nine persons, all of whom bore the title, although one was called t^w archon pre-emi- * See p. 15. t ^**^ details see p. 20. X 'Xpx<^v. nently, and gave his name to the year. The last of the decennial arclioiis was Eryxias, the first of the nine annual archons Creon. Such is the legendary account of the change of government at Athens, from royalty to an oligarchy. It appears to have taken place peaceably and gradually, as in most other Greek states. The whole political power was vested in the nobles ; from them the nine annual archons were taken, and to them alone these magistrates were responsible. The people, or general body of freemen, had no share in the government. S^ 3 . The Athenian nobles were called EupatridcB. Their name is ascribed to Theseus, who is said to have divided the Athenian people into three classes, called EupatridcB, Geomori or husband- men, and Dcmiurgi * or artisans. The Eupatridae were the sole depositaries of political and religious power. In addition to the election of the archons, they possessed the superintendence of all religious matters, and were the authorized expomiders of all laws, sacred and profane. They corresponded to the Roman patricians ; while the two other classes, who were their subjects, answered to the Roman plebeians. There was another division of the Athenians still more ancient, and one which continued to a much later period. Weliave seen that the Dorians in most of their settlements were divided into three tribes. The lonians, in like mamier, were usually distri buted into four tribes.f This division existed in Attica from the earliest times, and lasted in full vigour down to the great revolution of Clisthenes (b.c. 509). The four Attic tribes had different appellations at various periods, but were finally distin- guished by the names of Gcleontcs (or Telmrites), Hojiletcs, jEgi- cores, and Argddcs,t which they are said to have derived from the four sons of Ion. The etymology of these names would seem to suggest that the tribes were so called from the occupations of their members ; the Geleontes (Teleontes) being cultivators, the Hopletes the warrior-class, the iEgicores goat-ltcrds, and the Argades artisa?is. Hence some modern writers have supposed that the Athenians were originally divided into castes, like the Egyptians and Indians. But the etymology of these names is not free from doubt and dispute ; and even if they were bor- rowed from certain occupations, they might soon have lost their original meaning, and become mere titles without any significance. § 4. There were two divisions of the four Athenian tribes, one for political, and another for religious and social purposes. * EvTrarp/Jat, Teufzopoi, ATjfiiovpyoi. + ^vXov, pi. f^v^a. } T£?Jov7ii, or TeMovTcgf "OirXijrei;, AiyiKopelg, 'Apyudetc. •0 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. X For political purposes each tribe was divided into three Trit- tyes, and each Trittys into four Naucrariaj.* There were thus 12 Trittyes and 48 Naucrariae. These appear to have been local divisions of the whole Athenian people, and to have been made chieHy for financial and military objects. Each Naucrary consisted of the Naucrari, or householders,! who had to furnish the amount of taxes and soldiers imposed upon the district to which they belonged. The division of the tribes for religious and social purposes is more frequently mentioned. Each tribe is said to have contained three Phratrise, each Phratry thirty Gentes, and each Gens thirty heads of families.^ Accordingly there would have been 12 Phratriae, 360 Gentes, and 10,800 heads of families. It is evident, however, that such symmetrical numbers could never have been preserved, even if they had ever been instituted ; and while it is certain that the number of families must have increased in some gentes, and decreased in others, it may also be questioned whe- ther the same number of gentes existed in each tribe. But whatever may be thought of the numbers, the phratria) and gentes were important elements in the religious and social lile of the Athenians. The families composing a gens were united by certain religious rites and social obligations. They were accustomed to meet together at fixed periods to ofier sacri- fices to a hero, whom they regarded as the common ancestor of all the families of the gens. They had a common place of burial and common property ; and in case of a member dying intestate, his property devolved upon his gens. They were bound to assist each other in difficulties. There was also a con- nection between the gentes of the same phratry, and between the phratries of the same tribe, by means of certain religious rites ; and at the head of each tribe there was a magistrate called the Fhylo-Basileus^k or King of the Tribe, who oflered sacrifices on behalf of the whole body. h 5. The real history of Athens begins with the institution of annual archons, in the year 683 B.C. This is the first date in Athenian history on which certain reliance can be placed. The duties of the government were distributed among the nine archonS) in the following manner. The first, as has been already * TpiTTvf, "SavKpapia, f ISavKQago^ seems to be connected with vaiuy dwell, and is only an- other fonu for vavKAa(}0£ or vavicXjypof. \ 4>f>ar(>m, i.e. brotherhood: the word is etymologically connected with f rater and brother. The word Ftvof, or Gens, answers nearly in meaning to our elan. The members of a yhog were called yewfiTai or dfioyaiuKTec B.C. 683. EARLT HISTORY OF ATTICA 91 remarked, was called The Archan* by way of pre-eminence, and sometimes the ArcJton Eponymus,^ because the year was distinguished by his name. He was the president of the body, and the representative of the dignity of the state. He was the protector of widows and orphans, and determined all disputes relating to the family. The second archon was called Tlie Bad- lens or T/ie King, because he represented the king in his capaci- ty as high-priest of the nation.^ All cases respecting reHgion and homicide were brought before him. The third archon bore the title of The Poleinarch,k or Commander-in-chief, and was, down to the time of Clisthenes, the commander of the troops. He had jurisdiction in all disputes between citizens and strangers. The remaining six had the common title of Tfi£smothetcs,\\ or Legis- lators. They had the decision of all disputes which did not specially belong to the other three. Their duties seem to have been almost exclusively judicial ; and for this reason they re- ceived their name, not that they made the laws, but because their particular sentences had the force of laws in the absence of a written code. The Senate, or Council of Areopagus, was the only other political power in the state in these early times. It received its name from its place of meeting, which was a rocky eminence opposite the Acropolis, called the Hill of Ares (Mars' Hill).ir Its institution is ascribed by some writers to Solon ; but it ex- isted long before the time of that legislator, and may be regard- ed as the representative of the council of chiefs in the Heroic ages. It was originally called simply The Senate or Council, and did not obtain the name of the senate of Areopagus till Solon instituted another senate, from which it was necessary to distinguish it. It was of course formed exclusively of Eupatrids, and all the archons became members of it at the expiration of their year of office. k 6. The government of the Eupatrids, hke most of the early oligarchies, seems to have been oppressive. In the absence of written laws, the archons possessed an arbitrary power, of which they probably availed themselves to the benefit of their firienda and their order, and to the injury of the general body of citizens, * *0 '\qxuv. t 'A.gx(Jv knuvvfioc. I 'O (iaffiXevg. In the same manner the title of Jiex Sacrificttr Im or Rex Sacrorum was retained at Rome after the abolition of royalty. 8 'O IXoAf/zapjof. f OeafiodeTau The word Oea/iol was the ancient term for laws, and was afterwards supplanted by vojliou The latter expression for making laws is Oeadai vofiovg. •jf 'O 'Apetof Trayoc. n HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. X B.C. 612. CONSPIRACY OF CYLON. n The consequence was great discontent, which at length hccamc flo serious, that Draco was appointed in 624 B.C. to draw up a written code of hiws. He did not change the political constitu- tion of Athens, and the most remarkable characteristic oi his laws was their extreme severity. He affixed the penalty of death to all crimes ahke ; — to petty thefts, for instance, as well as to sacrilege and murder. Hence they were said to have been writ- ten not in ink, but in blood ; and we are told that he justified this extreme harshness by saying, that small oflences deserved death, and that he knew no severer punishment for great ones. This severity, however, must be attributed rather to the spirit of the times, than to any peculiar harshness in Draco himself ; for he probably did little more than reduce to writing the ordinances which had previously regulated his brother Eupatrids in their de- cision of cases. His laws would of course appear excessively severe to a later age, long accustomed to a milder system of jurisprudence ; but there is reason for beheving that their severi- ty has been somewhat exaggerated. In one instance, indeed, Draco softened the ancient rigour of the law. Before his time all homicides were tried by the senate of Areopagus, and if found guilty, were condemned to suffer the full penalty of the law, — either death, or perpetual banishment with conhscation of prop erty. The senate had no power to take account of any extenuat- ing or justifying circumstances. Draco left to this ancient body the trial of all cases of wilful murder ; but he appointed fifty-one new judges, called Epfietce,^ who were to try all cases of homi- cide in which accident or any other justification could be pleaded. His regulations with respect to homicide continued in use after his other ordinances had been repealed by Solon. k 7. The legislation of Draco failed to calm the prevailing dis- content. The people gained nothing by the written code, except a more perfect knowledge of its severity ; and civil dissensions prevailed as extensively as before. The general dissatisfaction with the govermnent was favourable to revolutionary projects ; and accordingly, twelve years after Draco's legislation (b.c. 612), one of the nobles conceived the design of depriving his brother Eupatrids of their power, and making himself despot of Athens. This noble was Cylon, one of the most distinguished members of the order. He had gained a victory at the Olympic games, and had married the daughter of Theagenes, of Megara, who had made himself despot of his native city. Encouraged by the success of his father-in-law, and excited by his own cele- brity and position in the state, he consulted the Delphic oracle on the subject, and was advised to seize the Acropohs at •' tho greatest festival of Jove." Cylon naturally supposed that the god referred to the Olympic games, in which he had gained so much distinction, forgetting that the Diasia was the greatest festival of Jove at Athens. Accordingly, during the celebration of the next Olympic games, he took possession of the Acropohs with a considerable force, composed partly of his own partisans, and partly of troops furnished by Theagenes. But he did not meet with any support from the gi'cat mass of the people, and he soon found himself closely blockaded by the forces which the government was able to summon to its assistance. Cylon and his brother made their escape : but the remainder of his asso- ciates, hard pressed by hunger, abandoned the defence of the walls, and took refuge at the altar of Athena (Minerva). Here they were found by the archon Megacles, one of the illustrious family of the Alcmaeonidaj ; who, fearing lest their death should pollute the sanctuary of the goddess, promised that their lives should be spared on their quitting the place. But directly they had quitted the temple, the promise was broken, and they were put to death ; and some who had taken refuge at the altar of the Eumenides, or the Furies, were murdered even at that sa- cred spot. The conspiracy thus failed ; but its suppression was attended with a long train of melancholy consequences. The whole family of the AlcmfBonidae were believed to have become tainted by the daring act or sacrilege committed by Megacles ; and the friends and partisans of the murdered conspirators were not slow in de- manding vengeance upon the accursed race. Thus a new ele- ment of discord was introduced into the state. The power and influence of the Alcmaeonidae enabled them long to resist the attempts of their opponents to bring them to a public trial ; and it was not till many years after these events that Solon per- suaded them to submit their case to the judgment of a special court composed of three hundred Eupatrida3. By this court they were adjudged guilty of sacrilege, and were expelled from Attica ; but their punishment was not considered to expiate their im- piety, and we shall find in the later times of Athenian history that this powerful family was still considered an accursed race, which by the sacrilegious act of its ancestor brought upon their native land the anger of the gods. The expulsion of the Alc- mffionidae appears to have taken place about the year 597 b.c. k B. The banishment of the guilty race did not, however, de- liver the Athenians from their rehgious fears. They imagined that their state had incurred the anger of the gods : and the pestilential disease with which they were visited was regarded ns an unerring sign of the divine wrath. Upon the advice of ( HISTORY OF GREECE. Chaf. X the Delphic oracle, they invited the celebrated Cretan prophet and sage Epimenides to visit Athens, and purify their city Irom pollution and sacrilege. Epimenides was one of the most renowned prophets ol the age. In his youth he was said to have been overtaken by a sleep, which lasted for fifty-seven years. During this imraculous trance he had been favoured with frequent intercourse with the gods, and had learnt the means of propitiating them and gaining their favour. This venerable seer was received with the greatest re- verence at Athens. By performing certain sacrifices and expi- atory rites, he succeeded in staying the plague, and in purifying the city from its guilt. The rehgious despondency ot the Athe- nians now ceased, and the grateful people ofiered their bene- factor a talent of gold ; but he refused the money, and con- tented himself with a branch from the sacred olive tree, which grew on the Acropolis. The visit of Epimenides to Athens oc- curred about the year 596 b.c. Epimenides had been assisted in his undertaking by the ad- vice of SSolon, who now enjoyed a distinguished reputation at Athens, and to whom his fellow-citizens looked up as the only person in the state who could deliver them from their political and social dissensions, and secure them from such misfortunes lor the future. . § 9. We have now come to an important period m Athenian and in Grecian history. The legislation of Solon laid the founda- tions of the greatness of Athens. Solon himself was one ol the most remarkable men in the early history of Greece. He pos- sessed a deep knowledge of human nature, and was ammated m his public conduct by a lofty spirit of patriotism. It is, there- fore, the more to be regretted that we are acquainted with only a few facts in his life. His birth may be placed about the year 638 B.C. He was the son of Execestides, who traced lus descent from the heroic Codrus ; and liis mother was first cousin to the mother of Pisistratus. His father possessed only a moderate fortune, which he had still further diminished by prodigality ; and Solon in consequence was obliged to have recourse to trade. He visited many parts of Greece and Asia as a merchant, and formed acquaintance with many of the most eminent men of his time. At an early age he distinguished himself by his poetical abiUties ; and so widely did his reputation extend, that he was reckoned one of the Seven Sages. The first occasion which induced Solon to take an active part in poUtical afiairs, was the contest between Athens and Megara for the possession of Salamis. That island had revolted to Me- gara ; and the Athenians had so repeatedly failed m their at- jBbC. 600* LIFE OF SOLON. W tempts to recover it, that they forbade any citizen, under penalty of death, to make any proposition for the renewal of the enterprise. Indignant at such pusillanimous conduct, Solon caused a report to be spread through the city that he was mad, and then in a state of frenzied excitement he rushed into the market-place, and recited to a crowd of bystanders a poem which he had previously composed on the loss of Salamis. He upbraided the Athenians with their disgrace, and called upon them to reconquer " the lovely island." " Rather (he exclaimed) would I be a denizen of the most contemptible community in Greece than a citizen of Athens, to be pointed at as one of those Attic dastards who had so basely relinquished their right to Salamis." His stratagem was completely successful. His friends seconded his proposal: and the people unanimously rescinded the law, and resolved once more to try the fortune of war. Solon was appointed to the command of the expedition, in which he was accompanied by his young kinsman Pisistratus. In a single campaign (about B.C. 600) Solon drove the Megarians out of the island ; but a tedious war ensued, and at last both parties agreed to refer the matter in dispute to the arbitration of Sparta. So- lon pleaded the cause of his countrymen, and is said on this occasion to have forged the line in the Iliad,* which represents Ajax ranging his ship with those of the Athenians. The Lace- daemonians decided in favor of the Athenians, in whose hands the island remained henceforward down to the latest times. Soon after the conquest of Salamis, Solon's reputation was further increased by espousing the cause of the Delphian temple against Cirrha. He is said to have moved the decree of the Am- phictyons, by which war was declared against the guilty city (B.C. 595).t HO. The state of Attica at the time of Solon's legislation de- mands a more particular account than we have hitherto given. Its population was divided into three factions, who were now in a state of violent hostility against each other. These parties consisted of the Pcdieis,t or wealthy Eupatrid inhabitants of the plains ; of the Diacrii,^ or poor inhabitants of the hilly districts in the north and east of Attica ; and of the Parali,\\ or mercantile inhabitants of the coasts, who held an intermediate position be- tween the other two. The cause of the dissensions between these parties is not particularly mentioned ; but the difficulties attending these dis- putes had become aggravated by the miserable condition of the poorer population of Attica. The latter were in a state of • iL 568. f See p. 5L % Tledulg or Hedialoi. § AiuKQiou I HugaXoL m HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. X. abject poverty. They had borrowed money from the wealthy at exorbitant rates of interest upon the security of their pro- perty and their persons. If the principal and interest of the debt were not paid, the creditor had the power of seizing the person as well as the land of his debtor, and of using him as a slave. Many had thus been torn from their homes and sold to barbarian masters : while others were cultivating as slaves the lands of their wealthy creditors in Attica. The rapacity of the rich and the degradation of the poor are recorded by Solon in the existing fragments of his poetry ; and matters had now come to such a crisis, that the existing laws could no longer be en- forced, and the poor were ready to rise in open uisurrection against the rich. Hi. In these alarming circumstances, the ruling oligarchy were obliged to have recourse to Solon. They were aware of thu vigorous protest he had made against their injustice ; but they trusted that his connexion with their party would help them over their present difficulties ; and they therelbre chose him Archon in B.C. 594, investing him mider that title with unlimited powers to efiect any changes he might consider beneficial to the state. His appointment was hailed with satisfaction by the poor ; and all parties were willing to accept his mediation and re- forms. Many of Solon's friends urged him to take advantage of his position and make himself despot of Athens. There is no doubt he would have succeeded if he had made the attempt, but he had the wisdom and the virtue to resist the temptation, telling liis friends that " despotism might be a fine country, but there was no way out of it." Dismissing, therefore, all thoughts of personal aggrandisement, he devoted all his energies to the diffi- cult task he had undertaken. H«. He commenced his undertaking by relieving the poorer class of debtors from their existing distreris. This he eliected by a celebrated ordinance called Scisachtheia, or a shaking offof burthens.* This measure cancelled all contracts by which the land or person of a debtor had been given as security : it thus relieved the land from all encumbrances and claims, and set at liberty all persons who had been reduced to slavery on account of their debts. Solon also provided means of restoring to their homes those citizens who had been sold into foreign countries. He forbad for the future all loans in which the person of the debtor was pledged as security. This extensive measure entirely released the poorer classes from their diHiculties, but it must have left many of their creditors miable to discharge their obli- I3.C. 5V4. LEGISLATION OF SOLOK. n gations. To give the latter some relief, he lowered the standard of the coinage, so that the debtor saved rather more than a fourth in every payment.* Some of his friends having obtained a hint of his intention borrowed large sums of money, with which they purchased estates ; and Solon himself would have sufiered in public esti- mation, if it had not been found that he was a loser by his own measure, having lent as much as five talents. § 13. Tlie success attending these measures was so great, that Solon was now called upon by his fellow-citizens to draw up a new constitution and a new code of laws. As a preliminary step he repealed all the laws of Draco, except those relating to murder. He then proceeded to make a new classification of the citizens, according to the amount of their property, thus changing the government from an Oligarchy to a Timocracy.f The title of the citizens to the honours and offices of the state was henceforward regulated by their wealth, and not by their birth. This was the distinjjuishinj? feature of Solon's constitu- tion, and produced eventually most important consequences ; though the change was probably not great at first, since there were then few wealthy persons in Attica, except the Eupatrids. Solon then distributed all the citizens into four classes, accord- ing to their property, wliich he caused to be assessed. The first class consisted of those whose annual income was equal to 500 medimni of corn and upwards, and were called Pcntacosiome' dimni.X The second class consisted of those whose incomes ranged between 300 and 500 medimni, and were called Kmghts,h from their being able to furnish a war-horse. The third class consisted of those who received between 200 and 300 medimni, and were called ZeugitcR.W from their being able to keep a yoke of oxen for the plough. T he fourth class, called TJictes, If included all whose property fell short of 200 medimni. The members of the first three classes had to pay an income-tax according to the amount of their property ; but the fourth class were exempt from direct taxation altogether. The first class were alone eHgible to the archonship and the higher offices of the state. The second and third classes filled inferior posts, and were liable * Solon is said to have made the mina contain 100 drachmas instead of 73; that is, 73 old draelimas contained the same quantity of silver as 100 of the new standard. t Ti/^o/c()ar/a from TLfirj assessment, and KQariu rule. I t' TievraKoaiofiidifivot. The medimnus contained nearly 12 imperiaJ gallons, or 1^ bushel: it was reckoned equal to a drachma. ^ 'Imrjj^ or '{nirel^. \ Zevyirai, from Cevyoc, a yoke of beasts. ^ Gf/rec. 't#t> HISTORY OF GREECK €haf. X to military service, the fonner as horsemen, and the latter m heavy-armed soldiers on foot. The fourth class were excluded from all puhUc offices, and served in the army only as hght- armed troops. Solon, however, admitted them to a share m the political power by allowing them to vote in the pubhc assem- blv * where they must have constituted by far the largest num- ber He gave the assembly the right of electing the archons and the other officers of the state ; and he also made the archons accountable to the assembly at the expiration of their year ot office. Solon thus greatly enlarged the functions ot the public assembly, which, under the government of the Eupatrids proba- bly possessed little more power than the agora, descnbed m the poems of Homer. i.i i j § 14. This extension of the duties of the public assembly led to the institution of a new body. Solon created the Senate, or Council of Four Hundred, with the special object of preparmg aU matters for the discussion of the public assembly, of presiding at its meetings, and of carrying its resolutions into effect. JNo subject could be introduced before the people, except by a pre- vious resolution of the Senate.! The members ot the Senate were elected by the public assembly, one hundred from each ot the four ancient tribes, wliich were left untouched by Solon. They held their office for a year, and were accountable at its ex- piration to the public assembly for the manner in which they had discharged their duties. Solon, however, did not deprive the ancient Senate ot the Are- opagus of any of its functions.l On the contrary, he enlarged its powers, and entrusted it with the general supervision ot the institutions and laws of the state, and imposed upon it the duty of inspecting the hves and occupations of the citizens. These are the only pohtical institutions which can be safely ascribed to Solon. At a later period it became the fashion among the Athenians to regard Solon as the author of all their demo- cratical institutions, just as some of the orators referred them even to Theseus. Thus the creation of jury-courts and ot the periodical revision of the laws by the Nomothet» belongs to a later age, although frequently attributed to Solon. This legis- lator oidy laid the foundation of the Athenian democracy by giving the poorer classes a vote in the popular assembly, and by enlarging the power of the latter ; but he left the govern- inent exclusively in the hands of the wealthy. For many years after his time the government continued to be an oligarchy, but • Called Beliaea ('HAmm) in the time of Solon, but subsequ^jutly Meelesia {eKK'^Tjala). * o m j Called ProhouUuma {vpoftovXewc^ + °^® P* ^^ aC. 594. LEGISLATION OF SOLON. 99 was exercised with more moderation and justice than formerly. The establishment of the Athenian democracy was the work of Clisthenes, and not of Solon. § 15. The laws of Solon were inscribed on wooden rollers and triangular tablets,* and were preserved first in the Acropolis, and afterwards in the Prytaneum, or Town-hall. They were very numerous, and contained regulations on almost all subjects con- nected with the public and private life of the citizens. But they do not seem to have been arranged in any systematic manner ; and such small fragments have come down to us, that it is im- possible to give any general view of them. The most important of all these laws were those relating to debtor and creditor, of which we have already spoken. Several of Solon's enactments had for their object the encouragement of trade and manufactures. He invited foreigners to settle in Athens by the promise of protection and valuable privileges. The Council of the Areopagus was, as we have seen, intrusted by him with the duty of examining into every man's mode of life, and of punisliing the idle and profligate. To discourage idleness a son was not obliged to support his father in old age, if the lat- ter had neglected to teach him some trade or occupation. Solon punished theft by compelling the guilty party to restore double the value of the property stolen. He forbade speaking evil either of the dead or of the living. He either established or regulated the public dinners in the Prytaneum, of which the archons and a few others partook. The rewards which he bestowed upon the victors in the Olym- pic and Isthmian games were very large for that age : to the former he gave 500 drachmas, and to the latter 100. One of the most singular of Solon's regulations was that which declared a man dishonoured and disfranchised who, in a civil sedition, stood aloof and took part with neither side. The object of this celebrated law was to create a public spirit in the citizens, and a lively interest in the afikirs of the state. The ancient governments, unlike those of modern times, could not summon to their assistance any regular police or military force ; and unless individual citizens came forward in civil commotions, any ambitious man, supported by a powerful party, might easily make himself master of the state. sW6. Solon is said to have been aware that he had left many imperfections in his laws. He described them not as the best laws wliich he could devise, but as the best which the Athe- nians could receive. Ho bound the government and people Called "A^oveg and KvpjSeig. 100 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. X E.C. 560. USURPATION OF PISISTRATUa 101 ll» of Athens by a solemn oath to observe his institutions for at least ten years. But as soon as they came into operation he was constantly besieged by a number of applicants, who came to ask his advice respecting the meaning of his enactments, or to suggest improvements and alterations in them. Seeing that if he remained in Athens, he should be obliged to introduce changes into his code, he resolved to leave his native city lor the period of ten years, during which the Athenians were bound to maintain his laws inviolate. He first visited Egj'pt, and then proceeded to Cyprus, where he was received with great distinc- tion by Philocyprus, king of the small town of iEpia. He per- suaded this prince to remove his city from the old site, and found a new one on the plain, which Philocyprus called Soh, in honour of his illustrious visitor. Solon is also related to have remained some time at Sardis, the capital of Lydia. His interview with Chesus, the Lydian king, is one of the most celebrated events in his lite. The Ly- dian monarchy was then at the height of its prosperity and glory. CroBSUS, after exhibiting to the Grecian sage all his treasures, asked him who was the happiest man he had ever known, nothing doubting of the reply. But Solon, without flattering his royal guest, named two obscure Greeks; and when the king expressed his surprise and mortification that his visitor took no Accomit of his great glory and wealth, Solon replied that he es- teemed no man happy till he knew how he ended his life, since the highest prosperity was frequently followed by the darkest adversity. Croesus at the time treated the admonition of the sage with contempt ; but when the Lydian monarchy was after- wards overthrown by Cyrus, and Croesus was condemned by his savage conqueror to be burnt to death, the warnings of the Greek philosopher came to his mind, and he called in a loud voice upon the name of Solon. Cyrus inquired the cause of this strange in- vocation, and upon hearing it, was stnick with the vicissitudes of fortune, set the Lydian monarch free, and made him his con- fidential friend. It is impossible not to regret that the stern laws of chronology compel us to reject this beautiful tale. Cra»sus did not ascend the throne till b.c. 560, and Solon had returned to Athens before that date. The story has been evidently invented to convey an important moral lesson, and to draw a striking contrast between Grecian republican simplicity and Oriental splendour and pomp. H7. During the absence of Solon, the old dissensions between the Plain, the Shore, and the Mountain had broken out afresh with more violence than ever. The first was headed by Lycurgus, the second by Megacles, the Alcmaionid, and the grandson of the I I archon who had suppressed the conspiracy of Cylon, and the third by Pisistratus, the cousin of Solon. Of these leaders, Pisi& tratus was the ablest and the most dangerous. He had gained renown in war ; he possessed remarkable fluency of speech ; and he had espoused the cause of the Mountain, which was ihe poor- est of the three classes, in order to gain popularity with the great mass of the people. Of these advantages he resolved to avail himself in order to become master of Athens. Solon returned to Athens about b.c. 562, when these dissen- sions were rapidly approaching a crisis. He soon detected the ambitious designs of his kinsman, and attempted to dissuade him from them. Finding his remonstrances fruitless, he next denounced his projects in verses addressed to the people. Few, however, gave any heed to his warnings ; and Pisistratus, at length finding his schemes ripe lor action, had recourse to a memorable stratagem to secure his object. One day he appeared in the market-place in a chariot, his mules and his own person bleeding with wounds inflicted with his own hands. These he exhibited to the people, telling tliem that he had been nearly murdered in consequence of defending their rights. The popu- lar indignation was excited ; an assembly was forthwith called, and one of his friends proposed that a guard of fifty club-men should be granted him for his future security. It. was in vain that Solon used all his authority to oppose so dangerous a re- quest ; his resistance was overborne ; and the guard was voted. Pisistratus thus gained the first and most important step. He gradually increased the number of his guard, and soon found himself strong enough to throw off the mask and seize the Acro- polis, B.C. 560. Megacles and the Alcmaionidse left the city. Solon alone had the courage to oppose the usurpation, and up- braided the people with their cowardice and their treachery. *' You might," said he, " with ease have crushed the tyrant in the bud ; but nothing now remains but to pluck him up by the roots." But no one responded to his appeal. He refused to fly ; and when his friends asked him on what he relied for protection, "On my old age," was his reply. It is creditable to Pisistratus that he left his aged relative unmolested, and even asked his advice in the administration of the government. Solon did not long survive the overthrow of the constitution. He died a year or two afterwards at the advanced age of eighty. His ashes are said to have been scattered, by his own direction, round the island of Salamis, which he had won for the Athenian people. Ruins or the Temple of the Olympian Jove at Athens. CHAPTER XI. HISTORY OP ATHENS FROM THE USURPATION OF PISTSTRATUS TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY BY CLISTHENES. § 1. Despotism of Pisistratus. His first expulsion and restoration. §2. His second expulsion and restoration. § 3. Government of Pisistratus after liis final restoration to his death, b.c. 527. § 4. Government of Hippias and Hipparchus. Conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogiton, and assassination of Hipparchus, b.c. 514. § 5. Sole government of Hippias. His expulsion by the Alcma»onida3 and the Lacediemonians, 1I.C. 510. § 6. Honours paid to Harmodius and Aristogiton. 8 7. Party etrnggles at Athens between Clisthenes and Isagoras. Establishment of tile Athenian democracy. §8. Reforms of Clisthenes. Institution of ten new tribes and of the demes. § 9. Increase of the number of the Senate to Five Hundred. § 10. Enlargement of the functions and authority of the Senate and the Ecclesia. § 11. Introduction of tho judicial functions of the people. Institution of the Ten Strategi or Generals. §12. Ostracism. §13. First attempt of the Lncedatmonians to overthrow the Athenian democracy. Invasion of Attica by Cleo- B.C. 660. USURPATION OF PISISTRATUa lOS menes, followed by his expulsion with that of Isagoras. § 14. Second attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow the Athenian democracy. The Lacedaemonians, Thebaus, and Chalcidians attack Attica. The Lacedffimonians deserted by their allies and compelled to retire. Vic- tories of the Athenians over the Thebans and Chalcidians, followed by the planting of 4000 Athenian colonists on the lands of the Chal- cidians. § 15. Third attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow the Athenian democracy, again frustrated by the refusal of the allies to take part in the enterprise. § 16. Growth of Athenian patriotism, a conseS. lOV from their minds all recollection of the former mild rule of Pisistratus and his sons. Hence the expulsion of the family was hailed with delight, and their names were handed down to posterity, with execration and hatred. For the same reason the memory of Harmodius and Aristogiton was cherished with the fondest reverence ; and the Athenians of subsequent genera- tions, overlooking the four years which elapsed from their death to the overthrow of the despotism, represented them as the hbe- rators of their country and the first martyrs for its liberty. Their statues were erected in the market-place soon after the expulsion of Hippias ; their descendants enjoyed immunity from all taxes and public burdens ; and their deed of vengeance formed the favourite subject of drinking songs. Of these the most famous and popular has come down to us, and may be thus translated : " I'll wreath my sword in myrtle bough, The sword that laid the tyrant low, When patriots, burning to be free, To Athens gave equality. " Harmodius, hail ! though reft of breath, Thou ne'er shalt feel the stroke of death I The heroes' happy isles shall be The -bright abode allotted thee. " I'll wreath my sword in myrtle bough, The sword that laid Hipparchus low, When at Athena's adverse fane He knelt, and never rose again. "While Freedom's name is understood, You shall delight the wise and good ; You dared to set your country free, And gave her laws equality."* ^ 7. The Lacedaemonians quitted Athens soon after Hippias had sailed away, leaving the Athenians to settle their own affairs. The Solonian constitution, which had continued to exist nomi- nally under the administration of the family of Pisistratus, was now revived in its full force and vigour. Clisthenes, to whom Athens was mainly indebted for its liberation from the despotism, aspired to be the political leader of the state, but was opposed by Isagoras, who was supported by the great body of the nobles. By the Solonian constitution, the whole political power was vested in the hands of the latter ; and Clisthenes soon found that it was hopeless to contend against his rival under the existing order of things. For this reason he resolved to introduce an * Wellesley's Anthologia Polyglotta, p. 445. lOS HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XI. important change in the constitution, and to p^ive to the people an equal share in the government. This is the account of He- rodotus, who says that " he took the people into partnersliip, who had been before excluded from everything." It is probable however that these reforms were not suggested simply by a love of selfish aggrandizement; but that he had seen the necessity of placing the constitution on a more popular basis, and of giving a larger number of citizens a personal interest in the welfare and preservation of the state. However this may be, tJie reforms of Clisthenes gave birth to the Athenian democracy, which can hardly be said to have existed before this time. § 8. The first and most important reform of Clisthenes, and that on which all the rest depended, was a redistribution of the whole population of Attica into ten new tribes. Up to this time the Athenian citizenship had been confined to the members of the four Ionic tribes, into which no one could gain admission except through means of the close corporations called gentes and phratriaj.* But there was a large body of residents in At- tica who did not belong to these coriM>rations, and who conse- quently had no share in the political Iranchise. Clisthenes accordingly abolished these four tribes, and established ten new ones in their stead, in which he enrolled all the free inhabitants of Attica, including both resident aliens and even emancipated slaves. Thes3 ten tribes were purely local, and were divided into a certain number of cantons or townships, called demes.f At a later time we find 174 of these demes ; but it is not known whether this was the original number instituted by Clisthenes. There is one point connected with the arrangement of the demes which deserves mention, since it indicates singular fore- eight and sagacity on the part of Clisthenes. The demes which he assigned to each tribe were never all of them contiguous to each other, but were scattered over difii3rent parts of Attica. The object of this arrangement was evidently to prevent any tribe from acquiring a local interest independent of the entire community, and to remove the temptation of forming itself into a political faction from the proximity of its members to each other. This was the more necessary when we recollect that the parties of the Plain, the Shore, and the Mountain had all arisen from local feuds. Every Athenian citizen was obliged to be enrolled in a deme, and in all public documents was designated by the name of the one to which he belonged. Each deme, hke a parish in Eng- land, administered its own affairs. It had its public meethigs, it • See p. m- f fJ^juo*. ? i B.a 510. REFORMS OF CLISTHENES. 109 levied taxes, and was under the superintendence of an oflScei called Demarchus.* § 9. The establishment of the ten new tribes led to a change in the nmnber of the Senate. It had previously consisted of 400 members, taken in equal proportions from each of the four old tribes. It was now eidarged to 500, 50 being selected from each of the ten new tribes. At the same time its duties and functions were greatly increased. By the constitution of Solon its prin- cipal business was to prepare matters for discussion in the Ec- clesia ; but Clisthenes gave it a great share hi the administration of the state. Its sittings became constant, and the year was di- vided into ten portions, called Pnjta?iics,i corresponding to a simdar division in the senate. The fifty senators of each tribe took by turns the duty of presiding in the senate and in the ec- clesia dunng one Prytany, and received during that time the title of Frytanes.t The ordinary Attic year consisted of 12 lunar months, or 354 days, so that six of the Prytanies lasted 35 days, and four of them 30 days. But for the more convenient despatch of business, every fifty members were divided into five bodies of ten each, who presided for seven days, and were hence called ProcdH.k Moreover, out of these proedri a chairman, called EpistatesM was chosen by lot everyday to preside both in the senate and in the ecclesia, when necessary, and to him were entrusted during his day of office the keys of the AcropoHs and the treasury, and the public seal. HO. The Ecclesia, or formal assembly of the citizens, was accustomed at a later period to meet regularly four times in every 1 rj^tany. It is not stated that this number was fixed by Chs- thenes, and it is more probable that he did not institute such irequent meetings ; but it cannot be doubted that it was a part ot his system to summon the Ecclesia at certain fixed periods iiy the constitution of Solon the government of the state seems to have been chiefly vested in the archons ; and it was one of the principal reforms of Clisthenes to transfer the political power Irom their hands to the senate and the ecclesia. He accustomed the people to the discussion and management of their own af- lairs, and thus prepared them for the still more democratical re orms of Aristides and Pericles. At a later time we find that all citizens were ehgible to the office of archon, and that these magistrates were chosen by lot, and not elected by the body of citizens. They were deprived, moreover, of most of their judi- cial duties by the extension of the powers of the popular courts 01 justice. Aijfiapxo^. § TlQoedQOL f TlQfVTavetai. \ 'ETTfffrarjyf, X HgvTavitC, i no HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XI These reforms, however, were not introduced by Clisthenes. He continued to exclude the fourth of those classes into which Solon had divided the citizens, from the post of archon and from all other offices of state ; he made no change in the manner of appointing the archons, and left them in the exercise of im- portant judicial duties. Hence the constitution of Clisthenes, notwithstanding the increase of piower which it gave to the people, came to be regarded as aristocratical in the times of Pericles and Demosthenes. § 11. Of the other reforms of Clisthenes we are imperfectly informed. He increased the judicial as well as the political power of the people. It is in fact doubtful whether Solon gave the people any judicial functions at all ; and it was probably Clisthenes who enacted that s^\ public crimes should be tried by the whole body of citizens above thirty years of age, specially con- voked and swoni for the purpose. The assembly thus convened was called HeU(m, and its members Heliasts* With the in- crease of the judicial functions of the people, it became necessary to divide the Helia?a into ten distinct courts ; and this change was probably introduced soon after the time of Clisthenes. The new constitution of the tribes introduced a change in the military arrangements of the state. The citizens, who were re- quired to serve, were now marshalled according to tribes, each of which was subject to a Strategtis,i or general of its own: These ten generals were elected annually by the whole body of citizens, and became at a later time the most important officers in the state, since they possessed the direction not only of naval and military aliairs, but also of the relations of the city with foreign states. Down to the time of Clisthenes, the command cf the military force had been vested exclusively in the third ar- chon, or Polemarch ; and even after the institution of the Stra- tegi by Clisthenes, the Polemarch still continued to possess a joint right of command along with them, as will be seen when we come to relate the battle of Marathon. H2. There was another remarkable institution expressly ascribed to Clisthenes — ^the Ostracism ; the real object of which has been explained for the first time by Mr. Grote. By the Os- tracism, a citizen was banished without special accusation, trial, or defence for ten years, which term was subsequently reduced to iive : he was not deprived of his property ; and at the end of his period of exile was allowed to return to Athens, and to resume all the political rights and privileges which he had previously enjoyed. It must be recollected that the force which a Greek ♦•HXm/a, 'Wliaarai. f SrpariTyoc. ■■■■I B.C. 510. REFORMS OF CLISTHENES. Ill government had at its disposal was very small ; and that it was comparatively easy for an ambitious citizen, sup|X)rted by a nu- merous body of partisans, to overtlirow the constitution and make himself despot. The past history of the Athenians had shown the dangers to which they were exposed from this cause ; and the Ostracism was the means devised by Clisthenes for removin"- quietly from the state a powerful party leader before he could carry into execution any violent schemes for the subversion of the government. Every precaution was taken to guard this in- stitution from abuse. The senate and the ecclesia had first to determine by a special vote whether the safety of the state re- quired such a step to be taken. If they decided in the affirma- tive, a day was fixed for voting, and each citizen wrote upon a tile or oyster shell* the name of the person whom he wished to banish. The votes were then collected, and if it was found that 6000 had been recorded against any one person, he was obliged to withdraw from the city within ten days ; if the num- ber of votes did not amount to 6000, nothing was done. The large number of votes required for the ostracism of a person (one-fourth of the entire citizen population) was a sufficient guarantee that a very large proportion of the citizens considered him dangerous to the state. It is a proof of the. utility of this institution that from the time of its establishment no further attempt was made by any Athenian citizen to overthrow the democracy by force. H3. The reforms of Clisthenes were received with such popu- lar favor, and so greatly increased the influence of their author, that Isagoras saw no hope for him and his party except by calling in the interference of Cleomenes and the LacedaBmonians. This was readily promised, and heralds were sent from Sparta to Athens, demanding the expulsion of Clisthenes and the rest of the Alcmaeonidae, as the accursed family on whom rested the pollution of Cylon's murder. Clisthenes, not daring to disobey the LacedaBmonian government, retired voluntarily ; and thus Cleomenes, arriving at Athens shortly afterwards with a smali force, found himself undisputed master of the city. He first expelled 700 families pointed out by Isagoras, and then at- tempted to dissolve the Senate of Five Hundred, and place the government in the hands of three hundred of his friends and partisans. This proceeding excited general indignation; the people rose in arms ; and Cleomenes and Isagoras took refuge in the Acropolis. At the end of two days their provisions were exhausted, and they were obliged to capitulate. Cleomenes and • Osiracon (oarQaKov), wlience the name of Ostracism {ocTQaKiafxoc). 112 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XI the Lacedaemonian troops, as well as Isagoras, were allowed to retire in safety ; but all their adherents who were captured with them were put to death by the Athenian people. Clis- thenes and the 700 exiled families were immediately recalled, and the new constitution was materially strengthened by the failure of this attempt to overthrow it. § 14. The Athenians had now openly broken with Sparta. Fearing the vengeance of this formidable state, Clisthenes sent envoys to Artaphemes, the Persian satrap at Sardis, to solicit the Persian alliance, which was ofi'ered on condition of the Athenians' sending earth and water to the King of Persia as a token of their submission. The envoys promised compliance ; but on their return to Athens, their countiymen repudiated their proceeding with indignation. Meantime, Cleomenes was preparing to take vengeance upon the Atlienians, and to establish Isagoras as a despot over them. He summoned the Peloponne- Bian allies to the field, but without informing them of the object of the expedition ; and at the same time he concerted measures with the Thebans and the Chalcidians of Euboia for a simulta- neous attack upon Attica. The Peloponnesian army, commanded by the two kings, Cleomenes and Demaratus, entered Attica, and advanced as far as Eleusis ; but when the allies became aware of the object for which they had been summoned, they refused to march farther. The power of Athens was not yet sufficiently great to inspire jealousy among the other Greek states ; and the Corinthians, who still smarted under the recollection of the suf- ferings inflicted upon them by their own despots, took the lead in denouncing the attempt of Cleomenes to crush the libeilies of Athens. Their remonstrances were seconded by Demaratus, the other Spartan king ; so that Cleomenes found it necessarj' to abandon the expedition and return home. The dissension of the two kings on this occasion is said to have led to the enact- ment of the law at Sparta, that both kings should never have the command of the army at the same time. The unexpected retreat of the Peloponnesian army delivered the Athenians from their most formidable enemy, and they lost no time in turning their arms against their other foes. March- ing into BoBOtia, they defeated the Thebans, and then crossed over into Euboea, where they gained a decisive victorj^over the Chal- cidians. In order to secure their dominion in Eubaa, and at the same time to provide for their poorer citizens, the Athenians distributed the estates of the wealthy Chalcidian landowners among 4000 of their citizens, who settled in the comitrj^ imder the name of Clemchi.^ • KXjypoiJ;^ ot, that is, ** lot-holders." B.C. 608. SUCCESSES OF THE ATHENIANS. 113 k 15. The successes of Athens had excited the jealousy of the Spartans, and they now resolved to make a third attempt to over- throw the Athenian democracy. They had meantime discovered the deception which had been practised upon them by the Delphic oracle ; and they invited Hippias to come from Sigeum to Sparta, in order to restore him to Athens. The experience of the last campaign had taught them that they could not calculate upon the co-operation of their allies without first obtaining their approval of the project; and they therefore summoned deputies from all their allies to meet at Sparta, in order to determine re- specting the restoration of Hippias. The despot was present at the congress ; and the Spartans urged the necessity of crushing the growing insolence of the Athenians by placing over them their former master. But their proposal was received with uni- versal repugnance ; and the Corinthians again expressed the general indignation at the design. " Surely heaven and earth are about to change places, when you Spartans propose to set up ni the cities that wicked and bloody thing called a Despot. First try what it is for yourselves at Sparta, and then force it upon others. If you persist in a scheme so wicked, know that the Corinthians will not second you." These vehement remon- strances were received with such approbation by the other allies, that the Spartans found it necessary to abandon their project. Hippias returned to Sigeum, and afterwards proceeded to the court of Darius. § IG. Athens had now entered upon her glorious career. The nistitutions of Clisthenes had given her citizens a personal in- terest m the welfare and the grandeur of their country. A spirit of the warmest patriotism rapidly sprang up among them ; and the history of the Persian wars, which followed almost imme- diately, exhibits a striking proof of the heroic sacrifices which they were prepared to make fbr the hberty and independence of their state. Coin of Athens. Ancient Sculptures from Selinus. CHAPTER XII. HISTORY OF THE GREEK COLONIES. I 1. Connexion of the subject with the general history of Greece. § 2. Origin of the Greek colonies and their relation to the mother-coun- try. § 3. Characteristics common to most of the Greek colonies. P 4. The iEolic, Ionic, and Doric colonies in Asia. Miletus the most important, and the parent of numerous colonics. Ephesus. Phocsea. § 5. Colonies in the south of Italy and Sicily. History of Cumse. § 6. Colonies in Sicily. Syracuse and Agrigentum the most impor- tant Phalaris, despot of Agrigentum. § 7. Colonies in Magna Gra?- eia (the south of Italy). Sybaris and Croton. War between these cities, and destruction of Sybaris. § 8. Epizephyrian Locri : its law- giver, Zaleueus. Rhegium. § 9. Tarentum. Decline of the cities m Magna Graecia. 1 10. Colonies in Gaul and Spain. Massalia. 8 11. Colonies in Africa, Cyrene. § 12. Colonies in Epirus, Mace- donia, and Thrace. § 13. Importance of a knowledge of the history of the Greek colonies. 1 1. An account of the Greek colonies forms an important part of the History of Greece. It has been already observed that Hellas did not indicate a country marked by certain geographical limits, but included the whole body of Hellenes, in whatever part of the world they might be settled. Thus, the inhabitants of Trapezus on the farthest shores of the Black Sea, of Cyrene in Africa, and of Massalia in the south of Gaul, were as essential- ly members of Hellas as the citizens of Athens and Sparta. They all gloried in the name of Hellenes ; they all boa.sted of their descent from the common ancestor Hellen ; and they all pos- Chap. XXL THE GREEK COLONIES. 115 sessed and frequently exercised the right of contending in the Olympic games, and the other national festivals of Greece. The vast number of Greek Colonies, their wide-spread diffusion over all parts of the Mediterranean, which thus became a kind of Grecian lake, their rapid growth in wealth, power, and intel- ligence afford the most striking proofs of the greatness of this wonderful people. It would carry us too far to give an account of the origin of all these colonies, or to narrate their history at any length. We must content ourselves with briefly mentioning the more important of them, after stating the causes to which°they owed their origin, the relation in which they stood to the mother country, and certain characteristics which were common to them all. § 2. Civil dissensions and a redundant population w«re the two chief causes of the origin of most of the Greek colonies.* They were usually undertaken with the approbation of the cities from which they issued, and under the management of leaders appointed by them. In most cases the Delphic oracle had pre- viously given its divine sanction to the enterprise, which was also undertaken under the encouragement of the gods of the mo- ther-city. But a Greek colony was always considered politically independent of the latter and emancipated from its control. The only connexion between them was one of filial affection and of common religious ties. The colonists worshipped in their new settlement the deities whom they had been accustomed to ho- nour in their native country ; and the sacred fire, which was con- stantly kept burning on their public hearth, was taken by them from the Prytaneum of the city from which they sprung. They usually cherished a feeling of reverential respect for the mother- city which they displayed by sending deputations U) the prin- cipal festivals of the latter, and also by bestowing places of honour and other marks of respect upon the ambassadors and other members of the mother-city, when they visited the colony In the same spirit, they paid divine worship to the founder of the colony after his death, as the representative of the mother- city ,• and when the colony in its turn became a parent, it usually sought a leader from the state from which it had itself sprung It was accordingly considered a violation of sacred ties for a mother-country and a colony to make war upon one another, ihese bonds, however, were often insufficient to maintain a astmg union ; and the memorable quarrel between Corinth and her colony Corcyra will show how easily they might be severed by the ambition or the interest of either state. * A colony was called drroiKia ; a colonist, liiroLKog ; the mother citv iinrgoTToM^, and the leader of a colony oIkiotijc. 116 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. Xlt § 3. The Greek colonies, unlike most which have been founded in modem times, did not consist of a few straggling bands of ad venturers, scattered over the country in which they settled, and only coalescing into a city at a later period. On the contrarj', the Greek colonists formed from the beginning an organized po- litical body. Their first care upon settling in their adopted country was to found a city, and to erect in it those public buildings which were essential to the rehgious and social life of a Greek. Hence it was quickly adorned with temples for the worship of the gods, with an agora or place of public meeting Ibr the citizens, with a gymnasium for the exercise of the youth, and at a later time with a theatre for dramatic representations. Almost every colonial Greek city was built upon the sea-coast, and the site usually selected contained a hill sufficiently lofty to form an acropolis. The spot chosen for the purpose was for the most part seized by force from the original inhabitants of the country. The relation in which the colonists stood to the latter naturally varied in cUfierent localities. In some places they were reduced to slavery or expelled iVom the district ; in others they became the subjects of the conquerors, or were ad- mitted to a share of their pohtical rights. In many cases inter- marriages took place between the colonists and the native popu- lation, and thus a foreign element was introduced among them — a circumstance which must not be lost sight of, especially in tracing the history of the Ionic colonies. It has frequently been observed that colonies are favourable to the development of democracy. Ancient customs and usages camiot be preserved in a colony as at home. Men are of neces- sity placed on a greater equality, since they have to share the same hardships, to overcome the same difficulties, and to face the same dangers. Hence it is difficult for a single man or for a class to maintain peculiar privileges, or to exercise a pennanent authority over the other colonists. Accordingly, we find that a democratical form of government was established in most of the Greek colonies at an earher period than in the mother-country, and that an aristocracy could rarely maintain its ground lor any length of time. Owing to the freedom of their institutions, and to their favourable position for commercial enterprise, many of the Greek colonies became the most flourishing cities in the Hellenic world ; and in the earlier period of Grecian history several of them, such as Miletus and Ephesus in Asia, Syracuse and Agrigentum in Sicily, and Croton and Sybaris in Italy, sur- passed all the cities of the mother-country in power, population, and wealth. The Grecian colonics may be arranged in four groups : 1 . Those Chap. Xlt COLONIES IN ASIA MINOR. 117 founded in Asia Minor and the adjoining islands ; 2. Those in the western parts of the Mediterranean, in Italy, Sicily, Gaul, and Spain ; 3, Those in Africa ; 4. Those in Epirus, Macedonia,' and Thrace. ^ 4. The earliest Greek colonies were those founded on the west- ern shores of Asia Minor. They were divided into three great masses, each bearing the name of that section of the Greek race with which they claimed affinity. The JEolic cities covered the northern part of this coast ; the lonians occupied the centre, and the Dorians the southern portion. The origin of these colonies is lost in the mythical age ; and the legends of the Greeks respecting them have been given in a previous part of the present work.* Their political history will claim our attention when we come to relate the rise and progress of the Persian em- pire ; and their successful cultivation of literature and the arts will form the chief subject of our next chapter. It is sufficient to state on the present occasion that the Ionic cities were early distinguished by a spirit of commercial enterprise, and soon rose superior in wealth and in power to their iEolian and Dorian neighbors. Among the Ionic cities themselves Miletus was the most flourishing, and during the eighth and seventh centuries before Christ was the first commercial city in Hellas. In search of gain its adventurous mariners penetrated to the farthest parts of the Mediterranean and its adjacent seas ; and for the sake of protecting and enlarging its conunerce, it planted numerous co- lonies, which are said to have been no fewer than eighty. Most of them were founded on the Propontis and the Euxfne ; and of these, Cyzicus on the former, and Sinope on the latter sea, be- came the most celebrated. Sinope was the emporium of the Milesian commerce in the Euxine, and became in its turn the parent of many prosperous colonies. Ephesus, which became at a later time the first of the Ionic cities, was at this period inferior to Miletus in population and in wealth. It was never distinguished for its enterprise at sea, and It planted lew maritime colonies ; it owed its greatness to its trade with the interior, and to its large territory, which it gra- dually obtained at the expense of the Lydians. Other Ionic cities of less importance than Ephesus possessed a more power- iul navy ; and the adventurous voyages of the Phocsans deserve to be particularly mentioned, in which they not only visited the coasts of Gaul and Spain, but even planted in those countries several colonies, of which Massalia became the most prosperous anrl celebrated. ^ 5. The colonies of whose origin we have an historical ac- * See p. 35. 118 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. Xil count ben-an to be founded soon after the first Olympiad. Those established in Sicily and the south of Italy claim our first atten- tion as well on account of their importance as of the priority ol theii foundation. Like the Asiatic colonies, they were of various oricnn : and the inhabitants of Chalcis in Euboja. of Corinth, Megara and Sparta, and the Achaaus and Locrians were all con- cerned in them. , » • u One of the Grecian settlements in Italy lays clami to a much earlier date than any other in the country. This is the Campaman CumsB, situated near Cape Misenum. on the Tyrrhenian sea it is said to have been a joint colony from the ^olic Cyme in Asia, and from Chalcis in Euboja, and to have been founded, according to common chronology, in B.C. 1050. This date is of course micertain : but there is no doubt that it was the most ancient Grecian establishment in Italy, and that a long period elapsed before any other Greek colonists were bold enough to toUow in the same track. Cum® was for a long time the most flourishnig city in Campania : and it was not tiU its decline m the tittli cen- tury before the Christian era that Capua rose into importance. (g. The earliest Grecian settlement in Sicily was lounded m B c 735 The greater part of Sicily was then inhabited by the rude tribes of Sicels and Sicanians. The Cartliagiman settle- ments mostly lay on the western side ot the island ; but the eastern and the southern coasts were occupied only by the bicels and Sicanians, who were easUy driven by the Greeks into the interior of the countr)^ The extraordinary fertihty ot the land, united with the facility of its acquisition, soon attracted nume- rous colonists from various parts of Greece ; and there arose on the coasts of Sicily a succession of flourishing cities, ot which a Hst is given below.* Of these, Syracuse and Agrigentum, both Dorian colonies, became the most powerf'ul. The former was founded by the Corinthians in B.C. 734, and at the time of its greatest prosperity contained a population of 500,000 souls, and was surrounded by walls twenty-two miles in circuit. Its great- ness, however, belongs to a later period of Grecian history ; and * 1. Kaxos, the earliest, founded by the Chaleidians, b.c. 735. 2. Syra- cuse, founded by the Corinthmns, b.c. 734. 3. Leontini and Catana founded by Naxos in Sicily, b.c. 730 4. Hvbl«ean Megam, founded by Meeara, bIc. 728. 5. Gela, founded by the Lmdians in Rhodes and by the Cretans, b.c. 690. 6. Zancle, afterwards called Messana. founded by the Curaceans and Chaleidians: its date is uncertain. 7. Acraj, founded by Syracuse, b.c. 664. 8. Casmena>, founded, by ^yracuse, B.C. 644. 9. Selinus, founded by Ilyblajan IV egara, b*^- 63^- JJ^^ Camarina, founded by Syracuse. b.c. 599. 11. Acra,xas, better known by the Roman name of Agrigentum, founded by Gela, b.c. 68i. lA Himtra, founded by Zancle: its date is uncertam. B.C. 735. COLONIES m SICILY 119 we know scarcely anything of its affairs till the usurpation of Gelon in b.c. 485. Agrigentum was of later origin, lor it was not founded till B.C. 582, by the Dorians of Gela, which had itself been colonized by Ehodians and Cretans. But its growth was most rapid, and it soon rose to an extraordinary degree of pros- perity and power. It was celebrated in the ancient world for the magnificence of its public buildings, and within a century after its foundation was called by Pindar " the fairest of mortal cities." Its early history only claims our attention on account of the despotism of Phalaris, who has obtained a proverbial celebrity as a cruel and inhuman tyrant His exact date is uncertain ; but he was a contemporary of Pisistratus and Crcesus ; and the commencement of his reign may perhaps be placed in B.C. 570. He is said to have burnt alive the victims of his cruelty in a brazen bull ; and this celebrated instrument of torture is not only noticed by Pindar, but was in existence at Agrigentum in later times. He was engaged in frequent wars with his neigh- bours, and extended his power and dominion on all sides ; but his cruelties rendered him so abhorred by the people, that they suddenly rose against him, and put him to death.* f HIMEB \. M.JETNA. m ZANCLE. (mksbanaJ NAXOS. OSELINU8 OATANA. ^ ^^i -^ |o AORTGENTUM. LEONTINI. O ^^^^ MEGARA. ^^^..^W. XCRJE. o ^^S-? OEI.A- ^gO CAMARINA ^^^ OCAtMCM LHTBLiEA. aYRACUSiC. Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Sicily ♦ TJiere are extant certain Greek letters attributed to Phalaris cele- brated on account of the literary controversy to which thev cave ri^e m modern times. Tii..,v ««..,. :„..„^„„ f_. • ,, ^ J^,^ ,".*' sertation yond question that they were the production of ^ sophist of a lateTagl 120 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XU The prosperity of the Greek cities in Sicily afterwards re- ceived a severe check from the hostihties ol' the Carthaginians ; but for two centuries and a half after the first Greek settlement in the island they did not come into contact with the latter people, and were thus left at liberty to develop their resources without any opposition from a foreign power. § 7. The Grecian colonies in Italy began to be planted at nearly the same time as in Sicily. They eventually lined the whole southern coast as far as Cuma? on the one sea, and Ta- rentum on the other. They even surpassed those in Sicily in number and importance ; and so numerous and flourishing did they become, that the south of Italy received the name of Magna GrsBcia. Of these, two of the earhest and most prosperous were Sybaris and Croton, both situated upon the gulf of Tarentum, and both of Achsean origin. Sybaris was planted in B.C. 720, and Croton in b.c. 710. For two centuries they seem to have lived in harmony, and we know scarcely anything of their history till their fatal contest in b.c. 510, which ended in the ruin of Sybaris. During the whole of this period they were two of the most flourishing cities in all Hellas. The walls of Sybaris em- braced a circuit of six miles, and those of Croton were not less than twelve miles in circumference ; but the former, though smaller, was the more powerful, since it possessed a larger extent of territory and a greater number of colonies, among which w as the distant town of Posidonia (Pajstum), whose magnificent ruins still attest its former greatness. Several native tribes became the subjects of Sybaris and Croton, and their dominions extended across the Calabrian peninsula from sea to sea. Sybaris in particular attained to an extraordinary degree of wealth ; and its inhabitants were so notorious lor their luxury, efieminacy, and debauchery, that their name has become proverbial for a voluptuary in ancient and in modem times. Many of the anecdotes recorded of them bear on their face the exaggerations of a later age ; but their great wealth is attested by the fact, that 5000 horsemen, clothed in magnificent attire, foimed a part of the procession in certain festivals of the city, whereas Athens in her best days could not number more than 1200 knights. Croton was distinguished for the excellence of its physicians or surgeons, and for the number of its citizens who gained prizes at the Olympic games. Its government was an aristocracy, and was in the hands of a senate of One Thousand persons. It was in this city that Pythagoras settled, and founded a fraternity, of which an account is given in the following chapter. The w^ar between these two powerful cities is the most im- portant event recorded in the history of Magna Graecia. It aros» RC. 664 COLONIES IN ITALY. 121 firom the civil dissensions of Sybaris. The oligarchical govern- ment was overthrown by a popiUar insurrection, headed by a citizen of the name of Telys, who succeeded in making himself despot of the city. The leading members of the oligarchical party, 500 in number, were driven into exile ; and when they took refuge at Croton, their surrender was demanded by Telys and war threatened in case of refusal. This demand excited the greatest alarm at Croton, since the military strength of Sy- baris was decidedly superior; and it was only owing to the urgent persuasions of Pythagoras that the Crotoniates resolved to brave the vengeance of their neighbours rather than incur the disgrace of betraying suppliants. In the war which fol- lowed, Sybaris is said to have taken the field with 300 000 men and Croton with 100,000— numbers which seem to have been ^ossly exaggerated. The Crotoniates were commanded by Milo, a disciple of Pythagoras, and the most celebrated athlete ot his time, and they were further reinforced by a body of bpartans mider the command of Dorieus, younger brother of king Cieomenes, who was sailing along the gulf of Tarentum, in order to found a settlement in Sicily. The two armies met on the banks of the river Tra3is or Trionto, and a bloody battle was tought, in which the Sybarites were defeated with prodi- gious slaughter. The Crotoniates followed up their victory bv the capture of the city of Sybaris, which they razed to the ground ; and in order to obliterate all traces of it, they turned the course of the river Crathis through its ruins (b.c. 510) The destruction of this wealthy and powerful city excited stronjr sympathy through the Hellenic world ; and the Milesians, with whom the Sybarites had always maintained the most fViendlv connexions, shaved their heads in token of mourning * I 8 Of the numerous other Greek settlements in the south ot Italy, those of Locri, Rhegium, and Tarentum were the most important. Locri, called Epizephyrian, from the neighbourhood of Cape Zephyrmm, was founded by a body of Locriaii freebooters from the mother country, in b. c. G83. Their early history is memo- rable on account of their being the first Hellenic people who possessed a- body of written laws. They are said to have sufier- 0(1 so greatly from lawlessness and disorder as to apply to the Uelphic oracle for advice, and were thus led to accept the ordi- nances of Zaleucus, who is represented to have been oricrinally a Shepherd. His laws were promulgated in b. c. 664, forty years earlier than those of Draco at Athens. They resembled the latter in the severity of their punishments ; but they were ob- In B. c. 443 the Athenians founded Thurii, near the site of Sybaria. I! I i im mSTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XII. served for a long period by the Locrians, who were so averse to any change in them, that whoever proposed a new law had to appear in the pubhc assembly with a rope round his neck, which was immediately tightened, if he failed to convince his fellow- citizens of the necessity of his propositions. Two anecdotes are related of Zaleucus, which deserve mention, though their au- thenticity camiot be guaranteed. His son had been guilty of an olFence, the penalty of which was the loss of both eyes : the father, in order to maintain the law, and yet save his son from total blindness, submitted to the loss of one of his own eyes. Another ordinance of Zaleucus forbade any citizen to enter the senate-house in arms under penalty of death. On a war suddenly breaking out, Zaleucus transgressed his own law ; and when his attention was called to it by one present, he replied that lie would vindicate the law, and straightway fell upon liis sword. TAKCNTUM. 15.0. 600. COLOIS^IES m GAUL AND SPAIN. 123 M»p of the chief Greek Colonies in Southern Italy. Ehegium, situated on the straits of Messina, opix)site Sicily, was colonized by the Chalcidians, but received a large number of Messeiiiaiis, who settled here at the close both of the first and second Messenian wars. Anaxilas, who made himself despot of the city about B.C. 500, was of Messenian descent ; and it was he who changed the name of the Sicilian Zancle into Messana, when he seized the latter city in u.c. 494. s^ 9. Tarentum, situated at the head of the gulf which bears its name, was a colony from Sparta, and was founded al out b. c. 708. During the long absence of the Spartans in the l.st Messenian war, an illegitimate race of citizens had been born, to whom the name of Tartheniaj (sons of maidens) was given. Being not only treated with contempt by the other Spartans, but excluded from the citizenship, they formed a conspiracy under Phalanthus, one of their number, against the government ; and when their plot was detected, they were allowed to quit the country and plant a colony mider his guidance. It was to these circumstances that Tarentum owed its origin. It was admirably situated for com- merce, and was the only town in the gulf which possessed a per- fectly safe harbour. After the destruction of Sybaris, it became the most powerful and flourisliing city in Magna Grsecia, and continued to enjoy great prosperity till its subjugation by the Romans. Although of Spartan origin, it did not maintain Spar- tan habits ; and its citizens were noted at a later time for their love of luxury and pleasure. The cities of Magna Grrocia rapidly declined in power after the commencement of the fifth century before the Christian era. This was mainly owing to two causes. First, the destruction of Sybaris deprived the Greeks of one of their most powerful cities, and of a territory and an influence over the native population, to which no other Greek town could succeed ; and, secondly, they were now for the first time brought into contact with the warlike Samnites and Lucanians, who began to spread from Middle Italy towards the south. Cuma) was taken by the Sam- nites, and Posidonia (Paistum) by the Lucanians ; and the latter peojjle in course of time deprived the Greek cities of the whole of their inland territory. ^ 10. The Grecian settlements in the distant countries of Gaul and Spain were not numerous. The most celebrated was Mas- saha, the modem Marseilles, founded by tlie Ionic Phocaeans m B.C. GOO. It planted five colonies along the eastern coast of Spain, and was the chief Grecian city in the sea west of Italy. The commerce of the Massaliots was extensive, and their navy sufl[iciently powerful to repel the aggressions of Carthage. They possessed considerable influence over the Celtic tribes in their 124 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ciup. XII neighbourhood, among whom they diffused the arts of civUized life, and a knowledge of the Greek alphabet and literature. ill. The northern coast of Airica between the territories of Carthage and Egypt was also occupied by Greek colonists. About the year G50 B.C. the Greeks were for the first time allowed to settle in Egypt and to carry on commerce with the country. This privilege they owed to Psammetichus, who had raised himself to the throne of Egypt by the aid of Ionian and Carian mercenaries. The Greek traders were not slow in avail- ing themselves of the opening of this new and important market, and thus became acquainted with the neighbouring coast of Africa. Here they founded the city of Cyrcne about B.C. 630. It was a colony from the Island of Thera in the JEgean, which was itself a colony from Sparta. The situation of Cyrene was well chosen. It stood on the edge of a range of hills, at the distance of ten miles from the Mediterranean, of which it com- manded a fine view. These hills descended by a succession of terraces to the port of the town, called Apollonia. The climate was most salubrious, and the soil was distinguished by extraor- dinary fertility. With these advantages Cyrene rapidly grew in wealth and power ; and its greatness is attested by the immense remains which still mark its desolate site. Unlike most Grecian colonies, Cyrene was governed by kings for eight generations. Battus, the founder of the colony, was the first king ; and his successors bore alternately the names of Arccsilaiis and Battus. On the death of Arccsilaiis IV., which must have happened after B.C. 460, royalty was abohshed and a democratical form of government established. Cyrene planted several colonies in the adjoining district, of which Barca, founded about b.c. 560, was the most important. § 12. The Grecian settlements in Epirus, Macedonia, and Thrace claim a few words. There were several Grecian colonies situated on the eastern side of the Ionian sea in Epirus and its immediate neighbour- hood. Of these the island of Corcyra, now called Corfu, was the most wealthy and jDowerful. It was founded by the Corinthians, about B.C. 700 ; and in consequence of its commercial activity it soon became a formidable rival to the mother-city. Hence a war broke out between these two states at an early period ; and the most ancient naval battle on record was the one fought between their fleets in B.C. 664. The dissensions between the mother-city and her colony are frequently mentioned in Grecian history, and were one of the inunediate causes of the Pelopon- nesian war. Notwithstanding their quarrels, they joined in planting four Grecian colonies upon the same line cf coast— B.O. 667. COLONIES IN MACEDONIA AND THRACR 125 Leucas, Anactorium, Apollonia, and Epidamnus : in the settle- ment of the two former the Corinthians were the principals, and in that of the two latter the Corcyrfcans took the leading part. The colonies in Macedonia and Thrace were very numerous, and extended all along the coast of the ^Egean, of the Hellespont, of the Propontis, and of the Euxine, from the borders of Thes- saly to the mouth of the Danube. Of these we can only glance at the most important. The colonies on the coast of Macedonia were chiefly founded by Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea ; and the peninsula of Chalcidice, with its three projecting headlands, was covered with their settlements, and derived its name from the former city. The Corinthians likewise planted a few colonies on this coast, of which Potidaja, on the narrow isthmus of Pallene, most deserves mention. Of the colonies in Thrace, the most flourishing were Selymbria and Byzantium,* both founded by the Megarians, who appear as an enterprising maritime people at an early period. The far- thest Grecian settlement on the western shores of the Euxine was the Milesian colony of Istria, near the southern mouth of the Danube. H3. The preceding survey of the Grecian colonies shows the wide diffusion of the Hellenic race in the sixth century before the Christian era. Their history has come down to us in such a fragmentary and unconnected state, that it has been impos- sible to render it interesting to the reader ; but it could not be passed over entirely, smce some knowledge of the origin and progress of the more important of these cities is absolutely necessary, in order to understand aright many subsequent events in Grecian history. * Tlie foundation of Byzantium is placed in b.c. 657. Coia of Cyrene, representing on the reverse the SUphium, which was the chief article in the export trade of the city. Chap. XHL EPIC POETRY. HESIOD. la*/ i' Alcseus and Sappho. From a Painting on a Vase. CHAPTER XIII. HISTORY OF LITERATURE. § 1. Perfection of tlie Greeks in literature. | 2. Greek epic Y'-'^^^y ^i* Tided into two classes, Homeric and Hesiodic. § 3. Poems of llesiod. §4. Origin of Greek lyric poetry. § 5. Archiloehiis. § 6. SimonidoB of Amorgos. § 7. Tyrtajus and Alcman. § 8. Arion and Stesichorus. §9. Alcseus and Sappho. § 10. Anacreon. 811. Tlie Seven Sages of Greece. § 12. The Ionic school of philosophy. Thales, Anaximan- der, andAnaximenes. §13. The Eleatic school of philosophy. Xeno- phanes. § 14. The Pythagorean school of philosophy. Life of Pythagoras. Foundation and suppression of his society in the cities ot Magna Grajcia. k 1. The perfection which the Greeks attained in literature and art is one of the most striking features in the history of the people. Their intellectual activity and their keen appreciation of the beautiful constantly gave birth to new forms of creative genius. There was an uninterrupted progress in the develop- ment of the Grecian mind from the earhest dawn of the history of the people to the dovnifall of their political independence ; and each succeeding age saw the production of some of those master w^orks of genius which have been the models and the admiration of all subsequent time. It is one of the objects of the present work to trace the different phases of this intellectual growth. During the two centuries and a half comprised in this book many species of composition, in which the Greeks after* wards became pre-eminent, were either unknown or little prac- tised. The drama was still in its infancy, and prose writing, as a branch of popular literature, was only beginning to be culti- vated ; but epic poetry had reached its culminating point at the commencement of this epoch, and throughout the whole period the lyric muse shone with undiminished lustre. It is therefore to these two species of composition that our attention will be more particularly directed on the present occasion. § 2. There were in antiquity two large collections of epic poetry. The one comprised poems relating to the great events and enterprises of the Heroic age, and characterised by a certain poetical unity ; the other included works tamer in character and more desultory in their mode of treatment, containing the genealogies of men and gods, narratives of the exploits of sepa- rate heroes, and descriptions of the ordinary pursuits of life. The poems of the former class passed under the name of Homer ; while those of the latter were in the same general way ascribed to Hesiod. The former were the productions of the Ionic and iEolic minstrels in Asia Minor, among whom Homer stood pre- eminent and eclipsed the brightness of the rest : the latter were the compositions of a school of bards in the neighbourhood of Mount Helicon in BoBotia, among whom in hke mamier Hesiod enjoyed the greatest celebrity. The poems of both schools were composed in the hexameter metre aud in a similar dialect ; but they diliered widely in ahnost every other feature. Of the Homeric poems, and of the celebrated controversy to which they have given rise in modern times, we have already spoken at length : * it therefore only remains to say a few words Upon those ascribed to Hesiod. § 3. Three works have come down to us bearing the name of Hesiod — the " Works and Days," the " Theogony," and a descrip- tion of the " Shield of Hercules." The first two were generally considered in antiquity as the genuine productions of Hesiod ; but the " Shield of Hercules" and the other Hesiodic poems were admitted to be the compositions of other poets of hi» school. Many ancient critics indeed believed the " Works and Days" to be the only genuine work of Hesiod, and their opinion has been adopted by most modern scholars. Of Hesiod himself there are various legends related by later writers ; but we learn from his own poem that he was a native of Ascra, a village at the foot of Mount Helicon, to which his father had migrated from the ^olian Cyme in Asia Mmor. He further tells us that he gained the prize at Chalcis in a poetical contest ; and that ho was robbed of a fair share of his heritage by the uu- * See Chap. V. 4 128 HISTORY OF GREECE. CUAF. XHX righteous decision of judges who had been bribed by his brother Perses. The latter became afterwards reduced in circumstances, and applied to his brother for relief; and it is to him that Hesiod addresses his didactic poem of the '• Works and Days," in which he lays down various moral and social maxims lor the regulation of his conduct and his life. It contains an interesting representation of the leehngs, habits, and superstitions of the rural population of Greece in the earlier ages, and hence enjoyed at all periods great popularity among tliis class. At Sparta, vi the contrary, where war was deemed the only occupation worthy of a freeman, the poems of Hesiod were held in contempt. Cleomenes called him the bard of the Helots, in contrast with Homer, the delight of the warrior. Respecting the date of Hesiod nothing certain can be affirmed. Most ancient authorities make him a contemporary of Homer ; but modern writers usually sup- pose him to have ilourished two or three generations later than the poet of the Iliad and the Odyssey. § 4. The commencement of Greek lyric poetry as a cultivated species of composition dates from the middle of the seventh century before the Christian era. In the Ionic and yEolic colo- nies of Asia Minor, and in the Doric cities of Peloponnesus, an advancing civilization and an enlarged experience had called into existence new thoughts and feelings, and supplied new subjects for the muse. At the same time epic poetry, after reaching its climax of excellence in the Iliad and in the Odyssey, had fallen into the hands of inferior bards. The national genius, however, was still in all the bloom and vigour of its youth ; and the decay of epic minstrelsy only stimulated it more vigorously to present in a new style of poetry the new circumstances and feelings of the age. The same desire of change, and of adapting the sub- jects of poetry to the altered condition of society, was of itself sufficient to induce poets to vary the metre ; but the more im- mediate cause of this alteration was the improvement of the art of music by the Lesbian Terpander and others in the beginning of the seventh century u. c. The lyric poems of the Greeks were composed, not ibr a solitary reader in his chamber, but to be sung on festive occasions, cither public or private, with the accompaniment of a musical instrument. Hence there was a necessary connexion between the arts of music and of poetry ; and an improvement in the one led to a corresponding improve- ment in the other. It would be impossible to pass under review the numerous varieties of Grecian lyric song, and to point out all the occasions which called into requisition the aid of the poet. It is sufficient to state in general that no important event either in the pubho B.C. TOO. ARCHILOCHUa 129 or private life of a Greek could dispense with this accompani- ment ; and that the song was equaDy needed to solemnize the worship of the gods, to cheer the march to battle, or to enliven the festive board. The lyric poetry belonging to the brilliant period of Greek hterature treated in this book has almost en- tirely perished, and all that we possess of it consists of a few songs and isolated fragments. Sufficient, however, remains to enable us to form an opinion of its surpassing exceUence, and to regret the more bitterly the irreparable loss we have sus- tained. It IS only necessary in this work to call attention to the most distinguished masters of lyric song, and to iUustrate their genius by a few specimens of their remains. ^ 5. The great satirist Archilochus was one of the earliest and most celebrated of all the lyric poets. He flourished about the year 700 b.c. His extraordinary poetical genius is attested by the unanimous voice of antiquity, which placed him on a level with Homer. He was the first Greek poet who composed Iambic verses according to fixed rules ; the invention of the elecry is ascribed to him as well as to Callhius ; and he also struck out many other new paths in poetry. His fame, however, rests chieily on his terrible satires, composed in the Iambic metre * in which he gave vent to the bitterness of a disappointed mak. He was poor, the son of a slave-mother, and therefore held in contempt m his native land. He had been suitor to Neobule one of the daughters of Lycambes, who first promised and after- wards refused to give his daughter to the poet. Enraged at this treatment he held up the family to public scorn, in an iambic poem, accusing Lycambes of perjury and his daughters of the most abandoned profligacy. His lampoons produced such an eilect that the daughters of Lycambes are said to have hancred themselves through shame. Discontented at home, the p'oet accompanied a colony to Thasos ; but he was not more happy m his adopted country, which he frequently attacks in his satires He passed a great part of his life in wandering m other countries and at length fell in a battle between the Parians and Naxians! 1 he following lines of Archilochus, addressed to his own soul, cxliibit at the same time the higher attributes of his style, and nis own morbid philosophy : — "Uy soul, my soul, care-worn, bereft of rest, Arise! and front the foe with dauntless breast ; Take thy firm stand amidst his fierce alarms; Secure, with inborn valour meet liis arms, Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo."— Hor. Ars Poet 19. G* IM HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XIIL M> Nor, conqiierinc^, monnt vain-glory'8 glittering steep ; Nor, conqiier'd, 3ield, fall down at home, and weep. Await the turns of life with duteous awe; Know, Revolution is great Nature's law."* $ 6. Simonides of Amorgos, who must not be confounded with his more celebrated namesake of Ceos, was a contenijwrary of Archilochus, with whom he shares the honour of inventing the iambic metre. He was born in Samos, but led a colony to the neighbouring island of Amorgos, where he spent the greater part of his life. He is the earliest of tlie gnomic poets, or moralists in verse. The most important of his extant works is a satirical poem " On Women," in which he describes their various cha- racters. In order to give a livcHer image of the female cha- racter, he derives their difierent qualities from the variety of their origin ; the cuiming woman being fonned from the fox, the talkative woman from the dog, the uncleanly woman from the swine, and so on. The following is a specimen of tho poem : — ** Next in the lot a gallant dame wo see, Sprung from a marc of noble pedigree. No servile work her spirit proud can brook ; Her hands were never taught to bake or cook ; Tlie vapour of the oven makes her ill ; She scorns to empt^ slops or turn the mill. No household washings her fair skin deface, Her own ablutions are her chief solace. Three baths a day, with balms and perfumes rare. Refresh her tender limbs: her long rich hair Each time she combs, and decks with blooming flowers, jSo spouse more fit than she the idle hours (:f wealthy lords or kings to recreate. And grace the splendour of their courtly state. For men of humbler sort, no better guide Heaven^in itsjvrath, to ruin can provide."f § 7. TyrtsBus and Alcman were the two great lyric poets of Sparta, though neither of them was a native of Lacedaemon. The personal history of Tyrtasus, and his warlike songs, which roused the fainting courage of the Spartans during the second Messenian war, have already occupied our attention.^ Alcman was originally a Lydian slave in a Spartan family, and was eman- cipated by his master. He lived from about b.c. (>70 to Gil ; and most of his poems were composed in the period which fol- lowed the conclusion of the second Messenian war. They par- B.C. 625. SIMONmEa ALCMAN. ARION. ]31 • Translated by the Marquis Wellesley. f Translated by Colonel Mure. X See above, p. ^5. take of the character of this period, which was one of repose and enjoyment after the fatigues and perils of war. Many ol his songs celebrate the pleasures of good eating and drinking • but the more important were intended to be sung by a chorus at the public festivals of Sparta. His description of Night is one of tht» most striking remains of his genius : "Now o'er the drowsy earth still Night prevails. Calm sleep the mountain tops and shady vales The rugged cliffs and hollow glens; * The wild beasts slumber in their dens; The cattle on the hill. Deep in the sea The countless finny race and monster brood Tranquil repose. Even the busy bee Forgets her daily toih The silent wood No more with noisy hum of insect rinijs ; And all the feather'd tribes, by gentle^ sleep subdued Roost in the glade, and hang their drooping wings." * § 8. Although choral poetry was successfully cultivated by Alcman, it received its chief improvements from Arion and Stesichorus. Both of these poets composed for a trained body of men ; while the poems of Alcman were sung by the popular chorus. ^ '^ Arion was a native of Methymna in Lesbos, and spent a great part ol his life at the court of Periaiider, tyrant of Corinth who began to reign b.c. 625. Nothing is known of his life beyond the beautiful story of his escape from the sailors with whom he sailed from Sicily to Corinth. On one occasion, thus runs the ^ory, Anon went to Sicily to take part in a musical contest. He won the prize, and, laden with presents, he embarked in a Corinthian ship to return to his friend Periander. The rude sailors coveted his treasures, and meditated his murder After imploring them in vain to spare his life, he obtained permission to play for the last time on his beloved lyre. In festal attire he placed himseli on the prow of the vessel, invoked the gods in inspired strains, and then threw himself into the sea. But many song-lovnig dolphins had assembled round the vessel, and one ot them now took the bard on its back, and carried him to Isenarum, from whence he returned to Corinth in safety, and related his adventure to Periander. Upon the arrival of tho Oorinthian vessel, Periander inquired of the sailors after Arion who replied that he had remained behind at Tarentum • but when Anon, at the bidding of Periander, came forward', the sailors owned their guilt, and were punished according to thei* * Translated by Colonel Mure. 132 HISTORY OF GREECK CiiAP. XIIL III m desert. In later times there existed at Ta?narum a bronze monu- ment representing Arion riding on a dolphin. The great im- provement in lyric |>oetry ascribed to Arion is the invention of the Dithyramb. This wjis a choral song and dance in honour of the god Dionysus, and existed in a rude form even at an earlier time. Arion, however, converted it into an elaborate composition, sung and danced by a chorus of fifty persons spe- cially trained for the purpose. The Dithyramb is of great in- terest in the history of poetry, since it was the germ from which sprung at a later time the magnificent productions of the tragic Muse at Athens. Stesichorus was a native of Himera in Sicily. He is said to have been born in u.c. G32, to have flourished about b.c. G08, and to have died in u.c. 5G0. He travelled in many parts of Greece, and was buried in Catana, where his grave was shown near a gate of the city in later times. He introduced such great improvements into the Greek chorus, that he is frequently de- scribed as the inventor of choral poetry. He was the first to break the monotony of the choral song, which had consisted pre- viously of nothing more than one uniform stanza, by dividing it into the Strophe, the Antistrophc, and the Epodus — the turn, the return, and the rest. § 9. Alcseus and Sappho were both natives of Mytilenc, in the island of Lesbos, and flourished about b.c. 610 — 580. Their songs were composed for a single voice, and not for the chorus, and they were each the inventor of a new metre, which bears their name, and is familiar to us by the well known odes of Ho- race. Their poetry was the warm outpouring of the writers' inmost feelings, and presents the lyric poetry of the iEolians at its highest point. Of the life of Alcajus we have several interesting particulars. He fought in the war between the Athenians and Mytilcnaians for the possession of Sigeum (b.c. GOG), and incurred the disgrace of leaving his arms behind him on the field of battle. He en- joyed, notwithstanding, the reputation of a brave and skilful warrior, and his house is described by himself as furnished with the weapons of war rather than with the instruments of his art. He took an active part in the civil dissensions of his native state, and warmly espoused the cause of the aristocratical party, to which he belonged by birth. When the nobles were driven into exile, he endeavoured to cheer their spirits by a number of most animated odes, full of invectives against the popular party and its leaders. In order to oppose the attempts of the exiled nobles, Pittacus was unanimously chosen by the people as ^symnetes or Dictator. Ho held his office for ten years (n.c. 589 — 579), B.C. 600. STESICHORUS. ALGOUS. SAPPHO. isj and during that time he defeated all the efTorts of the exiles and estabhshed the constitution on a popular basis When Alcaeus perceived that aU hope of restoration to his native country was gone, he traveled into Egypt and other lands. The fragments of his poems which remain, and the excellent imitations of Horace, enable us to understand something of their character. Those which have received the highest praise are his warlike odes.* of which we have a specimen in the fol- lowing description of his palace halls :— "From floor to roof the spacious palace halls Glitter with war's array ; With biirnish'd metal clad, the lofty v/alls Beam like the bright noon day. There white-plumed helmets hang from many a nail Above in threatening row; ' Steel-garnish'd tunics, and broad coats of mail bpread o'er the space below. * Chalcidian blades enow, and belts are here Greaves and emblazon'd shields ; * Well-tried protectors from the hostile spear On other battle-fields. With these good helps our work of war's besun- With these our victory must be won." f In some of his poems Alcaus described the hardships of exile, and the perils he encountered in his wanderings by land and by sea,1: while m others he sang of the pleasures of love and of wine. .. ft^^f"",' ?" T*''™^'"''y "*■ ^''=*"'' ^'^°m he addresses as greatest of all the Greek poetesses. The ancient writers ain-ee in expressing the most unbounded admiration for her poetry ■ Plato of Sol„?*tJ!\'P'*'T" "-^"^.Kthe tenth Muse ; and it is 'related ot bolon, that, on heanng for the first time the recital of one of cTJ^?",' ^irP^^y*^** that he might not see death until he had S « f '"T'y- ^ '^' ""''"*^ °f ^'' hfe we have scarcely any mformation ; and the common story that, bein" in iownZ ^^? ''"•I /"ding her love unrequited, she leal^ of w7^ ^A"f/'"-," "^^- ^™« *° ^^^^ been an invention literarv « ™W ^* ^^^"'f " ^"P^^" ^"^ *e centre of a female iiterary society, the members of which were her pupils in poe- • " Alcmi ininaees Cotncna;."— Hok. Carm. iv. 9, 7. f Translated by Colonel Mure. " .'/^ sonantpin plcnius aiii-eo, Alca)e, pleetro dura navis. Dura fugte mala, dura belli."— Hor. Cami. il 13, 20. IM HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. XUI. try, fashion, and gallantry. Modern writers have indeed at- tempted to prove that the moral character of Sappho was free from aU reproach, and that her tenderness was as pure as it was glowing ; hut it is impossible to read the extant fragments of her poetry without heing forced to come to the conclusion that a female who could write such verses could not be the pure and virtuous woman which her modem apologists pretend. Her poems were chiefly amatory,* and the most important of the fragments which have heen preserved is a magnificent odo to the Goddess of Love. In several of Sappho's fragments we perceive the exquisite taste with which she employed images drawn from nature, of which we have an example in the beau- tiful hue imitated by Byron — •*0 Hesperus I thou hringest all things.** HO. Anacreon is the last Lyric poet of this period who claims our attention. He was a native of the Ionian city of Teos. He spent part of his life at Samos, under the patronage of Poly- crates, in whose praise he wrote many songs. After the death of tliis despot (b.c. 522), he went to Athens, at the invitation of Hipparchus, who sent a galley of fifty oars to fetch liim. He remained at Athens till the assassination of Hipparchus (b.c. 514), when he is supposed to have returned to Teos. The uni- versal tradition of antiquity represents Anacreon as a consum- mate voluptuary ; and his poems prove the truth of the tradition. He sings of love and wine with hearty good will, and we see in hiin the luxury of the Ionian inflamed by the fervour of the |X)et. His death was worthy of his life, if we may believe the account ths,t he was choked hy a grape-stone. Only a few genuine frag- ments of his poems have come down to us, for the odes ascribed to him are now universally admitted to be spurious. § 11. Down to the end of the sevenih century before Christ literary celebrity in Greece was exclusively confined to the poets ; but at the commencement of the following century there sprang up in different parts of Greece a number of men who, under the name of the Seven Sages, hecame distinguished for their practi- cal sagacity and wise sayings or maxims. Their names are difierently given in the various popular catalogues ; but those most generally admitted to the honour are Solon, Thalcs, Pitta- cus, Periander, Cleobulus, Chile, and Bias. Most of these per- ionages were actively engaged in the aflairs of pubhc life, and ♦ "spirat adlmc amor Vivuntque commissi calores jEoliie fidibus puelloe."— Hor, Carm. iv. 9, 10. B.C. 600. THE SEVEN SAGES. 135 exercised great influence upon their contemporaries. Thev were the authors of tlie celebrated mottoes inscribed in later days in the Delphian temple—" Know thyself,"—" Nothing too much " -- Know thy opix)rtunity,"— " Suretyship is the precursor of Of Solon^ the legislator of Athens, and of Periander, the despot of Corinth, we have already spoken at length : and hiloS h ^''""^"'^y "^"^ °'" "°*''='^ ^« the founder of Grecian Pittacus has been mentioned in connection with the life of Aicajus, as the wise and virtuous ruler of Mitylene, who re- signed the sovereign power which his fellow-citizens had volun- tarily conferred upon him, after establishing pohtical order in the state. The maxims attributed to him illustrate the amiable Icatures of his character. He pronounced " the greatest bless- ♦T.^Vl. ' " T'"' ""^ ''"■'"y *" ^ *'' Po^er of doing good" that the most sagacious man was he who foresaw the approach k -'wf^fT' " '^? ^V'^' ™=^" he who knew how to C t , that victory should never be stained by blood :" and that ishmenT"'^''' ^ """ "''^"^"''^ ''^'"'^ "" '=™'' *''''■' P"^- _ Cleobulus was despot of Lindus, in the island of Rhodes, and IS only known by his pithy sayings. He taught that " a man should never leave his dweUing without consfdering well what he was about to do, or re-enter it without rellecting on what he had done ; and that " it was foUy in a husband either to fondle or reprove his -vaia m company." .,*^''"°.' u- ^r^t' ^^ ^^^""^ ^^^ "ffi^" °f Eph°r in his native tn/' wi, ' daughter was married to the Spartan king Deraara- tus. When asked what were the three most difficult things in a man s hie, he replied : " To keep a secret, to forgive injuries, and to make a prohtable use of leisure time." Bias of Prieno in Ionia, appears to have been the latest of the beven Sages, since he was alive at the Persian conquest of the oman cit.es The foUowing are specimens of his maxims : he leciarcd the most unfortunate of all men to be the man who knows not how to bear misfortune ;" tliat ■' a man should be Slow in making up his mind, but swift in executing his de- c^ions ; that " a man should temper his love for his friends by in^rr^tf r I. f '}% r =** ^™" '^''^ hecome his enemies, and moderate his hatred of his enemies by the reflection that thev might some day become his friends." When overtaken bv a storm on a voyage with a dissolute crew, and hearing them offer up prayers for their safety, he advised them rather "tobe silent, iest the gods should discover that they were at sea " , 136 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIII. nS. The history of Greek philosophy hegins \vitli Thalcs of Miletus, who was bom about B.C. 640, and died in 550, at the age of 90. He was the founder of the Ionic school of phi- losophy, and to him were traced the first beginnings of geometry and astronomy. The main doctrine of his philosophical sys- tem was, that water, or lluid substance, was the single original element from which every thing came and into which every thing returned. Anaximander, the successor of Thalcs in the Ionic school, lived from B.C. 610 to 547. He was distinguished for his know- ledge of astronomy and geography, and is said to have been the first to introduce the use of the sun-dial into Greece. He was also one of the earliest Greek writers in prose, in which he composed a geographical treatise. He is further said to have constructed a chart or map to accompany this work ; and to this account we may give the more credence, since in the century after his death, at the time of the Ionic revolt, the Ionian Aristagoraa showed to the Spartan Cleomenes *' a tablet of copper, upon which was inscribed every known part of the habitable world, the seas, and the rivers." Anaximenes, the third in the series of the Ionian philosophers, lived a little later than Anaximander. He endeavoured, like Thales, to derive the origin of all material things from a single element ; and, according to his theor)% air was the source of life. In like manner, Heraclitus of Ephesus, who flourished about B.C. 513, regarded fire or heat as the primary form of all mat- ter ; and theories of a similar nature were held by other phi- losophers of this school. A new path was struck out by Anaxagoras of Clazomenae, the most illustrious of the Ionic philosophers. Anaxagoras was born in B.C. 499, and consequently his life, strictly speaking, belongs to the next period of Grecian history, but we mention him here in order to complete our account of the Ionic School. He came to Athens in 480 B.C., being then only in his twentieth year. Though he inherited a considerable property from his father, he resigned it all to his relatives, in order to devote himself entirely to philosophy. He continued to teach at Athens for thirty years, and numbered among his hearers Pericles, Socrates, and Euripides. He abandoned the system of his predecessors, and, instead of regarding some elementary form of matter as the origin of all things, he conceived a supreme mind or intelligence,* distinct from the visible world, to have imparted form and order to the chaos of nature. These innovations afforded the Athe- nians a pretext for indicting Anaxagoras of impiety, though it is * Novf. B.C. 60a SCHOOLS OF PHILOSOPHY. 137 probable that his connexion with Pericles was the real cause of that proceeding It was only through the influence and elo- quence of Pericles that he was not put to death ; but he was sen- tenced to pay a fine of five talents and quit Athens. The phi- losopher retired to Lanipsacus, where he died at the age of 72. V 1 :^ • f ^■'''''''^ ^""^'"^^ ""^ ^'^^^ philosophy was th^ Eleatic which derived its name from Elea or Velia"^ a Greek colony on the western coast of Southern Italy. It was founded by Xen<^ phanes of Colophon, who fled to Elea on the conquest of h^ native land by the Persians. He conceived the whole of nature Hnnn. ;i .'^ not hesitate to denounce as abominable the Homeric descriptions of the gods. His philosophical system was developed in the succeeding century by his successors^ Pa^ memdes and Zeno, who exercised great influence upon Gr^k speculation by the acuteness of their dialectics ^ ^' J^'^i ^^'"""^ ^^^"^^ ""^ philosophy was founded by Pytha- goras. The history of this celebrated man has been obscured by _f V ^^^u' T'^""'"'' ^"* ^^^'^ ^^« ^ few important facts respecting him which are sufficiently well ascertained. He was a native ol feamos, and was born about b.c. 580. His father was stel^t^f ^^rchant a,d Pythagoras himself travelled extend sively in the East. His travels were gi-eatly magnified by the credulity of a later age, but there can be no reasonable doubt Uiat he visited Egypt, and perhaps also Phoenicia and Babylon He IS said to have received instruction from Thales, Anaxi- mander, and other of the early Greek philosophers. Of his own SrtT TJ" '^' knowledge is very limited ; since he left noting behmd him m writing, and the later doctrines of the Pythagoreans were naturally attributed to the founder of the ^S; nf '" 't ' JT'^''' *^^* ^'^ ^^^^^^^d ^^ the transmi- thTvlff. ' ''''^ ^'^ contemporary Xenophanes related ^ir^ T''.^'"'^ a dog beaten interceded in its behalf. W ?f7n- " Yr^ "^ ^ ^""'^^ ^^ ^^h^^' ^h«"^ I recognize by ts voice. Later writers added that Pythagoras asserted Eur hn^^^^^ had formerly dwelt in the body^of the Trojan the ' 1 T ?T^ f ^^ ^/^^^^^ ^« '^^ d«^' at first sight the shield of Euphorbus from the temple of Hera (Juno) at Argos, where it had been dedicated by Menelaus.* Pythagoras "habentque lartai'a Panthoiden, iterum Oreo Demissuni, quamvis clipeo Trojana refixo Ten)pora testatus, nihil ultra Nervos atque cutem morti coucesserat atrse." HoR. Carm. i. 28, la ; 1S8 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIII was distinguished by his knowledge of geometry and arithmetic ; and it was probably from his teaching that the Pythagoreans were led to regard numbers in gome mysterious mamicr as the basis and essence of all things. We shall, however, form an er- roneous opinion of the character of Pythagoras, if we regard him simply as a philosopher, attaching to the word the same mean- ing which it bore among the Athenians of a later age. He was in fact more of the religious teacher than of the philosopher ; and he looked upon himself as a being destined by the gods to reveal to his disciples a new and a purer mode of life. The religious element in his character made a profound impression upon his contemporaries, and they believed him to stand in a close con- nexion with the gods. Pythagoras is said to have returned to Samos about the age cf forty, with a mind deeply impressed with his divine mission. Finding the condition of liis native country, which was then under the despotism of Polycrates, unfavourable to the dis- semination of his doctrines, he migrated to Croton in Italy. Here he met with the most wonderful success. His public exhortations induced numbers to enrol tliemselves as mem- bers of the new society which he sought to estabUsh. This society was a kind of religious brotherhood, the members of which were bound together by peculiar rites and observances. There were various gradations among the members, and no can- didates were admitted without passuig through a period of pro- bation, in which their intellectual faculties and general character were tested. Everything done and taught in the iiateniity was kept a profound secret from all without its pale. It appears that the members had some private signs, like Freemasons, by which they could recognize each other, even if they had never met before. From the secrecy in which their proceedings were enveloped, we do not know the nature of their religious rites, nor the peculiar diet to which they are said to have been sub- jected. Some writers represent Pythagoras as forbidding all animal food ; but aH the members cannot heve been subjected to this prohibition, since we know that the celebrated athlete Milo was a Pythagorean, and it would not have been possible for him to have dispensed with animal food. But temperance was strictly enjoined ; and their whole training tended to produce great self- possession and mastery over the passions. Most of the converts of Pythagoras belonged to the noble and wealthy classes. Three hundred of them, most attached to their teacher, formed the nucleus of the society, and were closely united to Pythagoras and each other by a sacred vow. His doctrines spread rapidly over Magna Gracia, and clubs of a similar character were B.C. 630. PYTHAGORAS. 139 estabUshed at Sybaris, Metapontum, Tarentum, and other cities. It does not appear that Pythagoras had originally any political designs m the Ibundation of the brotherhood ; but it was only natural that a club like that of the Three Hundred at Croton should speedily acquire great influence in the conduct of public affairs, which it uniformly exerted in favor of the oligarchical party. Pythagoras himself also obtained great political power. He did not, it is true, hold any public office, either at Croton or elsewhere ; but he was the general of a powerful and well- discipUned order, which appears to have paid implicit obedience to his commands, and which bore in many respects a striking resemblance to the one founded in modem times by Ignatius Loyola. The influence, however, exercised by the brotherhood upon public affairs proved its ruin. The support which it lent to the oligarchical party in the various cities, the secrecy of its proceedings, and the exclusiveness of its spirit produced against the whole system a wide-spread feeling of hatred. The conquest of Sybaris by Croton (b. c. 510), of which an account has been already given, seems to have elated the Pytha- goreans beyond measure. The war had been undertaken through the advice of Pythagoras himself; and the forces of Croton had been commanded by Milo, a member of the brother- hood. Accordingly, on the termination of the war, the Pytha- goreans opposed more actively than ever the attempts of the popular party to obtain a share in the government of Croton, and refused to divide among the people the territory of the conquered city. A revolution was the consequence. A demo- cratical form of govenunent was established at Croton ; and the people now took revenge upon their powerful opponents. In an outbreak of popular fury an attack was made upon the house in which the leading Pythagoreans were assembled; the house was set on fire ; and many of the members perished. Similar riots took place in the other cities of Magna Gracia, in which Pytha- gorean clubs had been formed; and civil dissensions ensued which, after lasting many years, were at length pacified by the friendly mediation of the Achajans of the mother-country. The Pythagorean order, as an active and organised brotherhood, was thus suppressed ; but the Pythagoreans continued to exist as a philosophical sect, and after some interval were again admitted into the cities from which they had been expelled. There were different accounts of the fate of Pythagoras himself; but he is generally stated to have died at Metapontum, where his tomb was shown in the time of Cicero. Temple of ^gina, restored. CHAPTER XIV. HISTORY OF ART. § 1. Perfection of Grecian art. § 2. Origin of architecture. § 3. Cyclopean walls. Treasury of A treus. § 4. Architecture of temples. §'.5. Three orders of architecture, the Doric, Ionic, and Corintliian. § 6. Temples of Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus, of Hera (Juno) at tSamos, of Apollo at Delphi, and of Jove at Athens. Remains of temples at Posidonia (Paes- tum), Selinus, and JEgina. § 7. Origin of Sculpture. Wooden images of the gods. Sculptured figures on architectural monuments. Lions over the gate at Mjcenaj. § 8. Improvements in sculpture in the sixth and fifth centuries b.c. § 9. Extant specimens of Grecian sculpture. The Selinuntine, jEginetan, and Lycian marbles. § 10. History of painting. U. The perfection of Greek art is still more wonderful than the perfection of Greek literature. In poetry, history, and oratory, other languages have produced works which may stand comparison with the master-pieces of Greek literature ; hut in architecture and sculpture the pre-eminence of the Hellenic race is acknowledged hy the whole civilized world, and the most suc- cessful artist of modem times only hopes to approach, and dreams not of surpassing the glorious creations of Grecian art. The art of a people is not only a most interesting branch of its antiquities, but also an important part of its history. It forma Chap. XIV. ARCHITECTURK 141 one of the most durable evidences of a nation's growth in civi- lization and socia progress. The remains of the Parthenon alone would have borne the most unerring testimony to the in- tellectual and social greatness of Athens, if the histcry of Greece known^^" "" ^"""^ *^^ ''^™^' ""^ ■^^'''^^^' "^^ ^^^^^^« ^- ^ 2 Architecture first claims our attention in tracing the his- tory of Grecian art, since it attained a high degiee of excellence at a much earlier period than either sculpture or painting Architecture has Its origin m nature and in religion. The neces- sity ol a habitation for man, and the attempt to erect habita- tions suitable for the gods, are the two causes from which the art derives its existence. In Greece, however, as in most other countries, architecture was chiefly indebted to religion for its development ; and hence its history, as a fine art, is closely con! nected with that of the temple. But before speaking IfZ Grecian temples, it is necessary to say a few words respectin.^ the earher buildings of the Greeks. ° § 3 The oldest works erected by Grecian hands are those SCr .?t f P ^''^ ^'%l''^^ ^^"^^^ ^' Tiiyns and Mycen^, and o her cities of Greece. They consist of enormous blocks of ;tone put together without cement of any kind, though they differ from one another m the mode of their construction In the most ancient specimens, the stones are of irregular polygonal shapes being filled up with smaller stones : of this we have aA example m the walls of the citadel of Tirjus. ^^^yi& Wall at Tiryns. In other cases the stones, though they are still of irre-mlar polygonal shapes, are skihuUy hewn and fitted to one anoUie" and their faces are cut so as to give the whole wall a smooth 142 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIV. appearance. A specimen of this kind is seen in the walls of Larissa, the citadel of Argos. In the third species the stones Wall of the Citadel of Argos. aie more or less regular, and are laid in horizontal courses. The walls of MycensB present one of the best examples of tin's structure. (See drawing on p. 25.) These gigantic walls are generally known by the name of Cyclopean, because posterity could not believe them to be the works of man. Modern writers assign them to the Pelasgians ; but we know nothing of their origin, though we may salely believe them to belong to the earliest periods of Greek history. In the Homeric poems we find the cities of Greece surrounded with massive walls ; and the poet speaks of the chief cities of the Argive kingdom as " the walled Tiryns," and *' Mycenae, the well-built city." The only other remains which can be regarded as con- temporary with these massive walls are those subterraneous dome-shaped edifices usually supposed to have been the trea- suries of the heroic kings. This, however, seems doubtful, and many modem writers maintain them to have been the family- vaults of the ancient heroes by whom they were erected. The best preserved monument of this kind is the one at Mycena), where we find so many remains of the earhest Grecian art. This building, generally called the Treasury of Atreus, is entirely under ground. It contains two chambers, the one upon entrance be- ing a large vault about fifty feet in width, and forty in height, giving access to a small chamber excavated in the solid rock. The .building is constructed of horizontal courses of masonry, which gradually approach and unite in the top in a closing stone. Its principle is that of a wall resisting a superincumbent weight, and deriving strength and coherence from the weight itself, which is in reality the principle of the arch. The doorway of the monument was formerly adorned with pilasters and other ornaments in marble of different colours. It appears to have been lined in the interior with bronze plates, the holes for the nailfi of which are still visible in horizontal rows. Chap. XIV. TEMPLES. 143 ^ 4. The temples of the gods were originally small in size and mean in appearance. The most ancient were nothing but hollow trees m which the images of the gods were placed, since the temple in early times was simply the habitation of the deity and not a place for the worshippers. As the nation grew in know- ledge and m civilisation, the desire naturally arose of improving and embellishing the habitations of their deities. The tree w^ first exchanged for a wooden house. The form of the temple was undoubtedly borrowed from the common dwellings of men Among the Greeks of Asia Minor, we still find an exact con^ lormity ol style and arrangement between the wooden huts now />ccupied by the peasantry, and the splendid temples of antiquity. ^O^imyiTTrmm ->') Wooden hut in Asia Minor. The wotKien habitation of the god gave way in turn to a temple ot stone. In the erection of these sacred edifices, architecture made great and rapid progress ; and even as early as the sixth century there were many magnificent temples erected in va- rious parts of Hellas. Most of the larger temples received their light from an openmg in the centre of the building, and were tor this reason caUed hypwthral* or under the sky. They usually consisted of three parts, the j^oncwsA or vestibule ; the naos 1 or ccUa, which contained the statue of the deity, and the opistho- domusk or back-bmldmg, in which the treasures of the temple were frequently kept. The form of the temples was very simple being either oblong or round ; and their grandeur was owing to the beautiful combmation of columns which adorned the interior as well as the outside. These columns either surrounded the building entirely, or were arranged in porticoes on one or more Ol Its Ironts; and according to their number and distribution temples have been classified both by ancient and modern writers on architecture. Columns were originally used simply to sup- port the roof of the building ; and, amidst all the elaborations of vnaiO^^. f rrgovao^, | vaog, also called avKo^. § dmaOodoiiog. 144 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIV. a later age, this object was always kept in view. Hence we find the column supporting a horizontal mass, technically called the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian Columns. entablature. Both the column and the entablature arc again divided into three distinct parts. The former consists of the base, the shaft, and the capital ; the latter of the architrave, the frieze, and the cornice. The architrave is the chief beam,* rest- ing on the summit of the row of columns ; the frieze rises above the architrave, and is frequently adorned by figures in relief, whence its Greek name ;t and above the frieze projects the cor- nice,! forming a handsome finish to the entablature. According to certain differences in the proportions and embellishments of the columns and entablature Grecian architecture was divided into three orders, called respectively the Doric, Ionic, and Corin- thian. § 5. The Doric order is the most ancient, and is marked by the characteristics of the people from whom it derives its name. It IS simple, massive, and majestic. The column is characterised by the absence of a base, by the thickness and rapid diminution of the shaft, and by the simplicity and massiveness of the capital. In the entablature, the architrave is in one surface and quite plain. The frieze is ornamented by triglyphs, so called from the three flat bands into which they are divided by the mtervening channels ; while the metopes, or the vacant spaces between the triglyphs, are also adorned with sculptures in high * Called by the Greeks 'EmarvXtov eputylium. f Zw^opof, zophorut. I Kopuy/f, eoronis. Chap. XIV. TEMPLES. 146 rehef The cornice projects far, and on its under side are cut several sets of drops, called mutules. The Ionic order is distinguished by simple gracefulness, and by a much richer style of ornament than the Doric The shaft of the column is much more slender, and rests upon a base • while the capital is adorned by spiral volutes. The architrave IS in three faces, the one slightly projecting beyond the other • there is a small cornice between the architrave and the frieze' and all three members of the entablature are more or less orna- mented with mouldinjTS. X aiPiasms^yiS^ EZZzaBsas^s&ziiSiSJSBsis&a^ X J U U U U (J u u u Doric Architecture. From Temple at Phigalia. Ionic Architecture. From the Erechtheum. The Corinthian order is only a later form of the Ionic, and be- longs to a period subsequent to the one treated in the present book. It IS especially characterized by its beautiful capital, which IS said to have been suggested to the mind of the celebrated sculp- tor Lallimachus by the sight of a basket, covered by a tile and overgrown by the leaves of an acanthus, on which it had accident- ally been placed. The earliest known example of its use throujih- H "" H6 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XIV. out a building is in the monument of Lysicrates, commonly called the Lantern of Demosthenes, wliich was built in B.C. 335. Corinthian Architecture. From Monument of Lysicrates. f 6. Passing over the earlier Greek temples, we find at the be- ginning of the sixth century B.C. several magnificent buildings of this kind mentioned by the ancient writers. Of these two of the most celebrated were the temple of Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus, and the temple of Hera (Juno) at Samos. The former was erected on a gigantic scale, and from its size and magni- ficence was regarded as one of the wonders of the world. It was commenced about B.C. 600, under the superintendence of the architects Chersiphron and his son Metagenes, of Cnossus in Crete, but it occupied many years in building. The material employed was white marble, 'and the order of architecture adopted was the Ionic. Its length was 425 feet, its breadth OIIAP. XIV. TEMPLEa 147 220 feet ; the columns were 60 feet in height, and 127 in number ; and the blocks of marble composing the architrave were 30 leet in length. This wonder of the world was burnt down by Herostratus, in order to immortalise himself, on the same night that Alexander the Great was born (b.c. 356) • but It was afterwards rebuilt with still greater magnificence by the contributions of all the states of Asia Minor. The temple of Hera (Juno) at Samos was begun about the same time as the one at Ephesus ; but it appears to have been finished much earlier, since it was the largest tem^ie with which Herodotus was acquainted. It was 346 Ibet in length, and 189 m breadth, and was originally built in the Doric style, but the existing remains belong to the Ionic order. The architects were Rhojcus, and his son Theodorus, both natives of Samos. In the latter half of the same century the temple of Delphi was rebuilt after its destruction by fire in b.c. 548. The sum required for the erection of this temple was 300 talents, or about 115,000/., which had to be coUected from the various cities in tne Hellenic world. The contract for the building was taken by the Alcmaeonidaj, and the magnificent manner in which they executed the work has been already mentioned. It was in the Doric style, and the Iront was cased with Parian marble. About the same time Pisistratus and his sons commenced the temple of the Olympian Jove at Athens. It was a colossal fabric in the Doric style, 359 feet in length by 173 in breadth, and was only completed by the emperor Hadrian, 650 years after its foundation. The teraples mentioned above have entirely disappeared, with the exception of a few columns ; but others erected in the sixth and fifth centuries b.c. have withstood more successfully the ravages of time. Of these the most perfect and the most striking are the two temples at Posidonia, or Psstum, the colony of Sy- baris m southern Italy, the remains of which still fill the beholder with admiration and astonishment. Tlie larger of the two, which IS the more ancient, is characterised by the massive simphcity ot the ancient Doric style. It is 195 feet long by 75 feet wide. Ihere are hkewise considerable remains of three ancient temples at feehnus m Sicily, built in the Doric style. The temple of Jove 1 anhellemus, m the island of iEgina, of which many columns are still standmg, was probably erected in the sixth century B.C., and not after the Persian wars, as is stated by many modem writers. It stands in a sequestered and lonely spot in the north-east corner of the island, overlooking the sea and com- manding a view of the opposite coa^t of Attica. It is in the Done style ; and the iront elevation, as restored, is exhibited in the engraving at the head of this chapter. IlLSTORY OF GREECK Chap. XIV. Chap. XIV. STATUARY. I ft $ 7. Sculpture, or to use a more correct expression, Statuary, owed its origin, like architecture, to religion. The only statues in Greece were for a long time those of the gods ; and it was not till about B.C. 550 that statues began to be erected in honour of men. The most ancient representations of the gods did not even pretend to be images, but were only symboUcal signs of their presence, and were often nothing more than unhewn blocks of stone or simple pieces of wood. Sometimes there was a real statue of the god, carved in wood, of which material the most ancient statues were exclusively made.* The art of carving in wood was confined to certain families, and was handed down from father to son. Such famihes are represented in Attica by the mythical name of Daedalus, and in jEgina by the equally mythical name of SmiUs, from both of whom many artists of a later age traced their descent. The hereditary cultivation of the art tended to repress its improvement and development; and the carvers long continued to copy from generation to generation the exact type of each particular god. These wooden figures were frequently painted and clothed, and were decorated with diadems, car-rings, and necklaces, and in course of time were partly covered with gold or ivory. Statues in marble or metal did not begin to be made till the sixth century b.c. Though statuary pro^. or the construction of a round %ure standinj? by itself, continued in a rude state for a long tiLe in Greece, /et sculptured figures on architectural inonu- ments were executed at an early period in a superior style of art. One of the earliest specimens of sculpture still extant is the work in relief above the ancient gate at Mycciut', representing two lions standing on their hind legs with a kind of pillar be- tween them. They are figured on p. 25. § 8. About the beginning of the sixth century B.C. a fresh impulse was given to statuary, as well as to the other arts, by the discovery of certain mechanical processes in the use and application of the metals. Glaucus of Chios is mentioned as the inventor of the art of solderuig metal ;t and Rhcecus and Theodorus of Samos, who have been already spoken of as archi- tects, invented the art of casting figures of bronze in a mould. The magnificent temples, which began to be built about the same period, called into exercise the art of the sculptor, since the friezes and pediments were usually adorned with figures in rehef DipGcnus and Scyllis of Crete, who practised their art at Sicyon about B.C. 580, were the first sculptors who obtained renown for their statues in marble. They founded a school of art in Sicyon, • A wooden statue was called ^oavov, from ^€«, "polish" or " carve." f atdrJQov KoAAjyoff, Ilcrod. i. 25. 149 which long enjoyed great celebrity. The other most distin- guished schools of art were at Samos, Chios, iEgina, and Argos. The practice of erecting statues of the victors in the great public games, which commenced about b.c. 550, was like\vise of great service in the development of the art. In forming these statues the sculptor was not tied down by a fixed type, as in the case of the images of the gods, and consequently gave greater play to his inventive powers. The improvement thus produced in the statues of men was gradually extended to the images of the gods ; and the artist was emboldened to depart from the ancient models, and to represent the gods under new forms of beauty and grandeur. Nevertheless even the sculptures which belong to the close of the present period still bear traces of the religious restraints of an earlier age, and form a transition from the hardness and stiffness of the archaic style to that ideal beauty which was shortly afterwards developed in the sublime works of Phidias ^ 9. Among the remams of the sculpture of this period still extant, those most worthy of notice are the reliefs in the metopes of the temple of SeUnus, the statues on the pediments of the temple of iEgina, and the reliefs on the great monument recently discovered at Xanthus in Lycia. The two reliefs given on p. 114 are taken from the metopes of two temples at Sehnus. The first, belonging to the more ancient of the temples, which was probably built about b.c. 600, represents Perseus cutting off the head of Medusa, with the assistance of Pallas. The wo°rk is very rude and very inferior, both in style and execution, to the hons over the gate at Mycenaj. The second, belonging to the more recent of the temples, probably erected in the latter half of the fifth century, exhibits a marked improvement. It repre- sents Action metamorphosed into a stag by Artemis (Diana), and torn to pieces by his own dogs. Two of the statues on one of the pediments of the temple at ^gma are represented on pp. 16, 17. These statues were dis- covered HI 1812, and are at present in the collection at Munich. They have been restored by Thorwaldsen. The subject is Athena (Mmerva) leading the ^acids or ^ginetan heroes in the war against the Trojans. There are traces of colour on the clothes, arms, eye-balls, and lips, but not on the flesh ; and it appears, from the many small holes found in the marble, that bronze armour was fixed to the statues by means of nails. There is great animation in the figures, but their gestures are too violent and abrupt ; and one may still perceive evident traces of the archaic style. The close imitation of nature is very striking. The reliefs on the monument at Xanthus in Lycia were evi- 160 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIV. dently executed by Greek artists, and probably about the same time as the ^ginetan statues. The monument consists of a quadran^lar tower of limestone on a base, and was surrounded on four sides by marble friezes at the height of 20 feet from the ground. On these Inezes, which are now in the British Museum, there are sculptures representing various mythological subjects ; and, from the ends of the narrower sides containing four beau- tiful Harpies carrying off maidens, the building is frequently called the Harpy Monument. The general character of these 'Bculptures is an antique simplicity of style, united with grace and elegance of execution. §10. Painting is not mentioned as an imitative art in the earliest records of Grecian literature. Homer does not speak of any kind of pauiting, although he frequently describes gar- ments inwoven with figures. The fine arts in all countries appear to have been indebted to religion for their development ; and since painting was not connected in early times with the worship of the gods, it long remained beliind the sister arts of architecture and sculpture. For a considerable period all paint- ing consisted in coloring statues and architectural monuments, of which we find traces in the ruins of the temples already described. The first improvements in painting were made in the schools of Corinth and Sicyon ; and the most ancient speci- mens of the art wliich have come down to us are found cii the oldest Corinthian vases, which may be assigned to the beginning of the sixth century b.c. About the same time painting began to be cultivated in Asia Minor, along with architecture and sculpture. The paintings of the town of Phocsea are mentioned on the capture of that city by Harpagus in b.c. 544 ; and a few yeai-s afterguards (b.c. 508) Mandrocles, who constructed for Darius the bridge of boats across the Bosporus, had a picture painted representing the passage of the army and the king him- self seated on a throne reviewing the troops as they passed. The only great painter, however, of this period, whose name has been preserved, is Cimoii of Cleonas, whose date is uncertain, but who probably must not be placed later than the time of Pisistratus and his sons (b.c. 560-510). He introduced great improvements into the art, and thus prepared the way for the perfection in which it appears at the beginning of the following period. His works probably held the same place in the history of painting which the jEginetan marbles occupy in the history of sculpture, forming a transition from the archaic stifihess of the old school to the ideal beauty of the paintings of Polygnotu* of Tliasos. Cyrus, from a bas-relief at Pasargadasf . BOOK III. THE PEESIAN WARS. B.C. 500 — 478. CHAPTER XV. THE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. § 1. Introduction. § 2. The Assyrian Empire. § 3. The Median Empire. I 4. The Babylonian Empire. § 5. The Lydian Monarchy, and its in- fluence upon the Asiatic Greeks. § 6. Conquest of tlie Asiatic Greeks by Croesus, king of Lydia. § 7. Foundation of the Persian Empire by Cyrus, and overthrow of the Median Empire by the latter. § 8. Coiu quest of the Lydian Monarchy by Cvrus. § 9. Conquest of the Asiatic Greeks by Harpagus, tlie general of Cyrus. Death of Cyrus. § 10. Keigns of Cambyses and of the false Smerdis. § 1 1. History of Poly- crates, despot of Samoa § 12. Accession of Darius, son of Hystaspea* 152 niSTORY OF GREECR Chap. XV. B lit His organi2ation of the Persian Empire. § 13. Invasion of Scythia ^7 ■l{»""^ 8 14- S5ubjection of Thrace and Macedonia to the Per- sian Empire. I 1- The Friod upon wliich we are now enterinff is the most briUiant m the history of Greece. The subject has hitherto been conhned to the history of separate and isolated cities, which were but httle afiected by each other's prosperity or adversity. -Kut the Persian invasion produced an important change in the relations of the Greek cities. A common danger drew them closer together and compelled them to act in concert. Thus Grecian history obtains a degree of unity, and consequently of interest. The rise and progress of the Persian empire, which produced such imjwrtant results upon the Grecian states, there- lore claim our attention ; but in order to understand the subject aright, it is necessary to go a httle further back, and to glance at the history of those monarchies which were overthrown by the Persians. ^ $ 2 From the first dawn of history to the present day the J.ast has been the seat of vast and mighty empires. Of the«e the earliest and the most extensive was founded by the Assyrian kings, who resided at the city of Nineveh on the Tigris. At the time of its greatest prosperity this empire appears to have ex- tended over the south of Asia, from the Indus on the east to the Mediterranean sea on the west. Of its history we have hardly any particulars ; but its greatness is attested by the una- nimous voice of sacred and proiane ^Titers ; and the wonder- lul discoveries which have been made within the last few years in the earthen mounds which entomb the ancient Nineveh aiTord unerring testimony of the progress which the Assyrians had made m architecture, sculpture, and the arts of civilized life At the begnming of the eighth century before the Christian era the power of this vast empire was broken by the revolt of the Medes and Babylonians, who had hitherto been its subjects. Ihe city of Nineveh still continued to exist as the seat of an independent kingdom, but the greater part of its dominions was divided between the Medes and Babylonians. ^ 3. The Medes belonged to that branch of the Indo-Germanic family inhabiting the vast space of country knoA^n by the general name oi Iran or Aria, which extends south of the Caspian and the Oxus, from the Indus on the east to Mount Zagros on the west— a range of mountains running parallel to the Tigris and eastward of that river. The north-western part of this country was occupied by the Medes, and their capital Ecbatana was Mtuated in a mountainous and healthy district, which was cele- brated for the freshness and coolness of its climate in the sum- Chap. XV. THE iVSSYRIAN AND MEDIAN EMPIRES. 158 mer heats. Their language was a dialect of the Zend ; and their religion was the one which had been founded by Zoroaster. They worshipped lire as the symbol of the Deity, and their priests were the Magi, who formed a distinct class or caste, pos- sessing great influence and power in the state. The people were brave and warlike, and under their successive monarchs they gradually extended their dominion from the Indus on the east to the river Halys in the centre of Asia Minor on the west, Their most celebrated conquest was the capture of Nineveh' which they rased to the ground in b.c. 606.* § 4. The Babylonians were a Semitic people. Their territory comprised the fertile district between the Tigris and the Eu- phrates, and their capital, Babylon, situated on the latter river, was one of the greatest cities in the ancient world. Herodotus,' who visited it in its decline, describes its size and grandeur in terras which would exceed belief, if the truthfulness of the his- torian was not above all suspicion. It was built in the form of a square, of which each side was 15 miles in length, and it was surrounded by walls of prodigious size, 300 feet high and 75 feet thick. Under Nebuchadnezzar the Babylonian empire reached its height. This monarch extended his dominions as far as the confines of Egypt. He took Jerusalem, and carried away its in- habitants into captivity, and he annexed to his dominions both Judea and Phoenicia. On his death, in b.c. 502, he bequeathed to his son Labynetus (the Belshazzar of Scripture) a kingdom which extended from the Tigris to the frontiers of Egj'pt and the south of Phoenicia. $5. The Median and Babylonian empires did not include any countries inhabited by the Greeks, and exercised only a remote influence upon Grecian civilization. There was, however, a third poAver, which rose upon the ruins of the Assyrian empire, with which the Greeks were brought into immediate contact. This was the Lydian monarchy, whose territory was originally confined to the fertile district eastward of Ionia, watered by the Cayster and the Hermus. The capital of the monarchy was Sardis, which was situated on a precipitous rock belonging to the ridge of Mount Tniolus. Here three dynasties of Lydian kings are said to have reigned. Of the two first we have no account, and it is probable that, down to the commencement of the third of these dynasties, Lydia formed a province of the Assyrian empire. However this may be, the history of Lydia begins only with the accession of Gyges, the founder of the third dynasty ; and it * According to Herodotus, there were four Median kings: — 1. Deioces, the founder of the empire, who reigned b.c. 710-657 ; 2. Phraortes, B.(i 657-635 ; 3. Cyaxares, b.c. 635-595 ; 4. Astyages, b.c. 595-559. H* 104 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XV. ■^1 n ih cannot be a mere accident that the beginning of his reign is nearly coincident with the decline of the Assyrian empire and the foundation of the independent monarchies of the Babylonians and Medes.* Under Gyges and his successors Sardis became the centre of a powerful and civilized monarchy ; and the existence of such a state in close proximity to the Greek cities in Ionia exercised an important influence upon the latter. The Lydians were a wealthy and industrious people, carrying on an extensive commerce, prac- tising manufactures and acquainted with various arts. The Lydians are said to have been the first jMJople to coin money of gold and silver : and of the former metal they obtained large quantities in the sands of the river Pactolus, which flowed down from Mount Tmolus towards the Hermus. From them the Ionic Greeks derived various improvements in the useful and the ornamental arts, especially in the weaving and dyeing of fine fabrics, in the processes of metallurgy, and in the style of their music. The growth of the Lydian monarchy in wealth and civilization was attended with another advantage to the Grecian cities on the coast. As the territory of the Lydians did not originally extend to the sea, the whole of their commerce with the Mediterranean passed through the Grecian cities, and was carried on in Grecian ships. This contributed greatly to the prosperity and wealth of Miletus. Phocsa, and the other Ionian cities. § 6. But while the Asiatic Greeks were indebted for so much of their grandeur and opulence to the Lydian monarchy, the increasing power of the latter eventually deprived them of their political independence. Even Gyges had endeavoured to reduce them to subjection, and the attempt was renewed at various times by his successors j but it was not till the reign of Croesus, the last king of Lydia, who succeeded to the throne in b.c. 560, that the Asiatic Greeks became the subjects of a barbarian power. This monarch succeeded in the enterprise in which his predecessors had failed. He began by attacking Ephesus, and reduced in succession all the other Grecian cities on the coast. His rule, however, was not oppressive ; he appears to have been content with the payment of a moderate tribute, and to have permitted the cities to regulate their own affairs. He next turned his arms towards the east, and subdued all the nations in Asia Minor west of the river Halys, with the exception of the Lycians and Cihcians. Tlie fame of Crccsus and of his countless * According to Herodotus, there were five Lvdian kings :~1. Gyges, who reigned b.c. 7H>-678; 2. Ardys, b.c. 678-629; 3. t^adyattes, B.a 629-617; 4. Alyattes, b.c. 617-660; 6. Croesus, b.c. 560-540. Chap. XV. THE BABYLONIAN AND LFDIAIS EMPIRES. 155 treasures now resounded through Greece. He spoke the Greek language, welcomed Greek guests, and reverenced the Greek oracles, which he enriched with the most munificent offerings. The wise men of Greece were attracted to Sardis by the fame of his power and of his wealth. Among his other visitors he is said to have entertained Solon ; but the celebrated story of the interview between the Athenian sage and the Lydian monarch, which the stern laws of chronology compel us to reject, has aheady been narrated in a previous part of this work.* Croesus deemed himself secure from the reach of calamities, and his kingdom appeared to be placed upon a firm and last^ ing foundation. His own subjects were submissive and obe- dient ; and he was closely comiected with the powerful monarchs of Media, Babylon, and Egj^pt. Astyages, the king of Media, whose territories adjoined his own, was his brother-in-law ; and he had formed an alliance and friendship with Labynetus, king of Babylon, and Amasis, king of Egypt. The four kings seemed to have nothing to fear either from internal commotions or ex- ternal foes. Yet within the space of a few years their dynasties were overthrown, and their territories absorbed in a vast empire, founded by an adventurer till then unknown by name. § 7. The rise and fall of the great Asiatic monarchies have been characterized by the same features in ancient and modem times. A brave and hardy race, led by its native chief, issues either from the mountains or from the steppes of Asia, overnms the more fertile and cultivated parts of the continent, con- quers the effeminate subjects of the existing monarchies, and places its leader upon the throne of Asia. But the descendants of the new monarch and of the conquering race give way to sensuality and sloth, and fall victims in their turn to the same bravery in another people, which had given the sovereignty to their ancestors. The history of Cyrus, the great founder of the Persian empire, is an illustration of these remarks. It is true that the eariier portion of his life is buried under a heap of fables, and that it is impossible to determine whether he wa* the grandson of the Median king, Astyages, as is commonly stated ; bufit does not admit of doubt, that he led the warUke Persians from their mountainous homes to a series of conquests, which secured him an empire extending from the ^gean to the Indus, and from the Caspian and the Oxus, to the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. The Persians were of the same race as the Modes, spoke a dialect of the same language, and were adherents of the same religion. They iidiabited the mountainous region south of Media, * Page 100. ■11 if im HISTORY OP GREECK Chap. XV. which abounds in several well-watered valleys, and slopes gra- dually down to the low grounds on the coast of the Persian gulf. While the Modes became enervated by the corrupting influences to which they were exposed, the Persians preserved in their native mountains their simple and warlike habits. They were divided into several tribes, partly agricultural and partly no- madic ; but they were all brave, rude, and hardy, clothed in skins, drinking only water, and ignorant of the commonest lux- uries of life. Cyrus led these fierce warriors from their moun- tain fastnesses, defeated the Medes in battle, took Astyages prisoner, and deprived him of the throne. The other nations, includetl in the Median empire, submitted to the conqueror; and the sovereignty of Upper Asia thus passed from the Medes to the Persians. The accession of Cyras to the empire is placed in B.C. 559. ^ 8. This important revolution excited alike the anger, the fears and the hopes of Croesus. Anxious to avenge his brother- in-law, to arrest the alarming growth of the Persian power, and to enlarge his own dominions, he resolved to attack the new monarch. But before embarking upon so perilous an enterprizc he consulted the oracles of Amphiaraus, and of Apollo at Delphi, in whose veracity he placed the most unbounded confidence. The reply of both oracles was, that " if he should make war upon the Persians, he would destroy a mighty monarchy," and they both advised him to make allies of the most powerful among the Greeks. Understanding the response to refer to the Persian empire, and not, as the priests explained it after the event, to his own, he had no longer any hesitation in commencing the war. In obedience to the oracles he first sent to the Spartans to solicit their alliance, which was readily granted, but no troops were sent to his immediate assistance. He then crossed the Halys at the head of a large anny, laid waste the country of the Syrians of Cappadocia, and took several of their towns. Cyrus lost no time in coming to the lielp of his distant subjects. The two armies met near the Pterian plain in Cappadocia, where a bloody, but indecisive battle was Ibught. As the forces of CroB- sus were inferior in number to those of the Persian king, he thought it more pmdent to retum to Sardis, and collect a large army for the next campaign. Accordingly he despatched en- voys to Labynetus, Amasis, and the Laceda;monians, requesting them to send auxiUaries to Sardis in the course of the next five months ; and meantime he disbanded the mercenary troops who had followed him into Cappadocia. Cyrus anticipated his enemy's plan ; he waited till the Lydian king had re-entered his capital and dismissed his troops ; and EC. 559. CYRUS. im he then marched upon Sardis with such celerity that he ap- peared under the walls of the city before any one could give notice of his approach. Crcesus was thus compelled to fight without his allies ; but he did not despair of success ; for the Lydian cavalry was distinguished for its efficiency, and the open plani before Sardis was favourable for its evolutions To render this force useless, Cyrus placed in front of his line the baggage camels, which the Lydian horses could not endure either to see or to smell. The Lydians, however, did not on this ac- count decline the contest ; they dismounted from their horses and fought bravely on foot ; and it was not till after a fierce combat that they were obliged to take refuge within the city Here they considered themselves secure, till their allies should come to their aid ; for the fortifications of Sardis were deemed impregnable to assault. There was, however, one side of the city which had been left unfortified, because it ftccd upon a rock so lofty and precipitous, as to appear quite inaccessible. But on the lourteenth day of the siege a Persian solcier, having seen one of the garrison descend this rock to pick up his helmet which had rolled down, climbed up the same way, followed by several of his comrades. Sardis was thus taken, and Crcesus with all his treasures fell into the hands of Cyrus (b.c. 546). The Lydian king was condemned to be burnt alive ; but his life was afterwards spared by the conqueror; and he became the confidential adviser both of Cyrus and his son Cambyses. ^ 9. The fall of CroBsus was followed by the subjection of the Ixreek cities m Asia to the Persian yoke. As soon as Sardis had been taken, the lonians and iEoliaiis sent envoys to Cyrus, ofler- mg to submit to him on the same terms as they had obtained Irora Croesus. But the Persian conqueror, who had in vain at- tempted to induce them to revolt from the Lvdian king at the commencement of the war, sternly refused their request, except m the case of Miletus. The other Greeks now began to prepare ^r defence, and sent deputies to Sparta to solicit assistance, ihis was refused by the Spartans ; but they despatched some of their citizens to Ionia to investigate the state of afikirs. One of their number, exceeding the bounds of their commission, re- paired to Cyrus at Sardis, and warned him " not to injure any city m Hellas, for the Lacedaemonians would not permit it." Astonished at such a message from a people of whom he had never heard, the conqueror inquired of the Greeks who stood near him, " Who are these Lacedemonians, and how many are they m number that they venture to send me such a notice?" Having received an answer to his question, he said to the Spar- tan, " I was never yet afraid of men, who have a place set apart 158 HISTORY OF GREECK CuAP. XV. 11 11 11 >P f^ li' in the middle of their city, where they meet to cheat one another and forswear themselves. If I live, they shall have troubles of their own to talk about apart from the loniaiis." This taunt of Cyrus was levelled at Grecian habits generally ; for to the rude barbarian, buying and selling seemed contemptible and dis- graceful. Cyrus soon afterwards quitted Sardis to prosecute his con- quests in the East, and left the reduction of the Greek cities, and of the other districts in Asia Minor, to his lieutenants. The Greek cities ofiered a brave, but inefiectual resistance, and were taken one after the other by Harpagus, the Persian general. The inhabitants of Phocasa and Teos preferred expatriation to slavery ; they abandoned their homes to the conqueror ; and sailed away in search of new settlements. The Phocajans, after experiencing many vicissitudes of fortune, at length settled in the south of Italy, where they founded Elea. The Teians took refuge on the coast of Thrace, where they built the city of Ab- dera. All the other Asiatic Greeks on the mainland were en- rolled among the vassals of Cyrus : and even the inhabitants of the islands of Lesbos and Chios sent in their submission to Har- pagus, although the Persians then possessed no fleet to force them to obedience. Samos, on the other hand, maintained its independence, and appears soon afterwards as one of the most powerful of the Grecian states. After the reduction of the Asiatic Greeks, Harpagus marched against the other districts of Asia Minor, which still refused to own the authority of Cyrus. They were all conquered without any serious resistance, with the exception of the Lycians, who, finding it impossible to maintain their freedom, set fire to their chief town, Xanthus ; and while the women and children perished in the flames, the men salUed forth against the enemy and died sword in hand. While Harpagus was thus employed, Cyrus was making still more extensive conquests in Upper Asia and Assyria. The most important of these was the capture of the wealthy and populous city of Babylon, which he took by diverting the course of the Euphrates, and then marching into the city by tlie bed of the river (b. c. 538). Subsequently he marched against the nomad tribes in Central Asia, but was slain in battle, while fighting against the Massagetse, a people dweUing beyond the Araxes. He perished in b. c. 529, after a reign of thirty years, leaving his vast empire to his son, Cambyses. MO. The love of conquest and of aggrandizement, which had been fed by the repeated victories of Cyrus, still fired the Per- sians. Of the four great monarchies, which Cyrus had found in all their glory, when he descended with his shepherds from the B.C. 629. CAMBYSEa 159 Persian mountains, there yet remained one which had not been destroyed by his arms. Amasis continued to occupy the throne of Egypt in peace and prosperity, while the monarchs of Media, Lydia, and Babylon had either lost their lives, or become the vassals of the Persian king. Accordingly, Cambyses resolved to lead his victorious Persians to the conquest of Egypt. While making his preparations for the invasion, Amasis°died after a long reign, and was succeeded by his son, Psaramenitus, who in- hented neither the abilities nor the good fortune of his father. The defeat of the Egyptians in a single battle, followed by the capture of Memphis with the person of Psaramenitus, decided the fate of the country. Cambyses resided some time in Egypt, which he ruled with a rod of iron. His temper was natumlly violent and capricious ; and the possession of milimited power had created in him a state of mind bordering upon fi-enzy. The idolatry of the Egyptians and their adoration of animals excited the indignation of the worshipper of fire; and he gave vent to his passions by wanton and sacrilegious acts against the most cherished objects and rites of the national religion. Even the Persians experienced the effects of his madness; and his brother Smerdis was put to death by his orders. This act was followed by important consequences. Among the few persons privy to the murder was a Magian, who had a brother bearing the same name as the deceased prince, and strongly resembling him in person. Taking advantage of these circumstances, and of the alarm excited among the leading Persians by the frantic tyranny ot Cambyses, he proclaimed his brother as king, representing him as the younger son of Cyrus. Cambyses heard of the revolt whilst in Syria ; but as he was mounting his horse to march against the usurper, an accidental womid from his sword put an end to his life, b.c. 522. As the younger son of Cyrus was generally believed to be alive, the false Smerdis was acknowledged as king by the Persians, and reigned without opposition for seven months. But the leading 1 ersian nobles had never been quite free from suspicion, and they at length discovered the imposition which had been prac- tised upon them. Seven of them now formed a conspiracy to get nd of the usurper. They succeeded in forcing their way into the palace, and in slaying the Magian and his brother in the eighth month of their reign. One of their number, Darius, ttie son of Hystaspes, ascended the vacant throne, b.c. 521. ^ 11. During the reign of Cambyses, the Greek cities of Asia remained obedient to their Persian governors. The subjection ot the other cities had increased the power and influence of fcamos, which, as we have already seen, had maintained its inde- xm fflSTORY OF GREECE, C3HAP. XV. |» ill 1 It pendence, when the neighbouring islands of Lesbos and Chios had submitted to the lieutenant of Cyrus. At the beginning of the reign of Cambyses, Samos had reached under its dcsjwt, Polycratcs, an extraordinary degree of prosj^erity, and had be- come the most important naval power in the world. The ambition and good fortune of this enterprizing desjwt were alike remarkable. He possessed a hundred ships of war, with which he conquered several of the islands, and even some places on the mainland ; and he aspired to nothing less than the dominion of Ionia, as well as of the islands in the ^gean. The Lacedajmo- iiians, who had invaded the island at the invitation of the Sa- mian exiles for the purpose of overthrowing his government, were obliged to retire after besieging his city in vain for forty days. Every thing which he undertook seemed to prosper ; but his uninterrupted good fortune at length excited the alann of his ally Amasis. According to the tale related by Herodotus, the Egyptian king, convinced that such amazing good fortune would°sooner or later incur the envy of the gods, wrote to Poly- crates, advising him to throw away one of his most valuable pos- sessions, and thus inflict some injury upon himself Thinking the advice to be good, Polycrates threw into the sea a favourite ring of matchless price and beauty ; but unfortunately it was found a few days afterwards in the belly of a fine fish, which a fisher- man had sent him as a present. Amasis now foresaw that the ruin of Polycrates was inevitable, and sent a herald to Samos to renomice his alliance. The gloomy anticipations of the Egyp- tian monarch proved well founded. In the midst of all his prosperity, Polycrates fell by a most ignominious fate. Oroetes, the satrap of tSardis, had for some unknown cause conceived a deadly hatred against the Samian despot. By a cunning stra- tagem, the satrap allured him to the mainland, where he was immediately arrested and hanged upon a cross (b.c. 522). Like many other Grecian desjiots, Polycrates had been a patron of literature and the arts, and the poets Ibycus and Anacreon Ibund a welcome at his court. Many of the great works of Samos — the vast temple of Hera (Juno), the mole to protect the harbour, and the aqueduct for supplying the city with water, carried through a mountain seven furlongs long — were probably executed by him. H2. The long reign of Darius forms an important epoch ni the Persian annals. After putting down the revolts of the Ly- dian satrap OrcEtes, of the Modes, and of the Babylonians, he set liimself to work to organize the vast mass of countries which had been conquered by Cyrus and Cambyses. The difierence of his reign from those of his two predecessor was described by the Persians, in calling Cyrus the father, Cambyses the master, B.C. 522. PARIU& 161 and Darius the retail-trader,— an epithet implying that he was the first to introduce some order into the administration and finances of the empire. He divided his vast dominions into twenty provinces, and appointed the tribute which each was to pay to the royal treasury. These provinces were called satrapies from the satrap or governor, to whom the administration of each was entrusted. Darius was also the first Persian kino^ who coined money ; and the principal gold and silver coin of°the Persian mint was called after him the Daric He also connected Susa and Ecbatana with the most distant parts of the empire by a series of high roads, along which were placed, at suitable mter- vals,^ buildings for the accommodation of all who travelled in the king's name, and relays of couriers to convey royal messaerior to those of the enemy, they resolved to attack them. Meantime reinforcements came pouring in from all quarters ; and the lonians and Atho- B.C. 500. THE IONIC REVOLT. 167 nians, seeing that their position was becoming more danger- ous every hour, abandoned the city and began to retrace their steps. But before they could reach the walls of Ephesus, they were overtaken by the Persian forces and defeated with great slaughter. The lonians dispersed to their several cities ; and the Athenians hastened on board their ships and sailed home. The burnmg of the capital of the ancient monarchy of Lydia was attended with important consequences. When Darius heard of It, he burst into a paroxysm of rage. It was against the ob- scure strangers who had dared to invade his dominions and bum one of his capitals, that his wrath was chiefly directed. " The Athenians," he exclaimed, " who are theyT Upon being in- formed, he took his bow, shot an arrow high into the air, saying, " Grant me, Jove, to take vengeance upon the Athenians :" and he charged one of his attendants to remind him thrice every day at dinner, " Sire, remember the Athenians." His first care, how- ever, was to put down the revolt, which had now assmiied a rnore formidable aspect than ever. The insurrection spread to the Greek cities in Cyprus as well as to those on the Hellespont and the Propontis ; and the Carians warmly espoused the cause of the lonians. k 7. A ibw months after the burning of Sardis the revolt had reached its height, and seemed to promise permanent independ- ence to the Asiatic Greeks. But they were no match for the whole power of the Persian empire, which was soon brought against them. A PhoBuician fleet conveyed a large Fei^ian force to Cyprus, which was soon obliged to submit to its former niasters ; and the generals of Darius carried on operations with vigour against the Carians, and the Greek cities in Asia. Aris- tagoras now began to despair, and basely deserted his country- men, whom he had led into peril. Collecting a large body of Milesians, he set sail for the Thracian coast, where he was slain under the walls of a town to which he had laid siege. Soon after his departure, his father-in-law, Histia^us, came down to loma. Darius had at first been inclined to suppose that HistiSBus had secretly instigated the lonians to revolt ; but the artful Greek not only succeeded in removing suspicion from himself, but persuaded Darius to send him into Ionia, in order to assist the Persian generals in suppressing the rebellion. But Artaphernes was not so easily deceived as his master, and plainly accused Histiajus of treachery when the latter arrived at Sardis. "I will tell you how the facts stand," said Artaphernes to His- tiaeus ; " it was you who made this shoe, and Aristagoras has put It on. ' Finding himself unsafe at Sardis, he escaped to the island of Chios ; but he was regarded with suspicion by all I i 1-4 V s ;;' ■ . ; ■:[ !!■ : HISTORY OF GREECE. Chaf. XVI jMirties. The Milesians refused to admit their fonner despot into their town ; and the louiaus in general would not receive liim as their leader. At length he obtained eight galleys from Lesbos, with which he sailed towards Byzantium, and carried on piracies as well against the Grecian as the barbarian vessels. This unpruicipled adventurer met with a traitor's death. Having landed on the coast of Mysia to reap the standing corn round Ataraeus, he was surprized by a Persian force and made prisoner. Being carried to Sardis, Artaphernes at once caused liim to be crucified, and sent his head to Darius, who ordered it to be ho- nourably buried, condemning the ignomuiious execution of the man who had once saved tlie life of the Great King. ^ 8. The death of Histiajus happened after the subjection of the lonians ; and their fall now claims our attention. In the sixth year of the revolt (b.c. 495), when several Grecian cities had alreajy been taken by the Persians, Artapliemes resolved to besiege Miletus by sea and by land, since the capture of this city was sure to be followed by the submission of all the others. For this purpose he concentrated near Miletus all his land-forces, and ordered the Phajnician fleet to sail towards the city. While he was making these preparations, the Pan-Ionic council assem- bled to deUberate upon the best means of meeting the threaten- ing danger. As they had not sufficient strength to meet the Persian army in the field, it was resolved to leave Miletus to its own defences on the land side, and to embark all their forces on board their ships. The fleet was ordered to assemble at Lade, then a small island near Miletus, but now joined to the coast by the alluvial deposits of the Maeander. It consisted of 3o3 ships, while the Phiunician fleet numbered 600 sail. But not- withstanding their numerical superiority, the Persian generals were afraid to risk an engagement with the combined fleet of the lonians, whose nautical skill was well known to them. They therefore ordered the despots, who had been driven out of the Grecian cities at the commencement of the revolt, and were now serving in the Persian fleet, to endeavour to })ersuade their comi- tiymen to desert the common cause. Each of them accordingly made secret overtures to his fellow-citizens, promising them pardon if they submitted, and threatening them with the severest punishment in case of refusal. But these proposals were all una- nimously rejected. Meantime great want of discipline prevailed in the Ionian fleet. There was no general commander of the whole arma- ment ; the men, though eager for hberty, were impatient of re- straint, and spent the greater part of the day in unprofitable talk under the tents they had erected on the sliore. In a comicii B.C. 495. SUBJUGATION OF IONIA ]G9 of the commanders, Dionysius of Phoc^a, a man of enerrv and ability, pointed out the perils which they ran, and promised them certain victory if they would place themselves under his guidance. Bemg intrusted with the supreme command, Dionv- sms ordered the men on board the ships, and kept them con- stantly engaged m practising all kinds of nautical maiia^uvres ^or seven days in succession they endured this unwonted work beneath the burnmg heat of a summer's sun ; but on the eighth they broke out into open mutiny, and asked, -why they should aiiy longer obey a Phoea^an braggart, who had brought only three ships to the conimon cause ?" Leaving their ships, they airain dispersed over the island and sought the shade of their pleatant tents. There was now less order and discipline than before. Ihe bamiaii leaders became alarmed at the prospect before them; and lypenting that they had rejected the proposals made to them by their exiled despot, they re-opened communications with him, and agreed to desert during the battle The Persian commcinders, confident of victory, no longer hesi- tated to attack the Ionian fleet. The Greeks, not suspectin- treachery, drew up their ships in order of battle ; but just as the two neets were ready to engage, the Samian ships sailed away 1 heir example was followed by the Lesbians, and as the panic spread by the greater part of the fleet. There was, however one brilliant exception. The hundred ships of the Chians, thou-h left almost alone refused to fly, and fought with distinguished braveiy against the enemy, till they were overpowered by su- penor numbers. ^ I 9. The defeat of the Ionian fleet at Lade decided the fate 01 the war. The city of Miletus was soon afterwards taken by storm, and M^as treated with signal severity. Most of the males were slam ; and the few who escaped the sword were carried with the women and children into captivity, and were fmally settled at Amp6, a town near the mouth of the Tigris The fall of this great Ionic city excited the liveliest sympathy at Athens. In the following year the poet Phrynichus, who had made the capture of Miletus the subject of a tragedy, and brought it upon the stage, was sentenced by the Athenians to pay a fine of a thousand drachmae -for having recalled to them their own mis- fortunes. The other Greek cities in Asia and the neighbouring islands, which had not yet fallen into the hands of the Persians, were treated with equal severity. The islands of Chios, Lesbos and Tenedos were swept of their inhabitants ; and the Persian fleet sailed up to the Hellespont and Propontis, carrying with it lire and sword. The inhabitants of Byzantium and Chalccdon fl 170 HISTORY OF GREECE. CiiAP. XVI. did not await its arrival, but sailed away to Mesembria ; and the Athenian Miltiades only escaped falling into tiie power of the Persians by a rapid fiigfit to Athens. The subjugation of Ionia was now complete. This was the third time that the Asiatic Greeks had been conquered by a Ibreign power ; first, by the Lydian Croesus ; secondly, by the generals of Cyrus ; and lastly, by those oi' Darius. It was from the last that they suiiered most ; and they never fully recovered their former prosperity. As soon as the Persians had satiated their vengeance, Artaphernes introduced various regulations lor the govenunent of their country. Thus he caused a new survey of the country to be made, and fixed the amount of tribute which each district was to pay to the Persian government ; and his other measures were calculated to heal the wounds which had been lately inilicted with such barbarity upon the Greeks. Ruins of on Ionic Temple in Lycia. The Plain and Tumulus of Marathon. CHAPTER XVII. THE BATTLE OF MARATHON. § 1. Expedition of Mardoniiis into Greece. §2. Preparations of Darius for a second invasion of Greece. Heralds sent to the leading Grecian states to demand earth and water. § 3. Invasion of Greece by the Pei'sians under Datis and Artaphernes. Conquest of the Cy chides and Eretria. § 4 Preparations at Athens to resist the Persians. History of Miltiades. § 5. Debate among the ten Athenian Generals. Resohition to give battle to the Persians. § 6. Battle of Marathon. § 7. ^love- ments of the Persians after the battle. § 8. Effect of the battle of Marathon upon the Athenians. § 9. Glory of Miltiades. § 10. His unsuccessful expedition to Paros. § 11. His trial, condemnation, and death. §12. History of ^Egina. §18. War between Athens and iEgina. § 14. Athens becomes a maritime power. § 15. Rivalry of Themistocles and Aristidcs. Ostracism of the latter. k 1. Darius had not forgrotten his vow to take vencrcance upon Athens. Shortly after tlie suppression of the Ionic revolt, he appointed Mardonius to succeed Artaphernes in the poveniraent of the Persian provinces bordering upon the ^Egean. Mardonius was a Persian noble of high rank, who had lately married the king's daughter, and was distinguished by a love of gloiy. Da- rius placed at his command a large armament, with injunctions to bring to Susa those Athenians and Eretrians who had in- sulted the authority of the Great King. Mardonius lost no time in crossing the Hellespont, and coniinenced his march through Tlirace and Macedonia, subduing, as he went along, the tribes t f- f !■ 170 HISTORY OF GREECE. CiiAP. XVJ. did not await its arrival, but sailed away to Mesembria; and the Atheaiaii Miltiades only escaped falling into the power of the Persians by a rapid flight to Athens. The subjugation of Ionia was now complete. This was the third time that the Asiatic Greeks had been conquered by a ibreigu power ; lirst, by the Lydian Crcesus ; secondly, by the generals of Cyrus ; and lastly, by those of Darius. It was from the last that they suHered most ; and they never fully recovered their former prosperity. As soon as the Persians had satiated their vengeance, Artapherncs introduced various regulations for the govenunent of their country. Thus he caused a new survey of the country to be made, and fixed the amount of tribute which each district was to pay to the Persian government ; and his otlier measures were calculated to heal the wounds which had been lately iidlicted with such barbarity uj^n the Gieeks. The Plain and Tumulus of Marathon. ^r-' ■Jr. .. f * ,•.«■«<■»» Raina or an Ionic Temple in Lycia. CHAPTER XVII. THE BATTLE OF MARATHON. § 1. ExpcditionofMardonius into Greece. §2. Preparations of Darius for a sceon.l invasion of Greece. Heralds sent to the leadini;: Grecian s''"fe' ^^^^^» ^"» eliaftlcss broken bow; Ihe fiery Greek, liis red pursuing spear; Mountains above, Eartli's, Ocean's i)laiu below. Death m the front, destruction in the rearl Such was the scena" The Athenians tried to set fire to the Persian vessels on the c^ast, but they succeeded in destroying only seven ol" them, foi the enemy here fbught with the courage of despair. Thus ended the battle of Marathon. The Persians lost G400 men in this memorable engagement- of the Athenians only 192 fl-Il. The aged despot Hippias is said to have penshed in the baUlc, and the brave Polemarch Calhmachus was also one of the slain. Among the Athenian combatants were the poet .Eschylus and his brother Cyn^crirus • the latter of whom, while seizing one of the vessels, ha'd his Jiand cut oil by an axe, and died of the womid. § 7. The Persians had no sooner embarked than they sailed towards Cape Smiium. At the same time a bright shield was men raised aloft upon one of the mountains of Attica This was a signal given by some of tiie partisans of Hippias to invito the Persians to surprise Athens, while the army was still ab- sent at Marathon. Miltiades. seeing the direction taken by the Persian fleet, suspected the meaning of the signal, and lo4 no tune m marching back to Athens. He arrived at the harbour of Phalerum only just in time. The Persian fleet was already m sight ; a few hours more would have made the victory of Marathon of no avail. But when the Persians reached the coast, and beheld before them the very soldiers from whom they had so recently fled, they did not attempt to land, but sailed away to Asia, canning with them their Eretrian prisoners. § 8. The departure of tlie Persians was liailed at Athens with one unanimous burst cf heart-felt joy. Whatever traitors thero B.C. 49a RETREAT OF THE PERSIAN& 17» may have been m the city, they did not dare to express their feelings amidst the general exultation of the citizens. Marathon became a magic word at Athens. The Athenian people in sue- ceeding ages always looked back upon this day as the most glorious m their annals, and never tired of hearing its praises sounded by their orators and poets. And they had reason to be proud of it It was the first time that the Greeks had ever de- leated the Persians in the field. It was the exploit of the Athe- nians alone. It had saved not only Athens but all Greece. If T^ 1 u^^^!ff ^^f conquered at Marathon, Greece must, m aU like ihood, have become a Persian province; the destinies of the world would have been changed ; and oriental despotism might still have brooded over the fairest countries of Europe buch a glorious victory had not been gained, so thought the Athenians, without the special interposition of the gods The nationa heroes of Attica were believed to have fought on the side of the Athemans ; and even in the time of Pausanias, six hi^ndred years afterwards, the plain of Marathon was believed to be haunted with spectral warriors, and every night there might be heard the shouts of combatants and the snorting of hor^^ in f,^^,*^"^,^^^^fed and ninety-two Athenians who had perished m the battle, were buried on the field, and over their remains a tumulus or mound was erected, which may still be seen about ha f a mile from the sea. Their names were mscribed on ten pillars, one for each tribe, also erected on the spot ; and the poet bimomdes described them as the champions of the common mdependence of Greece: "At Marathon for Greece the Athenians fought: And low the Medians' gilded power they brought"* § 9. Miltiades, the hero of Marathon, was received at Athens with expressions of the warmest admiration and gratitude. His trophies are said to have robbed Themistocles of his sleep; and the eminent services which he had rendered to his country were also acknowledged m subsequent generations. A separate men- ument was erected to him on the field of Marathon ; his figure wT f M ^ i *^^ prominent places in the picture of°the battle of Marathon, which adorned the walls of the P(Bcile, or Pamted Porch, of Athens; and the poet gave expression to the general feehngs m the hnes :— ^ « Miltiades, tliy victories Must every Persian own ; And luiliow'd by thy prowess lies The field of Marathon."f Translated by Sterling. f Welleslky'. Antholo^ia, p. 268. ¥\ 180 HISTORY OF GREECE. CiiAr. XVII \m It woiikl have been fortunate for his glory if he had died on the field of Marathon. The remainder of his history is a rapid and melancholy descent from the pinnacle of glory to an imio- minious death. 1 10. Shortly after the battle, Miltiades requested of the Athe- lUMis a fleet of seventy ships, without teUing them the object of his expedition, but only promising to enrich the state. Such unbounded confidence did the Athenians repose in the hero of Marathon, that they at once complied with his demand. This confidence Miltiades abused. In order to gratify a private ani- mosity against one of the leading citizens of Pares, he sailed to this island, and laid siege to the town. Pares was one of the most flourishing of the Cyclades, and the town was stroncrly fortified. The citizens repelled all his attacks; and he had be- gun to despair of taking the place, when he received a message Irom a Panan woman, a priestess of the temple of Demeter (Ceres), promising that she would put Pares in his power if he would visit by night a temple from which all male persons were excluded. Catcliing at this last hope, he repaired to the ajfpointed place. He leaped over the outer fence, and had nearly reached the sanctuarj', when he was seized with a panic terror, and ran away ; but iu getting back over the fence he received a dangerous injury on his thigh. He now abandoned all hope of success, raised the siege and returned to Athens. f 11. Loud was the indignation against Miltiades on his re- turn. He was accused by Xanthippus, the father of Pericles of having deceived the people, and was brought to trial. His wound had already begun to show symptoms of gangrene. He was carried into court on a couch, and there lay°before the assenibled judges, while his friends pleaded on his behalf They could ofier no excuse for his recent conduct, but they reminded the Athenians of the inestimable services they had received from the accused, and urged them in the strongest terms to spare the victor of Marathon. The judges were not insensible to this appeal; and instead of condemning him to death, as the abuser had demanded, they commuted the penalty to a fine of fifty talents, probably the cost of the armament. He was un- able immediately to raise this sum, and died soon afterwards of hi8 wound. The fine was subsequently paid by his son Cimon Later writers relate that Miltiades died in prison ; but Herodo^ tus does not mention his imprisonment, and we may therefore hope that the liero of Marathon was spared this further in- dignity. The melancholy end of Miltiades must not blind us to his ofience, and ought not to lead us to charge the Athenian people B.C. 489. WAR BETWEEN ATHENS AND ^GINA I8l virith ingratitude and fickleness. The Athenians did not forget his services at Marathon, and it was their gratitude towards him which alone saved him from death. He had grossly abused the public confidence, and deserved his punishment. A state which should give impunity to a criminal on account of previous ser- vices would soon cease to exist. § 12. Soon after the battle of Marathon, a war broke out be- tween Athens and ^gina, which continued down to the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, This war is of great importance in Grecian history, since to it the Athenians were indebted for their navy, which enabled them to save Greece at Salamis as they had abeady done at Marathon. The rocky island of ^gina is situated in the Saronic gulf about twelve miles from the coast of Attica, and contains only about 41 square English miles. But, notwithstanding its small extent, it is one of the most celebrated of the Grecian islands. In the mythical ages it was the residence of ^acus, king of the Myrmidons, from whom Achilles and some of the most illus- trious Grecian heroes were descended. In historical times it was inhabited by a wealthy and enterjjrizing Dorian people, who carried on an extensive commerce with all parts of the HeDenic worid. It is said that silver money was first coined in ^gina, by Phidon, tyrant of Argos ; * and we know that the name of ^ginetan was given to one of the two scales of weights and measures cun-ent throughout Greece. The wealth, which its citizens acquired by commerce, was partly devoted to the en- couragement of art, which was cultivated in this island with great success during the half century preceding the Persian war. Indeed, during this i)eriod ^Egina held a prominent rank among the Grecian states, and possessed the most powerful navy in all Greece. H3. There had been an ancient feud between Athens and -SIgina, which first broke out into open hostilities a few years after the expulsion of Hippias from Athens. About the year 506 B.C. the Thebans, who had been defeated by the Athenians,! applied for aid to ^gina. This was immediately granted ; and the ^Egmetans immediately attacked the Athenian territory, without making any formal declaration of war. Of the details of this contest, we have no information ; and we lose sight of Mginsi for the next few years. In the year before the battle of Marathon JEgina is mentioned among the Grecian states which gave earth and water to the envoys of Darius. It was, probably, as much hatred of the * Respecting this statement, see p. 69. t Seep. 112. I 182 HISTORY OF GREECR CllAP. XVII Athenians as fear of the Persians, which led the iEginetans to submit to Danus, hoping to crush their obnoxious rivals with the help of the Great King. The Persians, however, were not yet m Greece ; and the Athenians lost no lime in sending an em- bassy to Sparta, accusing the iEginetans of having betrayed the common cause of Hellas, and caUing upon the Spartans as the protectors of Grecian liberty, to punish the oflbnders. This re- quest met with prompt attention ; and Cleomenes, one of the bpartan kings, forthwith crossed over to ^gina. He was pro- ceeding to arrest and carry away some of the leading citizens when Demaratus, the other Spartan king, privately encouraged the iEginetans to defy the authority of his colleague This was the second important occasion on which Demaratus had thwarted the plans of his colleague ; antl Cleomenes returned to bparta, firmly resolved that Demaratus should not have a third opportunity. It appears that there had always been doubts respecting the legitimacy of Demaratus. Cleomenes now persuaded Leoty- chides, the next heir to the crown, to lay claim to the royal dignity, on the ground that Demaratus was disqualified by his birth. The Spartans referred the question to the Delphic oracle • and at the secret instigation of Cleomenes, the priestess de- clared that his colleague was iUegitimate. Leotychides thus ascended the throne, and Demaratus descended into a private station. Shortly afterwards, the deposed monarch received a gross affront from the new king at a pubhc festival, whereupon he qmtted Sparta in wrath, and repaired to the Persian court where we shaU subsequently find him among the counsellors of' Darius. Cleomenes now returned to ^gina, accompanied by Leoty- chides. The ^gmetans did not dare to resist the joint demand ol the two Spartan kings, and surrendered to them ten of their leading citizens, whom Cleomenes deposited as hostages in the hands of the Athenians. i 14. Ailei the battle of Marathon, the ^ginetans endeavoured to recover these hostages ; and the refusal of the Athenians to give them back led to a renewal of the war, which was pro- ^uted with great activity on both sides. It was now that ihenijstocles came forward with his celebrated proposition, which converted Athens into a maritime power. Hitherto the Athemans had not possessed a navy ; and Themistocles clearly saw that without a powerful fleet it would be impossible for his country men to humble their rival. But his views extended still lurther He weU knew that Persia was preparing for another and still more formidable attack upon Greece ; and he had the B.C. 485. THEMISTOCLES AND ARISTIDES. igg sagacity to perceive that a large and efficient fleet would be the best protection against the barbarians. Influenced bv these two motives, and also impressed with the conviction that the verv position of Athens fitted it to be a maritime and not a land power, he urged the Athenians at once to build and equin a numerous and powerful fleet. The Athenians were both able and wilhng to follow his advice. There was at this time a larll I 21 S fflSTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XX I I I something like a threat of personal violence in case he should a^ain be the bearer of such proposals ; whilst to the Lacedaemo- nians they protested that no temptations, however great, should ever induce them to desert the common cause of Greece and fireedom. In return for this disinterested conduct, all they asked was that a Peloponnesian army should be sent into BcBotia for the defence of the Attic frontier ; a request which the Spartan envoys promised to fulfil. No sooner, however, had they returned into their own coun- try than this promise was completely forgotten. As on the former occasion, the Lacedsemonians covered their selfishness and indifierence beneath the hypocritical garb of religion. The omens were unfavourable; the sun had been eclipsed at the moment when Cleombrotus, the Spartan king, was consulting the gods respecting the expedition ; and, besides this, they were engaged in celebrating the festival of the Hyacinthia. But no omens or festivals had prevented them from resuming with unremitting diligence the labour of fortifying the isthmus, and the walls and battlements were now rapidly advancing towards completion. ^ 4. When Mardonius was informed that the Athenians had rejected his proposal, he immediately marched against Athens, accompanied by all his Grecian allies ; and in May or June, B.C. 479, about ten months after the retreat of Xerxes, the Persians again occupied that city. With feelings of bitter indignation against their faithless allies, the Athenians saw themselves once more compelled to remove to Salamis. But even in this de- pressed condition, the naval force of the Athenians still ren- dered them formidable ; and Mardonius took advantage of his situation to endeavour once more to win them to his alliance. Through a Hcllesjwntine Greek, the same favourable conditions were again offered to them, but were again refused. One voice alone, that of the senator Lycidas, broke the unanimity of the assembly. But his opposition cost him his hfe. He and his family were stoned to death by the excited populace. In this desperate condition the Athenians sent ambassadors to the Spartans to remonstrate against their breach of faith, and to implore them, before it was too late, to come forwards in the conunon cause of Greece. The ambassadors were also instructed to intimate that necessity might at length compel the Athenians to listen to the proposals of the enemy. This mes- sage, however, was very coolly received by the LacedsBmonians. For ten days no answer whatever was returned ; and it can scarcely be doubted that the reply, which they at last thought lit to make, would have been a negative, but lor a piece of advic« B.C. 479. MARDONIUS RETIRES INTO BCEOTIA 219 which opened their eyes to the consequences of their selfish poHcy. Chileos, a Tegean, a man whose wisdom they revered, and whom they consulted on this occasion, pointed out to them that their fortifications at the isthmus would prove of no avail in case the Athenians allied themselves to the Persians, and thus, by means of their fleet, opened a way into the heart of Peloponnesus. It is strange that the Lacedaemonians should have needed this admonition, which seenLs obvious enough ; but selfishness is proverbially blind. The conduct of the Spartans was as prompt as their change of resolution had been sudden. That very night 5000 citizens, each attended by seven Helots, were despatched to the frontiers : and these were shortly followed by 5000 Lacedsemonian Periceci, each attended by one light-armed Helot. Never before had the Spartans sent so large a force into the field. Their example was followed by other Peloponnesian cities ; and the Athenian envoys returned to Salamis with the joyful news that a large army was preparing to march against the enemy, under the command of Pausanias, who acted as regent for Plistarchus, the infant son of Leonid as, § 5. Mardonius, on learning the approach of the Lacedsemo- nians, abandoned Attica, and proceeded by the pass of Decelea, across Mount Parnes into Bceotia, a country more adapted. to the operations of cavalry, in which his strength principally lay. Whilst he still entertained a hope that the Athenians might be induced to join his arms, he had refrained from committing any depredations on their territory ; but finding this expectation vain, he employed the last days of his stay m burning and devastating all that had been spared by the army of Xerxes. After crossing the frontiers of Bceotia, and marching a day or two along the Asopus, he finally took up a position on the left bank of that river, and not far from the town of Plataea. Here he caused a camp to be constructed of ten furlongs square, and fortified with barricades and towers. The situation was well selected, since he had the friendly and well fortified city of Thebes in his rear, and was thus in no danger of falling short of provisions. Yet the dispo- sition of his army was far from being sanguine. With the ex- ception of the Thebans and Bceotians, his Grecian allies were become lukewann or wavering ; and even among the Persians themselves, the disastrous flight of their monarch in the pre- ceding year had naturally damped all hopes of the successful issue of a campaign which was now to be conducted with far inferior forces. Meanwhile, the Lacedaemonian force collected at the isthmus was receiving reinforcements from the various states of Pelo- (• 11^ Nl \ 220 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XX poimesus. On its march through Megara it was joined by 3000 Megarians ; and at Eleusis received its fmal accession of 8000 Athenian and 600 Plataean Hoplites, who had crossed over from Salaniis under the command of Aristides. The Grecian army now consisted of 38,700 heavy-armed men, attended by Helots and hght-armed troops to the number of nearly 70,000 ; and, together with 1800 badly armed Thespians, formed a grand total of about 110,000 men. There were, however, no cavalry, and but very few bowmen. Having consulted the gods by sacrifices, which proved of a favourable nature, the Grecian army broke up from Eleusis, and directed its march over the ridge of CithsBron. On descending its northern side, the Greeks came in sight of the Persian army drawn up in the vaUey of the Asopus. Pausanias, not caring to expose his troops to the attacks of the Persian cavalry on the plain, halted tliem on the slopes of the mountain, near ErythrsB, where the ground was rugged and uneven. (See Plan, First Position). This position did not, however, altogether preserve them. Skilled m the use of the bow and of the javelin, the Persian horsemen, under the command of Masistiiis, repeatedly charged the Greeks, harassing them with flights of missiles, and taunting them with cowardice for not venturing down into the plain. The Megarians, especially, suflered severely until rescued by a body of 300 chosen Athenians, who succeeded in repulsing the Persian cavalry, and killing their leader, Masistius, a man tall in stature and of distinguished bravery. The Greeks cele- bxated their triumph by parading the corpse through the army in a cart. k 6. This success encouraged Pausanias to quit the high ground and take up a position on the plaui. Deiiliug from Er) - thra) in a westerly direction, and marcliing by Hysia3, he ibrmed his army in a hne on the right baids: of the iVsopus. In this arrangement, the right wing, which extended to the fountain Gargaphia, was conceded, as the post of honor, to the Laceda)- monians ; the occupation of the left, near the grove of the hero Androcrates, was disputed between the Tegeans and Athenians. The matter was referred to the whole body of the Lacedsemonian troops, who by acclamation declared the Athenians entitled to the preference. On perceiving that the Greeks had changed their position, Mardonius drew up his army opposite to tliem, on the other side of the Asopus. (See Plan, Second Position). He himself, with the Persians and Medes, the flower of his army, tuok his post in the left wing, facing the Lacedamonians on the Grecian right : whilst the Greeks and Macedonians in the Persian service. B.a 479. BATTLE OF PLAT^EA 221 Battle of PlatJEa. (From Grote's Greece.) a. PerainnR. b. Atheniuno. *. Laoedajiiioninnii. il. Various GrtKk alliM, I. First position ocrupied by tlie op))(«ing armies. II. Seooiid pimitiun. m. Third position. A. Road from Flataea toThebest B. Roiid from Megara to Thebes. C. Persian camp. D. Erj'thrae. K. Uysio:. to the number, probably, of 50,000, were opposed to the Athe- nians on the left. The centre of Mardonius was composed of Bactrians, Indians, Saca?, and other Asiatics and Egyptians ; and his whole force probably amounted to about 300,000 men. But tliough the armies were thus in presence, each was reluc- tant to commence the attack. The soothsayers on both sides, whose responses were probably dictated by the feeling prevalent among the commanders, declared that the sacrifices vi^re un- favourable for any aggressive movement. For eight days the armies remained inactive, except that the Persians aimoyed the Greeks at a distance with their missiles, and altogether pre- vented them from watering at the Asopus. On the eighth day I I I ! i i Ms S«A mSTORY OF GREECR Chap. XX k Mardonius, at the suggestion of the Theban leader Timagenidas, employed his cavalry in cutting off the supplies of the Greeks, and captured a train of 500 beasts of burthen, together with their escort, as they were defiUng through one of the passes of Cithajron. Artabazus, the second in command, advised Mardo- nius to continue this policy of harassing and wearing out the Greeks, without risking a general engagement ; and also to en- deavour, by means of bribes, to corrupt and disunite them. That this latter step was feasible appears I'rom what actually occurred among the Athenians. Several of the wealthier Hop- lites serving in their ranks entered into a conspiracy to establish at Athens, under Persian supremacy, an oligarchy resembling that at Thebes. Fortunately, however, the plot was discovered and repressed by Aristides. But Mardonius was too impatient to await the success of such measures, which he considered as an imputation on the Persian arms ; and, overruling the opinions of Artabazus and the rest of his officers, gave orders to prepare for a general attack. §7. On the night after Mardonius had taken this resolution, Alexander, king of Macedon, leaving the Persian camp by stealth, rode up to the Athenian outposts, and desiring to speak with Aristides and the other generals, informed them of the intended attack on the morrow. " I risk my life," he observed, " in con- veying this intelligence ; but I too am a Greek by descent, and with sorrow should I see Hellas enslaved by the Persians." Aristides immediately communicated this news to Pausanias. On hearing it, the latter made a proposal savouring but little of the traditionary Spartan valour, namely, that the Athenians, who had had experience of the Persian mode of fighting, should change places with the Lacedasmonians in the line. The Athe- nians readily assented to this arrangement. Mardonius, how- ever, on perceiving the change which had been made, eiiected a corresponding one in his own line. Hereupon Pausanias marched back to the Grecian right, and was again followed by Mardonius ; so that the two armies remained in their original position. Keither side, however, was inclined to venture a general at- tack. The fighting was confined to the Persian cavalry, which the Greeks had no adequate means of repelling. For some por- tion of the day it obtained possession of the fountain of Garga- phia, the only source from whicli the Greeks could procure their water, and succeeded in choking it up. It also intercepted the convoys of provisions proceeding to the Grecian camp. Under these circumstances, finding the ground untenable, Pausanias ftummoned a council of war, in which it was resolved to retreat ,i| B.C. 479, BATTLE OF PLAT^EA. 223 during the night to a place called the Island, about ten furlongs in the rear of their present position, and halfway between it and the town of Plataea. The spot selected, improperly called an island, was in fact a piece of ground about three furlongs in breadth, comprised between two branches of the river Oeroe, which, rising from distinct sources in Cithaeron, and running for some space nearly parallel with one another, at length unite, and flow in a westerly direction into the gulf of Corinth. The nature of the ground would thus afford to the Greeks both abundance of water and protection from the enemy's cavalry. The retreat, however, though for so short a distance, was ef- fected in disorder and confusion. The Greek centre, chiefly composed of Megarians and Corinthians, instead of taking up a position on the Island, as commanded by Pausanias, did not halt till they reached the town of Plataja, where they formed in front of the Herajum on high ground, and protected by buildings. (See Plan, Third Position.) Some time after their departure Pau- sanias commanded the right wing, which, as we have said, was composed of Lacedaemonians, to follow. But his orders were dis- puted by one of his captains, Amompharetus, a leader of one of the loclii, who had not been present at the council of war, and who, considering this retrograde movement as a retreat derogatory to Spartan honour, obstinately refused to stir from his post. Mean- while, the Athenians — not unnaturally distrustful of the Spartans — before they broke gromid themselves, despatched a mounted messenger to ascertain whether the right wing was really pre- paring to march. The messenger fomid the Spartan troops in their former position, and Pausanias, together with the other generals, engaged hi a warm dispute with the refractory captain. No threats of being left alone could induce him to move ; and when reminded that the order for retreat had been resolved upon in a council of war, he took up a huge rock, and casting it at the feet of Pausanias, exclaimed — " With this pebble I give my vote not to fly from the foreigners." Meantime, the day began to dawn : a little longer delay and retreat would become impossible. Pausanias resolved to aban- don Amompharetus and his lochus to their fate, should he really prove so obstinate as to stand his ground after the departure of the rest of the army. The order to march was given. The slant rays of the rising sun gleamed on the tall and bristhng spears of the Lacedaemonian coliunns as they slowly ascended the hills which separated them from the Island. The Athenians, posted more towards the east, and who were to arrive at the appointed spot by turning the hills, began their march at the ,^ame time. Amompharetus was not so madly obstinate as to :! 224 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XX m await alone the approach of the Persians. Finding that his com- rades had really departed, he gave orders to follow, and overtook them at their tirst halt. ^ 8. Mardonius heheld with astonishment and disdain the retreating ranks of the Spartans. The order was given to pursue. The shout of victory already rang through the Persian host as they dashed in a confused mass, cavalry and infantry, through ■ the waters of the Asopus, and up the hill after the retreating foe. Scarcely had Pausanias time to deploy on the spot where he had halted for x\mompharetus, when the Persian cavalry were upon him. These were soon followed by the infantry ; who, planting in the ground their long wicker shields, or gcrrfui, and thus forming a kind of breastwork, annoyed the Lacedaemonians with showers of arrows. Even in these circumstances the rites of religion were not neglected by Pausanias. For some time the isacrifices were unfavourable for an attack ; till Pausanias invoked the assistance of Hera, whose temple rose conspicuous at Plataia. Hardly had the prayer been uttered when the victims changed, and the order to charge was given. The line of wicker shields fell at the first onset of the Lacedajmonians. The hght-armed imdisciplined Persians, whose bodies were unprotected with armour, had now to maintain a very unequal combat against the serried ranks, the long spears, and the mailed bodies of the Spartan phalanx. Desperate deeds of valour they performed, throwing themselves upon the Grecian ranks and endeavouring to get into close combat, where they could use their javehns and daggers. Mardonius at the head of his body-guard of 1000 picked men, and conspicuous by his white charger, was among the fore- most in tlie fight, till struck down by the hand of Aimnestus, a distinguished Spartan. The fall of their general was the signal for flight to the Persians, already wearied and disheartened by the fruitless contest. The panic was general both among the Persians themselves and their Asiatic allies ; nor did they once stop till they had again crossed the Asopus and reached their fortified camp. The glory of having defeated the Persians at Platasa rests, therefore, "with the LacedsBmonians ; yet the Athenians also were not without some share in the honour of the day. Pausanias, when overtaken by the Persians, despatched a horseman to Aris- tides to request him to hasten to his assistance ; but the coming up of the BcBotians prevented him from doing so. A sharp conflict ensued between tlie latter and the Athenians. The Thebans, especially, fought with great bravery ; but were at length repulsed with considerable loss. Though compelled to giire way, they retreated in good order to Thebes, being covered B.C. 479. DEATH OF MARDONIUS. 225 by their cavalry from the pursuit of the Athenians. None of the other Greeks in the Persian service took any share iii the fight, but turned their backs as soon as they saw that the day was lost. Of the Persians themselves, 40,000 under the com- mand of Artabazus did not strike a blow. The eagerness and impetuosity of Mardonius, and the contempt which he had con- ceived for the Lacedaemonians on account of what he considered their flight, had led him to begin the attack without waiting ibr the corps of Artabazus ; and when that general arrived upon the field the rout was already complete. Artabazus, indeed, who had always deprecated a general engagement, was probably not very zealous on the occasion ; at all events he did not make a single attempt to restore the fortune of the day ; and instead of retreat- ing either to Thebes, or to the fortified camp oi' his countrymen, he gave up the whole expedition as irretrievably lost, and directed his march towards the Hellespont. The Lacedaemonians, now reinforced by the Corinthians and others from Platsea, pursued the Persians as far as their Ibrtified camp, whose barricades proved a complete check to them, till the Athenians, more skilled in that species of warfare, came to their assistance. The barricades were then stormed and carried, after a gallant resistance on the part of the Persians. The camp became a scene of the most horrible carnage. Accordino- to Herodotus, only 3000 men, exclusive of the division under Arta- bazus, escaped out of an army of 300,000. These numbers are probably exaggerated ; yet the Persian loss was undoubtedly immense. That of the Greeks was comparatively small, and seems not to have exceeded 1300 or 1400 men. ^ 9. It remained to bury the dead and divide the booty ; and so great was the task, that ten days were consumed in it. The body of Mardonius, found among the slain, was treated by Pau- sanias with respect ; on the morrow, not, perhaps, without his connivance, it was secretly conveyed away and interred. A monument was even erected over it, which was to be seen several centunes afterv^^ards. His scimitar and silver-footed throne feU to the share of the Athenians, by vrhom they were preserved along with the breastplate of Masistius, in the Acropolis of Athens. The other booty was ample and magnificent. Gold and silver coined, as well as in plate and trinkets ; rich vests and carpets ; ornamented arms ; horses, camels ; in a word, all the magnificence of eastern luxury, were collected together ir order to be divided among the conquerors. A tithe was first selected lor the Delphian Apollo, together with ample oflerinrrg lor the Olympic Jove, and the Isthmian Poseidon : then, after\ large share had been appropriated to Pausanias, the remainder I il ! 226 mSTOil¥ OP GREECE. Chap. XX. was divided among the Grecian contingents in proportion to their numbtTs. HO. The reduction of Thebes, which had proved the most formidable ally ot* the Persians, was still necessary to complete the victory. On the eleventh day after the battle, Pausanias invested that city, and demanded that the leading men who had espoused the Persian cause, especially Timagenidas and Atta- ginus, should be delivered up to him. The Thebans having refused to comply with this demand, Pausanias began to batter their walls, and to lay waste the country around. At length, after ihe siege had lasted twenty days, Timagenidas, and the other Mfxtising leaders, voluntarily ofiered to surrender them- selves, hoping, probably, to be able to redeem their lives for a sum of money. In this expectation, however, they were completely disappointed. The whole of them, with the exception of Atta- ginus, who found means to escape, were conveyed to Corinth, and put to death without any form of trial. No attempt was made txi pursue Artabazus, who escaped safely into Asia. §11- Among the slain Sjiartans was Aristodemus, the sole sur- vivor of those who had fought at Thermopyke. The disgrace of having outlived that battle seems to have rendered life a burthen to him. In order to wash it out, he stepped forth from the ranks at the battle of Plata^a, and after performuig prodigies of valour, received from the enemy the death which htr courted. But in the distribution of funeral honours, this conduct could extort no favour from the stern justice of his countrymen. They con- sidered that desperate rashness and contempt* oi discipline were no atonement for former misconduct, and refused to put him on a level with the other citizens who had fallen in the combat. Among these was Amompharetus, the captain whose obstinacy had precipitated the attack of the Persians, and thus perhaps, though undesignedly, contributed to secure the victory. f 12. With the Greeks, religion and polities went ever hand in hand ; and if the town and territory of Platiea, as the scene of the Persian defeat, were signally honoured on this occasion with the grateful ofierings of devotion, it was not probably without a view to the services which might be hereafter required from its citizens in the cause of Grecian independence. In the market- place of Plataja, Pausanias, in the presence of the assembled allies, offered up a sacrifice and thanksgiving to Jove Eleuthe- rios, or the liberator, in which the gods and heroes of the Plataean territory were made partakers. The Plata;ans were in- trusted with the duty of taking care of the tombs of the slain ; of oflering a periodical sacrifice in honour of the victory ; and of celebrating it every fifth year with gymnastic games, in a grand B.C. 4*70. BATTLE OF MYCALE. 227 public festival to be called the Eleutheria. For these services the large sum of eighty talents was allotted to them out of the spoil, part ol which was employed in erecting a temple to Athena At the same time the independence of Platsa, and the inviola- bihty of her terntory, were guaranteed by the aUies ; the de- fensive league against the Persians was renewed ; the contingent which each ally should furnish was specified ; and it was arranged that deputies from all of them should meet annually at Plataea H3. At the very time of the defeat at Plataea, the failure of the Persian expedition was completed by the destruction of their naval armament. Leotychides, the Spartan admiral, having at length sailed across the ^gean, found the Persian fleet at Mycale, a promontory of Asia Minor near Miletus, and only separated by a strait of about a mile in breadth from Cape Poseidium, the easternmost extremity of Samos. Their former reverses ^em completely to have discouraged the Persians from hazarding an- other naval engagement. The Phoenician squadron had been permitted to depart ; the rest of the ships were hauled ashore and surrounded with a rampart ; whilst an army of 60,000 Per- sians, under the command of Tigranes, lined the coast for their defence. The Greeks landed on the 4th of the month Boedromion (September), in the year 479 b.c. ; the very day on which the battle of Plataea was fought. A supernatural presentiment of that decisive victory, conveyed by a herald's staff; which floated over the iEgean from the shores of Greece, is said to have pervaded the Grecian ranks at Mycale as they marched to the attack. As at Plataea, the Persians had planted their gerrha, or wicker-shields, before them ; but after a sharp contest this bul- wark was overthrown. The Persians now turned their backs, and fled to their fortifications, pursued by the Greeks, who en- tered It almost simultaneously. Here a bloody struggle ensued. The Persians fought desperately, though without discipline, and tor some time maintained an unequal conflict. At length the arrival of the Lacedaemonians, who composed the right wing of the Greek force, and who had been retarded by the hilly ground which they had to traverse, as well as the open revolt of the lonians, who now turned upon their masters, completed the dis- comfiture of the Persians. A large number of them, together with both their generals, Tigranes and Mardontes, perished on this occasion ; and the victory was rendered still more decisive by the burning of their fleet. The honour of the day, which, however, was not won without the sacrifice of many fives, was principally due to the Athenians, as the Lacedaemonians did not arrive till the battle was nearly decided. I i I II i Il i I M 228 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XX. H4. The remnant of the Persian army retreated to Sardis, where Xerxes had lingered ever since his flight from Greece. He was not in a position to avenge this aiiiront, or to retain the Ionian cities of the continent in obedience ; still less was it pos- sible lor him, after the destruction of liis fleet, to preserve his dominion over the islands. The latter were immediately ad- mitted into the Greek confederation ; but respecting the Ionian cities on the continent there was more difficulty. The Greeks were not in a condition to guarantee their independence ; and therefore the Peloponnesian commanders oliered to transport their inhabitants into Greece, where they prepared to make room for them, by transplanthig into Asia the Greeks who had espoused the Persian cause. But this proposition was strenuously opposed by the Athenians, who regarded their own dignity and glory as inseparably bound up with the maintenance of their Ionian colo- nies ; and indeed the eilect of such a measure must have been to transfer them completely to the Persians. Ho. So imperfect in those times was the transmission of in- tcUigence, that the Greeks still believed the bridge across the Hellespont to be entire, though it was broken and useless al- most a twelvemontli previously, during the retreat of Xerxes. At the instance of the Athenians, Leotychides set sail with the view of destroying it ; but having learnt at Abydos that it no longer existed, he departed homewards with the Pelopon- nesian vessels. Xanthippus, however, the Athenian commander, seized the opportunity to recover from the Persians the Thracian Chersonese, which had long been an Athenian possession, and proceeded to blockade Sestos, the key of the strait. Being thus taken by surprise, the Persians flung themselves into the town without having time to collect the provisions necessary for a siege. Nevertheless, amid the most painful privations, they con- trived to protract the siege till a late period olthe autumn, when famine and insubordination reached such a height, that the Per- sian commanders, (Eobazus and Artayctes, were fain to quit the town by stealth, which was immediately surrendered. Artayctes, having fallen into the hands of the Greeks, was fixed to a high pole, and left to perish just at the spot where the bridge of Xerxes had stood. This deviation from the usual humanity of the Greeks, and which seems to have been sanctioned by Xanthippus, can only be accounted for by religious exasperation occasioned by Artayctes having violated and insulted the grove and temple of the hero Protesilaus, in the neighbourhood of Sestos. After this exploit the Athenians returned home, carrying with them the cables of the bridge across the Hellespont, which were afterwards preserved in the Acropolis as a trophy. CHAPTER XXI. Bust of Pindar. HISTORY OF LITERATURE. §1. General characteristics. §2. Simonides. §3. Pindar. S4. Ibvcns and Bacchyhdes. § 5. Rise of history and of composition m prose. I o' ^^'^^^^^> Charon of Lampsacus, Hellanicus. § 1. Herodotus b 8. Character of his work. Analysis. §9. Predilection of Herodotus for Athens. § 10. Style of his work. § 1. During the period which we have been surveying in the present book, Grecian literature was gradually assuming a more popular form, especially at Athens, where, since the expulsion of the Pisistratids, the people were rapidly advancing both in intel- lectual culture and in political importance. Of this we have a strikmg proof in the rise of the drama, and the fomiding of a regu- lar theatre ; for dramatic entertainments must be regarded as the most popular form which literature can assume. Nearly half a century before the Persian invasion, Thespis had sketched out the first feeble rudiments of tragedy ; and ^schylus, the real founder of tragic art, exhibited a play nine years before he fought at Marathon. But tragedy stiU awaited its final improvements Irom the hand of Sophocles, whilst comedy can hardly be said to have existed. For these reasons we shall defer an account of the Greek drama to a later period, when we shall be enabled to pre- sent the subject as a whole, and in a connected point of view. Tragedy, the noblest emanation of ancient genius, was in fact only the final development of lyric poetry ; which, in the period we are considernig, had attained its highest pitch of excellence in the hands of S; monides and Pindar. These two great masters ot the lyre never ventured, however, beyond the strictest limits ol that species of composition, and left their contemporary, I h I (II 230 HISTORY OF GEEECE. Chap. XXI b V JEschylus, to gather laurels in a new and unexplored field. With Pindar ends the ancient school of lyric poetry ; with iEscliylus properly begins the splendid list of Athenian dramatists. ^ 2. Simonides was considerably older than both these poets ; but the length of years which he attained made him their con- temporary. He was born at lulis, in the island of Ceos, in the year 55^ B.C. His family had cultivated music and poetry with diligence and success, and he himself was trained up in them as a profession. From his native island he proceeded to Athens, where he resided some years at the court of Hipparchus, together with Anacreon and Lasus of Hermione, tlie teacher of Puidar : a society which could not but serve to expand and mature his powers, more especially as a sort of rivalry existed between him and Lasus. Here he seems to have remained till the expulsion of Hippias (b.c. 510). Subsequently he spent some time in Thes- saly, under the patronage of the Aleuads and Scopads, the domi- nant families of the cities of Larissa and Crannon. The poet seams, however, to have been but little satisfied with his visit. His songs were unappreciated by the rugged Thessalians and ill- rewarded by their vain and selhsh masters. Scopas bespoke a poem on his own exploits, which Simonides recited at a banquet In order to diversify the theme, Simonides, as was customary on such occasions, introduced into it the exploits of Castor and Pollux. An ordinary mortal might have been content to share the praises of the sons of Ledo ; but vanity is exacting ; and as the tyrant sat at his festal board among his courtiers and syco- phants, he grudged every verse that did not echo his own praises. When Simonides approached to receive his promised reward, Scopas exclaimed, " Here is my half of thy pay ; the Tyndarids who have had so much of thy praise will doubtless furnish the other." The disconcerted poet retired to his seat amidst the laughter which followed the great man's jest. In a little time he received a message that two young men on horseback, whose description answered in every resjwct to that of Castor and Pollux, were waiting without and wished to see him. Simonides hastened to the door, but looked in vain for the visitors. Scarcely, however, had he left the banqueting hall, when the building fell in with a loud crash, burying Scopas and all his guests be- neath the ruins. Into the authenticity of such a story it would be idle to inquire. It is enough that we see in it the tribute which a lively and ingenious people paid to merit, as in the tales of Arion saved by the dolphin, and of Ibycus avenged by the cranes. But a nobler subject than the praises of despots awaited the muse of Simonides — ^the struggles of Greece for her inde- Chap. XXI. SIMONIDES. 231 pendence. At the time of the Persian wars, the poet, who had then reached the age usually allotted to man, was again residing among the Athenians. His genius, however, was still fresh and vigorous, and was employed in celebrating the most momentous events of that memorable epoch. He carried away the prize from ^schylus with an elegy upon the warriors who had laUen at the battle of Marathon. Subsequently we find him celebrat- ing the heroes of Thermopylae , Artemisium, Salamis, and Platsa. He was upwards of 80 when his long poetical career at Athens was closed with the victory which he gained with the dithyram- bic chorus in B.C. 477, making the 56th prize that he had carried off. Shortly after this event he repaired to Syracuse at the invitation of Hiero. Here he spent the remaining ten years of his life, not only entertaining Hiero with his poetry, but in- structing him by his wisdom ; lor Simonides was a philosopher as well as a poet, and is reckoned among the sophists. Simonides was one of the most prolific poets that Greece had seen ; but only a few fragments of his compositici:3 have de- scended to us. He employed himself on all the subjects which fell to the lyric poet, then the mouth-piece of human life with all its joys and sorrows, its hopes and disappointments. He wrote hymns, paans, elegies, hyporchemes, or songs for dancing, dithyrambs, epuiician odes, and threnes, or dirges, in which he lamented the departed great. In the last species of composition he particularly excelled. His genius was inclined to the pathetic, and none could touch with truer efiect the chords of human sympathy. \3. Pindar, though the contemporary of Simonides, was con- siderably his junior. He was born either at, or in the neigh- bourhood of, Thebes in Boeotia, about the year 522 b.c. His family ranked among the noblest in Thebes, and seems to have been celebrated for its skill in music, though there is no authority for the assertion that they were hereditary flute-players. The youth soon gave indications of a genius for poetry, which in- duced his father to send him to Athens to receive more perfect instruction in the art. Later vnriters tell us that his future glory as a poet was miraculously foreshadowed by a swarm of bees which rested upon his lips while he was asleep, and that this miracle first led him to compose poetry. At Athens he became the pupil of Lasus of Hermione, who was the founder of the Athenian dithyrambic school. He returned to Thebes before he had completed his twentieth year, and is said to have re- ceived instruction there from Myrtis and Corinna, two poet- esses who then enjoyed great celebrity in Boeotia. Corinna appears to have exercised considerable influence upon th© youth- \ 232 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXI m fill poet, and he was not a little indebted to her example and precepts. It is related that she recommended him to introduce mythical narrations into his poems, and that when, in accordance with her advice, he composed a hymn in which he intei-wove almost all the Theban mythology, she smiled and said, " We ought to sow with the hand, and not with the whole sack." With both these poetesses he contended for the prize in the mu- sical contests at Thebes. Pindar commenced his professional career at an early age, and Boon acquired so great a reputation, that he was employed by various states and princes of the Hellenic race to compose choral gongs. He was courted especially by Alexander, king of Mace- donia, and by Hiero, despot of Syracuse. The praises which he bestowed upon Alexander are said to have been the chief reason which led his descendant, Alexander the Great, to spare the house of the poet when he destroyed the rest of Thebes. About B.C. 473, he visited Syracuse, but did not remain more than four years with Hiero, as he loved an independent life, and did not care to cultivate the courtly arts which rendered his contempo- rary, Simonides, a more welcome guest at the table of their patron. But the estimation in which Pindar was held, is still more strikingly shown by the honours conferred upon him by the free states of Greece. Although a Theban, he was always a great favourite with the Athenians, whom he frequently praised m his poems, and whose city he often visited. The Athenians testified their gratitude by making him their public guest, and by givmg him 10,000 drachmas; and at a later period they erected a statue in his honour. The only poems of Pindar which have come down to us entire are his Epinicia or triumphal odes, composed in comme- moration of victories gained in the great public games. But these were only a small portion of his works. He also wrote hymns, p»ans, dithyrambs, odes for processions, songs of maidens, mimic dancing songs, drinking songs, dirges, and encomia, or panegyrics on princes.* * Most of them are mentioned by Horace : — "Seu per audaces nova dithyrambos A^erba devolvit, numerisque fertur Lege solutis ; Sen deos {hymns andp(cans) regesve (encomia) canity deoruni Sanguinem : Sive quos Elea domnm rediicit Palma ccelestea {the Epinicia). Flebili sponsae juvenemve raptum Plorat" {the Dirg€s).^OD. iv. 2. Chap. XXL PINDAR. 233 The style of Pindar is marked by daring flights and abrupt transitions, and became proverbial lor its sublimity. He com- pared himself to an eagle,— a simile which has been beautifully expressed in the hnes of Gray : — "The pride and ample pinion That the Theban eacjle bare, Sailing with supreme dominion Through the azure deep of air." § 4. The only other poets of this epoch whom we need mention are Ibycus and Bacchylides. Ibycus was a native of Rhegium, and flourished towards the middle of the sLxth century before the Christian era. The best part of his hfe was spent at the court of Polycrates of Samos. The story of his death is well known. While travelling through an unfrequented place near Corinth, he was set upon by robbers and mortally wounded. As he was on the point of expiring, he called upon a flock of cranes that happened to fly over the spot to avenge his death. Soon afterwards the cranes were beheld hovering over the theatre at Corinth, where the people were assembled ; and one of the murderers who were present, struck with remorse and terror, in- voluntarily exclaimed, "Behold the avengers of Ibycus!" and thus occasioned the detection of the criminals. The poetry of Ibycus was chiefly of an amatory character. He wrote in a dialect which was a mixture of the Doric and iEolic. Bacchylides was a native of lulis in the island of Ceos, and the nephew and fellow-townsman of Simonides. He lived with Simonides and Pindar at the court of Hiero at Syracuse. His odes and songs turned on the same subjects as those of the poets just named ; but though he seems to have rivalled his uncle in the grace and finish of his compositions, he was far from attaining to the strength and energy of Pindar. He wrote in the Doric dialect, with a mixture of the Attic. Such were the principal characteristics of the poetry of the epoch which we are considering, and such the chief poets who flourished in it. Our attention must now be directed to a striking feature in the literature of the period,— the rise of com- position in prose, and of history properly so called. k 5. The Greeks had arrived at a high pitch of civilization before they can be said to have possessed a history. Nations far behind them in intellectual development have infinitely ex- celled them in this respect. Many of the eastern nations had continuous chronicles from a very remote antiquity, as the Egyp- tians, the Babylonians, and the Jews. But among the Greeks this branch of literature was singularly neglected. Their imagi- nation seems to have been entirely dazzled and fascinated with 234 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXI. Chap. XXI. EARLY PROSE WRITERS. the glories of the heroic ages, and to have taken but little in- terest in the events which were daily passing around them. But a more critical and inquiring spirit was now beginning to spring up, especially among the lonians of Asia Minor. We l.ave already recorded the rise of natural philosophy among that people, and we are now to view them as the originators of his- tory in prose. This innovation of course implies a more ex- tended use of the art of writing, without which a long prose composition could not be remembered. $ 6. The use of prose in writing was probably coeval with the art of writing itself; but its first application was oidy to objects of essential utility, and it was long before it came to be culti- vated as a branch of literature. The first essays in literary prose cannot be placed earlier than the sixth century before the Chris- tian sera. Three nearly contemporary authors, who flourished about the middle of that century, lay claim to the honour of having been the first prose writers ; namely, Cadmus of Mi- letus, Pherecydes of Syros, and Acusilaus of Argos ; but He- catseus of Miletus, to whom Herodotus frequently refers by name, must be regarded as the first historical prose writer of any importance. He was apparently a man of wealth and importance, and distinguished himself by the sound advice which he gave the lonians at the time of their revolt from Persia (b.c. 500). He lived till the close of the Persian wars in Greece. Like many other early Greek historians, Hecatajus was a great traveller, lor at first geography and history were almost iden- tical. Egypt especially he seems to have carefully explored. Two works are ascribed to him ; one of a geographical nature, called " Periodus," or travels round the earth, and the other of an historical kind, which is sometimes cited by the name of "Genealogies," and sometimes by that of "Histories." The former of these seems to have constituted the first regular system of Grecian geography ; but it was probably little more than a "Periplus," or circumnavigation of the Mediterranean, and its adjoining seas. The " Genealogies" related to the descent and exploits of the heroes of mythology. Charon of Lampsacus, an Ionic city on the Hellespont, is re- markable as the first prose writer whose subjects were selected from the historical times, and treated in a rational and discrimi- nating manner ; and he has therefore some title to be regarded as the first historian really deserving of the name. He flourished in the first half of the fifth century b.c, and was certainly alive in B.C. 464. The only other prose vnriter previous to Herodotus, whom it is necessary to mention, is Hellanicus of Mytilene. Hellanicus 235 was alive at the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, and was therefore a coatemporary of Herodotus, though probably a little older. He was by ikr the most eminent and most volu- minous writer of history before the time of Herodotus and seems to have been the author of at least ten or twelve works of considerable size. Many others were ascribed to him which in all probability were spurious. Like his predecessors, a large lx>rtion 1)1 his labors was dedicated to imaginary pedigrees but stmie oi them were historical and chronological. He seeiAs to have been acquainted with the early history of Italy and Rome He must be regarded as forming the chief fink between the earlier logographers and Herodotus ; but his works were pro- bably very far Irom exhibiting the unity of design which we find m that of the latter writer. j 7. According to the strict order of chronology, neither He- rodotus nor some others of the authors just mentioned belong to the period which we are now considering ; but the subject of Hero- dotus connects him so intimately with the Persian wars, that we have prelerred to give an account of him here, rather than in a subsequent book. Herodotus was bom in the Dorian colony ot Hahcaruassus m Caria, in the year 484 b.c, and accordingly about the time of the Persian expeditions into Greece. He was descended irom a distinguished Ikmily, but respecting his youth and education we are totally in the dark. One of the earliest eveiits ol his hfe with which we are acquainted is his retirement to bamos, m order to escape the tyranny of Lygdamis, a grand- son ol queen Artemisia, who had Ibuglit so bravely at Salamis It was ixjrliaps m iSamos that Herodotus acquired the Ionic dialect. The celebrity of the Ionian writers of history had caused that dialect to be regarded as the appropriate vehicle ibr that species ol composition ; but though Herodotus made use of It, his language has been observed not to be so pure as that of Hecatffius who was an Ionian by birth. Herodotus was pro- bably rather more than thirty years of age when he went to feamos. How long he remained there cannot be determined He seems to have been recalled to his native city by some poli- tical crisis ; for on his return he took a prominent part in deii- vering it from the tyrant Lygdamis. The dissensions, however, which prevailed at Halicarnassus after that event, compelled Herodotus again to emigrate ; and it was probably at this period that he undertook the travels of which he speaks in his work. The extent of them may be estimated from the fact that there was scarcely a town in Greece, or on the coasts of Asia Minor, with which he was not acquainted ; that he had explored Thrace and the coasts of the Black Sea ; that in Egypt he had penetrated Li 8#6 HISTORY OP GREECK Chap. XXI as far south as Elephantine ; and that in Asia he had visited the cities of Babylon, Ecbatana, and Susa. The latter part of his life was spent at Thurii, a colony founded by the Athenians in Italy in B.C. 443 ; and it was probably at this place that he com- posed the greater portion of his history. The date of his settle- ment at Thurii cainiot be accurately fixed. Some accounts make him accompany the first colonists thither ; but there are reasons for believing that he did not take up liis abode tlicre till several years al^erwards. According to a well-known story in Lucian, Herodotus, when he had completed his work, recited it publicly at the great Olympic festival, as the best means of procuring for it that celebrity to which he felt that it was entitled. Posting himself on the platform of the temple of Jove, he recited, or rather chaunted, the whole of his work to the assembled Greeks. The efiect is described as immediate and complete. The de- lighted audience at once assigned the names of the nine Muses to the nuie books into which it is divided ; whilst the celebrity of the author became so great, that it even eclipsed that of the victors in the games. A still later author (Suidas) adds, that Thucydides, then a boy, was present at tlie festival with his father Olorus, and was so afiected by the recital as to shed tears; upon which Herodotus congratulated Olorus on having a son who possessed so early such a zeal for knowledge. But there are many objections to the probability of these tales. The time and manner of the death of Herodotus are uncertain, but we know, from some allusions in his history, that he was alive subsequently to the year 408 b.c. According to one tradi- tion he died at Thurii, according to another at Pella in Mace- donia. The former account is hardly probable, since Thurii revolted from Athens in 412, when the old Athenian colonists who sided with the mother-country were driven into exile. Un- less therefore we assume that Herodotus took part with the in- surgents, it seems most likely that he quitted Thurii at this period, and it is not improbable that, like Lysias the orator, he returned to Athens. § 8. Herodotus interwove into his history all the varied and extensive knowledge acquired in his travels, and by his own per- sonal researches. The real subject of that magnificent work is the conflict between the Greek race, in the widest sense of the terra, and including the Greeks of Asia Minor, with the Asiatics. This is the ground-plan of the book, and was founded on a notion then current of an ancient enmity between the Greeks and Asiatics, as exempUfied in the stories of lo, Medea, and Helen. Thus the historian had a vast epic subject presented to him, which was brought to a natural and glorious termination by the Chap. XXI HERODOTUS. 237 defeat of the Persians in their attempts upon Greece. He touches the ancient and mythical times, however, but lightly, and hastens on to a more recent and authentic historical period. Crcesus, king of Lydia, the eariiest Asiatic monarch who had succeeded in reducing a portion of the Greek race to subjection, first en- gages his attention at any length. The quarrel between Crcesus and Cyrus, king of Persia, brings the latter power upon the stage. The destruction of the Lydian monarchy by the Persians is re- lated, and is followed by a retrospective view of the rise of the Persian power, and of the Median empire. This is succeeded by an account of the reduction of the rest of Asia Minor and of Babylonia ; and the first book closes with the death of Cyrus in an expedition against the Massagetse, a race inhabiting the plains beyond the Caspian Sea. Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, under- takes an expedition against Egypt, which gives occasion to a description of that country occupying the whole of the second book. In the third book the annexation of Egypt to the Persian empire is related, as well as the abortive attempts of Cambyses against the M fehiopians and Ammonians. The death of Cambyses, the usurpation of the false Sinerdis, and the accession of Darius form the remainder of the third book. The fourth book is chiefly occupied with the Scythian expedition of Darius; whilst at the same time a Persian armament fitted out in Egypt for the con- quest of Libya, serves to introduce an account of the discovery and colonization of the latter country by the Greeks. In the fifth book the termination of the Thracian expedition under the satrap Megabazus is related, and a description given of the Thracian people. This book also contains an account of the origin of the quarrel between Persia and the Greek colonies in Asia Minor. The history of the wars between the Greeks and 1 ersians then runs on with little interruption in the remainder oi this book, and in the four last books. The work concludes witli the reduction of Sestos by the Athenians. ^ 9. The love and admiration of Herodotus for Athens are ap- parent throughout his work ; he sided with her with all his soul, and declared her to be the saviour of Grecian hberty. This at- tachment was not unrewarded by the Athenians, and a psc- phisma, or vote of the people, is recorded, granting him the sum ot 1 talents out of the public treasury. It was this not unfounded admiration of Herodotus for Athens that gave occasion to Plu- tarch, or some writer who assumed Plutarch's name, to charge him with partiality, and malice towards other Grecian states. HO. The ease and simplicity of the style of Herodotus lend It an indescribable charm, and we seem rather to be conversing with an intelligent traveller than reading an elaborately com- ■ ( .1 fi I 888 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXI posed history. On the other hand a certain want of skill in composition may be observed in it. Prose style does not arrive at perfection till much has been written, and with Herodotus it was still in its infancy. Nor must we seek in him for that depth of philosophical reflection which we find in Thucydides. Sometimes, indeed, he exhibits an ahnost childish credulity. Yet he had formed a high notion of the value of history, and was evidently a sincere lover of truth. He may sometimes have received the accounts of others with too trusting a simplicity, yet he always gives them for what they are worth, leaving the reader to form his own judgment, and often cautioning him a^ to their source and value. On the other hand, where he speaks from his own observation, his accounts may be implicitly relied upon ; and many of them, which were formerly doubted as im- probable, have been confirmed by the researches of modern tra- vellers. In short, Herodotus is the Homer of history. He has all the majesty and simphcity of the great epic bard, and all the freshness and vivacity of colouring which mark the founder of a new literary epoch. Bust or Herodotu;; The Theseum at Athens. BOOK IV. THE ATIIEIIAJf SUPREMACY AND THF PELOPOINESIAN WAR ^ B.C. 477 — 404. 'I CHAPTER XXII. PEOM THE EXPULSION Or T„K PERSUNS TO THE DEATH OF THEMISTOCLES. ^ Ji'o7pi\r„ifI"f 3"^Tt^ tl.e Pe^ians. § a. Misconduct and Cimon. 8 6. Growth of t.h* AVl,.„i S *• The combined fleet under g V. RebulldingSeL T^fr 3 ^°'"^-- ^'»'" ""hemistoclcs. b;eWf„rtifi„d.S'rFortifirtio„TfPr;u?"8^^^ Athens. Misconduct of ThemistoclMS^n fe »• »tnfe of parties at Pausanias convicted of MedlZ sT^ tL ■ ?* ," "?'"•".':'««''• § ' '• puilt He escapes in to Atil 8 1 s ^■-Jj!"""^^''}^^ implicated in his Arta,er,e. H^ death t„a%h!rL^tef| ^rSlirteSf''^ fj; J/Jbi^P "^"P^'f" had effectually delivered Greece from aU fcar of the Persian yoke; but the Persiaiis still held some^l^ :i ftl ( I 240 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. ZXH from which it concerned both the interests and the honour of the Greeks to expel them. They were in possession of tho island of Cyprus and of the important town of Byzantium ; to- gether with Eiou on the Strymon, Doriscus, and several other places in Thrace. A fleet was therefore fitted out (d.c. 478) the year after the battle of Plataea, and placed under the command of the Spartan regent, Pausanias. Of this fleet only twenty ships belonged to the Peloponnesians, whilst thirty, under the com- mand of Aristides and Cimon, were furnished by Atliens alone. After delivering most of the Grecian towns in Cyprus from the Persians, this armament sailed up the Bosporus and laid siege to Byzantium, which was garrisoned by a large Persian force commanded by some kinsmen of Xerxes. The town surrendered after a protracted siege ; but it was during this expedition that the conduct of the Spartan commander struck a fatal blow at tho interests of his country. f 2. The immense booty, as well as the renown, which Pau- sanias had acquired at Plattca, had lilled hhn with pride and ambition. When he returned home, he felt it irksome to con- form to the simplicity and sobriety of a Spartan life, and to submit to the commands of the Ephors. He had given a signal instance of the pride with which he was inflated by causing Simonides to attribute the glory of the Persian defeat solely to himself in the epigram which he composed for the tripod dedi- cated at Delphi ; a piece of vanity which gave such ollence to the Lacedaemonians that they caused the inscription to be erased, and another to be substituted in its place. Nevertheless, in spite of these symptoms, he had been again entrusted with the command. During the whole course of it his conduct was marked by the greatest vanity and insolence ; towards the end it was also sullied by treason. After the capture of Byzantium, he put himself in coimnunication with the Persian court, through Gongylus, an Eretrian exile and subject of Persia. He sent Gon- gylus clandestinely to Xerxes with those members of the royal family who had been taken at Byzantium, and assured the allies that they had escaped. At the same time he despatched the following letter to Xerxes : — " Panamas, the Spartan commander, wishing to ohlige thee, sends back these prisoners of war. I am minded, if it please thee, to marry thy daughter, and to bring Sparta, and the rest of Greece under thy dominion. This I hold myself able to do with the help of thy counsels. If, therefore, the project at all pleases thee, send down some trustworthy mjui to the coast, through whom we may carry on our future correspondence." Xerxes was highly delighted with tliis letter, and sent a reply HC. 478. MARITIME SUPREMACY OF ATHENS. 241 in which he urged Pausanias to pursue his project night and dav and promised to supply him with all the money and troops that might be neediul lor its execution. At the same time he appointed Artabazus, who had been second in command in Bceotia, to be sa- trap ol Dascyhum, where he would be able to co-operate with the fepartan cornmander. But the childish vanity of Pausanias be- trayed his plot beiore it was ripe for execution. Elated by the confidence of Xerxes, and by the money with which he was avishly supphed, he acted as if he had already married the (xreat King s daughter. He assumed the Pcr.'.an dress • he made a progress through Thrace, attended by Persian and Egyptian guards ; and copied, in the luxury of his table and the dissoluteness o Ins manners, the example of his adopted coun- try Above all, he oflended the alhes by his haughty reserve and imperiousness. } 3. His designs were now too manifest to escape attention His proceedings reached the ears of the Spartans, who sent out Dorcis to supersede him. But when Dorcis arrived, he found lliat the allies had transferred the command of the fleet to tk Athenians. There were other reasons for this step besides the dis-ust occasioned by the conduct of Pausanias. Even before the battle ol fealamis, the preponderating naval power of Atliens had raised the question whether she was not entitled to the command at sea ; and the victory gained there, under the auspices of Themis- tocles, had strengthened her claim to that distinction. But the delivery of the Ionian colonies from the Persian yoke was the immediate cause for her attaining it. The lonians were not only attracted to Athens by affinity of race, but, from her naval su- periority, regarded her as the only power capable of securinff them in their newly acquired independence. Disgusted by the mgoience of Pausanias, tlie lonians now serving in the combined txrecian fleet addressed themselves to Aristides and Cimon whose manners formed a striking contrast to those of the Spar* tan leader, and begged them to assume the command. Aristides was the more inclined to listen to this request as it was made precisely at the time when Pausanias was recalled. The Spartan squadron had accompanied him home ; so that when Dorcis arrived with a few ships, he found himself in no condition to as- lert ins pretensions. I 4. This event was not a mere empty question about a point ot honour It was a real revolution, tenninated by a solemn league, of which Athens was to be the head ; and though it is wrong to date the Athenian e?npire from this period, yet it can- not 1x3 doubted that this eonfedi'iacy formed her jiist step toward* M y Il MS HISTORY OF GREECE. -^ Chap. XXII. it. Aristides took the lead in this matter, for which his pro- verbial justice and probity, and his concihatory manners, emi- nently qualified him. The league obtained the name of " the Confederacy of Delos," from its being arranged that deputies of the allies belonging to it should meet periodically for deliberation in the temple of Apollo and Artemis in that island. The league was not, however, confined to the loniaus. It was joined by all who sought, in the maritime power of Athens, a protection against the attacks of Persia. Besides the Ionic islands of Samos and Chios, it was joined by Rhodes, Cos, Lesbo's, and Tenedos. Among the continental towns belonging to it we find Miletus, the Greek towns on the peninsula of Chalcidice, and the recently delivered Byzantium. Each state was assessed in a certain con- tribution either of money or ships, as proposed by the Athenians and ratified by the Synod. The assessment was intrusted to Aristides, whose justice and impartiality were universally ap- plauded. Of the details, however, we only know that the first assessment amounted to 460 talents (about 1G0,000Z. sterling) ; that certain officers called Hellenotamiae were appointed by the Athenians to collect and administer the contributions; that Delos was the treasury ; and that the tax was called j^haros ; a name which afterwards became odious when the tribute was abused for the purposes of Athenian ambition. k 5. Such was the origin of the Confederacy of Delos. Soon afler its formation Aristides was succeeded in the command of the combined fleet by Cimon, whose first important action seems to have been the capture of Eion on the Strymon. This place was bravely defended by Boges, the Persian Governor, who re- fused all offers of capitulation ; and when his provisions were exhausted and all further defence impracticable, he caused a large funeral pile to be kindled into which he cast his wives, liis con- cubines, and children, and lastly himself The next event of any moment was the reduction of the island of Scyros, probably in B.C. 470. A portion of the inhabitants of Scyros, had been condenmed by the Amphictyonic council as guilty sif piracy, and in order to avoid payment of the fine imposed upon them, appealed to Cimon ; who took possession of the island, and after expelling the natives, colonised it with Athenians. The hero Theseus had been buried in Scyros ; and now, by command of an oracle, his bones were disinterred and carried to Athens, where they were deposited with much solemnity in a temple called the Theseum, which exists at the present day. § 6. The isle of Scyros is small and barren, but its position and excellent harbour rendered it an important naval station. The occupation of it by the Athenians seems to have been the first B.C. 477. CONFEDERACY OF DELOa 24& actual step taken by them in the career of aggrandizement on which they were now about to enter ; but the rapid growth of their maritime power, and especially the formation of the Con- federacy of Delos, had already roused the jealousy and suspicion of Sparta and other states. It was, probably, a lingering dread of the Persians, against whose attacks the Athenian fleet was indispensably necessary, which had prevented the Lacedajrao- niaiis, from at once resenting that encroachment on their supre- macy. Up to that time Sparta had been regarded as entitled to take the lead in Grecian affairs, and for a moment the le^ue formed at Plataja after the defeat of Mardonius seemed to con- firm her in that position. But she was soon deprived of it by the misconduct of her leaders, and by the skill and enterprise of Athens. That city was the only one which, during the Persian wars, had displayed ability and heroism equal to the crisis. She had taken a large share in the battle of Plataja, whilst the glory of Marathon, and Salamis, and Mycale was almost entirely her own. Above all, the sufferings which she had voluntarily undergone in the common cause entitled her to the love and sympathy of Greece. It was not, however, the gratitude of her allies which placed her in the commanding situation she was now about to seize. She owed it rather to the eminent qualities of two of her citizens — to the genius of Themistocles, and to the virtue of Aristides. It was, as we have seen, tlirough the immediate agency of Aristides that the Confederacy of Delos was esta- blished : a matter which his able but unprincipled rival, owing to the want of confidence felt in his character, would hardly have been able to carry out. But it was Themistocles who had first placed Athens in a situation which enabled her to aspire to the chief command. His genius had mastered all the exigencies of the crisis. His advice to the Athenians to rely on their ships, and to abandon their city to its fate, had not only saved Athens but Greece. He was now engaged in measures which might enable Athens by the same means to consolidate and extend her power ; and the Confederacy of Delos promised to bring his plans to an earlier maturity than even he had perhaps ventured to anticipate. But in order to understand the plans of Themis- tocles, it will be necessary to revert to the city of Athens itself, and to trace its progress after the close of the Persian war. § 7. The Athenians, on their return to Attica after the defeat of the Persians, found their city ruined and their country deso- late. Their first care was to provide shelter for the hcuseless fa. milies which had been transported back from TroBzen, ^gina, and Salamis. When this had been accomplished, they began ta M t 9^\ I . il 3S44 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIL I rebuild their city on a larger scale than beibrc, and to fortify it with a wall. Those allies to whom the increasing maritime power of Athens was an object of suspicion, and especially the ^gmetans, to whom it was more particularly Ibrmidable, beheld her rising fortifications with dismay. In order to prevent the completion of these fortifications, they endeavored to inspire the Lacedaemonians with their own fears, and urged them to surest the work. But, though Sparta shared the jealousv of the jEgmetans on this occasion, she could not with any decency interfere by force to prevent a friendly city from exercising a right mherent m all independent states. She assumed, there- fore, the hypocritical garb of an adviser and counsellor. Con- cealing her jealousy under the pretence of zeal for the common interests of Greece, she represented to the Athenians that, in the event of another Persian invasion, fortified towns would serve the enemy for camps and strongholds, as Thebes had done in the last war ; and proposed that the Athenians should not only desist from completmg their own fortifications, but help to demolish those which already existed in other towns. The object of this proposal was too transparent to deceive so acute a statesman as Themistocles. Athens was not yet, how- ever, in a condition to incur the danger of openly rejecting it ; and he therefore advised the Athenians to dismiss the Spartan envoys with the assurance that they would send ambassadors to Sparta to explain their views. He then caused himself to be appointed one oi these anabassadors, together with Aristides and Abronychus ; and setting ofi' at once for Sparta, directed his colleagues to linger behind as long as possible. At Sparta, the absence of his colleagues, at which he afiected to be surprised, aflbrded him an excuse for not demanding an audience of the Ephors. During the interval thus gamed the whole population of Athens, of both sexes and every age, worked day and night at the walls, which, when Aris- tides and Abronychus at length arrived at Sparta, had attained a height sufficient to afford a tolerable defence. Meanwhile, the suspicions of the Spartans had been more than once aroused by messages from the -Sginetans respecting the progress of the walls. Themistocles, however, positively denied their state- ments, and urged the Spartans to send messengers of their own to Athens in order to learn the true state of afiiiirs ; at the same time instructing the Athenians to detain them as hostages for the safety of himself and colleagues. As there was now no longer any motive of concealment, Themistocles openly avowed the progress of the works, and his intention of securing tho independence of Athens, and enabling her to act for herself. As the walk were now too far advanced to be easily taken, tho 1 B.C. 4*78. FORTIFICATION OF ATHENS. 245 . Spartans found themselves compelled to acquiesce, and the works were completed without further hindrance. { 8. Having thus secured the city from all danger of an imme- diate attack, Themistocles pursued liis favourite project of ren- dering Athens the greatest maritime and commercial power of Greece. The large fleet which he had called into existence, and which he had persuaded the Athenians to increase by building twenty triremes every year, was destitute of a strong and com- modious harbour such as might aflbrd shelter both against the weather and the attacks of an enemy. The open roadstead of Pha- lerum was quite inadequate for these purposes ; and during his administration three years before, Themistocles had persuaded his countrymen to improve the natural basins of Pira;us and Muny- chia. The works had been interrupted and jierhaps ruined by the Persians ; but he now resumed his scheme on a still more magnificent scale. Piraeus and Munychia were both enclosed in a wall as l.i-ge in extent as that of the city itself, but of vastly greater height and thickness. In his own magnificent ideas, which already beheld Athens the undisputed mistress of the sea, the wall which sheltered her fleet was to be perfectly unassaila- ble. Its height was to be such that boys and old men might suffice for its defence, and leave the men of military age to act on board the fleet. It seems, however, to have been fomid either unnecessary or impossible to carry out the design of Themistocles. The wall rose only to about sixty feet, or half the projected height ; but this was always found amply sufficient. *= ^ 9. The ancient rivalry between Themistocles and Aristides had been in a good degree extinguished by the danger which threatened their common country during the Persian wars. Aristides had since abandoned his former prejudices, and was willing to conform to many of the democratical iimovations of his rival. In fact, the crisis through which Athens had recently passed, had rendered the progress of the democratical sentiment irresistible. Whilst the greater part of the male population was serving on shipboard without distinction of rank, and the re- mainder dispersed in temporary exile, political privileges had been necessarily suspended ; and the whole body of the people, rendered equal by the common danger, became also equal in their civil rights. The effect of this was to produce, soon after their return to Attica, a still further modification of the consti- tution of Clisthenes. The Thetes, the lowest of the four classes of Athenian citizens, were declared eligible for the magistracy, from which they had been excluded by the laws of Solon. Thus * For a furtlier account of the topography of Athens and the Piraeufi^ Bee Chap. XXXIV. 246 HISTORY OF GREECE. cmap. xxn. "i»l not only the archonship, but consequently the Council of Areo- pagus, was thrown open to them ; and, strange to say, this reform was proposed by Aristides himself. Nevertheless, party spirit still ran high at Athens. Cimon and Alcma3on were violent opponents of Themistocles and of their party Aristides was still the head. The iK)pularity of Aris- tid« was never greater than at the present time, owing not only to the moderation and the more liberal spirit which he exhibited but also to his great services in establishing the Confederacy of Bern. He was, therefore, more than ever to be dreaded as an adversary ; and the conduct of Themistocles soon laid him open to the attacks of his enemies. He oflended the Athenians by his ostentation and vanity. He was continually boasting of his services to the state ; but worse than all this, his conduct was stamed with positive guilt. There was much to be done after the close ol the Persian wars in restoring order in the Grecian conununities ; in deposing corrupt magistrates, in punishing evil doers, and m replacing fugitives and political exiles in their possessions. All these things opened up a great field for bribery and corruption ; and whilst Themistocles, at the head of an Atheman squadron, was sailing among the Greek islands for the ostensible purpose of executing justice, there is little room to doubt that he corrupted its very source by accepting large sum« of money from the cities which he visited. ^ 10. The influence of the Lacedaemonians was still considera- ble at Athens. The conservative party there, and especially Ci- mon, one of its principal leaders, regarded with love and venera- tion the stable institutions of Sparta, which formed a strikincr contrast to the democratical innovations which were makincr such rapid progress in their own city. The Lacedaemonians on" their side were naturally inimical to the Athenian democracy, as the party most opposed to their interests and power ; and to Themis- tocles himself they were personally hostile, on account of the deception which he had lately practised upon them. Hence when Fausamas became suspected oiMedimi, they urged the political opponents of Themistocles to accuse him of being implicated m the same crime. This accusation was at all events prema- ture ; nor is it surprising that the Athenian statesman should have been acquitted of a charge which could not at that time be brought home to Pausanias himself. The result, however, of this accusation was to embitter party spirit at Athens to such a de- gree that it was found necessary to resort to ostracism, and Ihemistoclos was conderaned to a temporary banishment (b.c. 471). He retired to Argos, and had been residing in that city for a Bpace of about five years when indubitable proofs were discovered B.C. 471. TREASON AND FALL OF PAUSANIAS. 24*7 of his being implicated in the treasonable correspondence of Pausanias with the Persians. But in order to explain the fall of the Athenian statesman, we must first relate that of the Spartan regent with which it was intimately connected. Hi- The recall of Pausanias from Byzantium has been already mentioned. On his arrival at home he seems to have been ac- quitted of any definite charges ; yet the general presumption of his guilt was so strong that he was not again entrusted with the command of the fleet. This was perhaps an additional motive with him to complete his treachery. Under pretence of serving as a volunteer, he returned to Byzantium with a single trireme, and renewed his negotiations with Artabazus. Here he seems to have again enjoyed a sort of ascendency, till his conduct obliged the Athenians to expel him from this city. He then retired to Colonae, in the Troad, where he still pursued his de- signs ; employing both Persian gold, and perhaps the influence of the Spartan name, in order to induce various Grecian cities to participate in his schemes. At the news of these proceedings the Spartans again ordered Pausanias home, under pain of being denounced as a public enemy. With this order he deemed it prudent to comply ; fore- seeing that, if proscribed, his influence would be at an end, and relying, probably, on his riches to bribe his judges and procure an acquittal. But, though at first imprisoned by the Ephors, nobody was bold enough to come forward as his accuser. His treachery, though sufficiently palpable, seems to have offered no overt and legally tangible act, and he was accordingly set at liberty. He now employed himself in hatching treason nearer homo. He tampered with the Helots, and by promises of en- franchisement and political rights, endeavoured to persuade them to overthrow the Ephors, and make him sole sovereign. Though these plots were communicated to the Ephors, they were still either unable or unwilling to prosecute so powerful a criminal. Meanwhile, he continued his correspondence with Persia ; and an accident at length afforded convincing proofs of liis guilt. A favourite slave, to whom he had entrusted a letter to Ar- tabazus, observed with dismay that none of the messengers employed in this service had ever returned. Moved by these fears, he broke the seal and read the letter, and finding his suspicions of the fate that awaited him confirmed, he carried the document to the Ephors. But in ancient states the testimony of a slave was always regarded with suspicion. The Ephors re- fused to believe the evidence offered to them unless the slave placed them in a position to have it confirmed by their own li 248 HISTORY OF GEEECE. Cbaf.XXU earn For this purpose they directed him to plant himself as a suppliant m the grove of Poseidon, near Cape Tsnarus, in a hut behmd which two of their body might conceal themselves Pausamas, as they had expected, anxious and sui-prised at the step taken by his slave, hastened to the spot to question him about It. The conversation which ensued between them and which was overheard by the Ephors, rendered it impossible for them any longer to doubt the guilt of Pausanias. They now determined to arrest him on his return to Sparta. Thev met him m the street near the temple of Athena Chalcicecus (of the Jirazen House) ; when Pausanias, cither alarmed by his Vuiltv conscience, or put on his guard by a secret signal from one of the Ephors, turned and lied to the temple, where he took refucre in a small chamber belonging to the building. From this sanc- tuary It was unlawful to drag him ; but the Ephors caused the doore to be built up and the roof to be removed ; and his own mother is said to have placed the first stone at the doors. When at the point of death from starvation, he was cairied from the sanctuary before he polluted it with his corpse. H2. Such was the end of the victor of Platsa. After his death proofs were discovered among his correspondence that Themistocles was implicated in his guilt. The Lacedemonians now again called ui^u the Athenians to prosecute their great statesman before a synod of the allies assembled at Sparta • and joint envoys were sent from Athens and Sparta to arrest hi'm. Themistocles avoided the impending danger by flying from Argos to Corcyra. The Corcyraeans, howevcrr refushig to shelter hmi, lie passed over to the continent ; where, being still pursued he was forced to seek refuge at the court of Adiiietus, king of the Molossians, thougli he had made Admetus his personal ene- my by opposing him on one occasion in some favour which the king begged of the Athenians. Fortunately, Admetus happened to be from home. The forlorn condition of Themistocles ex- cited the compassion of the wife of the Molossian king, who placed her child in his arms, and bade him seat himselfon the hearth as a suppHant. As soon as the king arrived, Themis- tocles explained his peril, and adjured him by the sacred laws ol hospitahty not to take vengeance upon a fallen foe. Admetus accepted his appeal and raised him from the hearth ; he refused to deliver lum up to his pursuers, and at last only dismissed him on his own expressed desire to proceed to Persia. Haviimr tra- versed the mountains, Themistocles readied Pydna, on the Tlier- maic gulf, where, under an assumed name, he took a passage in a merchant vessel bound for the coast of Asia Minor. The ship was driven by stress of weather to the island of Naxos, which ; B.C. 449. DEATH OF THEMISTOCLES. 249 happened at that very moment to be blockaded by an Athenian fleet. In this conjuncture Themistocles adopted one of those decisive resolutions which never failed him in the hour of dan- ger. Having summoned the master of the vessel, he disclosed to him his real name, and the peril which menaced him in case of discovery. He then conjured the master not to make the land, at the same time threatening that, if detected, he would involve him in his own ruin by representing him as the accom- plice of his flight ; promising, on the other hand, a large reward if he would secure his escape. These representations induced the master to keep the sea in spite cf the weather ; and Themis- tocles landed safely at Ephesus. § 13. Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, was now upon the throne of Persia, and to him Themistocles hastened to announce himself Having been conducted to Susa, he addressed a letter to the Per- sian king, in which he claimed a reward for his past services in favouring the escape of Xerxes, and promised to eflect much for Persian interests if a year were allowed him to mature his plans. Artaxerxes welcomed the arrival of the illustrious stranger and readily granted his request. According to the tales current at a later period, the king was so transported with joy as to start from his sleep at night and thrice to cry out, " I have got The- mistocles the Athenian." At the end of the year, Themisttcles having acquired a suflicient knowledge of the Persian language to be able to converse in it, entertained Artaxerxes with magni- ficent schemes for the subjugation of Greece, and succeeded in gaining his entire confidence and favour. Artaxerxes loaded him with presents, gave him a Persian wife, and appointed Mag- nesia, a town not lar from the Ionian coast, as his place of residence. In accordance with Eastern magnificence, the reve- nues of that place, amounting to the yearly sum of fifty talents, were assigned to him for bread, whilst Myos was to supply con- diments, and Lampsacus wine. At Magnesia Themistocles was joined by his family; and after living there some time, was carried ofl' by disease at the age of sixty-five, without having realized, or apparently attempted, any of those plans with which he had dazzled the Persian monarch. Rumour, which ever dogs the footsteps of the great, ascribed his death to poison, which he took of his own accord, from a consciousness of his inabihty to perform his promises ; but this report, which was current in the time of Thucydides, is rejected by that historian, though it was subsequently adopted by writers of no mean note. The tale was probably propagated by the friends of Themistocles, who also asserted that, at his express command, they had carried his bones to Attica, and had secretly buried them in his native land HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XXH In the tune of the Roman empire his tomb was shown upon the promontory at the right hand of the entrance of the great har- bour of Piraeus. This was doubtless the invention of a later age ; but the imagination could not have chosen a fitter spot for the ashes of the founder of the maritime greatness of Athens. Hence we find in an ancient epigram, supposed to have been inscnbed upon his tomb : — "Bv the sea's margin, on the watery strand. Thy monument, Themistocles, shall stand: By this directed to thy native shore The merchant shall convey his freighted store; And when our fleets are summoned to the fight, Athens shall conquer with thy tomb in sight" Themistocles is one of those characters which exhibit at onco all the greatness and all the meanness of human nature. Acute- ness m Ibreseeing, readiness and wisdom in contriving, combined with vigour and decision in acting, were the characteristics of this great statesman, and by these quaUties he not only rescued his country from the imminent danger of the Persian yoke, but enabled her to become one of the leading states of Greece. Yet his lofty genius did not secure him from the seductions cf avarice and pride, which led him to sacrifice both his honour and his country ibr the tinsel of Eastern pomp. But the riches and luxury which surrounded him served only to heighten his infamy, and were dearly bought with the hatred of his country- men, the reputation of a traitor, and the death of an exile. $ 14. Aristides died about four years after the banishment of Themistocles. The common accounts of his poverty are pro- bablyexaggerated, and seem to have been founded on the circum- stances of a public funeral, and of handsome donations made to his three children by the state. But in ancient times these were mo unusual marks of respect and gratitude towards merit and virtue ; and as he was mclimi ejmiymus at a time when only the first class of the Solonian census was admissible to this oflice, he must have enjoyed a certain amount of property. But what- ever his property may have been, it is at least certain that he did not acquire or increase it by unlawful means ; and not even calumny has ventured to assail his well earned title of the Just, m ,L Pericles and Aspasia. CHAPTER XXIII. RISE AND GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. FROM THE BATTLE OF EURYMEDON TO THE THIRTY YEARS' TRUCE WITH SPARTA. § 1. Ciraon leader of the aristocratical party at Athens. § 2. Revolt of Naxos. § 3. Battle of Eurymedon. § 4. The Athenians blockade Thasos, and attempt to found colonies in Thrace. § 5. Earthquake at Sparta and revolt of the Helots. § 6. Decline of Spartan power. § 7. Cimon assists the Spartans to suppress the revolt, but without success. The Spartans offend the Athenians by dismissing their troops. § 8. Parties at Athens. Character of Pericles. § 9. Attack upon the Areopagus. § 10. Ostracism of Cimon. § 11. Administration and foreign policy of Pericles. § 12. Expedition of the Athenians into Egypt against the Persians. § 13. Hostilities with Corinth and ^gina. Defeat of the Corinthians at Megara. § 14. The long walls of Athens commenced. § 15. The Lacedaemonians march into Boeotia. Battle ofTanagra. §16. Recall of Cimon. §17. Battle of (Enophyta, and conquest of Boeotia. Conquest of ^gina. § 18. The five years' truce. Expedition of Cimon to Cyprus. His death. §19. Conclusion of the war with Persia. § 20. The Athenian power at its height. § 21. Decline of Athenian power. Revolution in Bceotia. Other Athe- nian reverses. Invasion of Attica by the Lacedaemonians under Pleistoanax. § 22. Pericles recovers Euboea. Thirty years' truce with Sparta. f 1 . On the death of Aristides, Cimon became the undisputed leader of the aristocratical or conservative party at Athens. Cimon lit HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIII S.t.^£{, I was generous, aflable, magnificent ; and, notwithstanding his po^ htical views, of exceedingly popular maimers. He had inherited the raUitary genius of his father, and was undoubtedly the greatest commander of his time. He employed the vast wealth acquired in his expeditions in adorning Athens and gratifying his fellow-citizens. He kept open house for such of his demos (the Laciada)) as were in want of a meal, and appeared in pub- lic attended by well-dressed slaves, who were often directed to ex- change their comfortable garments with the thread-bare clothes of needy citizens. But liis mind was uncultivated by arts or letters, and what eloquence he possessed was rough and soldier- h 2. The capture of Eion and reduction of Scyros by Cimon have been already related. It was two or three years after the latter event that we find the first symptoms ol' discontent amono- the members of the Confederacy of Delos. Naxos , one of the confederate islands, and the largest of the Cyclades, revolted in B.C. 466, probably from a feehng of the growing oppres-^^iveness of the Athenian headsliip. It was immediately invested by the confederate fleet, and after a blockade of unknown duration re- duced and made tributary to Athens. It was during this block- ade that Themistocles, as before related, passed the island in his flight to Asia. This was another step towards dominion gained by the Athenians, whose pretensions were assisted by the im- prudence of the allien. Many of the smaller states belonging to the confederacy, wearied with perpetual hostihties, conTmuted lor a money payment the ships which they were bound to supply; and thus, by depriving themselves of a navy lost the ""^FJ^^^ ^^ "^'^^'^^ ^^""y "^^"^^ ^^^^^ t^^eir independence. $ 3. The sams year was marked by a memorable action against the Persians. Cimon, at the head of 200 Athenian triremes, and 100 lurmshed by the allies, proceeded to the coast of Asia Minor where he expeUed the Persians from several Grecian towns in Cana and Lycia. Meanwhile the Persians had assembled a larffe fleet and army at the mouth of the rive r Eurymedon i n Pam- phylia. Their fleet already consisted of 200 vessels, chiefly Pha3- mcian; and as a reinforcement of 80 more was expected, Cimon resolved to lose no time in making an attack. After speedily defeating the fleet, Cimon landed his men and marched against the Persian army, which was drawn up on the shore to protect the fleet The land-force fought with bravery, but was at lencrth put to the rout. These victories were still further enhanced'bv the^destruction of the 80 vessels, with which Cimon happened U lall in on his return. A victory gained on the same day both hv sea and land added greatly to the renown of Cimon. and was B.C. 466. BATTLES AT THE EURYMEDON. 253 commemorated on the tripod dedicated to Apollo as one of the most glorious of Grecian exploits. ^ 4. The successes of the Athenians, and their undisputed power at sea, led them to extend their empire by means of co- lonies. Some of the Athenians who had settled at Eion on the Strymon after the expulsion of the Persians, had an opportunity of becoming acquainted with the surrounding country, which was principally occupied by Edoiiian Thracians, and was distin- guished not only by the lertihty of its soil, but also by its gold mines on Mount Pangaeus. But in their attempts to form a .permanent settlement on this coast, the Athenians were opposed by the inhabitants of the opposite island of Thasos, who were possessed of considerable territory upon the continent of Thrace, and derived a large revenue from the mines of Scapte Hyle and other places. The island of Thasos was a member of the Confederacy of Delos, with whicli, however, this quarrel does not appear to have been in any way connected. Tlie ill-feeling soon reached such a pitch, that Cimon was despatched in b.c. 405 with a powerful fleet agahist the Thasians . In this expedition the Athenians gained various successes both by sea and land, but totally failed in their attempt to found a colony on the main land, near Eion. This result, however, was owing to the hostility of the native tribes. A body of ten thousand Athenians and their allies, who had taken possession of Ennea Hodoi, a place on the Strymon, about three miles above Eion, were attacked by the Thracians and nearly all of them slain. Nevertheless the Athenians did not abandon the blockade of Thasos. After a siege of more than two years that island surrendered, when its fortifications were razed, its fleet and its possessions in Thrace were confiscated, and it was condemned to pay an annual, as well as an imme- diate, tribute. ^ 5. The expedition to Thasos was attended with a circum- stance which first gives token of the coming hostilities between Sparta and Athens. At an early period of the blockade the Thasians secretly applied to the Lacedaemonians to make a diver- sion in their favour by invading Attica ; and though the Lace- dajmonians were still ostensibly allied with Athens, they were base enough to comply with this request. But their treachery was prevented by a terrible calamity which befel themselves. In the year b.c. 464, their capital was visited by an earthquake which laid it in ruins and killed 20,000 of the citizens, besides a large body of their chosen youth, who were engaged in a build- ing in their g>Tiinastic exercises. But this was only part of the calamity. The earthquake was immediately followed by a revolt II L HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXUL II d.^.*f 6 V of the Helots , who were always ready to avail themselves of the weakness of their tyrants. Some of that oppressed people had been dragged irom the sanctuary of Poseidon at Taenarus proba- bly in connexion with the aiiair of Pausanias, related in the pre- ceding chapter; and now the whole race, and even the Lace- daemonians themselves, believed that the earthquake was caused by the anger of that " earth-shaking" deity. Encouraged by this signal of the divine favour, and being joined by some of the Periasci, the Helots rushed to arms, and marched straight upon Sparta. In this attempt to seize the capital they were repulsed ; nevertheless they were still able to keep the field ; and being joined by the Messenians, fortified themselves in Mount Ithome in Messenia. Hence tliis revolt is sometimes called the third Messenian war. After two or three years spent in a vain at- tempt to dislodge them from this position, the Lacedaemonians found themselves obliged to call in the assistance of their allies, and among the rest of the Atheruans. \ 6. That Sparta should thus have condescended to solicit the assistance of her rival to quell a domestic feud, shows that she must have fallen greatly from her former power and station. During the period, indeed, in which we have traced the rise of Athens, Sparta had been proportionably declining. Of the causes of this decline we can only mention some of the more prominent. Foremost among them was the misconduct of her leaders. The misconduct of Pausanias, by which the maritime supremacy was transferred to Athens, has been already related . His infamy found a counterpart in the infamy of Leotychides, another of her kings, and the conqueror of Mycalc ; who, being employed in arranging the affairs of Thessaly after its evacuation by the Persians, was convicted of taking bribes from the Persian king. The Lacedaemo- nians committed, moreover, a great political blunder in the set- tlement of BoBotia, whose affairs had been so thoroughlv shaken by the Persian invasion. Thebes, convicted of Medism. was, with the concurrence of Sparta, degraded from her former rank and influence ; whilst Plata;a and Thespiaj, which stood opposed to the capital, were strengthened, and the latter repeopled. Thus the influence of Athens in Bceotia was promoted, in proportion as Thebes, her ancient enemy, was weakened and degraded. The affairs of the Peloponnesus itself had been unfavourable to the Spartans. They had been engaged in a harassmg war with the Arcadians, and were also cramped and menaced by the growing power of EHs. And now all these causes of weakness were aggra- vated by the earthquake, and consequent revolt of the Helots. ^ 7. It was with great difficulty that Cimon persuaded his countrymen to assist the Lacedaemonians in quelling this revolt. B.C. 464. REVOLT OF THE MESSENIANS. 255 His power was now somewhat waning before the rising influence of Pericles. Notwithstanding what he had accomplished at Thasos, it is even said that more had been expected by the Athe- nians, and that Pericles actually accused him, though without suc- cess, of having been diverted from the conquest of Macedonia, by the bribes of Alexander, the king of that country. Cimon, however, at length succeeded in persuading the Athenians to despatch him with a force of 4000 hoplites, to the assistance of the Lacedae- monians ; but the ill-success of this expedition still further strengthened the hands of his political opponents. The aid of the Athenians had been requested by the LacedsB- monians on account of their acknowledged superiority in the art of attacking fortified places. As, however, Cimon did not succeed in dislodging the Helots from Ithome, the Lacedaemonians, pro- bably from a consciousness of their own treachery in the aflkir of Thasos, began to suspect that the Athenians were playing them false. The conduct of the latter does not fceni to have aflbrded the least ground for this suspicion, and Cimon, their general, was notoriously attached to Sparta. Yet the Lacedae- monians, fearing that the Athenians intended to join the Helots, abruptly dismissed them, stating that they had no longer any occasion for their services ; although the other allies were re- tained, and the siege of Ithome still proceeded. § 8. This rude dismissal gave great offence at Athens, and annihilated for a time the political influence of Cimon. The de- mocratical party had from the first opposed the expedition ; and it afibrded them a great triumph to be able to point to Cimon re- turning not only unsuccessful but insulted. That party was now led by Pericles. A sort of hereditary feud existed between Pe- ricles and Cimon ; for it was Xanthippus, the lather of Pericles, who had impeached Miltiades, the father of Cimon. The cha- racter of Pericles was almost the reverse of Cimon's. Although the leader of the popular party, his manners were reserved. He was of high family, being descended on his mother's side from the princes of Sicyon and the Alcmaeonidae, whilst, on his father's, he was connected with the family of Pisistratus, to which tyrant he is said to have borne a striking personal resem- blance. He appeared but little in society or in public, reserving himself for great occasions ; a conduct which, when he did come forward, enhanced the effect of his dignified bearing and impres- sive eloquence. His military talents were but slender, and in fact in this department he was frequently unsuccessful. But his mind had received the highest polish which that period was capable of giving. He constantly conversed with Anaxagoras, Protagoras, Zeno, and other eminent philosophers. To oratory 260 HBTORT OF GREECE Chap. XXm RC. 468. ADMINISTRATION OF PERICLES. 21!7 m particu ar he had devoted much attention, as an indispensable instruraen for swaymg the publie assemblies of Athens Tand he « said to have been the first who committed his spe;ches to vmting. He was not much distinguished for private hberality • but he made amends for the popularity jvhieh he lost in this wa^ by his kv.sh distribution of the public money. Such was the rf AtS. " ""'^'^'"'^^^ P«ri«» ^'^ to administer the affair Cii!n ^i^t^T ^'^«J *«, <«:<;asion presented by the ill-succcss of Cimon, both to rum that leader and to strike a fatal blow at the anstocratical party. The latter object he sought to accomnlish S^JT" "^T'r '" »^^t'^-'- constitution a^dT£ Sh/ "^ T'"'^ T" *" Areopagus. That venerable and tune-honoured assembly contained the very pith and marrow exercised a kind of general censorship over the citizens By he years, aiid oi Ingh position in the state. The measure of Aris- tides, already mentioned, opened it, at least ostensibly even to the lowest class of citizens; but this innovation, whkh wa^ whtrtf ^ 'T""' '° ''T "«■*'>'- •""'« Berious chl^ which the rapid progress of democratical opinion seemed to Areaten, was probably but of little practical eLt. ^Zt ^ magistracies contmued to be elective, there can be Uttle douS A fU^w"*7°"''' '""^ *"'»■ *° '^^ ^^clusion of the tor i l!i^ r '^'^''"'r^ P«^" ^a^. however, struck aCit inZ toZ^T'^ the election to magistracies depended ^ ..i V ^^? " '^ uncertain whether this measure was ori- ginated by Pericles. We are also ignorant ol' the predsTnaturl Icl^^'^r ^'"* ^' '"V'*^"*^ '»t° *« con^stiS a" d luncUons of the Areopagus, though, with regard to their result Itefo^erLt* ^'"^ 'f ''"'' ""^If ^y '"^^ n Jiow of Its lonner mfluence and power. Other changes which accom- Slrof"::d'T-f ™* '* """^^ be called-we~ institution of paid dimstenes or juiy-courts, and the ahnost t" i^^ohiat' X"^} ""^ ^rJ^' "f '^"^ momentous iimova! 113;.. ,^^ I ' V^l ("""•* f ^«"''''^' """^ the tablets con- taimng tlie laws of Solon to be brought down from the Acrouohs Ijud deposited m the market-place, alif to signify that theXr! dianship oi the la,^ had been transferred to thc>ople w»L ff- .L™"°V'* ™PP««ed that such fuiidaiicntal chan-es b^^ r^hi::^'^""* violent party strife. Even the theal^ the agora. In the drama of the Eumenides, .Eschylus L vain mJ exerted all the powers of his genius in support of the aristocra- tical party and of the tottering Areopagus; his exertions on this occasion resulted only in his own flight from Athens. The same fate attended Cimon himself In the heat of political con- tention, recourse was had to ostracism, the safety-valve of the Athenian coiLstitution, and Cimon was condemned to a ten years' banishment. Nay, party violence even went the length of assassination. Ephialtes, who had taken the lead in the attacks upon the Areopagus, and whom Pericles, in conformity with his policy and character, seems to have put forward throughout as the more active and ostensible agent, fell beneath the dagger of a Boeotian, hired by tlie conservative party to despatch hhn. This event took place after the banishment of Cimon, who was guiltless of all participation in so Ibul a deed. k 11. It was from this period that the long administration of Pericles may be properly said to have commenced. The effects of his accession to power soon became visible in the foreign rela- tions of Athens. Pericles had succeeded to the political prin- ciples of Themistocles, and his aim was to render Athens the leading power of Greece. The Confederacy of Delos had already secured her maritime ascendency ; Pericles directed his poHcy to the extension of her influence in continental Greece. The insult offered by Sparta to Athens in dismissing her troops had highly inflamed the Athenians against that power, whose sup- porters at Athens were designated with the contemptuous name of Laconizers. Pericles and the democratic party improved the conjuncture not only by persuading the people to renounce the Spartan alliance, but to join her bitterest enemies. Argos, the ancient rival of Sparta, claimed the headship of Greece rather from the recollections of her former mythical renown than from her present material power. But she had availed herself of the embarrassment which the revolt of the Helots occasioned to Sparta, to reduce to subjection MycenaB, Tiryns, and some other neighbouring towns. With Argos thus strengthened Athens now formed a defensive alliance against Sparta, which the Thes- sahans were also induced to join. Soon afterwards Athens stiU further extended her influence in continental Greece by an alli- ance with Megara. This step, which gave signal offence both at Sparta and Corinth, greatly increased the power of the Athe- nians, not only by opening to them a communication with the CrisssBan gulf, but also by giving them the key to the passes of Momit Geraneia, and thus enabling them to arrest the progress of an invading army from Peloponnesus. In order to strengthen Megara the Athenians adopted a contrivance which they after- wards applied to their own city. Megara was seated on a hill. It 'I 258 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXIIL Ra U1.- LONG WALLS OF ATHENa 259 at the distance of nearly a mile from its port, Nisaea. To pre- vent the communication between the port and city from being cut off, the Athenians caused them to be connected together bv two parallel lines of wall, and placed a permanent garriscn of their own in the place. \ 1 2. Whilst these things were passing in Greece, the Athenians were still actively engaged in prosecuting the war against Persia. The confederate fleet was hovering about the coasts of Cypnis and PhcBuicia; and the revolt of Inarus (b.c. 460) gave them an opportunity to carry the war into Eg>'pt. Inaros, a Libyan prince, and son of Psanunetichus, was bent on expelling the Per- sians from Egypt and obtaining the sovereignty of that country; and with this view he soUcitfed the assistance of the Greeks! The Athenian fleet at Cyprus, amounting to 200 triremes, accord- ingly sailed to the Nile, and proceeded up that river as far as Memphis. From tliis city they succeeded in expelling the Per- sians, who, however, maintained themselves in a kind of citadel or fortification called " the White Fortress." The siege of this fortress had already lasted four or five years, when Artaxerxes sent a large army, together with a Phoenician fleet, into Egypt, under the command of Megabyzus, who compelled the Athenians to raise the siege and to retire to an island in the Nile, called Prosopitis, as the Persians had prevented their further retreat by obstructing the lower part of the river. Here the Athenians oflered a long and heroic resistance, till at length Megabyzus, having diverted one of the channels which formed the island, was enabled to attack them by land. The Athenians, who had previously burnt their ships, were now obliged to capitulate. The barbarians did not, however, observe the terms of the capi- tulation, but perfidiously massacred the Athenians, with the exception of a small body, who succeeded in cutting their way through the enemy, and escaping to Cyrene, and thence to Greece. Inaros himself was taken and crucified. As an aggra- vation of the calamity, a reinforcement of 50 Athenian vessels, whose crews were ignorant of the defeat of their countrymen,' fell into the power of the enemy and were almost entirely de- stroyed. Thus one of the finest armaments ever sent forth from Athens was all but annihilated, and the Persians regained pos- Bession of the greater part of Egypt (b.c. 455.) § 13. It may well excite our astonishment that while Athens was eniploying so large an armament against the Persians, she was still able to maintain and extend her power in Greece by force of arms. Corinth, Epidaurus, and vEgina, were watching her progress with jealousy and awe. At the time of the Mega- rian aUiance no actual blow had yet been struck; but that important accession to the Athenian power was speedily followed by open war. The iEginetans, in conjunction with the Co- rintliians, Epidaurians, and other Peloponnesians, fitted out a large fleet. A battle ensued near the island of JEgina, in which the Athenians gained a decisive victory, and entirely ruined the naval power of the iEginetans. The Athenians captured seventy ol' their ships, and, landing a large force upon the island, laid siege to the capital. The growth of the Athenian power was greatly promoted by the continuance of the revolt of the Helots, which was not put down till the year b.c. 455. This circumstance prevented the Lacedemonians from opposing the Athenians as they would otherwise probably have done. All the assistance afiorded by the allies to the ^Eginetans consisted of a miserable detachment of 300 men ; but the Corinthians attempted to divert the Athe- nians by making an attack upon Megara. Hereupon Myronides marched from Athens at the head of the boys and old men, and gave battle to the enemy near Megara. The aflair was not very decisive, but the Corinthians retired, leaving their adversaries masters of the field. On their return home, however, the taunts which they encountered at having been defeated by so unwarlikc a force incited them to try their fortune once more. The Athe- nians again marched out to the attack, and this time gained a decisive victor}', rendered still more disastrous to the Corinthians by a large body of their troops having marched by mistake into an enclosed place, where they were cut up to a man by the Athenians. H4. It was about this time (b.c. 458 — 457 ^^ that the Athe- nians, chiefly through the advice of Pericles, began to construct the long walls which connected the Pii-aBus and Phalerum with Athens. They were doubtless suggested by the apprehension that the Lacedaemonians, though now engaged with domestic broils, would sooner or later take part in the confederacy which had been organized against Athens. This gigantic undertaking was in conformity with the pohcy of Themistocles for rendering the maritime power of Athens wholly unassailable ; but even the magnificent ideas of that statesman might perhaps have deemed the work chimerical and extravagant. The wall from Phalerum was 35 stadia, or about 4 miles long, and that from Pirjeus 40 stadia, or about 4 J miles in length. The plan of these walls was probably taken from those aheady erected at Megara, which had been recently tried, and perhaps found to be of good service in the war which had taken place there. The measure was vio- lently opposed by the aristocratic party, but without success. sW5. The progress of Athens had now awakened the serious jealousy of 8parta, and though she was still engaged in the eiege Il 260 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIII of Ithome, she resolved on taking some steps against the Athe- nians. Under pretence of assisting the Dorians, whose territory had heen invaded hy the Phocians, 1500 Spartan lioplites, sup- ported by 10,000 aUies, were despatched into Doris. The mere approach of so large a force speedily efiected the ostensible object of the expedition, and compelled the Phocians to retire. The Lacediemonians now proceeded to efiect their real design, which was to prevent the Athenians from gaining such an ascend- ency in BoBotia as they had gained in other places. In conse- quence of the part she had played during the Persian wars, Thebes had lost much of her Ibrmer influence and power ; and the conduct of Sparta herself in the subsequent settlement of Greece, had, as betbre related, been conducive to the same result. The Lacedemonians seem to have now become sensible of the mistake which they had committed ; and though their general policy was adverse to the confederation of cities, yet they were now induced to adopt a different course, and to restore the power of Thebes by way of counterpoise to that of Athens. With this view the Lacedsemonian troops were marched into Boeotia, where they were employed in restoring the fortifications of Thebes, and in reducing the Boeotian cities to her obedience. The designs of Sparta were assisted by the traitorous co-operation of some of the oligarchical party at Athens. The faction, finding itself foiled in its attempt to arrest the progress of the long walls, not only mvited the Lacedemonians to assist them in this attempt, but also to overthrow the democracy itself The Lacedaemonians listened to these proposals, and their army took up a position at Tanagra, on the very borders of Attica, the Athenians, suspect- ing that some treason was in progress, now considered it high time to strike a blow. Witli such of their troops as were not engaged at ^gina, together with a thousand Argeians, and some Thessalonian horse, they marched out to oppose the Laceda)- moniaiis at Tanagra . Here a bloody battle ensued (d.c. 4o7) . in which the Lacedaemonians gained the advantage, chiefly through the treacherous desertion of the Thessalians in the very heat of the engagement. The victory was not sufficiently deci- sive to enable the Lacedaemonians to invade Attica ; but it served to secure them an unmolested retreat, after partially ravaging the Megarid, through the passes of the Geraneia. f 16. Previously to the engagement, the ostracised Ciraon, who was grievously suspected of being irapficated in the treach- erous correspondence of some of his party with the Lacedemo- nians, presented himself before the Athenian army as soon as it had crossed the border, and earnestly entreated permission to place himself in the ranks of the hoplites. His request being B.C. 456. BATTLE OF CENOPHYTA. 261 refused, he left his armour with some friends, conjuring them to wipe out, by their conduct in the field, the imputation under which they laboured. Stmig by the unjust suspicions of their countrymen, and incited by the exhortations of their beloved and banished leader, a large band of his most devoted followers, setting up his annour in their ranks, fought side by side with desperate valour, as if he still animated them by his presence. A hundred of them fell in the engagement, and proved by their conduct that, with regard at least to the majority of Cimon's party, they were unjustly suspected of collusion with the enemy. Cimon's request had also stimulated Pericles to deeds of extra- ordinary valour ; and thus both parties seemed to be bidding for public favour on the field of battle as they foiTnerly had done in the bloodless contentions of the Athenian assembly. A happy result of this generous emulation was that it produced a great change in public feeling. Cimon's ostracism was revoked, and the decree for that purpose was proposed by Pericles himself H7. The healing of domestic faction gave a new impulse to public spirit at Athens. At the beginning of the yea r b.c. 456. and only about two months after their defeat at Tanagra, the Athenians again marched into Boeotia. The Boeotians went out to meet them with a numerous army ; but in the battle o f (Eno- phyta, which ensued, the Athenians under Myronides gained a brilliant and decisive victory, by which ThebeS itself, and conse- quently thj other Boeotian towns, fell into their power. The Athenians now proceeded to reverse all the arrangements which had been made by the Lacedemonians, banished all the leaders who were favourable to Spartan ascendency, and established a democratical form of government. To these acquisitions Phocis and Locris were soon afterwards added. From the gulf of Corinth to the straits of Thermopyle Athenian influence was now predominant. In tlie year after the battle of Oilnophyta (b.c. 455), the Athenians finished the build- ing of the long walls and completed the reduction of jEgina, which became a subject and tributary ally. Their expedition into Egypt, and its unfortunate catastrophe in this year, has been already related. But notwithstanding their efforts and reverses in that quarter, they were strong enough at sea to scour the coasts of Greece, of which they gave a convincing proof An Athenian fleet, under the command of Tolmides, sailed round Peloponnesus, and insulted the Lacedemonians by burning their ports of Methone and Gythium. Naupactus, a town of the Ozo- han Locrians near the mouth of the Gulf of Corinth, was cap- tured ; and in the latter place Tolmides established the Helots and Messenians, wiiu in the course of this year had been subdued I I i f61 niSTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIIt i^.C, ¥#*• by the LaccdaBmonians, and compelled to evacuate Ithomc. During the course of the same expedition the islands of Za- cynthus and Cephallenia were gained over to the Athenian alli- ance, and probably also some towns on the coast of Achaia. 1 18. Alter the battle of Tanagra the Lacedemonians made for a while no further attempts to oppose its progress, and quietly beheld the occupation of Bceotia and Phocis. Even after the s urrender of Ithome they still remained inactive; and three years aller that event (u.c. 452), concluded a five years' truce with the Athenians. This truce was eflected through the medi- ation of Cimon, who was anxious that no dread of hostilities at home should divert him from resuming operations against the Persians ; nor perhaps was Pericles unwiUing that so lormidablc a rival should be absent on foreign service. Cimon sailed to Cyprus with a fleet of 200 triremes belonging to the confede- racy ; whence he despatched GO vessels to Egj-pt, to assist the rebel prince AmjTtams, who still held out against the Persians among the marshes of the Delta. But this expedition proved fatal to the preat Athenian commander. With the remainder of the fleet, Cimon undertook the siege of Citium in Cyprus ; but died during the progress of it, either from disease or from the efleets of a wound. The command now devolved on Anaxi- crates ; who, being straitened by a want of provisions, raised the siege of Citium, «nd sailed for Salamis, a town in the same island in order to engage the Phoenician and Cihcian fleet. Here he gamed a ccrnplete victory both on sea and land, hut was deterred, either by pestilence or famine, from the further prosecution of the war; and having been rejoined by the sixty ships from Egypt, sailed home to Athens. f 19. After these events a pacification was concluded with Persia, which has sometimes, but erroneously, been called " the A-C.i^uf peace of Cimon." It is stated that by this compact the Persia monarch agreed not to tax or molest the Greek colonies on the coast of Asia Minor, nor to send any vessels of war westwards of Pha^sehs m Lycia, or within the Cyanean rocks at the junction oi the Euxme with the Thracian Bosporus ; the Athenians on their side undertaking to leave the Persians in undisturbed pos- session of C>T>rus and Egypt. Even if no treaty was actually concluded, the existence of such a state of relations between Greece and Persia at this time must be recognized as an histo- ncal fact, and the war between them considered as now brought to a conclusion. ^ 20. During the progress of these events the states which ionned the Confederacy of Delos, with the exception of Chics, liesbos, and Samos, had gradually become, instead of the active B.C. 447. DECLINE OF TIIE ATHENIAN POWER. 2C3 allies of Athens, her disarmed and passive tributaries. Even the custody of the fund had been transferred from Delos to Athens, but we are unable to specify the precise time at which this change took place. This transfer marked the subjection of the confederates as complete ; yet it is said to have been made with the con- currence of the Samians ; and it is probable that Delos would have been an unsafe place for the deposit of so large a treasure. The purpose for which the confederacy had been originally orga- nized disappeared with the Persian peace ; yet what may now be called imperial Athens continued, lor her own ends, to exercise her prerogatives as head of the league. Her alliances, as we have seen, had likev.ise been extended in continental Greece, where they embraced Megara, Boeotia, Phocis, Locris ; together with TroBzen and Achaia in Peloponnesus. Of these allies some were merely bound to military service and a conformity of foreign policy, whilst others were dependent tributaries. Of the former kind were the states just mentioned, together with Chios, Lesbos, and Samos ; whilst in the latter were comprehended all the remaining members of the Confederacy of Delos, as well as the recently conquered ^Egina. Such was the position of Athens in the year 448 b.c, the period of her greatest power and pros- perity. From this time her empire began to decline ; whilst Sparta, and other watchful and jealous enemies, stood ever ready to strike a blow. § 21. In the following year (b.c. 447") a revolution in Boeotia deprived Athens of her ascendency in that couutry. This, as we have seen, was altogether political, being founded in the de- mocracies which she had established in the Boeotian towns after the battle of CEnophyta. These measures had not been eflected without producing a numerous and powerful class of discon- tented exiles, who, being joined by other malcontents from Phocis, Locris, and other places, succeeded in seizing Orcho- menus, Chaeronea, and a few more unimportant towns of Boeotia. With an overweening contempt of their enemies, a small band of 1000 Athenian hoplites, chiefly composed of youthful volunteers belonging to the best Athenian families, together with a few auxiliaries, marched under the command of Tolmides to put down the revolt, in direct opposition to the advice of Pericles, who adjured them to wait and collect a more numerous force. The enterprise proved disastrous in the extreme. Tolmides suc- ceeded, indeed, in retakmg Chaeronea and garrisoning it with an Athenian force ; but wliilst his small army was retiring from the place, it was surprised by the enemy and totally defeated. Tol- mides himself fell in the engagement, together with many of the hophtes, whilst a still larger number were taken prisoners. This 264 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIU. last circumstanco proved fatal to the interests of Athens in BflBotia. In order to recover these prisoners, she agreed to eva- cuate Bojotia, to restore the exiles, and to permit tlie re-esta- blishment of the aristocracies which she had formerly overtlirown. Thus all BcBotia, with the exception of Plataea, once more stood opposed, and indeed doubly hostile, to Athens. But the Athenian reverses did not end here. The ex- pulsion of the partizans ol* Athens from the government of Phocis and Locris, and the revolt of Eubcea and Megara, were announced in quick succession ; whilst to crown all, the Spartans, who were now set free to act by the termination of the five years' truce, were preparing to invade Attica itself The youthful Pleistoanax, king of Sparta, actually penetrated, with an army of Lacedaemonians and Peloponnesian allies, as far as the neigh- bourhood of Eleusis ; and the capital itself, it is said, was saved only by Pericles having bribed the Spartan monarch, as well as Cleandrides, his adjutant and counsellor, to evacuate the country. The story was at least believed at Sparta ; for both Pleistoanax and Cleandrides were found guilty -^f corruption and sent into banishment. § 22. Pericles had been recalled by the Spartan invasion from an expedition which he had imdertaken for the reconquest of Eu- bflca, and which he resumed as soon as the Spartans had departed from Attica. With an overwhelming force of 50 triremes and 5000 hoplites he soon succeeded m reducing the island to obe- dience, in some parts of which the landowners were expelled and their properties given to Athenian cleruchs or colonists. But this was the only possession which Athens succeeded in recover- ing. Her empire on land had vanished more speedily than it had been acquired ; whilst in the distance loomed the danger of an extensive and formidable confederacy against her, realized some years afterv/ards by the Peloponnesian war, and not unde- servedly provoked by her aggressive schemes of conquest and empire. Thus both her present position and her future prospects were well calculated to fill the Athenians, and their leader Peri- cles, with apprehension and alarm ; and under these feehngs of despondency they were induced to conclude, at the begimiing of the year b.c. 445. a thirty years* tmce with Sparta and her allies. by which they consented to abandon all the acquisitions whicli they had made in Peloponnesus, and to leave Megara to be included among the Peloponnesian allios of Sparta. The Acropolis restored. CHAPTER XXIV. FROM THE THIRTY YEARS' TRUCE TO THE WAR BET^VEEN C^.ltlNTH AND CORCYRA. § 1. State of parties at Athens. Tluicydides. § 2. Opposite political views. § 3. Ostracism of Thucydides. Administration of Pericles. He adorns Athens. His foreign policy. § 4. Athenian colonization. Clernchiaj. Thurii and Amphipolis. § 5. Nature of the Athenian maritime empire. Amount of tribute. Oppressions. § 6. Revolt of Samos. Reduction of the island by Pericles. § 1. The aristocratical party at Athens had been nearly anni- hilated by the measures of Pericles recorded in the preceding chapter. In order to make a final eflbrt against the policy of that statesman, the remnant of this party had united them- selves under Thucydides, the son of Melesias. Thucydides who must not be confounded with his namesake, the great historian — was a relative of Cimon's, to whose poUtical prin- ciples he succeeded. In ability and character he difiered considerably from Cimon. He was not much distinguished as a military man ; but as a statesman and orator he might even bear some comparison with his great opponent Pericles. Thucydides, however, had not the advantage of being on the popular side ; and his manner of leading the opposition soon proved the ruin both of himself and of his party. The high character and great services of Aristides and Cimdn, the con- ciliatory manners of both, and especially the affable and generous N 266 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXIV, temper of Cimon, had, in spite of their unpopular views, se- cured them considerable influence. Thucydides, on the con- trary, does not appear to have been distinguished by any of these quahties ; and though the steps which he took to give hia party a stronger organization in the assembly at first enabled him to make head against Pericles, yet they ultimately proved the cause of his overthrow. Not only were his adherents urged to a more regular attendance in the assembly, but they were also instructed to take up a separate and distinct position on the benches ; and thus, instead of being mixed as before with the general mass of citizens, they became a regularly organized party. This arrangement seemed at first to lend them strength. Their applause or dissent, being more concentrated, produced a greater elTect. At any sudden turn in a debate they were in a better position to concert their measures, and could more readily put forwards their best speakers according to emergencies. But these advantages were counterbalanced by still greater draw- backs. A little knot of men, who from a particular corner of the ecclesia were constantly opposing the most popular mea- Bures, naturally incurred a great share of odium and suspicion ; hut what was still worse, the paucity of their immbers — and from their position they could easily be counted — was soon re- marked ; and they then began to fall into contempt, and were designated as Tfie Fetv. § 2. The points of dispute between the two parties were much the same as they had been in the time of Cimon. Thucydides and liis followers were for maintaining amicable relations with the rest of Greece, and were opposed to the more popular notion of extending the Athenian dominion even at the risk of incurring the hostility of the other Grecian states. They were of opinion that all their efibrts should be directed against the conunon enemy, the Persians ; and that the advantages which Athens derived from the Confederacy of Delos should be strictly and honestly applied to the purposes for which that confederacy had been formed. With regard to this subject the administra- tion of Pericles had produced a fresh point of contention. The vast amount of treasure accumulated at Athens from the tribute paid by the allies was more than sufficient for any apprehended necessities of defence, and Pericles applied the surplus to strengthening and beautifying the city. Thucydides complained that, by this raisappUcation of the common fund, Athens was dis- graced in the eyes of Greece. Pericles, on the other hand, con- tended that so long as he reserved sufficient to guarantee secu- rity against* the Persians, he was perfectly at liberty to apply the surplus to Athenian purjioses. This argument is the aigument B.C. 445. PERICLES ADORNS ATHENS 267 of the strongest, and, if valid in this case, might at any time be applied to justify the grossest abuses of power. The best that we can say in favour of the Athenians is that, if they were strong enough to commit this injustice, they were also enlightened enough to apply the proceeds in producing works of art that have excited the wonder and admiration of the world. Other conquerors have often contented themselves with caiTying off the works of others — the Athenians had genius enough to pro- duce their own. But we can hardly justify the means by point- ing to the result. § 3. From the opposition of Thucydides, Pericles was released by ostracism ; though by which party such a step mus proposed cannot be determined. Thucydides went into banishment. This event, which probably took place about two years after the con- clusion of the Thirty Years' Truce, completely broke up the aristocratical party; and for the remainder of his life Pericles enjoyed the sole direction of aHairs. His views were of the most lofty kind. Athens was to become the capital of Greece, the centre of art and refinement, and at the same time of those democratical theories which formed the beau ideal of the Athe- nian notions of government. In her external appearance the city was to be rendered worthy of the high position to which she aspired by the beauty and splendour of her public buildings, by her works of art in sculpture, architecture, and painting, and by the pomp and magnificence of her religious festivals. All these objects Athens was enabled to attain in an incredibly short space of time, through the genius and energy of her citi- zens and the vast resources at her command. No state has ever exhibited so much intellectual activity and so great a progress in art as was displayed by Athens in the period which elapsed between the Thirty Years' Tmce and the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war. But of the literature of this period, as well as of the great works of art produced in it, an account is given in another place,* and it will suffice to mention briefly here the more important structures with which Athens was adorned dur- ing the administration of Pericles. On the Acropolis rose the magnificent temple of Athena, called the Parthenon, built from the plans of Ictinus and Callicrates, but under the direction of Phidias, who adorned it with the most beautiful sculptures, and especially with a colossal statue of Athena in ivory, 47 feet in height. At the same time a theatre designed for musical per- formances, called the Odeum, was erected at the south-eastern foot of the Acropohs. Both these structures appear to have been * See below, Chap. XXXIV., XXXV. 268 HISTORY OF GREECE. Cbaf. ZXIY. finished by 437 b.c. Somewhat later were erected the Propy- laBa, or magnificent entrance to the Acropolis, on the western side. Besides these vast works, others were commenced which were interrupted by the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war, as the reconstruction of the Erechtheum, or ancient temple of Athena Polias; the building of a great temple of Demeter, at Eleusis, for the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries ; an- other of Athena at Sunium, and one of Nemesis at Rhamnus. Besides these ornamental works, Pericles imdertook others of a more useful kind. In order to render the communication be- tween Athens and Pincus still more secure, he constructed a third long wall between the two already built, ruiming parallel to, aiid at a short distance from, the one which united the city to Piraeus. At the same time Piraeus itself was improved and beautified, and a new dock and arsenal constructed, said to have cost 1000 talents. The whole cost of these improvements was estimated at 3000 talents, or neariy 700,000/. In this part of his plans Pericles may be said to have been entirely successful. The beautiful works which arose under his superintendence established the empire of Athenian taste, not only for his own time but for all succeeding ages. But the other and more substantial part of his projects — the establishment of the material empire of Athens, of which these works were to be but the type and ornament — ^was founded on a miscalcula- tion of the physical strength and resources of his country ; and after involving Athens, as will be seen in the sequel, in a long series of suffering and misfortune, ended at last in her degrada- tion and ruin. § 4. Colonization, for which the genius and inclination of the Athenians had always been suited, was another and safer method adopted by Pericles for extending the influence and empire of Athens. The settlements made under his auspices were of two kinds, Cleruchies* and regular colonies. Tlie former mode was exclusively Athenian. It consisted in the allotment of land in conquered or subject countries to certain bodies of Athenians, who continued to retain all their original rights of citizenship. This circiunstance, as well as the convenience of entering upon land already in a state of cultivation, instead of having to re- claim it from the rude condition of nature, seems to have render- ed such a mode of settlement much preferred by the Athenians. The eariiest instance which we find of it is in the year b.c. 506, when four thousand Athenians entered upon the domains of the Chalcidian knights. But it was under Pericles that this system • KXifpovxiau B.C. 443. ATHENIAN COLONIES. 269 was most extensively adopted. During his administration 1000 Athenian citizens were settled in the Thracian Chersonese, 500 in Naxos, and 250 in Andros. His expeditions for this purpose even extended into the Euxine. From Sinope, on the shores of that sea, he expelled the despot Timesilaus and his party, whose estates were confiscated, and assigned for the maintenance of 600 Athenian citizens. The islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, as well as a large tract in the north of Euboea, were also completely occupied by Athenian proprietors. The most important colonies settled by Pericles were those of Thurii and Amphipolis. Since the destruction of Sybaris by the Crotoniates, in b.c. 509, the former inhabitants had lived dis- persed in the adjoining territory along the gulf of Tarentum. They had in vain requested Sparta to recolonize them, and now applied to Pericles, who granted their request. In b.c. 443 he sent out a colony to found Thurii, near the site of the ancient Sybaris. But though established imder the auspices of Athens, Thurii can hardly be considered an Athenian colony, since it contained settlers from almost all parts of Greece. Among those who joined this colony were the historian Herodotus and the orator Lysias. The colony of Amphipolis was founded some years later (b.c. 437), under the conduct of Agnon. But here also the proportion of Athenian settlers was small. Amphipolis was in fact only a new name for Ennea Hodoi, to colonize which place the Athenians, as before related, had already made some unsuccessful attempts. They now succeeded in maintain- ing their ground against the Edonians, and Amphipolis became an important Athenian dependency with reference to Thrace and Macedonia. ^ 5. Such were the schemes of Pericles for promoting the em- pire of Athens. That empire, since the conclusion of the Thirty Years' Truce, had again become exclusively maritime. Yet even among the subjects and allies united with Athens by the Con- federacy of Delos, her sway was borne with growing discontent. One of the chief causes of this dissatisfaction was the amount of the tribute exacted by the Athenians, as well as their misappli- cation of the proceeds. During the administration of Pericles, the rate of contribution was raised upwards of thirty per cent., although the purpose for which the tribute was originally levied had almost entirely ceased. In the time of Aristides and Cimon, when an active war was carrying on against the Persians, the sum annually collected amounted to 460 talents. In the time of Pericles, although that war had been brought to a close by what has been called the peace of Cimon, and though the only arma- ment still maintained for the ostensible purposes of the con- 210 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXIV, federacy was a fleet of sixty triremes, which ciiiised in the JEgseaii, the trihute had nevertheless increased to the annuai sum of 600 talents. The importance of this tribute to the Athenians may be estimated from the fact that it formed con- siderably more than half of their whole revenue ; for their in- come from other sources amounted only to 400 talents. It may be said, indeed, that Greece was not even yet wholly secure from another Persian invasion ; and that Athens was therefore justified in continuing to collect the tribute, out of which it must injustice to Pericles be admitted, a large sum had been laid by, amounting, when the Peloptinnesian war broke out, to 6000 talents. But that there was no longer much danger to be apprehended from the Persians is shown by subsequent events ; and though it is true that Pericles saved a large sum, yet he had spent much in decorating Athens ; and the surj>lus was ultimately applied, not for the purposes of the league, but in defending Athens from enemies which her aggressive policy had provoked. But the tribute was not the only grievance of which the allies had to complain. Of all the members of the Confederacy of Delos, the islands of Chios, Samos, and Lesbos "w ere the only states which now held the footing of independent a llies : that is, they alone were allowed to retain their ships and fortifications, and were only called upon to furnish military aud naval aid when required. The other members of the league, some of liiem indeed with their own consent, had been deprived of their navy and reduced to the condition of tributaries. The deliberative synod for discussing and conducting the alFairs of the league had been discontinued, probably from the time when the trea- sury was removed from Delos to Athens ; whilst the Helleno- tamise had been converted into a board consisting solely of Athenians. Notwithstanding, therefore, the seeming independ- ence of the three islands just mentioned, the Athenians were in fact the sole arbiters of the afiairs of the league, and the sole administrators of the fund. Another grievance was the trans- ference to Athens of all lawsuits, at least of all public suits ; for on this subject we are unable to draw the line distinctly. In criminal cases, at all events, the allies seem to have been deprived of the power to inflict capital punishment. It can scarcely be doubted that even private suits in which an Athe- nian was concerned were referred to Athens. In some cases, it i« true, the allies may have derived benefit from a trial before the Athenian people, as the dicasteries were then constituted ; but on the whole, the practice can only be regarded as a means and a badge of their subjection. Besides aU these causes of complaint, the allies had often to endure the oppressions and B.C. 440. REDUCTION OF SAMOa 271 exactions of Athenian ofiicers both military and naval, as well as of the rich and powerful Athenian citizens settled among them. Many of these abuses had no doubt arisen before the time of Pericles ; but the excuse for them had at all events ceased to exist with the death of Cimon and the extinction of the Persian war. To expect that the Athenians should have voluntarily relinquished the advantages derived from them might be to de- mand too much of human nature, especially as society was then constituted ; and the Athenians perhaps, on the whole, did not abuse their power to a greater extent than many other nations both in ancient and modern times. With this argument for their exculpation we must rest content; for it is the only one. They were neither better nor worse than other people. The allurement, it must be confessed, was a splendid one. By means of the league Athens had become the mistress of many scattered cities, formerly her equals ; and the term of despot over them was applied to her not only by her enemies, but adopted in her overweening confidence and pride by herself h 6. The principal event in the external history of Athens during the period comprised in the present chapter was the subjugation of the island of Samos, the most important of the three islands which still retained their independence. In B.C. 440, the Milesians, who had been defeated by the Samians in a war respecting the possession of Priene, lodged a formal complaint in Athens against the Samians ; and it was seconded by a party in Samos itself, who were adverse to the oligar- chical form of government established there. As the Sa- mians refused to submit to the arbitration of the Athenians, the latter resolved to reduce them to obedience by force ; and for that purpose despatched an annam'^nt of forty ships to Samos, mider the command of Pericles, who established a demo- cratical form of government in the island, and carried away hostages belonging to the first Samian families, whom he de- posited in the isle of Lcmnos. But no sooner had Pericles departed than some of the oligarchical party, supported by Pissuthnes, satrap of Sardis, passed over in the night time to Samos, overpowered the small Athenian garrison which had been left by Pericles, and abolished the democracy. They then pro- ceeded to Lemnos, and having regained possession of the hos- tages, proclaimed an open revolt against Athens, in which they were joined by Byzantium. When these tidings reached Athens a fleet of sixty triremes immediately sailed for Samos. Pericles was again one of the ten strateg^i or generals in command of the expedition, and among his 272 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XXIV. < colleagues was Sophocles, the tragic poet. After several engage- ments between the hostile fleets, the Samians were obliged to abandon the sea and take reluge in their city, which, alter en- during a siege of nine montlis, was forced to capitulate. The iSamians were compelled to raze their fortifications, to surrender their fleet, to give hostages for their future conduct, and to pay the exjienses of the war, amounting to 1000 talents. The Byzantines submitted at the same time. During these operations, it was a fjoint di&puted among the states opposed to Athens whether the Samians should be assisted in their revolt ; a question decided in the negative, chiefly through the influence of the Corinthians, who" maintanied the right of every confe- deracy to punish its refractory members. The triumphs and the power of Athens were no doubt K^arded with fear and jealousy by her rivals ; but the conquest of Samos was not followed by any open manifestation of hos- tility. A general impression however prevailed that sooner or later a war must ensue ; but men looked forward/^ to it with fear and trembling from a conviction of the internecine character which it must necessarily assume. It was a hollow peace, which the most trifling events might disturb, The train was already laid ; and an apparently unimportant event, which occurred in B.C. 435 in a remote comer of Greece, kindled the sparK which was to produce the conflagration. This was the quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra, which will be detailed in the following chapter. »3Uat ufthc poet Sophodoa The Propylaea of the Acropolis. CHAPTER XXV. CAUSES OF THE PELOrONNESIAN WAR. § 1. Quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra. § 2. Corcyrean embassy to Athens. Decision of the Athenians. § 3. They send a fleet to Corcyra. Naval engagements. Defeat of the Corinthians. § 4. Re- volt of Potidaea. § 5. Congress of the Peloponnesian allies at Sparta. Tlie Spartans decide for war. § 6. Second congress. The allies re- solve upon war. § 7. The Lacedaemonians require the Athenians to expel Pericles. § 8. Attacks upon Pericles, Aspasia, and Anaxagoras. Imprisonment and death of Phidias. § 9. Further requisitions of the Lacedaemonians. Rejected by the Athenians. § 10. The Thebans surprise Plataea. § 11. The Athenians prepare for war. Portents. § 12. Forces of the Lacedajmonians and Athenians. § 13. The Pelo- ponnesian array assembles at the isthmus of Corinth. sM. On the coast of lUyria, near the site of the modem Du- razzo, the Corcyraeans had founded the city of Epidamnus. Cor- cyra (now Corfu) was itself a colony of Corinth ; and, though long at enmity with its mother country, was forced, according to the time-hallowed custom of the Greeks in such matters, to select the founder or oecist of Epidamnus from the Corinthians. Accordingly Corinth became the metropolis of Epidamnus also. At the time of which we speak, the Epidamnians were hard pressed by the Illyrians, led by some oligarchical exiles of their own city, whom they had expelled in consequence of a domestic sedition. In their distress they apphed to Corcyra for assist- lU HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XXV. ance ; whjch the CorcyraBans. being principally connected with the Epidamnian oligarchy, refused. The Epidamnians, after con- sulting the oracle of Delphi, then sought help from the Corin- thians, who undertook to assist them, and organized an expedi- tuon for that purpose, consisting partly of new settlers, and partly of a mihtary force. The Corcyraeans highly resented this inter- ference, proceeded to restore the Epidarmiian ohgarchs, and with a fleet of 40 sliips blockaded the town and its new Corinthian garrison. Hereupon the Cormthians fitted out a still stroun^er expedition, ibr which they coUected both ships and money frSm their allies. The Corcyra3ans, having made a fruitless attempt to persuade the Corinthians to refer the matter to arbitration prepared to meet the blow. Their fleet, the best in Greece after that of Athens, completely defeated the Corinthians olf Cape Actiuna ; and on the same day Epidamnus surrendered to their blockading squadron (b.c. 435). ^ 2- Deeply humbled by this defeat, the Corinthians spent the two following years in active preparations for retrievinor it They got ready 90 well-manned ships of their own ; and by active exertions among their allies, they were in a condition, in the third year after their disgrace, to put to sea with a fleet of 150 iail. The Corcyrajans, who had not eiux)lled themselves either m the Laceda3monian or Athenian alliance, and therefore stood alone, were greatly alarmed at these preparations. They now resolved to remedy this deficiency ; and as Corinth beloncred to the LacedsBmonian alliance, the Corcyrajans had no option, and were obliged to apply to Athens. Ambassadors were accord- mgly despatched to that city, who, bemg introduced into the assembly, endeavoured to set in a striking light the great acces- sion of naval power which the Athenians would derive from an aUiance with the Corcyraeans. The Corinthians, who had also sent an embassy to Athens, rephcd to the arguments of the Corcyrajan envoys, appealing to the terms of the Thirty Years' Truce, and reminding the Athenians that it was throunrh the representations of the Corintliians that the Peloponnesian allies had not assisted the Samians in their late revolt. The opinions of the Athenian assembly were much divided on the subject ; but the views of Pericles and other speakers at length pre- vailed. They urged that whatever course might now be taken, war could not ultimately be avoided ; and that therefore the more prudent course was to avail themselves of the increase of strength offered by the Corcyraean alliance, rather than to be at last driven to undertake the war at a comparative disadvantage. To avoid, however, an open infringement of the Thirty Yeara* Truce, a middle course was adopted. It was resolved to con- B.O. 433. CORINTH AND CORCYRA 276 elude only a defensive aUiance with Corcyra ; that is, to defend the Corcyraeans in case their territories were actually invaded by the Corinthians, but beyond that not to lend them any active assistance. ^ 3. By entering upon this merely defensive alliance the Athe- nians also hoped to stand aloof and see the Corinthian and Cor- cyrajan fleets mutually destroy one another ; and it was probably in accordance with this policy that only a small squadron of ten triremes, under the command of Lacedaemonius the son of Cimon, was despatched to the assistance of the Corcyraeans. The Corinthian fleet of 150 sail took up its station at Cape Chei- merium on the coast of Epirus ; where the Corinthians estabUsh- ed a naval camp, and summoned to their assistance the friendly Epirot tribes. The Corcyraean fleet of 110 sail, together with the 10 Athenian ships, were stationed at one of the adjoining islands called Sybota. A battle speedily ensued, which for the number of ships engaged, was the greatest yet fought between fleets entirely Grecian. Neither side, however, had yet adopted the Athenian tactics. They had no conception of that mode of attack in which the ship itself, by the method of handling it, became a more important instrument than the crew by which it was manned. Their only idea of a naval engagement was to lay the ships alongside one another, and to leave the hoplites on deck to decide the combat after the fashion of a land fight. At first Lacedaemonius, in accordance with his instructions, took no part in the battle, though he afforded all the assistance he could to the Corcyraeans by manoeuvring as if he were preparing to engage. After a hard fought day, victory finally declared in favour of the Corinthians. The Athenians now abandoned their neutrality, and did all in their power to save the flying Corcy- rajans from their pursuers. This action took place earfy in the morning ; and the Corinthians, after returning to the spot where it had been fought in order to pick up their own dead and wounded, prepared to renew the attack in the afternoon, and to effect a landing at Corcyra. The Corcyraeans made the best preparations they could to receive them, and the Athenians, who were now within the strict letter of their instructions, de- termined to give their new allies all the assistance in their power. The war paean had been sounded, and the Corinthian line was in full advance, when suddenly it tacked and stood away to the coast of Epulis. This unexpected retreat was caused by the appearance of 20 Athenian vessels in the distance, which the Corinthians believed to be the advanced guard of a still larger fleet. But though this was not the case, the succour proved sufficient to deter the Corinthians from any further hostilities Cl<» Mm V HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XXV. Drawing up their ships along the coast of Epirus, they sent a few men in a small boat to remonstrate with the Athenians for having violated the truce ; and finding from the parley that the Athenians did not mean to undertake oflensive operations against them, they sailed homewards with their whole fleet, after erect- ing a trophy at Sybota. On reaching Corinth 800 of their pri- soners were sold as slaves ; but the remaining 250, many of whom belonged to the first families in Corcyra, though detained in custody were treated with peculiar kindness, in the hope that they would eventually establish in that island a party favourable to Corinth. These events took place in the year b.c. 432. § 4. The Corinthians were naturally incensed at the conduct of Athens, and it is not surprising that they should have watched for an opportunity of revenge. This was soon afibrded them by the enmity of the Macedonian prince Perdiccas towards the Athenians. Oflended with the Athenians for having received into their alliance his two brothers Philip and Derdas, with whom he was at open variance, Perdiccas exerted all his efforts to injure Athens. He incited her tributaries among the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans to revolt, including Potidaea, a town seated on the isthmus of Pallene. Potidaea, though now a tributary of Athens, was originally a colony of the Corinthians, towards whom it still owed a sort of metropolitan allegiance, and received from them certain annual magistrates called Epidemiurgi. Aware of the hostile feeling entertained at Corinth against the Athenians, Perdiccas not only sent envoys to that city to concert measures for a revolt of Potidaja, but also to Sparta to induce the Pelopon- nesian league to declare war against Athens. The Athenians were not ignorant of these proceedings. They were about to despatch an armament to the Thermaic gulf, de- signed to act against Perdiccas ; and they now directed the com- mander of this armament to require the Potidaeans to level their walls on the side of the town towards the sea, to dismiss theii Corinthian magistrates, and to give hostages, as a pledge of theii future fidelity. Thereupon the Potidaeans openly raised the standard of revolt, in the summer apparently of b.c. 432. In- stead of immediately blockading Potidaea the Athenian fleet wasted six weeks in the siege of Therma, during which interval the Corinthians were enabled to throw a reinforcement of 2000 troops into Potidiea. Thereupon a second armament was de- spatched from Athens, and joined the former one, which was now engaged in the siege of Pydna on the Macedonian coast. But as the town promised to hold out for some time, and as the necessity for attacking Potidaea seemed pressing, an accommo- dation was patched up with Perdiccas, and the whole Athenian I I B.C. 4S2. MEETING OF THE PELOPONNESIAN ALLIES. 2^ force marched overland against Potidaea. Aristeus, the Corinthian general, was waiting to receive them near Olynthus, and a battle ensued in which the Athenians were victorious. The Corinthians ultimately succeeded in effecting their retreat to Potidaea ; and the Athenians, after receiving a further reinforcement, com- pletely blockaded the town both by sea and land. ^ 5. Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians, urged on all sides by the complaints of their allies, summoned a general meeting of the Peloponnesian confederacy at Sparta. Besides the Corinthians other members of it had heavy grievances to allege against Athens. Foremost among these were the Megarians, who com- plained that their commerce had been ruined by a recent decree of the Athenians, which excluded them from every port within the Athenian jurisdiction. The pretexts for this severe measure were that the Megarians had harboured runaway Athenian slaves, and had cultivated pieces of unappropriated and conse- crated land upon the borders. These reasons seem Irivolous ; and the real cause of the decree must no doubt be ascribed to the hatred which the Athenians entertained towards Megara, since her revolt from them fourteen years before, -^gina was another, though not an open, accuser. No deputy from that island actually appeared at the congress ; but the ^ginetans loudly complained through the mouths of others, that Athens withheld from them the independence to which they were entitled. The assembly having been convened, the deputies from the various allied cities addressed it in turn, the Corinthian envoy reserving himself for the last. He depicted in glowing language the ambition, the enterprise, and the perseverance of Athens, which he contrasted with the over-cautious and inactive policy of Sparta. Addressing himself to the Spartans, he exclaimed : " The Athenians are naturally innovators, prompt both in de- cidikg and in acting : whilst you only think of keeping what you have got, and do even less than what positive necessity re- quires. They are bold beyond their means, venturesome beyond their judgment, sanguine even in desperate reverses ; you do even less than you are able to perform, distrust your own con- clusions, and when in difficulties fall into utter despair. T/iey never hang back ; you never advance ; tJiey love to serve abroad, you seem chained at home ; they believe that every new movement will procure them fresh advantage ; you fancy that every new step will endanger what you already possess." And after telling them some more home-truths, he concluded with a threat that if they still delayed to perform their duty towards their confede- rates, the Corinthians would forthwith seek some other alliance. An Athenian ambassador, charged with some other business. "f^'8 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XXY was then residing at Sparta ; and when the Corinthian envoy Jiad concluded his address, he rose to reply to it. After de- nying the right of Sparta to interfere in a dispute between Oorinth and Athens, he entered into a general vindication of the Athenian pohcy. He contended that empire had not been Bought by Athens, but thrust upon her. and that she could not abdicate it without endangering her very existence. He alluded to the emment services rendered by Athens to all Greece durinc. the Persian war ; maintained that her empire was the natural result ol that conjuncture, and denied that it had been exercised with more severity than was necessary, or than would have been used by any other Grecian power, including Sparta herself. He concluded by calling upon the Lacedemonians to pause before taking a step which would be irretrievable, and to compose all present differences by an amicable arbitration; declaring that, should Sparta begin the war, Athens was prepared to resist her as he now called those gods to witness who had been invoked to sanctity the truce. After these speeches had been delivered, all strangers, in- cluding the Pelopoimesian alhes, were ordered to withdraw from the assembly, and the Lacedaemonians then proceeded to de- cide among themselves the question of peace or war. Li this debate the Spartan king Archidamus spoke strongly in favour of peace ; but the ephor Sthenelaidas, who presided upon this occa- sion m the assembly, caUed upon his countrymen in a short and Tigorous speech to declare immediate war against Athens The bpartan assembly was accustomed to vote by acclamation, and on the question being put, the vote for war decidedly predomi- nated But m order to remove all doubts upon so imj^ortant a subject, Sthenelaidas, contrary to the usual practice, ordered fori^ '^^^'^ ^ ""^^ majority declared themselves § 6. Before their resolution was puWicly announced, the Lace- daBmonians, with characteristic caution, sent to consult the oracle of Delphi upon the subject. The god having promised them lus aid, and assured them of success, provided they exerted themselves to obtain it, another congress of the alhes was sum- moned at Sparta. In this, as in the former one, the Corinthians took tne most promment part in the debate. The majority of the congress decided for war, thus binding the whole Peloponne- sian confederacy to the same policy. This important resolution was adopted towards the close of b.c 432, or eariy in the fol- lowing year. ^ { 7. Previously to an open declaration of war, the Lacediemo- mans sent several requisitions to Athens, intended apparently to B.C. 432. ATTACKS UPON PERICLES. 279 justify the step they were about to take against h,=r, in case she relused to comply with their demands. The lirst of these requi- sitions seems to have been a pohtical manceuvre, aimed against Pericles, their most constant and powerful enemy in the Athe- nian assembly. Pericles, as we have said, belonged to the Alc- mseomdae ; a family regarded as having incurred an inexpiable taint through the sacrilege committed nearly two centuries before by their ancestor Megacles. in causing the adherents of Oylon to be slaughtered at the altar of the Eumenides, whither they had fled for refuge.* The Lacedaemonians, in now demand- ing that Athens should be delivered from this " abomination," hardly expected that she would consent to the banishment of her great statesman ; but they at all events gave his opponents m the assembly an opportunity to declaim against him, and to lix upon him the odium of being, in part at least, the cause of the impending war. ^ ^" iJ^^ Pericles, despite his influence and power, had still many bitter and active enemies, who not long before had indi- rectly assailed hmi through his private connections, and even eiideavoured to wound his honour by a charge of peculation. His mistress Aspasia belonged to that class of women whom the Greeks called ^ictcerce, hterally "female companions," or as we should designate them, courtezans. Many of these women were distmguished not only for their beauty, but also for their wit and accomphshments, and in this respect formed a striking con- tract to the generality of Athenian ladies ; who, being destined to a hie of privacy and seclusion, did not receive the benefit ol much mental culture. Pericles, after divorcing a wifo with whom he had lived unhappily, took Aspasia to his house, and dwelt with her till his death on terms of the greatest aflbction. Iheir mtmiacy with Anajcagoras, the celebrated Ionic philoso- pher, was made a handle for wounding Pericles in his tenderest relations. Paganism, notwithstanding its licence, was, with sur- prising inconsistency, capable of producing bigots : and even at Athens the man who ventured to dispute the existence of a hmidred gods with morals and passions somewhat worse than those of ordmary human nature, did so at the risk of his hfe Anaxagoras was indicted for impiety. Aspasia was included in the same charge, and dragged before the dicastery by the comic poet Hermippus. Anaxagoras prudently fled from Athens, and thus probably avoided a fate which in consequence of a similar accusation afterwards overtook Socrates. Pericles himself pleaded the cause of Aspasia. He was indeed indirectly implicated in the indictment ; but he felt no concern except for his beloved * See abov^ p. 93 280 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXV. Aspasia, and on this occasion the cold and somewhat haughty statesman, whom the most violent storms of the assembly could not deprive of his self-possession, was for once seen to weep. His appeal to the dicastery was successful, but another trial still awaited him. An indictment was preferred against his friend, the great sculptor Phidias, for embezzlement of the gold in- tended to adorn the celebrated ivory statue of Athena ; and according to some, Pericles himself was included in the charge of peculation. Whether Pericles was ever actually tried on this accusation is uncertain ; but at all events if he was, there can be no doubt that he was honourably acquitted. The gold employed in the statue had been fixed in such a manner that it could be detached and weighed, and Pericles challenged his ac- cusers to the proof. But Phidias did not escape so fortunately. There were other circumstances which rendered him unpopular, and amongst them the fact that he had introduced portraits both of himself and Pericles in the sculptures which adorned the frieze of the Parthenon. Phidias died in prison before the day of trial ; and some even whispered that he had been poisoned by the enemies of Pericles, in order to increase the suspicions which attached to the latter. Another report, equally absurd and un- founded, was that Pericles, in order to avoid the impending accusation, kindled the Peloponnesian war. But although these proceedings proved that Pericles had many bitter enemies at Athens, still the majority of the Athenians were in his favour, and were not prepared to sacrifice him on account of the absurd and obsolete charge which the Laceda)- monians now thought fit to bring against him. They retorted that the Spartans themselves had some accounts to settle on the score of sacrilege, and required them to clear themselves from having violated the sanctuary of Poseidon at Cape Tainarus by dragging away and slaying the Helots who had taken refuge there, as well as from their impiety in starving to death the regent Pausanias in the temple of Athena ChalcioBCUs. i 9. Having failed in this requisition the Lacedaemonians brought forward others more pertinent to the matter in hand. They demanded that the Athenians should withdraw their troops from Potidaea, restore the independence of ^gina, and repeal their decree against the Megarians. On the last of these demands they laid particular stress, and intimated that war might be avoided by a compliance with it. But this was rejected as well as the others. The Lacedaemonians then sent their ulti- matum. They declared that they wished for peace, and that it would not be interrupted if the Athenians consented to recognise the independence of the other Grecian states. B.a 431. THE THEBANS SURPRBB PLAT^EA 281 This last requisition, so different from, and so much more general than the preceding demands, showed clearly enough that the Lacedajmonians were resolved upon war. The character of this requisition seems to indicate that it had been adopted as a sort ot manifesto in order to enlist the sympathy of all Greece in favour of the Peloponnesian league, which now professed to stand forwards as the champion of its liberties. That this was the view taken of it by the Athenian assembly may be inferred from the debate that ensued, in which the principal topic was the Megarian decree, and the possibility of still avoiding a war by Its repeal. On tliis point a warm discussion took place. A majority of the assembly seemed still inclined for peace. But Pericles, m a speech of surpassing eloquence and power, again contended that no concessions could ultimately avert a war, 'and after passing in review the comparative forces of Athens and her opponents, concluded by persuading the Athenians to return for answer that they were reauy to give satisfaction respecting any matter which properly concerned the Thirty Years' Trube, and that they would forbear from commencing hostilities ; bx»t that at the same time they were prepared to repel force by force. This answer was accordingly adopted, though not without much reluctance, and communicated to the Spartan envoys. § 10. Before any actual declaration of war, and whilst both parties stood in suspense, hostihties were begmi in the spring of B.C. 431 by a treacherous attack of the Thebans upon Plat-ea. Though BcBotians by descent, the Plataeans did not belong to the Boeotian league ; but, as we have seen, had long been in alli- ance with the Athenians, and enjoyed in some degree a commu- nion of their civil rights. Hence they were regarded with hatred and jealousy by the Thebans, which sentiments were also shared by a small oligarchical faction in Platsa itself. The state of aiiairs m Greece seemed favourable for strikhig a secret and unexpected blow. Nauchdes, the head of the oligarchical faction at Platffia, entered into a correspondence with the Thebans, and It was agreed to surprise the town at a time when the citizens were of! their guard. During a religious festival and in a rainy night, a body of more than 300 Thebans presented themselves before one of the gates of Plataea, and were admitted by Nau- chdes and his partisans. The latter wished to conduct the Thebans at once to the houses of their chief political opponents, m order that they might be secured or made away with. The Thebans, however, hesitated to commit so gross a piece of vio- lence. They expected to be reinforced next day by the larger part of the Theban army, when they should be able to dictate then: own terms without having recourse to the invidious act 282 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chaf. XXV. which had heen proposed to them. They accordingly took up a position in the agora, or market-place, and directed their herald to summon all the inhahitants whose pohtical views coin- cided with their own, to come and join their ranks. The first feeling of the Platieans was one ol' surprise and alarm on heinrr roused from their sleep with the astounding intelligence that their ancient enemies were in possession of their town. But when the small number of the Thebans began to be ascertained, they took heart, estabhshed communications with one another by breaking through the walls of their houses, and having barri- caded the streets with waggons, fell upon the enemy a little before daybreak. The Thebans formed in close order, and de- fended themselves as well as they could. But they were ex- hausted by their midnight march tlirough a soaking rain ; they were unacquainted with the narrow crooked streets of the town, now choked with mud and obstmcted by barricades ; whilst the women hurhng the tiles from the housetops with loud yells and execrations, completed their coniusion and dismay. A very lew succeeded in escaping over the walls. The great majority, mis- taking the folding-doors of a large granary for the city gates, rushed in and were made prisoners. The march of the rein- forcement had been delayed by the rain, which had rendered the river Asopus scarcely fordable ; and when they at last arrived they found all their countrjuien either slain or captured. The Thebans without the walls now proceeded to lay hands on ml the persons and property they could find, as pledges Ibr the restoration of the prisoners. Hereupon the Plataans despatched a herald to remonstrate against tliis flagrant breach of the exist- ing peace, promisuig at the same time that if they retired the prisoners should be given up, but if not, that they woidd be im- mediately put to death. The Thebans withdrew on tliis under- standing. But no sooner were they gone than the Platgeans, instead of observing the conditions, removed all their moveable property from the country into the town, and then massacred all the prisoners to the number of 180. Hi. At the first entrance of the Thebans mto Plataa a mes- senger had been despatched to Athens with the news, and a second one after their capture. The Athenians immediately sent a herald to enjoin the Plataeans to take no steps without their concurrence ; but he arrived too late, and the prisoners were already slain. So striking an mcident as this attempt on the part of the Thebans could not fail to produce an immediate war, and the Athenians concerted their measures accordingly. They unmediately issued orders for seizing all Boeotians who might happen to be in Attica, placed an Athenian garrison in Plataea, B.a 431. FORCES V>F SPARTA AJiTD ATHENS. 283 and removed thence all the women and other mhabitants inca- pable of taking a part in its defence. War was now fairly kindled. All Greece looked on in suspense as its two leading cities were about to engage in a strife of which no man could foresee the end ; but the youth, with which both Athens and Peloponnesus then abounded, having had no experience of the bitter calamities of war, rushed into it with ardour. Every city, nay, almost every individual, seemed desirous of taking a part in it ; most of them, however, from a feeUng of hatred against Athens, and with a desire either of avoiding or of being relieved from her yoke. The predictions of soothsayers and oracles were heard on all sides, whilst natural portents were eagerly inquired after and in- tei-preted. A recent earthquake in Delos, which had never before experienced such a calamity, seemed to foreshadow the approaching struggle, and to form a fitting introduction to a period which was to be marked not ordy by the usual horrors of war, but by the calamities of earthquakes, drought, famine, and pestilence, § 12. The nature of the preparations and the amount offerees on both sides were well calculated to excite these apprehensions. On the side of Sparta was ranged the whole of Peloponnesus— except Argos and Achaia,— together with the Megarians, Boeo- tians, Phocians, Opuutian Locrians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians. The force collected from these tribes consisted cliiefly of hoplites, or heavy-armed foot-soldiers; but Boeotia, Phocis, and Locris also supplied some excellent cavalry. A good navy was the great deficiency on the side of the Peloponnesians, though Corinth and several other cities furnished ships. Yet with the assistance of the Dorian cities in Italy and Sicily, they hoped to collect a fleet of 500 triremes ; and they even designed to apply to the Persian king, and thus bring a Phoenician fleet again to act against Athens. The allies of Athens, with the exception of the Thessahans, Acarnanians, Messenians at Naupactus, and Plateaus, were all insular, and consisted of the Chians, Lesbians, Corcyrseans, and Zacynthians, and shortly afterwards of the Cephallenians. To these must be added her tributary towns on the coast of Thrace and Asia Minor, together with all the islands north of Crete, except MeJos and Thera. The resources at Athens immediately available were very great. They consisted of 300 triremes ready for active service, 1200 cavalry, 1600 bowmen, and 29,000 hop- lites, for the most part Athenian citizens. Of these, 13,000 formed the flower of the army, whilst the rest were employed in garrison duty in Athens and the ports, and in the defence of the long walls. In the treasury of the Acropolis was the large sum 184 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXV. it Rt of 6000 talents, or about 1,400,000/. sterling, in coined silver IJiis re^rve had at one time amounted to 9700 talents, but had been reduced to the sum stated by the architectural improve- ments in Athens, and by the siege of Potidiea. The plate und votive oflenngs m the temples, available in case of urgent need were estimated at nearly 1000 talents of silver. Besides these resources Athens had also the annual tribute of her subjects. \ . ^' , ^^T ^^^ ^^^ ^""^"^^ ^^' ^^"^ two contending cities. Im- mediately after the attempted surprise of Plata^a, the Lacedaj- monians issued orders to their aUies to send two-thirds of their disposable troops at once to the isthmus of Corinth, where thev were to assemble by a day named, for the purpose of invading Attica. At the appointed time, the Spartan king Archidamus, the commander-in-chief of the expedition, reviewed the assem- bled host, and adfessed a few words of advice and exhortation to the principal officers. Archidamus still cherished hopes that the Athemans would yield, when they saw the hostile army ready to enter Attica, and accordingly he sent forwards Mele- sippus to announce the impending invasion. But, at the instance ot rencles, the assembly had adopted a resolution to receive neither envoy nor herald ; and Melesippus was escorted back without havmg been permitted to enter the city. As he parted trom his escort at the Attic border, he could not help exclaim- mg--" This day will be the beginning of many calamities to the QOYKYaIaHC I Bust of Uio hisiorian Tiiucydidcs. The Parthenon. CHAPTER XXVI. PELOPONNESIAN WAR. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR TO THE CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF PLAT^A. § 1. The Peloponnesians invade Attica. § 2. Athenian naval expedi- tions to Peloponnesus and Locris. § 3. The Athenians invade the Megand. § 4. Second invasion of Attica. Plaj^ue at Athens. 8 5 Unpopularity of Pericles. He is accused of malversation. 8 6 His domestic misfortunes. Death. Character. § 1. The Lacedsemo- nians ravage Attica Their naval operations. § 8. Surrender of rotidaea. §9. Ihe Lacedaemonians besiege Plataja. 810. Part of the garrison escape. § 11. Surrender of the town. Trial and exe- cution of the garrison. 1 1. Archidamus had entered upon the war with reluctance, and he now prosecuted it without vigour. He still clung to the idea that the Athenians would ultimately incline to peace, and he did all he could to promote so desirable a result. The enor- mous force which he was leading against them was, indeed, well calculated to test their firmness. It consisted, according to the lowest estimate, of 60,000 men, whilst some writers raise the number to 100,000 ; and the greater part of them were animated with a bitter hatred of Athens, and with a lively desire of revenge. Archidamus having lingered as long as he could at the isthmus marched slowly forwards after the return of Melesippus, and taking a circuitous road, crossed the Attic border. Having wasted several days in an unsuccessful attack upon the frontier fortress of (Enoc, and not having received, as he expected, any 2S6 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXVL message from the Athenians, he proceeded towards Eleusis and the Thriasian plain, where he arrived about the middle of Juno in B.C. 431. Meanwhile. Pericles had instructed the inhabitants of At- tica to secure themselves and their property witliin the walla of Athens. They obeyed his injunctions with reluctance, for the Attic population had from the earliest times been strongly attached to a rural life. But the circumstwices admitted of no alternative. From all quarters they might be seen hurrying towards the capital with their families and goods; whilst the cattle were for the most part conveyed to EubcEa, or some other of the adjoining islands. Athens now became inconveniently crowded. Every vacant spot in the city or in Pira?us, even those which belonged to the temples, were occupied by the encampments of the fugitives. The Acropolis, indeed, was pre- served Irom this profane invasion; but the ground immediately under it, called the Pelasgicon, wliich, in obedience to an an- cient oracle, had hitherto been suliered to remain unoccupied, was now brought into use. The towers and recesses of tlie city walls were converted into dwellings; Avhilst huts, tents, and even casks were placed under the long walls to answer the same purpose. Archidamus, after ravaging the fertile Thriasian plain, in which he was but feebly opposed by a body of Athenian ca- valry, proceeded to Acharnaj, one of tlic largest and most flour- ishing of the Attic boroughs, situated only about seven miles from Athens. Here ho encamped on a rising ground within sight of the metropolis, and began to lay waste the country around, expecting probably by that means to provoke the Athe- nians to battle. But in this he was disappointed. The Athe- nians, mdeed, and especially the Achamians now within the walls who had contributed no fewer than 3000 Hoplites to the army' were excited to the highest pitch of exasperation at beholding their Houses, theur ripening crops, their fmitful vineyards and orchards destroyed before their very eyes. Little groups micrht be seen gathering together in the streets angrily di.«cussing the question of an attack, quoting oracles and prophecies which assured them of success, and indignantly denouncing Pericles as a traitor and a coward for not leading tlicm out to battle. Among the leaders of these attacks upon Pericles, Cleon, the future demagogue, now first rising into pubhc notice, was con- spicuous. It required all the firmness of Pericles to stem the torrent of pubhc indignation. He had resolved not to venture mn engagement in the open field, and steadily refused in the pre- lent excited state of the public mind to call an assembly of tho B.a 431. INVASION OF ATTICA- 287 people, in which no doubt some desperate resolution would have been adopted. In order, however, to divert in some degree the popular clamour, he permitted the Athenian and Thessahan ca- valry to make sallies fbr the purpose of harassing the plundering parties of the enemy and of protecting as much as possible tj^ lands adjacent to the city. * 2. But whilst Pericles thus abandoned the Attic territory to the enemy, he was taking active measures to retahate on the 1 eloponnesus itself the sufierings inflicted on the Athenians For this purpose an Athenian fleet of 100 triremes, strengthened by 50 Corcyra3an ships, as well as by some from the other allies sailed round Peloponnesus, and disembarking troops at various points, caused considerable damage. This expedition penetrated as far northwards as the coast of Acarnania, where the Corin- thian settlement of Sollium and the town of Astacus were taken whilst the island of Cephallenia, which voluntarily submitted' was enrolled among the aUies of Athens. Meanwhile a smaller fleet of thirty triremes had been de- spatched to the coast of Locris, where the towns of Thronium and Alope were taken and sacked, and a naval station estabhshed at the smaU umnhabited island of Atalanta, in order to coerce the Locnan privateers who infested Euboja. The naval oper- ations of the year were concluded by the total expulsion of the jEginetans from their island. The situation of ^gina rendered It of the highest importance as a maritime station ; and the Athemans were, moreover, incensed against the inhabitants for the part they had taken in exciting the war. The whole of the population was transported to the coast of Peloponnesus, where the Spartans allowed them to occupy the town and district of Thyrea ; and their island was portioned out among a body of Athenian cleruchs. k 3. Arcliidamus evacuated Attica towards the end of July by the route of Oropus and Bajotia ; after which his army wa^ disbanded. The Athenians availed themselves of his departure to wreak their vengeance on the Megarians. Towards the end of September, Pericles, at the head of 13,000 Hoplites, and a xarge force of hght-armed troops, marched into the Megarid, which he ravaged up to the very gates of the city. The Athe- nians repeated the same ravages once, and sometimes twice every year whilst the war lasted. In the course of this year the Athenians also formed an alliance with Sitalces, king of the Odrysian Thracians, whose assistance promised to be of use to them in reducing Potidaa and the revolted Chalcidian towns. Such were the results of the first campaign. From the method 111 winch the war was conducted it had become pretty 888 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chip. XXVI evident that it would prove of loiig duration ; and the Athenians now proceeded to provide for this contingency. It was agreed that a reserve fund of 1000 talents should be set apart, wliicli was not to he touched in any other case than an attack upon Athens by sea. Any citizen who proposed to make a dilierent use of the fund incurred thereby the punishment ol' death. With the same view it was resolved to reserve every year 100 of their hest triremes, fully maimed and equipped. Towards the winter Pericles dehvered, from a lofty platform erected in the Ceraraicus, the funeral oration of those who had fallen in the war. This speech, or at all events the substance of it, has been preserved by Thucydides, who may possibly have heard it pronounced. It is a valuable monument of eloquence and patriotism, and particularly interesting for the sketch which it contains of Athenian maimers as well as of the Athenian con- stitution. H. Anotlier year had elapsed, and in the spring of b.c. 430 the Peloponnesians, under Archidamus, again invaded Attica. At the same time the Athenians were attacked by a more in- sidious and more formidable enemy. The plague broke out in the crowded city. This terrible disorder, which was supposed to have originated in iEthiopia, had already desolated Asia and many of the countries around the Mediterranean. At Athens it first appeared in the Piraus; and the numbers of people now congregated in a narrow space caused it to spread with fearful r::pidity. A great proportion of those who were seized perished ill from seven to nine days. Even in those who recovered it generally left behind some dreadful and incurable distemper. It frequently attacked tlie mental faculties, and left those who re- covered from it so entirely deprived of memory that they could neither recognise themselves nor others. The disorder being new, the physicians could find no remedy in the resources of their art, nor, as may be well supposed, did the charms and incantations to which the superstitious resorted prove more eilectual. Despair now began to take possession of the Athenians. Some suspected that the Peloponnesians had poisoned \he wells ; others attributed the pestilence to the anger of Apollo. A dreadful state of moral dissolution followed. The sick were seized with unconquer- able despondency ; whilst a great part of the population w ho had hitherto escaped the disorder, expecting soon to be attacked m turn, abandoned themselves to all manner of excess, debauch- ery, and crime. The dread of contagion produced an all per- vading selfishness. Men abstained from tending and alleviating the Bufferings even of their nearest relatives and friends dur- ing their sickness, as well as from administering the sacred ritee B.a 450. PLAGUE OF ATHENS. 289 of sepulture to their remains after death. These pious offices of duty and friendship either remained unperlbrmed, or were left to be discharged by strangers, who, having recovered from the disease, enjoyed an immunity from its further attacks Often would a struggle arise Ibr the possession of a funeral pile and inany a body was burnt on the pile destined for another. But for the most part the dead and the dying lay unheeded in the streets and temples, but more particularly around the wells, whither they had crowded to quench the burning and insatiable thirst excited by the disorder. The very dogs died that preyed upon the corpses, whilst by a peculiar instinct the vultures and other birds of prey abstained from feeding on them The numbers carried ofTby the pestilence can hardly be esti- mated at less than a fourth of the whole population. Such at least was about the ascertained proportion among the knights and hophtes forming the upper classes. The number of vic- tir.H^T'?l VooverV^n of the population was never ascer- $ 5 Oppressed at once by war and pestilence, their lands desolated, their homes filled with mourning, it is not surpiidng that the Athemans were seized with rage and despair, or that ^7hnTTi '7^"' "'' ^r^^"^' ^^^"^ they deemed the author of their misfortunes. But that statesman still adhered to his plans with unshaken firmness. Though the Laceda^mo- aZJT "'" ^''•'^' '^r"^ '^' P^^^^ had\lready seized on Athens, he was vigorously pushing his plans of offensive opera- tions A foreign expedition might not only divert the popular mind, but would prove beneficial by relieving the crowded city of part of Its population ; and accordingly a fleet was fitted out, of which Pericles himself took the command, and which com- mitted devastations upon various parts of the Peloponnesian coast. But upon returnmg from this expedition, Pericles found ttie public feeling more exasperated than before. Envoys had even been despatched to Sparta to sue for peace, but had been trTtl T* ^ ^'fr° ' ^ disappointment which had ren- dered the popu ace still more furious. Pericles now found it necessary to call a public assembly in order to vindicate his conduct, and to encourage the desponding citizens to persevere. But though he succeeded in persuading them to prosecute the War with vigour they still continued to nourish their feehn^s of hatred against the great statesman. His pohtical enemies, of whom Cleon was the chief, took advantage of this state of the public mind to brnig against him a charge of peculation. The mam object of this accusation was to incapacitate him for the »!» HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XXVI office of strateps or general. He was brought before the dica* tery oa th.8 charge, and sentenced to pay l coiSderablP fin^ but eventual y a strong re-action occur'^^ in hS favour He KlXSS '"^ ^'^'-'^^ -^-'^ »" "-- * 6. But he was not destined lonff to eniov this rpfnm ^f popuanty His life was now elosing fn, andrend ^aT 1^^^^ hL Zr'T f ^'™''*'' niisfortunes. The epidemic deprived tZT::llf.ur^ ^^^"^ and pohtieal fnends, but ako of several near relations, amongst whom were his sister and lii«* wo legitnnate sons, Xanthippus and Paralus. Thrdeath of the lat er was a severe blow to him. During the funeral eeremon^s w^ completely overpowered by his feelings and wept aloud His ancient house was now left without an heir. By Asm^a however he had an illegitimate son who bore his own Lme and whom the Athenians now legitimised, and thus aHeS as iar as lay ni their power, the misfortunes of their great leader JZ'tti' ""^ v\"r ^■^"^•""' ^"^- P--1- himi:^^^ had pr- po ed the law which deprived of citizenship all those who wJre not Athenians on the mother's side, as well as on the fathers pei^ild J^^^^ '' 7"' "^^1^ ^^^^^'^^^y ^h^t Pericles was tack of 21 1 ^^^'^^^^^. r '' '^^^^ ^ twelvemonth. An at- tack ot the prevaihiig epidemic was succeeded by a low and Surfe^^^^ "-''' ^- strength' of boTy a'ld death hoi ?h! f 1 'i^' ^""^r apparently unconscious on his death-bed, the friends who stood around it were engacred in re- rilhf" ^tr:- ^'^'>'"^ "^^^ "^^--P^^^ them by fortune^^r.tTll ^T ^'^''' "^ ™' ^^ P^^'^y '^'' ^^«"lt of good mlde; wl ^ ^" "^^^ ^'''^' '"^-^"y <^ther com- tTced no A^ '^''^^ ^^^^^ '^^^^^^^ "P«"' >'«" ^^^e not no- ticeti--no Atheman ever wore moumhig througJi me." Ihose v^ho reflect upon the enormous influence which for so lonir a penod, and especiafly during the last fifteen year o^hTs hfo he exercised over an nigenious but fickle people like the Ithe S "^T^^'f/. ^ t^'"^ '^ question Ins^ntellectual tut of S ^nn^K ' hold on the p^^ic aliection was not, as in the le of Cimon, the result of any popularity oimanner, for, as we ha^e ^id the demeanour of Pericles was' characterised by a 'e^rvo bordermg upon haucrhtiness Tn wh^f ii, « ^" "y ^ reserve if ^ n^»k4i V**"e"""^^^- ^ -^o what then are we to attnbute It . Doubtless, in the first place, to his extraordinary eloquence Cicero regards him as the first example of an allstTeXt omtor, at once delighting the Athenians with his copiousneL B.C. 430. SECOND INVASION OF ATTICA 291 and grace and overawing them by the force and cogency of his diction and arguments. He seems, indeed, on the testimony of two comic poets who will not be suspected of exaggeration in his favour, to have singularly combuied the power of persuasion with that more rapid and abrupt style of oratory which takes an audience by storm and defies all resistance. According to Eupohs, persuasion itself sat upon his lips, and he was the only orator who left a sting behind; whilst Aristophanes charac- terizes his eloquence as producing the same eticcts upon the social elements as a storm of thunder and hghtni ig exerts upon the natural atmosphere. His reserved maimers may have con- tributed, and were perhaps designed, to preserve his autho- rity from falling into that contempt which proverbially springs from familiarity; whilst the popularity which he enjoyed in spite of them may probably be traced to the equivocal benefits which he had conferred on the Athenians, by not only making the humblest citizen a partaker in all the judicial and legislative functions of the state, but even paying him for the performance of them. These innovations are condemned by the two greatest philosophers, though of opposite schools, that Greece ever saw, by Plato and Aristotle, and not only by them but by the unani- mous voice of antiquity. Pericles, indeed, by the unlimited authority which he possessed over the people, was able to coun- teract the evil efiects of these changes, which, however, scon became apparent after his death, and made the city a prey to the artifices of demagogues and rhetors. But if Pericles, as a politician, may not be deserving of unqualified praise, Pericles as the accomplished man of genius and the liberal patron of literature and art, is woilhy of the highest admiration. By these qualities he has justly given name to the most briUiant intellectual epoch that the Morld lias ever seen. But on tliis point we have already touched, and shall have occasion to refer hereafter. ^ 7. Whilst the Athenians were sufiering from the pestilence, the Lacedainionians were prosecuting their second invasion even more extensively than in the previous year. Instead of confin- ing their ravages to the Thriasian plain, and the country m the immediate neighbourhood of Athens, they now extended them to the more southern portions of Attica, and even as far as the mines of Laurium. The Athenians still kept within their walls ; and the LacedsBmonians, after remaing forty days in their ter- ritory, again evacuated it as before. This year, however, the operations of the latter by sea formed a new feature in the war. Their fleet of 100 triremes, under the command of Cnemus, at- tacked and devastated the island cf Zacynthus, but did not MWM HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XXVl iuccced in eflectmgr a permanent conquest. They were too infenor m naval strength to cope with the Athenians on the open sea ; but the Peloponnesian privateers, especially those from the Meganan port of Nisaa, inflicted considerable loss €Mi the Anthenian fisheries and commerce. Some of these privateers even ventured as far as the coasts of Asia Minor Md molested the Athenian trade, for the protection of which the Athenians were oWiged to despatch a squadron of six tnremes, under Melesander. A revolting feature in this pre- datory warfare was the cruelty with which the Lacedemonians seated their pnsoners, who were mercilessly slain, and their bodies cast into clefts and ravines. This produced retahation on the part of the Athenians. Some Peloponnesian envoys, on their way to the court of Pema to sohcit aid against Athens, were joined by the Corinthian general Aristeus, who persuaded ^L r^ '^^^T 1'^" ^**^^'^" ^"^ Sit^l«««' ^ °^der if possible to detach him from the Athenian alhance. But this was a fatal miscalculation. Not only was Sitalces firmly attached to the Athenians, but his son Sadocus had been admitted as a citizen of Athens ; and the Athenian residents at the court of bitalces induced him, in testimony of zeal and gratitude for his newly conlerred rights, to procure the arrest of the Peloponne- Biaii envoys. The whole party were accordingly seized and conducted to Athens, where they were put to death without even the form of a trial, and their bodies cast out amoncr the locks, by way of reprisal for the murders committed by the La- cecisBmonians. } a By this act the Athenians got rid of Aristeus, who had proved himself an active and able commander, and who was the dnef mstigator of the revolt of Potidea as well as the principal cause of its successful resistance. In the following wiiter that town capitulated, after a blockade of two years, during which it suffered such extremity of famine, that even the bo^es of the dead were converted into food. Although the garrison was re- 200a t!? T V* aT' •^''** ^^""-*^ ^^" «i^^« h^d ^«^ Athene ^UUO talents, the Athenian generals, Xenophon, the son of Euri- pides, and his two colleagues, granted the Potidsans favourable W^; J^TV^'i 7 ^T ""^^'^^^^ ty the Athenians, who had expected to defray the expenses of the siege by sellini? the CnTtrinrtl ; ^"^,P^^^^P« ^ ^ e^^tify their vengeance by puttmg the intrepid gamson to death. Potidea ^d its Athens^ "^^ ''""^ *^*'"^''^ ^^ * ^^ **^ ^^^^ ''*'^^''^'^" ^"^ s.nl !; I*'*' ^^''*^ ^''''l i^^"" "^^^ f^-^- 429) was now opening ami aothnig decisive had been performed on either side. After B.a 429. SIEGE OF PLAT^A. 293 two invasions, but little mischief, probably, was capable of being inflicted on the Attic territory, or at all events not sufficient to induce the Peloponnesians to incur the risk of infection from the plague. Archidamus, therefore, now directed his whole force against the ill-fated town of Plataea. As he approached their city, the Plataeans despatched a herald to Archidamus to remonstrate against this invasion, and to remind him of the solemn oath which Pausanias had sworn, when, after the defeat of the Persians, he offered sacrifice to Jove Eleutherios in the great square of Platjea, and there, in the presence of the as- sembled allies, bound himself and them to respect and guarantee their independence. Archidamus replied that by their oaths they were bound to assist him in the liberation of the rest of Greece ; but, if they would not agree to do this, their independ- ence should be respected if they only consented to remain neutral. After this summons had been twice repeated, the Pla- tieaiis returned for answer that they could do nothing without the consent of the Athenians, in whose custody their wives and families now were ; adding, that a profession of neutrality might again induce the Thebans to surprise their city. Hereupon Archidamus proposed to them to hand over their town and territory to the Lacedaemonians, together with a schedule of all the property which they contained, engaging to hold them in trust and to cultivate the land till the war was terminated, when every thing should be safely restored. In the mean time, the Plataeans might retire whithersoever they chose, and receive an allowance sufficient for their support. The ofler seemed fair and tempting, and the majority of the Plataeans were for accepting it, but it was resolved first of all to obtain the sanction of the Athenians : who, however, exhorted them to hold out, and promised to assist them to the last. The Plataeans, afraid to send a herald to the Spartan camp, now pro- claimed from the walls their refusal of the proffered terms ; when Archidamus invoked the gods and heroes of the soil to witness that it was not until the Plataeans had renounced the oaths which bound them, that he had invaded their territory. The Peloponnesians, indeed, seem to have been really unwilling to undertake the siege. They were driven into it by the ancient grudge of the Thebans against Plataea. The siege that ensued is one of the most memorable in the annals of Grecian warfare. Plataea was but a small city, and its garrison consisted of only 400 citizens and 80 Athenians, toge- ther with 110 women to manage their household affairs. Yet this small force set at defiance the whole army of the Pelopon- nesians. The first operation of Archidamus was to surround the 294 HISTORY OF GREECE. CiiAP. XXVI town with a strong palisade formed of the fruit trees which had been cut down, and thus to deprive the Plataans of all egress He then began to erect a mound of timber, earth, and stones against the wall, forming an inclined plane up which his troops might march, and thus take the place by escalade. The whole airoy laboured at this mound seventy days and nights • but whilst It was gradually attaining the requisite height the Pla- tffians on their side were engaged in raising their waUs with a fuperstructure of wood and brickwork, protected in front with Hides. They also formed a subterranean passage under their walls, and undermined the moimd, which thus fell in and re- qmred constant additions. And as even these precautions seemed m danger of being ultimately defeated, they built a new intenor wall, m the shape of a crescent, whose two horns joined the old one at points beyond the extent of the mound; so that It the besiegers succeeded in carrying the first rampart, thev would be in no better position than before. So energetic was the defence, that the LacedsBmonians, after spending three months in these fruitless attempts, resolved to turn the sie-e into a blockade, and reduce the place by famine. " HO They now proceeded to surround the city with a double wall oi circimivallation, the interior space between the two of SLxteen leet m breadth being roofed in. and the whole structure protected by a ditch on each side, one towards the town and the other towards the country. The interior was occupied bv the r^'i iV''"^'^''^' half of which consisted of BcEotians and the other half of Peloponnesians. In this manner the Plata^ans endured a blockade of two years, during which the Athenians attempted notlnng lor their relief In the second year, however about hall the garrison eliected their escape in the following bold and successful manner. Provisions were beginning to run short and the PlatsBan commander exhorted the garrison to scale the waU by which they were blockaded. Only 212 men, however were found bold enough to attempt this hazardous feat. Choos- ing a wet and stormy December night, they issued from their gates, lightly armed and carrying with them ladders accurately adapted to the height of the wall. These were fixed against it m the space between two towers occupied by the guard, and the first company having mounted, slew, without creatino^ alarm the sentinels on duty. Already a great part of the PlatSans had gained the summit, when the noise of a tile kicked down bv one of^the party betrayed what was passing. The whole guard immediately turned out, but in the darkness and confusion knew not whither to direct their blows, whilst the lighted torches which tney earned rendered them a conspicuous aim for the arrows and B.a 427. SURRENDER OF PLATJEA. S96 JUL javelins of those PlataBans who had gained the other side of the walls. In this manner the little band succeeded in effecting their escape with the exception of one man, who was captured, and of a few who lost their courage and returned to Plat«ea. Ml. But though the provisions of the garrison were hus- banded by this diminution in their number, all the means of subsistence were at length exhausted, and starvation began to stare them in the face. The Lacedajmonian commander had long been in a condition to take the town by storm, but he had been directed by express orders from home to reduce it to a voluntary capitulation, in order that at the conclusion of a peace, Sparta might not be forced to give it up, as she would be in case of a forcible capture. Knowing the distressed state of the gar- rison, the Lacedajmonians sent in a herald with a summons to surrender and submit themselves to their disposal, at the same time promising that only the guilty should be punished. The besieged had no alternative and submitted. This took place in B.C. 427, after the blockade had lasted two years. The whole garrison, consisting of 200 Platseaiis and 25 Athe- nians, were now arraigned before five judges sent from Sparta. Their indictment was framed in a way which precluded the possi- bility of escape. They were simply asked " Whether during the present war they had rendered any assistance to the Lacedaemo- nians or their allies ?" So preposterous a question at once re- vealed to the prisoners that they could expect neither justice nor mercy. Nevertheless, they asked and obtained permission to plead their cause. Their orators, by recalling the services which Plataea had rendered to Greece in general in the Persian war, and to Sparta in particular, by aiding to suppress the revolt of the Helots, seem- ed to have produced such an impression on their judges that the Thebans present found it necessary to reply. Their speech does not appear to have contained any very cogent arguments, but it was successful. The Plataeans were mercilessly sacrificed for reasons of state policy. Each man, including the 25 Athenians, was called up separately before the judgment seat, and the same question having been put to him, and of course answered in the negative, he was immediately led away to execution. The towai of Plataea, together with its territory, was transferred to the Thebans, who, a few months afterwards, levelled all the private houses to the ground, and with the materials erected a sort of vast barrack around the Heraeum, or temple of Hera, both for the accommodation of visitors, and to serve as an abode for those to whom they let out the land. Thus was Plataea blotted out from the map of Greece. B.C. 429. KAVAL VICTORIES OF PHORMIO. 297 Statue of Theseus, from the Pediment of the Parthenon. CHAPTER XXVII. PELOPONNESUN WAR CONTINUED— FROM THE SIEGE OF PLAT^A TO THE SEDITION AT CORCYRA. ^ lv^-f"«ra^ «l>a™cter of the war. § 2. Military and naval onerations of the third year. Attempt of the Peloponneslans to surprirpTrrs Mviif^nT /rn w'"^'.^^^^^^^ §4. Fifth year. Surrender of Mytilene. ^5. Debates of the Athenian assembly respecting the Mv- tileneans. Cleon and the Athenian dema^^ogues.^ § 6 Bloody "wee Lesbos colonized by Athenians. § 8. Civil dissensions at Corcvra^ § 9. Picture of the times by Thucydidea ^orcyra. * I' ^^/^^°'*^in^ the fall of Platsa, we have anticipated the order of chronology. The investment of that town formed, as we have related, the first incident in the third year of the Pelo- ponnesian war. The subsequent operations of that war down to the eleventh year of it, or the year b.c. 421— when a short and ho low peace, or rather truce, called the peace of Nicias, wail patched up between the LacedaBmonians and Athenians— wero not of a decisive character. There was, indeed, much mutua) injury mflicted, but none of those great events which brinp a war to a close by disabling either one or both parties froii continumg it. The towns captured were, moreover, restored at the peace ; by which, consequently, Athens and Sparta were placed much in the same state as when the war broke out. It would be tedious to detail at length all the little engagements which occurred, and which the reader could with difficulty re- member ; and we shall therefore content ourselves with a sketch of the more important events, especially those which display the general character of the period, the actions of the more remark- able men who flourished in it, and the motives, views, and dis- positions of the contending parties. j 2. Except the siege of Plataea, the operations by land in the third year of the war were unimportant. The Athenians failed in an attempt to reduce the town of Spartolus in Chalcidice ; nor were the efforts of their new ally Sitalces more successful in that quarter. According to the ancient myth of Tereus, Sitalces considered himself a kinsman of the Athenians ; but some well apphed bribes were probably a more efficacious inducement for him to undertake the reduction of Chalcidice, and the dethrone- ment of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia. The sway of Sitalces over the barbarous tribes of Thrace was very extensive. He was able to collect an army estimated at 150,000 men, one-third of which was cavalry. With this multitudinous, but wild and disorderly host, he penetrated far into the dominions of Perdiccas and compelled the Macedonians, who did not venture to meet him in the open field, to shut themselves up in their fortresses. He also detached a force to reduce the Chalcidians and Bot- tiaeans. But his expedition was undertaken at too late a period of the year, seemingly about the end of November or beginning of December ; and as the winter proved very severe, and the Athenians neglected to send any armament to his assistance; Sitalces was compelled to reUnquish his conquests after a cam- paign, or rather foray, of thirty days. In the same year the naval superiority of the Athenians was strikingly exhibited by the victories of Phormio in the Co- rinthian gulf The Lacedaemonians had planned an expedition against Acamania, and had sent a fleet of forty-seven sail, under the command of Cnemus, to carry this project into effect. Phormio was stationed at Naupactus with only twenty Athe- nian ships; but notwithstanding his numerical inferiority, he gained a brilliant victory over the Peloponnesian fleet. But this was not all. The Spartans lost no time in collecting an- other fleet, amounting to seventy-seven sail. Meantime Phormio had received no reinforcements ; but such was his confidence in the skill of his seamen, that he ventured to meet even these overpowering numbers, and though this victory was not so decisive as the previous one, the Pelopoimesians relinquished o* Isifo HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXVII. all further operations and sailed back to Corinth. The Pelo- ponnesian commanders tried to compensate for these losses by surprising the harbour of Pir^us, wliich was unprotected by a ^ard, or even by a chain. Having marched overland from Co- rmth to the Megarian port of Nis»a. they embarked their men in forty old triremes, wliich, however, were in a sufficient state f-jT^"^ ^'^^ ^ ^^**^ an expedition. But either their courage failed them at the very moment of executing their project or else, as they gave out, the wind proved adverse. Instead' of attempting Pirajus they proceeded to the opposite island of llilene, The provisions of the town were exhausted, tiic populace was growing impatient, and even Sal^thus himself began to despair of the arrival of the fleet. It was therefore resolved as a last desperate expedient, to make a sally, and endeavour to raise the blockade. With this view even the men ot the lower classes were armed with the full armour of the hoplites. But this step produced a very diflerent result from what Sa kjthus had expected or intended. The great mass of the Mytileneans were not adverse to the Athenian dominion • but they regarded their own oligarchical government with suspi- cion, accused it of starving the citizens whilst it possessed stores ot concealed provisions for the use of the higher classes- and ben^ now strengthened by the arms which had been distributed to thern, threatened that, unless their demands were complied with, they would surrender the city to the Athenians. In this desprate emergency the Mytilenean govenmient perceived that their oiiJy chance of safety lay in anticipating the people in this step. They accordingly opened a negotiation witli Paches, and a capitulation was agreed upon by which the city was to be sur- rendered, and the fate of its inhabitants to be decided by the Atheman Assembly. It was stipulated, however, that they were to be permitted to send envoys to Athens to plead their cause • and Paches engaged that meanwhile nobody should be impri- soned or sold into slavery. When Paches entered the city those Mytileneans who had been the chief instigators of the revolt took reluge at the altars ; but he induced them by his assurances to quit their places of refuge, and placed them in Tenedos Scarcely had this capitulation been concluded, when, to the wirpnse otthe Mytileneans, the Peloponnesian fleet appeared ofl* the coast of Ionia. Alcidas, overawed by the maritime reputiition ot Athens, had neglected to discharge his duty with the enerffv reqmred by the crisis ; and, finding that he had arrived too late to save Mytilen6, he sailed back to Pelopoimesus, without at- tempting any thing further. RC. 427. CLEOK 801 ( 5. Paches being now undisputed master of Lesbos, de- spatched to Athens those Mytileneans who had been deposited at Tenedos. together with others implicated in the late revolt, and likewise Salajthus the Lacedaemonian envoy, who had been detected in a place of concealment in the city. The Athenians assembled to decide on the fate of these prisoners, amounting in number to more than a thousand. Salaethus was at once put to death. The disposal of the other prisoners caused some de- bate. It was on this occasion that the demagogue, Cleon, whom we have already noticed as an opponent of Pericles, first comes prominently forwards in Athenian afikirs. The effects of the extensive commerce of Athens, and more particularly of the po- litical changes introduced by Pericles, were now beginning to show themselves. Down to the time of that statesman, the democracy of Athens had been governed by aristocratic leaders alone. The personal qualities of Pericles, in spite of the growing feeling of democracy, secured his ascendency in the i^ssembly ; but even during his lifetime men of a much lower rank than those who had formerly pretended to govern the people were beginning to step forward, and to claim a share of power. Such were Eucrates, the rope-maker, Lysicles, the sheep-dealer, and Hyperbolus, the lamp-maker. The humblest mechanic, if an Athenian citizen, was at liberty to address the assembly ; there was nothing to prevent him but disfranchisement for debt or crime. If he succeeded, his fortune was made ; for the influence thus acquired might be converted in various, but not over reput- able, ways into a source of profit. Success, however, demanded some peculiar qualifications. An Athenian audience was some- what fastidious ; but more especially the vastness of their assem- blies, and the noise and clamour with which they frequently abounded, demanded not only a considerable share of nerve, but also physical powers, especially a loud voice, which are not always found combined with the higher mental requisites of an orator. Hence those who possessed even a moderate share of ability, if endowed with audacity and a stentorian voice, stood a much better chance in the assembly than men of far higher talent, but deficient in those indispensable qualifications. If we may trust the picture drawn by Aristophanes, Cleon, the leather- seller, was a perfect model of that new class of low-bom orators just alluded to ; a noisy brawler, loud in his criminations, insolent in his gestures, corrupt and venal in his principles ; extorting money by threats of accusations, a persecutor of rank and merit. a base flatterer and sycophant of the populace. In this portrait iiiuch allowance must no doubt be made not only for comic li P"-'e- -1 o S oTmil^^L » ^'i f *^«'*°'^ male population of MytUene rf mditary age-mcluding therefore thosfwho had not partiri conveying orders to Paches in m.t ♦L Ti ^ i ^yt"ene, cution ^acnes to put the bloody decree into exe- k 6. The barbarous laws of ancient warfare lustifieil at rnr-If ;«- which m modern times would be regarded wirW^^^^ testation; and we have already de^rib^d tTe T .nT Zet Htlfafte^ ^^^^^ ^^^'^*' how! ver. whfch \ook conduct of L T ^ ""' ''^^^'''^ ^^ ""'^ ^^^ «P«aki«g. The c^ R^t fV r^'^'^r^^^^ "'^ *^^* '^^^^^i^" admits of no ex! rdevoti^ fn^ 1 u f T^ ^^^^^^'^ ^^"^^' <>^' P<^r«>»s whom It devoted to death, but also and principally because it rn^T no discnmmation between the iimLnt^and\he ^ One B.C. 427. DECREE AGAmST THE MYTILENEANS. S03 night's reflection convinced the better part of the Athenians of the enormity which they had sanctioned. Ordinary experience shows that bodies of men will perpetrate acts which the indivi- duals composing them would shrink from with horror • and this tendency was one of the worst evils springing from the multitu- dmous and purely democratical composition of the Athenian as- semblies. On the morrow so general a feehng prevailed of the Horrible injustice that had been committed, that the Strateffi acceded to the prayer of the Mytilenean envoys and called a Iresh assembly ; though by so doing they committed an illegal act and exposed themselves to impeachment. s^ 7 Cleon however, had not changed his opinion. In the second assembly he repeated his arguments against the Mytile- neans, and clamoured ibr what he caUed "justice" against them He denounced the folly and mischief of reversing on one day what had been done on the preceding ; and, though himself the very type and model of a demagogue, had the impudence to cha- racterize his opponents as guilty and ambitious orators, who sacnficed the good cf the republic either to their interests or their vanity ! His opponent, Biodotus, very wisely abstained Irom appealing to the huinanity of an assembly which had passed the decree of the previous day. He confined himself entirely to the policy of the question, and concluded by recommending that the Mytileneans already in custody should be put upon their ^lal. but that the remainder of the population should be spared ihis amendment having been carried by a smaU majority a second trireme was immediately despatched to Mytilen6 with orders to Paches to arrest the execution. The utmost diligence was needful. The former trireme had a start of four and twenty hours and nothing bnt exertions almost superhuman would en- able the second to reach Mytilene early enough to avert the tragical catastrophe. The oarsmen were allowed by turns only short intervals of rest, and took their food, consistincr of barley- meal steeped in wine and oil, as they sat at the oar. Happily the weather proved favourable ; and the crew, who had been promised largo rewards in case they arrived in time, exerted themselves to deliver the reprieve, whilst the crew of the pre- ceding vessel had conveyed the order ibr execution with slowness , and reluctance. Yet even so the countermand came only just in tune. The mandate was already in the hands of Paches, who was taking measures for its execution. With regard to the pri- soners at Athens, the motion of Cleon to put them to death was carried, and they were slain to the number of more than a thou- sand. The fortifications of Mytilene were razed, and her fleet delivered up to the Athenians. The whole island, with the ex- 804 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVII remainder aliped to ISrcClr ^ '"' '""^ "^'' '"'' ''''' under bJockade, were sent back tn rr»r,.,r^„ ^f>uieiie was the heavy r^^ of 800 taS/L rSityZh^L"'''" of wrthdrawmg the island from the AtLJaf Lllni p"^'^"^ joined by the rest of the ohgai,=hical dtTz^" o thJr r^""^ they assassinated the leaders%f the dewocratica mrtv T' senate-house, and then carried a resoluZ.^. ,. ^^^ f ^^^. the neonlp ih^t iv,„ n "™ a resolution in the assembly of . people, tnat the Corcyneans should for iVip f.,*„™ >, ' combat^n thrfoSSr tL Sr"', *'"^ ''"''^'"^ *" adopted the desperate ''Xnl^of^'S^i^:^:'^: ^T^r^ thus destroyed a great deal of property near the leuT'r adverse wmd fortunately nrevented it fVnVT . .• ' . * "^^ mainder of the city. ^ P"^^"*^'* '» &°ra extendmg to the re- Colta'^^nd"!.?:.*''"^ ^^ ^f°™«' °f the state of things at ss «1" ?eoCrnToTy^:z.r?dr i^'^^ K rS— : Sir =is - -f I^^Ur the cJ— 7o7i^^d^J''tr:^^^^^^^^^ ?i^ l°i'^'^"^r' '" ''^P'"g the enemy at bay y^th his lail fleet but was obhged at last to retreat.^hirhriid k S B.C. 427. REVOLUTIONS AT CORCTRA. 305 order, and without losing any of his vessels. Alcidas, however, with his usual slowness, neglected to make use of the oppor- tunity, and attack the capital at once, though Brasidas strongly advised him to do so. He' lost a day in ravaging the country and m the Ibllowing night fire-signais upon the island of Leucas telegraphed the approach of an Athenian fleet of 60 triremes under Eurymedon. Alcidas now only thought of making his escape, which he effected before daybreak, leaving the Corcyrseaa oligarchs to their fate. Another vicissitude thus rendered the popular party in Cor- cyra again triumphant. The vengeance which they took on their opponents was fearful. The most sacred sanctuaries affbrded no protection ; the nearest ties of blood and kindred were sacrificed to civil hatred. In one case a father slew even his own son. These scenes of horror lasted for seven days, during which death in every conceivable form was busily at work. Yet the Athenian admiral^did not once interpose to put a stop to these atrocities. About 500 of the oligarchical party, however, effected their escape, and fortified themselves on Mount Istone, not far from the capital. § 9. Thucydides in drawing this bloody picture of domestic dissensions, traces the causes of it to the war. In peace and pros- perity, when men are not overmastered by an irresistable neces- sity, the feelings both of states and individuals are mild and humane. But a war under the auspices of Sparta and Athens one the representative of the aristocratic, the other of the demo- cratic, principle — became a war of opinion, and embittered the feelings of political parties, by offering to each the means and opportunity of enforcing its views through an affiance with one or the other of the two leading cities. The example of Corcyra was soon followed in other Hellenic states. Not only were the dispositions of men altered by these causes, but even the very names of things were changed. Daring rashness was honoured with the name of bravery, whilst considerate delay was denounced as the mere pretext of timidity. Wisdom was regarded as equivalent to cowardice, and the weighing of every- thing as a pretext for attempting nothing. The ''simplicity which generally characterises virtue was ridiculed as dulness and stupidity ; whilst he was regarded as the cleverest who excelled in cunning and treachery, and especially if he employed his arts to the destruction of his nearest, and therefore unsuspecting friends and relatives. I B.C. 426. THE ATHENIANS SEIZE PYLUa 807 From the Frieze of the Parthenon. Panathenaic Procession. CHAPTER XXVIII. PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED.— FROM THE SEDITION AT COR- CYRA TO THE PEACE OF NICUS. 8^^f^*^*3'«^ar*>*'^^*ewar. Return of the plague. Purification of Delos. § 2. heventh year. Fortification of Pyhis. § 3. Attempts of the Lacedajmonians to recover Pylus. § 4. Arrival and victory of the Athenian lleet Blockade of SphacterV 8 6. The Lacedicraonians sue for peace at Athens Extravagant deman «'hich Thrasymelida* xt i^&s on tfiis omA 4.1. Tx dar^erous attack. The LacSir ""*''='P^*«' ">« »«t *J^ul m besieging walls, andtTZ^r, T" "°t°riously un- armed troops would sumcetol^^\T^'^\''/<>^i'nperfeet}y But towards the sea wa87!J°iiP t*"^" ^hole army at bav fortified. Here, therlfore mlX" "^'^r "^^'"^ ^n-ainedT ■^majmng triremes ashoj^fr^r^™?' "^'^^ >"«"& hk threL had despatched two to EuZZ^ V^^T'^ "^^^^ enemy he post hm^lf ^th 60 cho^Xpt™' ^'""* "^i^tance-tLk J- He assault fm^^ ♦!, j'^'it-o. bravest and mJ^^lSj^J-^ ''^ by B^^^y P^duced. The na^S^r'thTrdT'''", *'"'' «P««» -„ a few tnremes to approach at on^ Jandwg-place admitted only of the foremost, aiZattag hisTen bv hf'''''' ^""^ °" *''°P'-°^ but he was soon disabled K^rt ^ "" ^'""^^ and gestureo • ^^rdsintohis ves^l StinJwrthr"%^?"''^' ^^ '^J S-' ane^P-^ on this and^hrMLTnJdt' tit"" . ^'"'^^ ^'^P^'''-' unable to efiect a landing ; whiK^A ,u^ Lacedemonians were success decisive enough to hS fl 7lf '^*'"'n."«« considered their chief ornament of whSh wi^l? I- ",/"!?'*"'" "^ a trophy the dipped into the water *^' ^'""''* "^ ^'-''^das, wWch hl^ as»u\2fweJe\iS7r^' '"'"' P"'?"^^ «>- another fT\u l^'y "^ «t^Sy negfectTto"""" "'' *" ^^henTa" into the bay : and, although the A^ ■ "^T '^« entrances fiist day m recomioitring. ^i ^tJ''}T'^^ '^"'^^ spent the ^. or «„ paralysed ^ sSsTrnd t" ""\'° incon^'ivabi; raorrow the Athenian shiM^^/, *"""[' *^"t' '"'hen on the defended channels, manTof S?r ""^ "^"^^ ^^ the u„! and part of their crews IshL ThT'l ^""^ ^''" moored desperate. Both sides C^\JhlY'^''J'^''^ «»«"«1 ^^ v-ctoiy at length declared rthTAthf"'''"^'^ ^'"^""^^ ' hut - Ships were capture ; th'e tlS" ed 0^7^^-' B.C. 425. SPARTA SUES FOR PEACR S09 them ashore, where they were protected by the Lacedaemonian army. Bayof Pylus. A. Island of Sphart«Ti». B. Pylon. C. The modern Navarbo. E. Promontory of Coryphitsium. D D. BayofPyte. The Athenians, thus masters of the sea, were enabled to blockade the island of Sphacteria, in which the flower of the Lacedaernonian army was shut up, many of them native Spartans of the highest famihes. In so grave an emergency messengers were sent to Sparta for advice. The Ephors themselves imme- diately repaired to the spot ; and so desponding was their view of the matter, that they saw no issue from it but a peace. They therefore proposed and obtained an armistice for the purpose of opening negotiations at Athens. They agreed to sunender their whole fleet, and to abstain from all attacks upon Pylus till the return of the envoys, when their ships were to be restored. Meanwhile, the Athenians were to continue the blockade of Sphacteria, but not to commit any acts of hostility against it ; whilst the Lacedajmonians were to be allowed to supply the SOS mSTORV OF GREECE. ClIAP. XXVlIt i 3 This • --^^viu. under Thrasy„.eMas, was oXedfroJ O ^"^'"P^-'ra" ««-»- at the same time Agis evacuat^Sa a"„7'^ \^^'''^> ^'^ the same place. So vast a force L^hl' ?"<' ^^''ched toM^rds to threaten destruction to Z ]^ i ''^ "'"^ '"'""'T'- ««»ned on am i„^ with the fleet iiSlf "■""'''■ , ?'4melidas. habited and densely wooded TZ . ? If ?''""' *'"^ «»all unin- he exception of tZZ^r^t eta ^I'''T"-"™' ^'•''^•'- ^'th almost blocke,! up the entrmlce of W t *'n """'' """• «o»th. and the mainland was a snacTo... V "^^ ^'-''^'«» the island "tationed his ship. '^"""""^ ''^"'' '" ^^ch Thrasymelid^ dan^eZsTttS '' The^L, V"^''^"^^ ""'-'l-ted the most Bkilibl in besiegin. wafls and "^r":""^ ^"'^ notoriously un armed troops ^oSutntiCi^l^:'^^-^^^^^^^ But towards the sea was a L,l I P their whole army at bay- fortified. Here, therefore SsX:" '^'"'r "'^""^ renLcdul f«ma,m„g triremes ashorelZTth ''an,''''"u '?""^ '"'^ tJ-ree had despatched two to Eumnedn„ , '^'"l'^''^''' "'the enemy ho post himself with GO cho^Sfi ' *° '"'""' ^««i^tance-iU A no assault frmii ♦! *"F^UtS. bravest J^JZ^Z^TT '"' ^ «-'"-. "- of the P-«lueed. The .mrr;S ShTC'r''''''", *'"* ^i'^^a eler nf7'V"'""^ toapproachtt once '^ "'T'''""'^ ="'"""«' only of the foremost, aiimating his ^^n bv ?' ''^ ''."^ °" ^'^P^ow but he was soon disable.! wt ^ ^'* ^'"'■''s and gestures • wardsintohis ves^rSiiCth l""%";?"''^' ""' ^' b "k- «ttemp,s on this and the fouSJ::^ °' t^d- After repeat^ unable to efifcct a landing ; wSh^A ,.' ^"'"''''^"'oniani wen, success decisive enough to Ts fl 7l ^*^*"»»n« considered their chief ornament of whTe , Z^ ^l^ J'", "*-'•""'" of a tronhv ihl dipped into the wS" "" '""^ '^"'''^ "'Brasidas, y^cThad assault,?ht?tets.^S7bTr a"^^^ ^''^''""^ «>' -other fleet They had strli^dv , eiteST™'"" "'' **"^ ^'henian ■nto the bay : and, althou^ the it^. "^''T *''« ""'dances brst day m reconnoitring, they treSr. "''"'"' ^P^""* ^bo slow, or so paralysed by suniZ?. f! *""■ '" ""conceivably morrow the Athenian shipsTZe s 1l "^I' *''"*• ^''«" on the defended channels, many^of tteb- T ^'^ *'"'"""'' "^'b the un- and part of their crews LL'T.f"? ^'"^ ««"' mwed desperate. Both sides fouITwi^^^^'l ':""'^^■bich ensued was victory at length declared for tir a ♦k'""""'^""'^ ^''''.ur; but «- ships were captured Z rtt wtS'Ted !T ^'^''^^^'^- were saved only by running B.C. 425. SPARTA SUES FOR PEACR 309 them ashore, where they were protected by the Lacedajmoniaii army. ,■'. ; - •■ .11. , ,* ^ •'.. ^- H-f r ' Bay of Pylus. A. IslandofSphact.riii. B. Pjlns. C. The modern Navarino. DDBavofPvla E. Promontory of Corjiihiisiuin. ^ ^ The Athenians, thus masters of the sea, were enabled to blockade the island of Sphacteria, in which the flower of the Lacedajnrionian army was shut up, many of them native Spartans of the highest families. In so grave an emergency messengers were sent to Sparta for advice. The Ephors themselves imme- diately repaired to the spot ; and so desponding was their view of the matter, that they saw no issue from it but a peace. They therefore proposed and obtained an armistice for the purpose of opening negotiations at Athens. They agreed to surrender their whole fleet, and to abstain from all attacks upon Pylus till the return of the envoys, when their ships were to be restored. Meanwhile, the Athenians were to continue the blockade of Sphacteria, but not to commit any acts of hostility against it ; whilst the Laceda;monians were to be allowed to supply the (I ftlO HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXVIII besieged with provisions enough for their subsistence durinir the armistice. ^ § 5. Great was the sensation excited at Athens by beholding the pride of Sparta thus humbled and her envoys suin^ for peace. Cleon availed himself of the elation of the moment to insist on extravagant demands. Nothing less would satisfy him than the restoration of those places which Athens had ceded iourteen years before, when the Thirty Years' truce was con- cluded ; namely, Niscea, Pega?, Troezen, and Achaia ; and his iiilluence in the assembly induced it to adopt his views. The Lacedceraonian envoys, perceiving that nothing could be hoped Iroin the assembly, proposed a private negotiation with a lew chosen individuals. But Cleon would not hear of this arran monians had allowed the ^ginetans to settle after their expul- sion from their own island. Thyrea was destroyed, and tlie sur- viving ./Eginetans carried to Athens and put to death. Among the horrors which the great historian of the Peloponnesian war has noted as characterizing the times, the murder of 2000 Helots by the Lacedajmonians stands conspicuous. Alarmed lor their own safety since the establislmient of an Atlieiiian and Messe- man force at Pylus, the Lacedemonians about this time pro- claimed that those Helots who had distinguished themselves by their services during the war shoidd come forward and claim their hberty. A large body appeared, out of whom 2000 were selected as w^orthy of emancipation. Crowned with gariands, and honoured with all the imposing ceremonies of religion, the unhappy Helots paid with their lives for the liberty thus so- lemnly acquired. In a short time they all disappeared, no man knew how, by secret orders from the Ephors, who took this per- fidious and detestable method to rid themselves of formidable enemies. H2. Elate with their continued good fortune, tlie Athenians ainietl at nothing less than the recovery of all the possessions which they had held before the Thirty Years' tnice. For this purpose they plaimed two important expeditions, one against Megara and the other against Boeotia. In the former they were partially successful. They seized Nisaa, the port of Megara, which they permanently occupied with an Athenian garrison ; but they were prevented from obtaining possession of Megara itself by the energy of Brasidas, who was at that time in the neighbourhood of Corinth, collecting troops for his Thracian expedition. Receiving intelligence of the danger of Megara, he immediately marched to the assistance of the city with a consi- derable force, which the Athenians did not venture to attack. The expedition against Bojotia was attended \.ith the most disastrous results. Some Boeotian exiles, and other malcontent citizens, had Ibrmed a plan to betray Siphte, on the gulf of Co- rinth, and Chseronea, on the borders of Phocis, into the hands of the Athenians, who were on the same day to invade Bceotia from the south, and to seize the temple of Apollo at Delium, a place about five miles from Tanagra, strongly situated upon the chfls on the eastern coast. It was anticipated that these simultaneous attacks at various points would divide the BoBotian forces, and render the enterprise easy of execution. But the scheme was be- trayed, and miscarried. Demosthenes, who was to attack Siphaj and Chajronea, found those places preoccupied by a formidable BcEotian force, which rendered vain all hopes of surprising them. Hippocrates, who commanded the army of invasion from the south, proceeded to execute his part in the arrangement, and marched to Dehum with the very large force of 7000 Athenian hoplites, toge- ther with 25,000 light armed troops and several hundred cavalry. A day's march brought him to Delium, where he immediately fortified the sanctuary of Apollo with a rampart and ditch, besides other works. When these were completed, a garrison was left in the i)lacc, and the army commenced its homeward march. On arriving at the heights between Delium and the plain of Oropus, they were encountered by the Boeotians, who had assembled in great force at Tanagra. Their army consisted of about 7000 Boeotian hoplites, some of whom were the very flower of the Theban warriors, 10,000 light armed troops, 500 peltasts, and 1000 horse. They were led by the eleven Boeotarchs then at the head of the Bceotian confederacy, though the supreme command seems to have been vested, probably alternately, in the two Bax)tarchs of Thebes, Pagondas and Aranthides. All the Boeot- archs, with the exception of Pagondas, were of opinion that, as the Athenians seemed to be in full retreat, they should be suffered to retire unmolested. But that commander, disregarding the opinion of his colleagues, appealed to the patriotic and religious feelings of the soldiers. He painted in strong colours the danger of sulTeriiig this insult to their territory to pass uiipunislu'd, and H |i «^« HISTORY OP GREECE. Cuaf. XXYUl pointed out that the sacrifices were favourable for an attack whilst on the other hand, the Athenians had incurred the an^er It^tMf'f ^- '"'"P*!- ^""^^ ^y '^^'^ represenL tionB persuaded the Boeotians to hazard an engagement, he drew up the army m order of battle under the brow of a hill which wtd to r ^"". '^' ""'^'rT "iPI---tes. on his side, hastened to prepare his troops ior the battle. His hoplites were fn7.« "^ '"' a line of eight deep, having the light armed troops and cavalry on the flanks. The heavy BcBotian phalanx, on the contraiy was twenty-five deep; the Theban hoplites occupying ^e right, with the other heavy-armed Ba3otians on the lelf and 2 ; .T?^1 f^* • f- ^Si^^-^™^^ troops and cavalry were ranged, rr^v! I Ml ""S;^ ^*"^' ^J^" ^^'^ fi^^«- The Boeotians, ascend- mg the hiU in this array, as soon as they came in sight of the hJa TT' TT? ^^^ ^^r.^h«»t and charged, before Hippocrates had finished addressing hs men. Ravines at both exWies is rlkHfth^^^^^^ ^""^ ^"^^-^"*^> ^"^ ^h« ^rned ranks ol the hoplites met ni desperate conflict. The left wmg ol the Boeotians was repulsed; but on the right the skiU and valour ol the chosen Theban warriors who led the van as weU as the supenor weight of the deep and densely compacted phalanx bore down all resistance. At the same tim^e PaXdas haymg sent round h,s cavalry to attack the Athenian riX i^tored the lortune of the day on that side also. The roufof !Zf ! T"' ""''1''°'^ ^^""J'^^^^'- ^'"^ fl^d ^^«k to Delium, iZl f^^l^?" Y'^'^ '" '^^ ^'''''^^'' ^^^^"^^«- Hippocrates liimsell tell m the engagement, together with 1000 hoplites- a loss about double that of the Boeotians. Fortunately for ihe Athemans, the battle had commenced late in the day and thev were thus rescued by the friendly shades of night f^m the pur^ When on the morrow an Athenian herald asked the cus- ttni^-""'''*'\*^^"^ ^^^^ "^^»"' ^1^« Ba^tians reproached the Athenians with the violation of A,.olWs sanctuary^nd re fused the sacred rites of sepulture till the sacrilege^ ould be opiated, and Bdium evacuated. They innnedialely invested lUe greater part of the garrison, however, succeeded in escaping ^sea, but about 200 prisoners fell into the hands The BiBotians Altogether the battle of Dehum was the greatest and most decisive fought during the first period of the wa^l n luTl^K^'^'' of the battle is that both Socrates ^d t^ pupil Alcibiades were engaged in it, the former among the hophtes the latter m the cavalry. Socrates distinguished him «eM by his bravery, and was one of those who. instead of throw- B.C. 424 BRASIDAS IN THRACR 817 ing down their arms, kept together in a compact body, and re- pulsed the attacks of the pursuing horse. His retreat was also protected by Alcibiades. k 13. This disastrous battle was speedily followed by the overthrow of the Athenian empire in Thrace. At the request of Perdiccas. king of Macedonia, and of the Chalcidian towns, who had sued for help against the Athenians, Brasidas was sent by the Lacedaemonian government into Thrace, at the head of 700 Helot hoplites and such others as he could succeed in raising in Grreece. While engaged in levying troops in the neighbourhood of Corinth, he saved Megara from falling into the hands of the Athenians, as has been already related. Having obtained 1000 Peloponnesian hoplites, in addition to the 700 mentioned above, he succeeded, by a rapid and dex- terous march through the hostile country of Thessaly, in effecting a junction with Perdiccas. with whom he marched into Thrace. Here he proclaimed that he was come to deliver the Grecian cities from the tyrannous yoke of Athens. His bravery, his kind and conciliating demeanour, his probity, moderation, and good faith, soon gained him the respect and love of the allies of Athens in that quarter ; whose defection was likewise promoted by the news of the Athenian reverses. Acanthus and Stagirus hastened to open their gates to him ; and early in the ensuing winter, by means of forced marches, he suddenly and unex- Plan of the neighbourhood of Amphipolis. 1. Siteof Amphipol'm. S. Siti< of Eiun S. Kitlce roniiertinif Amphipolis with Mount Fungwus. 6. Lake Cercinitia. 1. Mount Cerdylium. 8. Mount Pangieus. p J K I 818 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXYIIL pectedly appeared before the important Athenian colony of Amphipolis on the StrjTnon. In that town the Athenian party was the stronger, and sent a messagre for assistance to Thucy- dides, the historian, who, in conjunction with Euclcs, Mas then general in those pHrts. Thucydides hastened with seven shij)S Irom Thasos, and succeeded in securin tured-during the war. The Thebans, liowever, retained Plataa on the plea that it had been voluntarily surrendered, and on the same grounds Athens was allowed to hold Nisea, Anactorium, and SoUium. Neutral towns were to remain independent, and pay only the assessment of Aristides. By this treaty Sparta sacrificed the interests of her allies in favour of her own. Her confederates viewed it with jealousy and distrust, and four of them, namely, the BoBotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians, positively refused to ratify it. Alarmed at this circumstance, as well as at the expiration of her Thirty Years' Truce with Argos, Sparta soon afterwards concluded an ofiensive and defensive alliance with Athens, with the stipulation that each might in- crease or diminish at pleasure the number of its allies and subjects. Coin of AmphipoUs. Centaur firom the Metopes of the Parthenon. CHAPTER XXIX. PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE PEACE OF NICIAS TO THE EXPEDITION OF THE ATHENIANS TO SICILY. § 1. League of Argos, Corinth, Elea, Mantinea, and Chalcidic^. § 2. Trans- actions between Sparta and Athens. § 3. Policy and character of Alci- biades. § 4. He advocates a league with Argos. Resorts to a stratagem to procure it. § 5. Alcibiades victor at Olympia. His magnificence. § 6. He proceeds to Peloponnesus. § 1. Proceedings of the Laceda;mo- nians. Battle of Mantinea. § 8. Revolutions at Argos. A democracy established. §9. Conquest ofMelos by the Athenians. §10. Interven- tion of the Athenians inSicil>\ §11. Embassy of the Ege^tajans. They deceive the Athenians respecting their wealth. § 12. The Athenians resolve on an expedition to Sicily. § 13. Preparations at Athens. Popular delusion. § 14. Mutilation of the Hermai. Accusation of Alcibiades. § 15. Departure of the Athenian fleet for Sicily. M. It has been mentioned that several of the allies of Sparta were dissatisfied with the peace which she had concluded ; and soon afterwards some of them determined to revive the ancient pretensions of Arj^os, and to make her the head of a new con- federacy, which should include all Greece, with the exception of Sparta and Athens. The movement was begun by the Conn- o££ HISTORY OF GREECK f*K* An Y YT Y thians, who felt themselves aggrieved because the LacedaBmonians had allowed Athens to retain Sollium and Anactorium. The league was soon joined by the Elcans, the Mantineans, and the Chalcidians. But they in vain endeavoured to persuade tlio powerliil city of Tegea to unite with them ; whilst the oligar- chical governments of BcBotia and Megara also stood aloof. $ 2. Between Sparta and Athens themselves matters were far from being on a satisfactory footing. Sparta confessed her in- ahility to compel the Boeotians and Corinthians to accede to the peace, or even to restore the town of Amphiix)lis. After tho death of Brasidas, Clearidas had succeeded to tlie command of Amphipolis ; and he now pretended that he was not strong enough to surrender it against the will of the inhabitants. However, he withdrew with his garrison from the place ; and the Athenians do not appear to have made any attempt to take possession of it. All that they ellected in that quarter was to reduce Scione, when the bloody decree of Cleon was carried into execution. Athens consequently refused to evacuate Pylus, though she removed tlie Helots and Messenians from it. § 3. In the negotiations which ensued respecting the surrender of Pylus, Alcibiades took a prominent part. This extraordinary man had already obtained immense influence at Athens. Young, rich, handsome, profligate, and clever, Alcibiades was the very model of an Athenian man of fashion. In lineage he was a striking contrast to the plebeian orators of the day. The Athenian public, in spite of its excessive democracy, was anything but insensible to the prestige of high birth ; and Alcibiades traced his paternal descent from the iEacid heroes Eurj-saces and Ajax, whilst on his mother's side he claimed relationship with the Alcma5onida3, and consequently with Pericles. On the death of his father Clinias, Pericles had become his guardian. From early youth the conduct of Alcibiades was marked hy violence, reck- lessness, and vanity. He dehghtcd in astonishing the more sober portion of the citizens by his capricious and extravagant feats. Nothing, not even the sacred ue^is of the laws, was secure from his petulance. Sometimes we find him heating a school- master for not having a copy of Homer in his school, or inter- rupting the performances cf the theatre by strikuig his fellow choregus ; and on one occasion he eliaces with his own hand an indictment published against a Thasian poet, and defies both prosecutor and magistrate to proceed with it. His beauty, his wit, and his escapades, had made him the darling of all the Athenian ladies, nor did the men regard him with less admira- tion. But he was utterly destitute oi* morality, whether public or private. The " lion's whelp," as he is termed by Aristo- B.a 421. CHARACTER OF ALCIBIADES. S28 phanes, was even suspected, in his boundless ambition, of a design to enslave his Icllow-citizens. His vices, however, were partly redeemed by some brilliant qualities. He possessed both boldness of design and vigour of action ; and though scarcely more than thirty at the time of which we are now speaking, he had already on several occasions distinguished himself by his bravery. His more serious studies were made subservient to the purposes of his ambition, for which some skill as an orator was necessary. In order to attain it he frequented the schools of the sophists, and exercised himself in the dialectics of Pro- dicus, Protagoras, and above all of Socrates. As an orator he seems to have attained a respectable, but not a first, rank. He had not the rapid and spontaneous flow of ideas and words which characterised the eloquence of Pericles. He would fre- quently hesitate in order to cull the most choice and elegant phrase ; and a lisp, whether natural or aflected, which turned all the r's into /'s, must have been a serious drawback to his oratory. ^ 4. Such was the man who now opposed the application of the Lacedaemonian ambassadors. It is characteristic of him that personal pique was the motive of his opposition. The politics of his ancestors had been democratic, and his grandfather was a violent opponent of the Pisistratidai. But he himself on his first entrance into public life, a little before the peace of Nicias, had manifested oligarchical sentiments, and even endeavoured to renew an ancient tie of hospitality which had formerly connected his family with Sparta. With the view of becoming the Spartan proxenus at Athens, he had been assiduous in his attentions towards the Spartan prisoners, and had taken an active part in forwarding the peace. But the Spartan government rejected his advances, and even sneered at the idea of intrusting their political interests to a youth known only by his insolence and profligacy. The petulant Alcibiades was not the man to brook such an afiiront. He immediately threw himself, with all the restless energy of his character, into the party opposed to Sparta, now deprived of its most conspicuous leader by the death of Cleon. He began to advocate a league with Argos, in which city the democratic party at that time predominated, and sent a private message to his friends there advising them to despatch ambassadors to negotiate the admission of Argos among the allies of Athens. A joint embassy was accordingly sent from Argos, Elea, and Mantinea. The Lacedaemonians endeavoured to defeat this negotiation by sending three of their most popular citizens to Athens, to make another attempt to procure the cession of Pylus. Their reception was so favourable, that Alci- r SM HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIX. ; blades, alarmed iLt the prospect of their success, resorted to a trick in order to defeat it. He called upon the LacedsBmonian envoys, one of ivhom happened to be his personal friend ; and pretending to have resumed his predilections for Sparta, he ad- vised them not to tell the Assembly that they were furnished with full powers, as in that case the people would bully them into extravagant concessions, but rather to say that they were 'merely come to discuss and report ; promising, if they did so, to speak in their favour, and induce the Assembly to grant the restitution of Pylus, to which he himself had hitherto been the chief obstacle. Accordingly, on the next day, when the ambas- sadors were introduced uito the Assembly, Alcibiades, assuming his blandest tone and most winning smile, asked them on what footing they came, and what were their powers ? In reply to these questions, the ambassadors, who only a day or two before had told Nicias and the Senate that they were come as plenipo- tentiaries, now publicly declared in the face of the assembly, that they were not authorized to conclude, but only to negotiate and discuss. At this announcement, those who had heard their previous declaration could scarcely beheve their ears. A universal burst of indignation broke forth at this exhibition of Spartan duplicity ; whilst to wind up the scene, Alcibiades, affecting to be more surprised than any, distinguished himself by being the loudest and bitterest in his invectives against the perfidy of the LacedsBmonians. Taking advantage of the moment, he proposed that the Argive ambassadors should b^ called in, and an alliance instantly concluded with Argos. The motion, however, was defeated for the present by an earth- quake which occurred, and which caused the assembly to be adjourned. This delay procured Nicias the opportunity of pro- ceeding to Sparta, and making another attempt at adjustment. It proved, however, unsuccessful. Nicias was obliged to make the mortifying confession of his failure before the assembly ; and Alcibiades thereupon procured the completion of a treaty of alUance for 100 years with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea. This took place in the year 420 B.C. Thus were the Grecian states involved in a complicity of separate and often apparently oppo- pte aUiances. It was evident that allies so heterogeneous could not long hold together ; nevertheless, nominally at least, peace was at first observed. \ 5. In the July which followed the treaty with Argos, the Olympic games, which recurred every fourth year, were to be celebrated. The Athenians had been shut out by the war from the two previous celebrations ; but now Elean heralds came with the usual forms to invite their attendance. Curiosity was ex* RC. 418. WAR IN PELOPONNESUS. 820 1 cited throughout Greece to see what figure Athens would make at this great Pan-Hellenic festival. War, it was surmised, must have exhausted her resources, and would thus prevent her from appearing with becoming splendour. But from this reproach she was rescued by the wealth and vanity, if not by the patri- otism of Alcibiades. By his care, the Athenian deputies exhi- bited the richest display of golden ewers, censers, and other plate to be used in the public sacrifice and procession ; whilst for the games he entered in his own name no lewer than the un- heard oif number of seven four-horsed chariots, of which one gained the first, and another the second prize. Alcibiades was consequently twice crowned with the olive, and twice proclaimed victor by the herald. In his private tent his victory was cele- brated by a mafrnificent banquet. It is not improbable, how- ever, that on this occasion he was assisted by the Athenian allies ; for the whole Ionic race was interested in appearing with due honour at this grand national festival. § 6. The growing ambition and success of Alcibiadc3 prompted him to carry his schemes against Sparta into the very heart of Peloponnesus, without, however, openly violating the peace. For the first time an Athenian general was beheld traversing the peninsula, and busying himself with the domestic affairs of several of its states. He persuaded the citizens of Patrae in Achaia to ally themselves with Athens ; and proceeded with the few troops he had brought with him to assist the Argives in an attack upon Epidaurus, a city conveniently situated for facili- tating the intercourse between Argos and Athens. The territory of Epidaurus was ravaged ; and late in the autumn, the Lacedae- monians sent 300 men by sea to the assistance of that city ; but nothing decisive took place. § 7. The Lacedajmonians now found it necessary to act with more vigour ; and accordingly in B.C. 418, they assembled a very large army, consisting both of their allies and of their own troops, and invaded the territory of Argos hi three divisions. Their operations were judiciously planned. The Spartan king, Agis, succeeded in surrounding the Argive army in such a manner that he might easily have cut it to pieces ; but at the moment when an engagement was on the point of commencmg, two of the Argive leaders proceeded to Agis, and by undertaking to procure a satisfactory alliance between Argos and Sparta, in- duced him to grant a truce of four months. Shortly after this truce had been concluded the Athenians came to the assistance of the Argives with a force of 1000 hoplites and 400 cavalry. They were accompanied by Alcibiades, who seems, however, to have come in a civil capacity. He now persuaded the Argives I 836 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIX. to march with these troops and other allies against the town of Orchomenos in Arcadia. Having reduced Orchomenos, they proceeded against Tegea, hoping to become masters ol* it through the treachery of a party among the citizens. These proceedings, however, roused the Lacedajmonians, who entered the territory of Mantinea with a large force. Agis, who had incurred the just indignation of his countrymen by the improvident truce before mentioned, was nevertheless intnisted with the command of this army ; but only in consideration of his having promised to wipe out his former disgrace by performing some great exploit. Hd marched into the territory of Mantinea, and took up a posi- tion near the Heracleum, or temple of Hercules, whence he laid waste the surrounding country. The Argives and their aUies marched forth from Mantinea, and, posting themselves on very rugged and advantageous ground, oliered the Lacedaemonians battle. Anxious to retrieve his honour, Agis was hastening to attack them even at this disadvantage, and had already arrived within javelin-throw, when an aged warrior exclaimed that he was now about " to heal one mischief by another." Struck by this remark Agis drew off his men, and, with the view of enticing the Argives from their position, commenced a retrograde march over the plain ; intending also to block up a watercourse situated at some distance, and aiuioy the Mantineans by flooding their lands. Finding, however, this project to be impracticable, he returned upon his steps the following day, when his colunms suddenly found themselves in presence of the enemy, drawn up in order of battle upon the plain. But, though taken somewhat by surprise, the admirable discipline of the Lacedaemonians, ensured by a continuous subordination of officers, as well as by constant drill, enabled Agis to form his line speedily and without confusion in the face of the enemy. Instead of charging before his troops were formed, the Argive generals were wasfing the time in haranguing their men. The Spartans, wlio were soldiers by profession, needed no such encouragement, and trusted rather to discipline and valour than to fine speeches. Listead of these, the inspiriting war-song resoimded through their ranks ; whilst the slow and steady regularity of their march was go- verned by the musical time of their pipers. Their opponents on the contrary came rushing on at a furious pace. From tho natural tendency of Greek armies to advance somewhat towards the right, in order to keep their left or shielded side as much as possible towards the enemy, th^eft wing of Agis was outflanked by the right of the alhes, in which fought a chosen body of 1000 Argive hoplites, formed of the flower and aristocracy of the city, and m ain t ained and drilled at the pubhc expense. On this side B.C. 418. BATTLE OF MANTINEA 327 the Lacedaemonians were routed ; but Agis nevertheless pushed on with his centre and right, and gained a complete victory. The loss of the allies was computed at 1100 among whom were 200 Athenians and both their generals, Laches and Nicostratus. Of the Lacedaemonians about 300 were slain. This battle, called the battle of Mantinea, which was fought in June, 418 b.c, had great effect in restoring the somewhat tarnished lustre of the Spartan arms. From the renown of the nations engaged in it, though not in point of numbers, it was a more important battle even than that of Delium. ^ 8. This defeat strengthened the oligarchical party at Argos, which now entered into a conspiracy to bring about an alliance with Sparta. To assist their views the Lacedaemonians marched in great force to Tegea, and offered Argos the alternative of an alliance or war ; and in spite of all the efibrts of Alcibiades to counteract it, a treaty was eventually concluded between the two states. This was followed by a revolution at Argos. The demo- cratical leaders were slain, and an oligarchical government esta- blished by means of their thousand chosen hoplites. But the oligarchs abused their power, and the brutal tyraimy of Bryas, the commander of the chosen Thousand, produced a counter- revolution. A bride of the humbler class, whom he had ravished from the very midst of a wedding procession, and carried to his house, put out the eyes of the tyrant during the night with the pin of her brooch, and having thus effected her escape, roused by her tale of woe the indignation of the people. The latter, taking advantage of the LacedaBmoniaiis being engaged in the festival of the Gymnopsedia, rose against the aristocrats, ob- tained possession of the city, and renewed the alliance with Athens. An attempt to construct long walls from Argos to the sea, a distance of four or five miles, was defeated by the Lacedae- monians ; but in the spring of b.c. 416 Alcibiades arrived to support the Argive democracy with an Athenian armament, and 20 triremes. Nevertheless, the peace between Sparta and Athens continued to be nominally observed, although the gar- rison of Pylus were committing ravages in Laconia, and the Lacedaemonians, by way of reprisal, infested the Athenian com- merce with their privateers. § 9. It was in the same year that the Athenians attacked and conquered Melos, which island and Thera were the only islands in the iEgean not subject to the Athenian supremacy. Their arma- ment consisted of 38 triremes and a considerable force of hoplites. The Melians having rejected all the Athenian overtures for a voluntary submission, their capital was blockaded by sea and land, and after a siege of some months surrendered. On the pro- S28 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXIX posal, as it appears, of Alcibiades, all the adult males were put to death, the wonien and children sold into slavery, and the island colonized afresh by 500 Athenians. This horrible proceeding was the more indelensible, as the Athenians, having attacked the Mehans in full peace, could not pretend that they were justified by the custom of war in slaying the prisoners. It was the crowning act of insolence and cruelty displayed during their empire, which from this period began rapidly to decline. § 10. The event destined to produce that catastrophe — ^the intervention of the Athenians in the afl'airs of Sicily — was already in progress. The feuds of race had been kindled in that island, as in the rest of Greece, by the Peloponncsian war. Eleven or twelve years before the period of which we are now speaking the Dorian cities of Sicily (with the exception of Camarina), to- gether with the Locrians of Italy, had, under the headship of Syracuse, joined the Peloponncsian confederacy, and declared war against Leontini, Camarina, and their ally, the city of Rhe- gium in Italy. In the year 427 B.C., the Leontincs sent an embassy to Athens, to crave the assistance of the Athenians. At the head of it was the rhetorician, Gorgias, the novelty of whose brilliant eloquence took the Athenians by surprise, and is said to have chiefly con- tributed to the success of the apphcation. However that may be, an Athenian squadron of twenty shii^s was despatched to the assistance of the Leontines, and also with a view to ascertain the possibility of reducing all Sicily, of whose size the Athenians seem to have had very vague and imperlect notions, to the obedience of Athens. A subsequent expedition in 425 B.C., con- sisting of forty triremes, under the command of Eurj'medon and Sophocles, has been already mentioned.* The selfish and am- bitious designs of Athens had however become so evident that in the spring of the following year a congress of the Sicilian cities met at Gela ; where the Syracusan, Hermocrates, in an able and patriotic speech, succeeded in persuading them to lay aside their dissensions, and to unite in defeating the schemes of Athens. The Athenians were so disappointed at this failure, that when Eurj medon, and his colleagues Sophocles and Pytho- dorus, returned, they were indicted and convicted of having taken bribes to accede to the peace. Eurymedon was sen- tenced to pay a fine, and his fellow commanders were banished. ^ 11. In the year 422 B.C., another application for assistance was made to the Athenians by the Leontine democracy, who had been expelled by the aristocrats ; but the Athenians, then * See above, p. 30*7. B.C. 416. AFFAIRS OF THE SICILIAN GREEKa 329 smarting under their recent losses, and having just concluded a truce with Sparta, could not be persuaded to grant any effectual succour. In. the spring of 416 B.C., however, an embassy from the Sicilian town of Egesta was more successful. A quarrel had broken out between Egesta and Selinus, both which cities were seated near the western extremity of Sicily ; and Selinus, having obtained the aid of Syracuse, was pressing very hard upon the Egestaeans. The latter appealed to the interests of the Athe- nians rather than to their sympathies. They represented how great a blow it would be to Athens if the Dorians became pre- dominant in Sicily, and joined the Peloponncsian confederacy ; and they undertook, if the Athenians would send an armament to their assistance, to provide the necessary funds for the pro- secution of the war. Their application was supported by the Leontine exiles still resident at Athens. But their most power- ful advocate was Alcibiades, whose ambitious views are said to have extended even to the conquest of Carthage. In these distant expeditions he beheld a means of gratifying his passion for adventure and glory, and at the same time of retrieving his fortune, which had been dilapidated by his profligate expendi- ture. The quieter and more prudent Nicias and his party threw their weight into the opposite scale ; and at their instance it was resolved, before an expedition was undertaken, to ascertain whether the Egestaeans were really able to perform the promises they had made. For this purpose commissioners were despatched to Egesta, whom, however, the cunning Egestaeans completely deceived. In the splendid temple of Aphrodite, on Mount Eryx, a magnificent display of offerings was set out, consisting of vessels which the Egestaeans passed off' for solid gold, though only silver gilt. In the private houses, where they were invited to banquet after banquet, the Athenian envoys were astonished at the profusion of plate under which the sideboards groaned, but which was slily transferred for the occasion from one house to another. Sixty talents of silver, placed in their hands as earnest-money, completed the delusion ; and the commissioners, who were, perhaps, not unwilfing to be deceived, returned to Athens with magnificent accounts of the wealth of Egesta. M2. Dazzled by the idea of so splendid an enterprise, the means for accomplishing which seemed ready provided, the Athenian assembly at once decided on despatching a fleet of sixty triremes, under Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus, with the design of assisting Egesta, of restoring the Leontine democracy, and lastly of establishing the influence of Athens throughout Sicily, by whatever means might be found practicable. Nicias, though named as one of the commanders of the expedition, S80 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIX. entirely disapproved of it, and denounced it in the assembly as spnnging ironi the vain glory and ambition of Alcibiadcs. Ihe latter repelled these not unmerited attacks in a violent speech, and persuaded the assembly to ratify their lormcr deci- sion. Another attempt of Nicias to deter the Atlienians from the enterprise by representing the enormous Ibrcc wliich it would require, had an eflect exactly contrary to what he had intended ; for the assembly, taking ],im at Iiis word, decreed a fleet of 100 nistead of 60 triremes, together with a proportionate mcrease in the land forces. § 13. For the next three months the preparations for the un- dertaking were pressed on with the greatest ardour. Youn^r and old, rich and poor, all vied with one another to obtain a share in the expedition. Oracles and prophecies predicting success were circulated through the city, and greedily listened to. So great was the throng of volunteers, that the care of the generals was restncted to the task of selection. The trierarchs contended which should produce his vessel not only in the most efficient but m the most ornamental state of equipment. Five years of comparative peace had accumulated a iresh supply both of men and money ; and the merchants of Athens embarked in the enterprise as in a trading expedition. It was only a fbw of the wisest heads that escaped the general fever of excitement Me- ton. the astronomer, and Socrates, the philosopher, are said not to have shared m the universal enthusiasm ; the latter warned perhaps, by that familiar demon to whose whispered wisdom his ears were ever open. U4. And now the magnificent armament is on the point of sailing. The brilliant city is alive with hope, and pride, and ex- pectation when a sudden and mysterious event converts all these exultmg feelings into gloomy foreboding. At every door in Athens, at the c'omers of streets, in the market-place, before temples, gymnasia, and other pubhc places stood Hermas, or statues of the god Hermes, consistincr of a bust oi that deity surmounting a quadrangular pillar of marble about the height of the human figure. When the Athenians rose one monimg towards the end of May, 415 b.c, it was fomid that all these figures had been mutilated during the nicrlit and reduced by unknown hands to a shapeless mass. We ma'y partlv realize the feelings excited by this occurrence, by picturing to ourselves some Roman Cathohc town, in which all the statues of the Virgin should have been suddenly defaced. But the act in- spired political, as well as religious, alarm. It seemed to indicate a wide spread conspiracy, for so sudden and general a mutilation must have been the work of many hands. Athens, hke other B.C. 415. MUTILATION OF THE HERM^. 831 Grecian states, abounded with clubs, which, hke our societies of freemasons, oHered facilities for secret and extensive combina- tions. This will probably aflbrd the most natural explanation of the fear which now pervaded Athens ; for the sacrilege might only be a preliminary attempt of some jKiwcrful citizen to seize the despotism, and suspicion pointed its finger at Alcibiadcs. Active measures were taken and large rewards oflered for the discovery of the perpetrators. A public board was appointed to examine witnesses, wliich did not, indeed, succeed in eliciting any facts bearing on the actual subject of inquiry, but which obtained evidence respecting similar acts of impiety committed at previous times in drunken frolics. In these Alcibiadcs him- self was implicated ; and though tlie fleet was on the very eve of departure, Pythonicus rose in the assembly and accused him of having profaned the Eleusinian mysteries by giving a represen- tation of them in a private house, producing in evidence the testimony of a slave. Pythonicus also charged him with being privy to the mutilation of the Herma;, but without bringing for- ward the slightest proof Alcibiadcs denied the accusation, and implored the people to have it investigated at once. His enemies, however, had sufficient influence to get the inquiry postponed till his return ; thus keeping the charge hanging over his head, and gaining time to poison the public mind against him. ^15. The day had arrived for the sailing of the fleet. Corcyra was appointed for the rendezvous of the allies ; but even the de- parture of the Athenian armament was a spectacle imposing in the extreme. Of the hundred triremes, sixty were equipped as men of war, the rest as transports. Fifteen hundred chosen Athenian hoplitcs, 700 of the class of Thetes to act as marines, together with 500 Argive and 250 Mantiiiean hoplites, marched at daybreak to embark at the Piraeus, acccmpanied by nearly the whole of the population. As the ships were preparing to shp their moorings, the sound of the trumpet enjoined silence, and the voice of the herald, accompanied by that of the people, was lifted up in prayer. Then followed the chanting of the pa^an, whilst the officers on the decks of their respective vessels made libations of wine to the gods from gold and silver goblets. At length at a given signal the whole fleet started from Piraeus, each crew striving as in a nautical contest to arrive first at the island of ^Egina. The people who lined the beach watched the vessels till they were out of sight, and then returned to the „, First connter-work erected by the SyracusanB Hartons. Second counter-work constructed by the Syracusans. ''oV%kt^'o^ro'i^!?; rT-roX!"^*^ ^' *'^ -'"'""'''"^ '"'"' *'« "°^'™ ""^ Third Syracusan counter-wall. Outer fort constructed by Gylippus. Wall of juncUon buCween this outer fort and the third Syracusa,. counter-work. 8S8 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXX. troops reached the summit just as the Syracusans were march- ing towards the heights. They made, however, an attempt to dislodge the Athenians, which was repulsed ; and on the follow- ing morning, Nicias and Lamachus marched their troops down the ridge and ofiered battle, which was decHned by the Syra- cusans. On the summit of Epipolas Nicias constructed a fort called Labdalum ; and then coming farther down the hill towards Syracuse, he built another fort of a circular form and of con- siderable size at a place called Syke. From the latter point he commenced his line of circumvallation, one wall extending southwards from Syke to the Great Harbour, and the other wall running northwards from the same fortress to the outer sea at Trogilus (See Plan. K, L, M). While the Athenians were busy upon their lines towards the north, the Syracusans ran a counter wall from their own lines up the slope of the EpipolsB (See Plan, N, 0), but after a sharp conflict it was taken by the Athenians and destroyed. Not disheartened by this failure, the Syracusans commenced a second counter- work, and succeeded in constructing a ditch and stockade, which extended again from their own lines across the marsh to the Anapus (See Plan, P, Q,). From tliis new position they were also dislodged by the Athenians ; but in the assault, which was led by Lamachus, this gallant officer was slain. At the same time the Athenian fleet entered the Great Harbour, where it was henceforth permanently established. The Syracusans offered no further opposition to the progress of the circumvallation, which was at length completed towards the south. It consisted of two distinct walls, with a space be- tween them, which was perhaps partly roofed over, in order to afibrd shelter for the troops. The northern wall towards Trogilus was never completed, and through the passage thus left open the besieged continued to obtain provisions. Nicias, who, by the death of Lamachus, had become sole com- mander, seemed now on the point of succeeding. The Syracusans were so sensible of their inferiority in the field that they no longer ventured to show themselves outside the walls. They began to contemplate surrender, and even sent messages to Nicias to treat of the terms. This caused the Athenian com- mander to indulge in a false confidence of success, and conse- quent apathy ; and the army having lost the active and ener- getic Lamachus, operations were no longer carried on with th© requisite activity. H 1 • It was in this state of affairs that the Spartan commander Gylippus passed over into Italy with a little squadron of four ships — two Liicedajmoniau and two Corinthian — with the view merely of preserving the Greek cities in that country, supposing 1 B.C. 414. ARRIVAL OF GYLIPPUS. 339 that Syracuse, and, with her, the other Greek cities in Sicily were irretrievably lost. As he proceeded southwards along the Italian coast, a violent storm drove him into Tarentum. Nicias, though informed of his arrival, regarded his little squadron with contempt, and took no measures to interrupt his progress. From the Epizephyrian Locrians Gylippus learned to his great sur- prise and satisfaction that the Athenian wall of circumvallation at Syracuse had not yet been completed on the northern side. He now sailed through the straits of Messana, which were left completely unguarded, and arrived safely at Himera on the north coast of Sicily. Here he announced himself as the forerunner of larger succours, and began to levy an army, which the magic of the Spartan name soon enabled him to ellect ; and in a lew days he was in a condition to march towards Syracuse with about 3000 men. His approach had been already announced by Gongylus, a Corinthianr who had been sent forwards from the Corinthian fleet then assembled at Leucas. The Syracusans now dismissed all thoughts of surrender, and went out boldly to meet Gylippus, who marched into Syracuse over the heights of Epi- polae, which the supineness of Nicias had left unguarded. Upon arriving in the city, Gylippus sent a message to the Athenians allowing them a five days' truce to collect their efl'ects and eva- cuate the island. Nicias returned no answer to this insulting proposal ; but the operations of Gylippus soon showed that the tide of affairs was really turned. His first exploit was to cap- ture the Athenian fort at Labdalum, which made him master of Epipolae. He next commenced constructing a counter- wall to intersect the Athenian lines on the northern side. This third counter- work of the Syracusans extended from their city- wall to the northern cliff' of Epipola?, and was brought to a successful completion. (See Plan, S, U.) Gylippus subsequently built a fort (V) upon Epipolffi ; and from this Ibrt carried another wall which joined at right angles the counter-work already erected (See Plan, V, W, U). This turn of affairs induced those SiciHan cities, which had hitherto hesitated, to embrace the side of Syra- cuse. Gylippus was also reinforced by the arrival of thirty tri- remes firom Corinth, Leucas, and Ambracia. Nicias now felt that the attempt to blockade Syracuse with his present force was hopeless. He therefore resolved to occupy the headland of Plemmyrium, the southernmost point of the entrance to the Great Harbour, which would be a convenient station for watch- ing the enemy, as well as for facilitating the introduction of supplies. Here he accordingly erected three forts and formed a naval station. Some slight affairs occurred in which the balance of advantage was in favour of the Syracusans. By their change 11^ 840 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chat. XXX. of station, the Athenians were now a besieged rather than a besieging force. Their triremes were becoming leaky, and their soldiers and sailors were constantly deserting. Nicias himself had fallen into a bad state of health ; and in this discouraging posture of affairs he wrote to Athens requesting to be recalled, and insisting strongly on the necessity of sending reinforce- ments. § 12. The Athenians refused to recall Nicias, but they deter- mined on sending a large reinforcement to Sicily, under the joint command of Demosthenes and Eurymedon. The news of these fresh and extensive preparations incited the Lacetlamonians to more vigorous action. The peace, if such it can be called, had been violated in the year 414 b.c, when the Lacedaemonians in- vaded and ravaged the Argive territories, whilst the Athenians assisted the Argives with a fleet of thirty triremes, and laid waste Epidaurus, and some neighbouring places. But in the spring of 413 B.C., the Lacedaemonians, under king Agis, invaded Attica itself, and following the advice of Alcibiades, established them- selves permanently at Decelea, a place situated on the ridge of Mount Fames, about 14 miles north of Athens, and command- ing the Athenian plain. The city was thus placed in a state of eiege. Scarcity began to be felt within the walls ; the revenues were falling offi whilst on the other hand expenses were increas- ing. Yet even under these circumstances the Athenians had no thoughts of abandoning their ambitious enterprises. It was resolved not only to send reinforcements to Sicily, but also to insult the coasts of Laconia. For this purpose Charicles was sent thither with a fleet of thirty triremes ; and being assisted by Demosthenes with the armament which he was conducting to Sicily, Charicles succeeded in establishing himself on the coast of Laconia, at a spot opposite to the island of Cythera, in a manner somewhat similar to the Athenian fort at Pylus. f 13. Meanwhile in Sicily the Syracusans had gained such confidence that they even ventured on a naval engagement with the Athenians. A battle was fought at the mouth of the Great Harbour, in which the Athenians were, indeed, victorious ; but when they sailed back to their station at Plemmyrium, they found that Gylippus had taken advantage of this diversion to attack and take their forts there, and that a great quantity of Etores and provisions had fallen into his hands. Moreover, the Syracusans were not discouraged by their defeat from venturing on another naval engagement. They had greatly improved the construction of their vessels by strengthening their bows, and had learnt how to meet or evade the nautical manoeuvres of the Athenians, which were also considerably impeded by the narrow B.C. 413. THE ATHENIAN FLEET DEFEATED. 341 ^^■^.^B limits of the Great Harbour, now the scene of conflict. The second battle lasted two days, and ended in the deleat of the Athenians, who were now obliged to haul up their ships in the innermost part of the Great Harbour, under the lines of their fortified camp. A still more serious disaster than the loss of the battle was the loss of their naval reputation. It was evident that the Athenians had ceased to te invincible on the sea ; and the Syracusans no longer despaired of overcoming them on their own element. H4. Such was the state of affairs when, to the astonishment of the Syrsicusans, a fresh Athenian fleet of 75 triremes, under Demosthenes and Eurymedon, entered the Great Harbour with all the pomp and circumstance of war. It had on board a force of 5000 hoplites, of whom about a quarter were Athenians, and a great number of light armed troops. The active and enter- prising character of Demosthenes led him to adopt more vigor- ous measures than those which had been hitherto pursued. He saw at once that whilst Epipolaj remained in the possession of the Syracusans there was no hope of taking their city, and he therefore directed all his efforts to the recapture of that position. But all his attempts were unavailing. He was defeated not only in an open assault upon the Syracusan wall, but m a nocturnal attempt to carry it by surprise. These reverses were aggra- vated by the breaking out of sickness among the troops. De- mosthenes now proposed to return home and assist in expelling the Lacedaemonians from Attica, instead of pursuing an enter- prise which seemed to be hopeless. But Nicias, who feared to return to Athens with the stigma of failure, refused to give his consent to this step. Demosthenes then urged Nicias at least to sail immediately out of the Great Harbour, and take up their position either at Thapsus or Catana, where they could obtain abundant supplies of provisions, and would have an open sea for the manoeuvres of their fleet. But even to this proposal Nicias would not consent ; and the army and navy remained in their former position. Soon afterwards, however, Gylippus received such large reinforcements, that Nicias found it necessary to adopt the advice of his colleague. Preparations were secretly made for their departure, the enemy appear to have had no sus- picion of their intention, and they were on the point of quitting their ill-fated quarters on the following morning, when on the very night before (27 Aug. 413 b.c.) an eclipse of the moon took place. The soothsayers who were consulted, said that the army must wait thrice nine days, a full circle of the moon, before it could quit its present position ; and the devout and superstitious Nicias forthwith resolved to abide by this decision. HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXX Meanwhile the intention of the Athenians became known to the Syracusans, who determined to strike a blow before their enemy escaped. They accordingly attacked the Athenian station both by sea and land. On land the attack of Gylippus was re- pulsed ; but at sea the Athenian fleet was completely defeated, and Eurymedon, who commanded the right division, was slain. Tlie spirits of the Syracusans rose with their victories, and though tliey would formerly have been content with the mere letreat of the Athenians, they now resolved on cfiectiiig their utter destruction. With this view they blocked up the entrance of the Great Harbour with a line of vessels moored across it. All hope seemed now to be cut off from the Athenians, unless they could succeed in forcing this line and thus etlecting their escape. The Athenian fleet still numbered 1 1 triremes, which l^icias furnished with grappling-irons, in order to bring the enemy to close quarters, and then caused a large proportion of his land-force to embark. Before they set off, Nicias addressed the most earnest and touching appeals both to the crews and to the individual commanders to fight with bravery, since not only their own fate, but that of Athens itself, depended on the issue of that day's combat. He himself remained on shore, where the army was drawn up to witness the conflict. M5. Never perhaps was a battle fought under circumstances of such intense interest, or witnessed by so many spectators vitally concerned in the result. The basin of the Great Harbour, about 5 miles in circumference, in which nearly 200 ships, each with crews of more than 200 men, were about to engage, was lined with spectators ; whilst the walls of Ortygia, overhanging the water, were crowded with old men, women, and children, anxious to behold a conflict which was to decide the fate of their enemies, if not their ovm. The surface of the water swarmed with Syracusan small craft, many of them manned by youthful volunteers of the best families, ready to direct their services wherever they might be wanted. The whole scene, except in its terrible reality, and the momentous interests depending on it, resembled on a large scale the naumachise exhibited by the Ro- man emperors for the amusement of their subjects. The Syra- cusan fleet, consisting of 76 triremes, was the first to leave the shore. A considerable portion was detached to guard the barrier at the mouth of the harbour. Hither the first and most impe- tuous attack of the Athenians was directed, who sought to break through the narrow opening which had been left for the passage of merchant vessels. Their onae' was repulsed, and the battle then became general. The shout * of the combatants, and the crash of the iron heads of the vessels as they were driven to- B.C. 413. FIGHT IN THE GREAT HARBOUR. 343 V gether, resounded over the water, and were answered on shore by the cheers or wailings of the spectators as their friends were victorious or vanquished. For a long time the battle was main- tained with heroic courage and dubious result. At length as the Athenian vessels began to yield and make back towards the shore, a universal shriek of horror and despair arose from the Athenian army, whilst shouts of joy and victory were raised from the pursuing vessels, and were echoed back from the Syracusans on land. As the Athenian vessels neared the shore their crews leaped out, and made for the camp, whilst the boldest of the land army rushed forward to protect the ships from being seized by the enemy. The Athenians succeeded in saving only 60 ships, or about half their fleet. The Syracusan fleet,°however, had been reduced to 50 ships ; and on the same afternoon, Nicias and Demosthenes, as a last hope of escape, exhorted their men to make another attempt to break the enemy's line, and force their way out of the harbour. But the courage of the crews was so completely damped that they positively refused to re- embark. § 16. The Athenian army still numbered 40,000 men ; and as all chance of escape by sea was now hopeless, it was resolved to retreat by land to some friendly city, and there defend them- selves against the attacks of the Syracusans. This Hermocrates was determined to prevent. The day on which the battle was fought happened to be sacred to Hercules, and a festival among the Syracusans. This circumstance, in addition to the joy and elation naturally resulting from so great a victory, had throvm the city into a state of feasting and intoxication; and had the Athenians taken their departure that night, nobody would have been found to oppose them. Hermocrates, therefore, when darkness had set in, sent down some men to the Athenian wall, who, pretending to come from the secret correspondents of Nicias in Syracuse, warned liim not to decamp that night, as all the roads were beset by the Syracusans. Nicias fell into the snare, and thus, by another fatal mistake, really afforded the Syracusans an opportunity for obstructing his retreat. It was not till the next day but one after the battle that the Athenian army began to move. Never were men in so complete a state of prosti-ation. Their vessels were abandoned to the enemy without an attempt to save them. As the soldiers turned to quit that fatal encampment, the sense of their own woes was for a moment suspended by the sight of their unburied com- rades, who seemed to reproach them with the neglect of a sacred duty ; but still more by the wailings and entreaties of the wounded, who clung around their knees, and implored not 114 niSTCRY OF GKEtCK CUAT. XXX. to be abandoned to certain destruction. Amidst this scene of universal woe and dejection, a fresh and unwonted spirit ol energy and heroism seemed to be infused into Nicias. Though suffering under an incurable complaint, he was everywhere seen marshalling his troops, and encouraging them by his exhorta- tions. The march was directed towards the territory of the Sicels in the interior of the island. The army was formed into a hollow square with the baggage in the middle ; Nicias leading the van, and Demosthenes bringing up the rear. Having forced the passage of the river Anapus, they marched on the first day about five miles to the westward, on the second day about half that distance, and encamped on a cultivated plain. From this place the road ascended by a sort of ravine over a steep hill called the Acrajan chff, on which the Syracusans had fortified themselves. After spending two days in vain attempts to force this position, Nicias and Demosthenes resolved during the night to strike off to the left towards the sea. Nicias, with the van, succeeded in reaching the coast ; but Demosthenes, who had lost his way, was overtaken by the Syracusans at noon on the following day, and surrounded in a narrow pass. Many of his troops had disbanded during the night march, and many fell in the conflict which now ensued, till being reduced to the number of 6000, they surrendered, on condition of their lives being spared. § 17. Meanwhile Nicias, with the van, had pursued his march, and crossed the river Erineus. On the following day, however, GyUppus overtook him, and, having informed him of the fate of his colleague, summoned him to surrender. But Nicias was in- credulous, and pursued his march amidst the harassing attacks of the Syracusans. The attempt to cross the river Asinarus decided the fate of his army. The men rushed into the water in the greatest disorder, partly to escape tlie enemy, but chiefly from a desire to quench the burning thirst with which they were tormented. Hundreds were pressed forwards down the steep banks of the river, and were either trodden under foot, or im- paled on the spears of those below, or carried away by the stream. Yet others from behind still kept pressing on, anxious to partake of the now turbid and bloody water. The troops thus became so completely disorganised that all further resist- ance was hopeless, and Nicias surrendered at discretion. Out of the 40,000 who started from the camp only 10,000 at the utmost were left at the end of the sixth day's march, the rest had either deserted or been slain. The prisoners were sent to work in the stone-quarries of Achradina and EpipolaB. Here they were crowded together without any shelter, and with scarcely B.C. 413. DEATH OF NICIAS AKD DEMOSTHENES. 340 ■• provisions enough to sustain life. The numerous bodies of those who died were left to putrefy where they had fallen, till at length the place became such an intolerable centre of stench and in- fection that, at the end of seventy days, the Syracusans, lor their own comfort and safety, were obliged to remove the survivors. All but the Athenians and the Italian and 8iciUan Greeks were sold into slavery. What became of the Athenians we are not informed, but they were probably employed as slaves by the richer Syracusans, since the story runs that many succeeded in winning the affection and pity of their masters by reciting por- tions of the dramas of Euripides. Nicias and Demosthenes were condemned to death in spite of all the eflbrts of Gylippus and Hermocrates to save them. The latter contrived to spare them the humiliation of a public execution by providing them with the means of committing suicide. §18. Such was the end of two of the largest and best appointed armaments that had ever gone forth from Athens. Nicias, as we have seen, was from the first opposed to the expedition in which they were employed, as pregnant with the most dangerous consequences to Athens ; and, though, it must be admitted that in this respect his views were sound, it cannot at the same time be concealed, that his own want of energy, and his incompetence as a general, were the chief causes of the failure of the under- taking. Possessing much fortitude but little enterprise, respect- able, in private life, punctual in the performance of his rehgious duties, not deficient in a certain kind of political wisdom, which, however, derived its colom- rather from timidity and over-caution than from that happy mixture of boldness and prudence which characterises the true statesman, Nicias had by these quahties obtained far more than his just share of political reputation and influence, and had thus been named to the command of an expe- dition for which he was qualified neither by military skill nor by that enthusiasm and confidence of success which it so pecu- liarly demanded . His mistakes involved the fall of Demosthenes, an officer of far greater resolution and ability than himself, and who, had his counsels been followed, would in all probability have conducted the enterprise to a safe termination, though there was no longer room to hope for success. The career of Demosthenes marks him as one of the first generals of the age, but unfortunately he held only a subordinate rank in Sicily. The Athenians became sensible when too late of the diflerence between the two commanders. On the pillar erected to the me- mory of the warriors who fell in Sicily the name of Demosthenes (omid a place, whilst that of Nicias was omitted. If ' Street of the Tripods at Athens, from a has relieC CHAPTER XXXI. FROM TIIE END OF THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS. § 1. Consternation and hardships at Athens. § 2. Measures for defence. § 3. Revolt of Chios, Erythraj, and Clazomenaj. § 4. Spread of the revolt Defection of Teos, Lesbos, and Miletus. Revolution at Samos, which becomes the head-quarters of the Athenian fleet. § 6. Recovery of Lesbos bv the Athenians. Dissatisfaction of the Lacedfemonians with Tissaphernes. § 6. Schemes of Alcibiades. § 1. He proposes a league between the Athenians and Persians, and the establishment of an oligarchy at Athens. § 8. Agitation for an oligarchy at Athens. f 9. Conference of Pisander with Alcibiades. Artifices of the latter. Fresh treaty between Tissaphernes and the Laceda?nioninn8. § 10. Pro- gress of the oligarchical conspiracy at Athens and Samos. i^ H. Es- tablishment of the Four Hundred § 1 2. Their proceedings. ^^ 3. Pro- ceedings at Samos. Alcibiades joins the democracy there. § 14. The Athenian envoys at Samoa § 15. Dissensions among the Four Hun- dred. They negotiate with Sparta. § 16. Counter revolution at Athena Defeat of the Athenian fleet and capture of Eubfea by tho Lacedjeraonians. § 17. The Four Hundred deposed and democracy re-established at Athens. f 1. The first intelligence of the destruction of the Sicilian arma- ment is said to have been communicated by a stranger, in a barber's shop in the Pineus. Big with the eventful news, tho unfortunate barber hastened up to Athens to communicate it to the archons and the public ; hut he was treated as a tale-bearer and impostor ; ind being miable to corroborate his story, in consequence of the disappearance of his informant, he was put to the torture. The tidings were, however, soon confirmed by the arrival of fugitives who had managed to escape from the B.C. 413. DISMAY OF THE ATHEMANS. 347 '^ k disastrous scene. Athens was now filled with affliction and dis- may. To private grief for the loss of friends was added despair of the public safety. There seemed to be no means of prevent- ing the city from falling into the hands of the Lacedaemonians. The popular fury vented itself in abusing the orators who had recommended the expedition, and the soothsayers who had fore- told its success. The affairs of the Athenians wore indeed a most threatening aspect. The Lacedaemonian post at Decelea was a constant source of aimoyance. No part of Attica escaped the forays which were made from thence. All the cattle were destroyed, and the most valuable slaves began to desert in great numbers to the enemy. Athens was almost in a state of siege. The fatigue of guarding the large extent of wall became very onerous on the reduced number of citizens. The knights or horsemen were on constant duty in order to repress the enemy's ma- rauders ; but their horses were soon lamed and rendered ineffi- cient by the hard and stony nature of the soil. But what chiefly excited the despondency of the Athenians was the visible decline of their naval superiority. An engagement with the Corinthian fleet near Naupactus, in the summer of 413 B.C., had ended with neither side gaining the advantage, though the forces were nearly equal ; but to the Athenians the moral effects were equi- valent to a defeat. ^ 2. Yet that cheerfulness and energy under misfortune which form such striking and excellent traits in the character of the Athenians, did not long desert them. After the first movements of rage and despair, they began to contemplate their condition more calmly, and to take the necessaiy measures for defence. A board of elders was appointed, under the name of Probuli,* to watch over the public safety. The splendour of the pubHc ceremonies was curtailed in order to raise funds for the neces- sities of the state ; the garrison recently established on the coast of Laconia was recalled ; the building of a new fleet was commenced ; and Cape Sunium was fortified in order to ensure an uninterrupted communication between Piraeus and Euboea, from which island the Athenians principally drew their pro- visions. ^ 3. Whilst the imperial city was thus driven to consult for her very existence, it seemed a chimerical hope that she could retain her widely scattered dependencies. Her situation in- spired her enemies with new vigour ; states hitherto neutral de- clared against her ; her subject-allies prepared to throw off the * Ilgoj^ovTioi. 348 HISTORY OF GREECR ( Chap. XXXI I! II yoke ; even the Persian satraps and the court of Susa bestirred themselves against her. The first blow to the Athenian empire was struck by the wealthy and populous island of Chios. Tliis agam was the work of Alcibiades, the implacable enemy of liis native land. In the winter following the overthrow of the Atlie- nian armament in Sicily, several of the most powerful allies of Athens, among whom were the Eubceaus, Chians, and Lesbians, had solicited Sparta to assist them in throwing off the Athenian yoke. At the same time envoys appared at Sparta from Tissa- phemes, the Persian satrap of Ionia, Caria, and the adjacent coasts, and from Pharnabazus, whose satrapy extended from the Euxuie to the gulf of El(ca, inviting the Lacedemonians to co- operate with them iu destroyuig the Athenian empire in Asia, and promising to provide the necessary funds. By the advice of Alcibiades, the Lacedajmonians resolved that the Chians should have the preference, and tliat a fleet should be sent to their assistance. Impatient of delay, Alcibiades shortly afterwards crossed over to Chios with a Lacedajinoniau squadron of five ships, under the command of Chalcideus. The oligarchical party at Cliios had matured all their plans for the revolt, and the arrival of Alcibiades caused them to be put into execution. The people were taken by surprise, and were re- luctantly induced to renounce their alliance with Athens. Their example was almost immediately followed by Erythraj and Cla- zomena}. k 4. The reserve of 1000 talents, set apart by Pericles to meet the contingency of an actual invasion, still remained untouched • but now by a unanimous vote the penalty of death, which forbad Its appropriation to any other purpose, was abohshed, and the fund applied m fitting out a fieet against Chios. Meantime, Alcibiades was indefatigable in fanning the flames of revolt* which now spread rapidly through the Athenian allies. Teos! Lesbos, and Miletus proclaimed their independence of Athens! At Miletus, Chalcideus, on the part of Sparta, concluded an in- iarnous treaty with Tissaphernes, stipulating that the Greek cities and territory formerly belonging to Persia should be restored to her ; that the Athenians should not be permitted to derive any revenue from them ; and that Persia and the Lacedaemonians should jointly carry on the war against Athens. To conclude the bargain, Mdetus was handed over to Tissaphernes. Samos stiU remained faithful to the Athenians, and amidst the general defection of their Asiatic allies had become of the last miportance to them. This island, like Chios, was governed by an oligarchy ; but warned by the revolution in that island, the Samians rose against the oligarchs, slew 200 of them, and B.C. 412. REVOLUTION AT SAMOS. 849 bamshed 4^00 more. The Athenians at once recognized the newly established democracy, and secured the adhesion of the feamians by putting them on the footing of equal and independ- ent allies, feamos became the head-quarters of the Athenian fleet, and the base of their operations during the remainder of the war. ^i, ^ k'J^^^^ *^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^* ^^^^^ ^^an to turn in favour of the Athenians. They had succeeded in collecting a considerable fleet at feamos, with which they recovered Lesbos and Clazome- naB, defeated the Chians, and laid waste their territory Thev also gained a victory over the Peloponnesians at Miletus, but A r'^^'f"^ ""'^^ '^'^^ remained in the hands of Tissaphernes and the reloponnesians. Towards the close of the year, Astyochus, the Lacedemonian commander, received large reinfbrcements from Peloponnesus and was now at the head of so imposing an armament that he was enabled to modify the former treaty with Tissaphernes, of Which the Lacedaemonians were heartily ashamed. The new treaty, however, diflered from the previous one rather in terms than substance, and appears to have been far from giving satis- faction at Sparta. The conduct of Tissaphernes afforded another reason for discontent. He had given notice that he could no longer contmue the high rate of payment of a drachma per day for the seamen s wages, the sum agreed upon in the first treaty without express instructions from the court of Susa ; and though he had reduced that sum by one half, it was very irregularly paid ; whilst his whole behaviour displayed a great want of hearty co-operation with the Lacedaemonians. Another Pelo- ponnesian squadron was therefore despatched to the coast of Asia, having on board Lichas and ten other Spartans, for the purpose of romonstrating with Tissaphernes and openincr fresh negotiations. Having obtained an interview with Tissaphernes at Onidus, Lichas took exceptions to the two former treaties • of which the first expressly, the second by implication, recognized the claims of Persia not only to the islands of the ^^ean but ^rZ'""- ^T'^^ ""f ^^^*^^- ^^'^^^^' '^^'^^ore, proposed anew treaty, but Tissaphernes was so indignant at the proposition that he immediately broke off the negotiation ^ 6. The conduct of Tissaphernes towards the Lacedemo- nians was the result of the counsels of Alcibiades, who was scheming to effect his return to Athens by means of his in- trigues with the Persian Satrap. In the course of a few months Alcibiades liad completely forlbited the confidence of the Lace- demonians. His ultra-Athenian temperament and manners must have been as unwelcome to them as their own slowness i I>l I 850 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXI. and gravity were to him. The Spartan King Agis, whose wife he had seduced, was his personal enemy ; and the Ephor Endius, his chief protector, went out of office in 412 B.C. To the pre- ceding causes for private dislike was now added the want of that rapid success which he had promised to the Lacedamonians in the East. In a man whose character ibr deceit was notorious it is not surprising that this failure should excite a suspicion of treachery. After the defeat of the Peloponnesians at Miletus, King Agis denounced Alcibiades as a traitor, and persuaded the new Ephors to send out instructions to put him to death. Of this, however, he was informed time enough to make his escape to Tissaphernes at Magnesia. Here he began to play an anti- Hellenic, instead of his former anti- Athenian game. He ingra- tiated himself into the contidence of the satrap, and persuaded him that it was not for the interest of Persia that either of the Grecian parties should be successful, but rather that they should wear each other out in their mutual struggles, when Persia would in the end succeed in expelling both. This advice was adopted by the satrap ; and in order to carry it into execution, steps were taken to secure the inactivity of the Peloponnesian armament, which, if vigorously employed, was powerl'ul enough to put a speedy end to the war. With this view the Lacede- monian commanders were first persuaded to await the arrival of the PhoBnician fleet, which, however, was never intended to ap- pear. But as this was a pretext which could not be made available for any length of time, the next argument was in the more solid shape of pecuniary bribes administered to Astyochus and the other Spartan leaders. Spartan virtue, which exists rather in imagination than reality, was not proof against this se- duction. The Syracusan, Hermocrates — for a Sicilian squadron was co-operating with the Pelopomiesian fleet — was alone found to be incorruptible. § 7. Alcibiades, having thus in some degree detached Tissa- phernes from the Lacedaemonians, now endeavoured to persuade him that it was more for the Persian interest to conclude a league with Athens than with Sparta ; since the former state sought only to retain her maritime dependencies, whilst Sparta had held out promises of liberty to every Grecian city, from which she could not consistently recede. The only part of his advice, however, which the satrap seems to have sincerely adopted was that of playing off one party against the other. But about this Alcibiades did not at all concern himself It was enough for his views, which had merely the selfish aim of his own restoration to Athens, if he could make it appear that he possessed sufficient influence with Tissaphernes tp 7 A % I B.C. 412. SCHEMES OP ALCIBIADES. 851 procure his assistance for the Athenians; and for this the intimate terms on which he lived with the satrap seemed a sufficient guarantee. He therefore began to communicate with the Athenian generals at Samos, and held out the hope of a Persian alliance as the price of his restoration to his country. But as he both hated and feared the Athenian democracy, he coupled his offer with the condition that a revolution should be effected at Athens, and an oligarchy established. The Athenian generals greedily caught at the proposal ; and though the great mass of the soldiery were violently opposed to it, they were silenced, if not satisfied, when told that Athens could be saved only by means of Persia. The oligarchical conspirators formed themselves into a confederacy, and Pisander was sent to Athens to organize the clubs in the city. But the conspirators over- looked the fact that the word of Alcibiades was their only se- curity for the co-operation of Persia. Phrynichus alone among the Athenian generals opposed the scheme ; not that he dis- liked oligarchy, but that he hated Alcibiades, and saw through his designs. ^ 8. The proposition for an oligarchy which Pisander made in the Athenian assembly met with the most determined oppo- sition ; whilst the personal enemies of Alcibiades, especially the sacred families of the Eumolpidaj and Ceryces, violently opposed the return of the man who had profaned the mysteries. The single but unanswerable reply of Pisander was, the necessities of the republic. A reluctant vote for a change of constitution was at length extorted from the people. Pisander and ten others were despatched to treat with Alcibiades and Tissaphernes. At the same time Phrynichus and his colleague Scironides were de- posed from their command at Samos, and their places supplied by Diomedon and Leon. Before his departure Pisander had brought all the oligarchical clubs in Athens into full activity. During his absence the same task was undertaken by Antiphon, the rhetorician. He was assisted by Theramenes, and subse- quently by Phrynichus, who, after his arrival at Athens, had be- come a violent partisan of the oligarchy. ^ 9. When Pisander and his colleagues arrived in Ionia, they informed Alcibiades that measures had been taken for establish- ing an oligarchical form of government at Athens, and required him to fulfil his part of the engagement by procuring the aid and alliance of Persia. But Alcibiades knew that he had under- taken what he could not perform, and now resolved to escape from the dilemma by one of his habitual artifices. He received the Athenian deputation in the presence of Tissaphernes him- self, and made such extravas:ant demands on behalf of the satrap HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXI II tliat Pisander and his colleagues indignantly broke off the con- ference. They attributed, however, the duplicity of Alcibiades to his want of will, and not to his want of power, to serve them : and they now began to suspect that his oligarchical scheme was a mere trick, and that in reality he desired the democracy to remain, and to procure his restoration to its bosom. Tissaphemes, who did not wish absolutely to break with the Lacedaemonians, now began to fear that he was pushing matters too far ; and, as they ahready felt the pinch of want, he funiished them with some pay, and concluded a new treaty with them, by which they agreed to abandon all the continent of Asia, and consequently the Greek cities in that quarter. To this treaty Pharnabazus was also a party. Persia did not waive her claim to the islands, but nothing was stipulated respecting them. On these conditions the aid of a Phoenician fleet was promised to the Peloponnesians. ^ 10. Notwithstanding the conduct of Alcibiades the oligarchi- cal conspirators proceeded with the revolution at Athens, in which they had gone too far to recede. Pisander, with five of the envoys, returned to Athens to complete the work they had begun; the rest were sent to estabhsh oligarchies among the allies. The leaders of the army at Samos began a similar move- ment in that island. Their lirst step was the gratuitous murder of Hyperbolus, an Athenian demagogue who had been ostracised Bome years before, and who was now residing at 8amos, though apparently without possessuig any influence there. But the new commanders, Diomedon and Leon, were favourable to the de- mocracy, and they found by personal inquiry that the great majonty of the crews, and especially that of the public trireme called the Paralus, were ready to support the ancient constitu- tion. Accordingly, when the oligarchs rose they were over- powered by superior numbers ; thirty of them were killed in the contest, and three were subsequently indicted and banished. Meanwhile at Athens, after the departure of Pisander, tho council of Probuli, as well as many leading citizens, had joined the oligarchs. Their attacks upon the democracy were not open, but were conducted by means of depreciating speeches respect- ing its costhness, through the pay given to the dicasts and others discharging civil oflices, which, it was represented, the state could no longer afibrd. They did not venture to projxise the entire abolition of the democracy, but merely a modification of it, by restricting the number of those entitled to the franchise to 5000. But even this proposition was never intended to be carried into execution. Those who stood forward to oppose the scheme were privately assassinated. A reign of terror now commenced. Citi- 4 B.C. 411. THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS. S68 zens were continually falling ; yet no man could tell whose hand struck the blow, or whose turn might come next. §11. The return of Pisander was the signal for consummating the revolution. He proposed in the assembly, and carried a resolution, that a comnuttee of ten should be appointed to pre pare a new constitution, wliich was to be submitted to the ap- probation of the people. But when the day appointed for that purpose arrived, the assembly was not convened in the Pnyx, but in the temple of Poseidon at Colonus, a village upwards of a mile from Athens. Here the conspirators could plant their own par- tisans, and were less liable to be overawed by superior numbers. The Graphe Paranomon, or action against those who proposed any unconstitutional measure, having first been repealed, Pisander obtained the assent of the meeting to the following revolutionary changes: — 1. The abolition of all the existing magistracies; 2. The cessation of all payments for the discharge of civil func- tions ; 3. The appointment of a committee of five persons, who were to name ninety-five more ; each of the hundred thus con- stituted to choose three persons ; the body of Four Hundred thus formed to be an irresponsible government, holding its sittings in the senate house. The four hundred were to convene the select body of five thousand citizens whenever they thought proper. Nobody knew who these five thousand were, but they answered two purposes, namely, to give an air of greater popularity to the government, as well as to overawe the people by an exaggerated notion of its strength. k 12. The government thus constituted proceeded to establish itself by force. A body of hoplites having been posted in the neighbourhood of the Senate House, the Four Hundred entered it, each with a dagger concealed under his garment, and followed by their body-guard of 120 youths, the instruments of the secret assassinations already mentioned. The ancient senate was dis- missed, but the pay due to the members was ofiered, and basely accepted. Thus perished the Athenian democracy, after an existence of nearly a century since its establishment by Clis- thenes. The revolution was begun from despair of the foreign relations of Athens, and from the hope of assistance from Persia ; but it was carried out through the machinations of Antiphon and his accomplices after that delusion had ceased. Having divided themselves into Prytanies or sections, and in- stalled themselves with sacrifice and prayer, the Four Hundred proceeded to put to death or imprison the most formidable of their political enemies. Their next step was to make overtures for peace to Agis. The Spartan king, however, believed that the revolution was not safely established, and preferred an S54 mSTORY OF GREECE Chap. XXXI 1 I attempt to capture the city during the dissensions by which he supposed It to be torn. But on marching up to the walls he found them carefully guarded, and his troops were repulsed ^ - a sally of the besieged. A second application of the Four hun- dred met with a better reception, and they were encouraffcd to send to Sparta. ^ 13. The failure of the revolution at Samos was highly unfa- vourable to the success of the revolution at Athens ; but the Four Hundred despatched envoys to that island, with instruc- tions to make the matter as palatable as possible. These how- ever, had been forestalled by Chaereas. Under the impression that the democracy still existed at Athens, Chiereas had been sent to the city from Samos in the Paralus with the news of the counter-revolution in the island. But when the Paralus arrived the Four Hundred had already been installed ; whereupon some of her democratic crew were imprisoned, and the rest transferred to an ordmary trireme. Chajreas himself found means to escape, and returned to Samos, where he aggravated the proceedings at Athens by additions of his own, and filled the army with uncon- trollable wrath. At the instance of Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus a naeeting was called in which the soldiers pledged themselves to maintain the democracy, to continue the war against Pelopon- nesus, and to put down the usurpers at Athens. The whole army, even those who had taken part in the oligarchical move- ments,^ were sworn to uphold these pnnciples ; and to every male Samian of military age a similar oath was administered. Thus the Athenian democracy continued to exist at Samos alone. The soldiers, laying aside for awhile their military character constituted themselves into an assembly of the people, deposed several of their officers, and appointed others whom they could better trust. The meeting resounded with patriotic speeches Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus were appointed to the chief com- mand ; the former of whom proposed the return of Alcibiades, who, it was believed, was now able and willing to aid the demo^ cratic cause with the gold and forces of Persia. After consider- able opposition the proposal was agreed to ; Alcibiades was brought to Samos and introduced to the assembly, where by his magnificent promises, and extravagant boasts respecting his influ- ence with Tissaphernes, he once more succeeded in deceiving the Athenians. The accomplished traitor was elected one of the generals, and, in pursuance of his artful policy, began to pass backwards and forwards between Samos and MagneSa, with the view of inspiring both the satrap and the Athenians with a reci- procal idea of his influence with either, and of instiUing distrust of Tissaphernes into the minds of the Pelopomiesians. X B.a 411. PROCEEDINGS AT SAMOS. 856 4 14. Such was the state of afiliirs at Samos when the envoys from the Four Hundred arrived. They were invited by the generals to make their communication to the assembled troops ; but so great was the antipathy manifested towards them, that they could hardly obtain a hearing. Their presence revived a proposition which had been started before, — to sail fit once to Athens, and put down the oligarchy by force. By the advice of Alcibiades, seconded by Thrasybulus, this proposal was, how- ever, again discarded. The envoys were sent back to Athens with the answer that the army approved of the 5000, but that the Four hundred must resign and reinstate the ancient Senate of Five Hundred. { 15. At the first news of the re-establishment of democracy at Samos, distrust and discord had broken out among the Four Hundred. Antiphon and Phrynicus, at the head of the ex- treme section of the oligarchical party, were for admitting a Lacedaemonian garrison ; and with a view to further that object, actually caused a fort to be erected at Eetionea, a tongue of land commanding the entrance to the harbour of the Piraeus. But others, discontented with their share of power, began to affect more popular sentiments. Conspicuous among these were The- ramenes and Aristocrates, the former of whom began to insist on the necessity for calling the shadowy body of 5000 into a real existence. As the answer from Samos very much strengthened this party, their opponents found that no time was to be lost ; and Antiphon, Phrynicus, and ten others, proceeded in all haste to Sparta, with ofiers to put the Lacedaemonians in possession of the Pira3us. The latter, however, with their usual slowness, or perhaps from a suspicion of treachery, let slip the golden oppor- tunity. All they could be induced to promise was, that a fleet of 42 triremes should hover near the Piraeus, and watch a favour- able occasion for seizing it. The failure of this mission was an- other blow to the party of Phrynicus; and shortly afterwards that leader himself was assassinated in open daylight whilst leaving the Senate House. Some hoplites, of the same tribe as Aristocrates. now seized the fort at Eetionea. Theramenes gave his sanction to the demohtion of the fort, which was forthwith accomplished ; whilst the inability of the Four Hundred to pre- vent it. betrayed the extent of their power, or rather of their weakness. M6. The Four Hundred now appear to have taken some steps to call the 5000 into existence. But it was too late. The leaders of the counter-revolution entering armed into the theatre of Dionysus at the Piraeus, formed a democratic assembly under the old forms, which adjourned to the Anaceum, or temple of U6 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXI i » t I; ^e Bioscun, immediately under the Acropolis. Here the Four Hundred sent deputies to negotiate with them, and another assembly was appointed to be held in the theatre of Dionysus • but just as they were meeting the news arrived that the Lace- daemonian fleet was approaching the Piraus. The Athenians were immediately on the alert, and the Laceda)monian admiral perceivmg no signs of assistance from within, doubled Cape httnmm and proceeded to Oropus. It was now plain that their object was to excite a revolt in Eubc^a. In all haste the Athe- mans launched an inadequate fleet of 36 triremes, manned bv inexperienced crews. At Eretria in Eubcea it was encountered by the Lacedaemonian fleet, and completely defeated with the loss ot 22 ships. Eubcea, supported by the Lacedaemonians and HoBotians, then revolted from Athens. $ 17. Great was the dismay of the Athenians on receiving this news. The loss of Eubcea seemed a death blow. The Lacede- monians might now easily blockade the ports of Athens and starve her into surrender; whilst the partisans of the Four Hundred would doubtless co-operate with the enemy. But from this fate tHey were agam saved by the characteristic slowness of the Lacedaemomans, who confined themselves to securing the con- quest of Eubcea. Thus left unmolested, the Athenians con vened an assembly m the Pnyx. Votes were passed for deposing the %Zl ^I?'T^' a'^d placing the government in the hands of the ^00, ot whom every citizen who could furnish a panoply miffht be a member. In short, the old constitution was restored, except that the franchise was restricted to 5000 citizens, and payment for the discharge of civil functions abolished. In sub- sequent assembhes, the Archons, the Senate, and other institu- tions were revived ; and a vote was passed to recall Alcibiades and some of his friends. The number of the 5000 was never exactly observed, and was soon enlarged into universal citizen- ship. Thus the Four Hundred were overthrown after a reiffn ot lour months. Theramenes stood forward and impeached the leaders of the extreme ohgarchical party, on the gromid of their embassy to Sparta. Most of them succeeded in making their escape fmm Athens; but Antiphon and Archiptolemus were apprehended, condemned and executed, in spite of the admira- tion excited by the speech of the former in his defence. The rest were arrai^ed in their absence and condemned, their liouses razed, and their property confiscated. " One of the Caryatides supporting the southern portico of the Erechthevm. CHAPTER XXXn. rROM THE FALL OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS TO THL BATTLE OF -£GOSPOTAMI. § 1. State of the belligerents. § 2. Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cynos- sema. § 3. Capture of Cvzicus by the Athenians, and second defeat of the Peloponnesians at Aoydus. § 4. Arrest of Alcibiades by Tissapher- nes, and his subsequent escape. Signal defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cjzicus. § 5. The Athenians masters of the Bosporus. The Lacedaemo- nians propose a peace, which is rejected. § 6. Phamabazus assists the Lacedaemonians. § 7. Capture of Chalcedon and Byzantium by the Athenians. § 8. Return of Alcibiades to Athens. § 9. He escorts the sacred procession to Eleusis. § 10. Cyrus comes down to the coast of Asia. Lysander appointed commander of the Peloponnesian fleet § 1 1. Interview between Cyrus and Lysander. § 12. Alcibiades at Samoa. Defeat of Antiochus at Notium. § 13. Alcibiades is dismissed. § 14. Lysander superseded by Callicratidas. Energetic measures of the lat- ter. § 16. Defeat of Conon at Mytilene, and investment of that town by Callicratidas. § 16. Excitement at Athens, and equipment of alarg« ^HB if I I' 3d8 KBTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIL fleet § 17. Battle of ArgiiiiisJB. Defeat and death of Callicratidaa S 18. ArraignraeatandcondcmnationoftheAtheniangencials. g 19 ulnu- pointmentofLysanderasAavarcAio. §20. Siege of Larapsacus, aild battle of Jflgoapotomi. * H. It is necessary now to revert to the war, and the state of the contending parties. The struggle had become wholly mari- time. Although the Lacedajmoiiians occupied at Decclea a strong post within sight of Athens, yet their want of skill in the art of besieging towns prevented them Irom making any regular attempt to capture that city. On the other hand, the great re- verses sustained by the Athenians in Sicily disabled them from carrying the war, as they had formerly done, into tl>e enemy's country. Yet they still possessed a tolerable fleet, with which they were endeavouring to maintain their power in the iEirean and on the coasts and islands of Asia Minor. This was now becoma t!ij vital point where they had to struggle for empire, and even for existence ; for, since the commencement of the war' the maritime power of the Spartans and their allies had become almost equal t j the maritime power of Athens. They now put to sea with fleets generally larger than the fleets of the Athenians ; and their ships were handled, and naval manceuvres executed] with a skill equal to that of their rivals. The great attention which the Lacedaemonians had bestowed on naval alikirs is evinced by the importance into which the new oflice of the Navarchia^ hid now risen amongst them. The Navarchus* enjoyed a power cvjn superior, whilst it lasted, to that of the Spartan kin^rs, 8i:i23 he was wholly uncontrolled by the Ephors ; but his tenure of office was limited to a year. From this state of things it TiJoulted that the remainder of the war had to be decided on°the coasts of Asia ; and it will assist the memory to conceive it divided into four periods : 1. The war on the Hellesi^ont (which must be taken to include the Propontis, whither it was transferred soon after the ohgarchical revolution at Athens) ; 2. From the Hel- lespont it was transferred to Ionia ; 3. From Ionia to Lesbos ; 4. Back to the Hellespont, where it was finally decided. k 2. Mindarus, who now commanded the Peloponnesian fleet, disgusted at length by the often-broken promises of Tissaphernes,* and the scanty and irregular pay which he furnished, set sail from Mdetus and proceeded to the Hellespont, with the inten- tion of assisting the satrap Phamabazus, and of effecting, if pos- itble, the revolt of the Athenian dependencies in that quarter Hither he was pursued by the Athenian fleet under Thrasyllus. In a few days an engagement ensued (in August, 4 1 1 b.c), in the iamous straits between Sestos and Abydos^ in wliich the Atho- B.C. 411. NAVAL VICTORY AT CYNOSSEMA. 859 nians, though with a smaller force, gained the victory, and erected a trophy on the promontory of Cynossema, near the tomb and chapel of the Trojan queen, Hecuba. After this defeat Mindarus sent for the Peloponnesian fleet at Euboea, which, however, was overtaken by a violent storm near the headland of Moimt Athos, and totally destroyed. But though this circumstance afforded some relief to Athens, by withdrawing an annoying enemy from her shores, it did not enable her to regain possession of Euboea. The Euboeans, assisted by the Boeotians, and by the inhabitants of Chalcis and other cities, constructed a bridge across the nar- rowest part of the Euripus, and thus deprived EubcBa of its in- sular character. § 3. The Athenians followed up their victory at Cynossema by the reduction of Cyzicus, which had revolted from them. A month or two afterwards another obstinate engagement took place between the Peloponnesian and Athenian fleets near Aby- dos, which lasted a whole day, and was at length decided in favour of the Athenians by the arrival of Alcibiades with his squadron of eighteen ships from Samos. The Peloponnesian ships were run ashore, where they were defended with great personal exertion, by Pharnabazus and his troops. § 4. Shortly after this battle Tissaphemes arrived at the Hellespont with the view of conciliating the offended Pelopon- nesians. He was not only jealous of the assistance which the latter were now rendering to Pharnabazus, but it is also evident that his temporizing policy had displeased the Persian court. This appears from his conduct on the present occasion, as well as from the subsequent appointment of Cyrus to the supreme command on the Asiatic coast, as we shall presently have to relate. When Alcibiades, who imagined that Tissaphemes was still favourable to the Athenian cause, waited on him with the customary presents, he was arrested by order of the satrap, and sent in custody to Sardis. At the end of a month, however, he contrived to escape to Clazomenae, and again joined the Athenian fleet early in the spring of 410 b.c. Mindarus, with the assist- ance of Pharnabazus on the land side, was now engaged in the siege of Cyzicus, which the Athenian admirals determined to relieve. Having passed up the Hellespont in the night they assembled at tlie island of Proconnesus. Here Alcibiades ad- dressed the seamen, telling them that they had nothing further to expect from the Persians, and must be prepared to act with the greatest vigour both by sea and land. He tlien sailed out with his squadron towards Cyzicus, and by a pretended flight inveigled Mindarus to a distance from the harbour ; whilst the other two divisions of the Athenian fleet, under Thrasybulus and II S60 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXH them again^ the attacks oSML^l^'^^^^^tf''' landed his men, a battle ensued, in which Mi^dt^ ^"^ the Lacedemonians and Persians routTd and thl T.T,''^'»' nesian fleet captured, with theTxZ i™ „fl «^''°^^ ^^'"P""' which Hermocrates caused to Humt Th ^''""'''" ^J^'P'' Wow was pictured in the laconic epMe in Iv uT'^ "^ '^^ thesecond.in command.* aTlTe^^^'ft " JlfcT' good luck IS gone ; Mindarus is slain the ml «!l V •°"' we know not what to do " ^® starvmg ; Athenians. on^more mr^r^^f ''p'' *'^"'. ~«°vered ; and the ^chrysopoCor'S'^B^iJrar^^^^^^^ «- *T Bosporus ; i^estabUshed their toll oS ™, ^1^ *'^°^f "^ ^^e pa^g from the Euxine; and left a sluacCn f„ ""/"^"^^'^ Md collect the dues So mv,t w Jl T^'l™" *° g^ard the strait Lacedemonians Tthe W therfleet'tfrthTr */;''^ proceeded to Athens to tZJ f , ^P''"'" ^n^'us parties standing Ss the—' S".!" *'"' '«'«'« •"' ''"th at this time w\y tL dL4VSe^lr"a tr''^ ^ known to us bv the later nnm™i;^ <• a -V ?' lamp-maker, appears to have W a r^ 'Tf^r f ^"^*°Ph,anes. Cleophon victories had kspTrf him^lT"''"'"' "^'^^ ^ ''"' ^^-^ !««« vised the AthcCto" "^^tb'tZs"'" *"'P^,\n''« '^■ Athens thus threw awav J^ u Proposed by Endius. her shattered for^eT of Xt ^ JL 7^^T'*^ °'" T "''»'"8 aroied their seamen, furnished them wiTJ' • • ^^'^^ ^"^ out for a W time ^ But t kTaI^ .^^^«,^J^« ^"^bled to hold their principal obTeet. TL'^tionTt^ ^'^^"^^^ to them the trade of the E^^^e pl^^^^f^^^^^^ Becelea the Spartan kinl aAT' oIu a ^'^1^ ^^"^'"^^ ^* *Called7fWW7 ^^ \ ^ ' °"^*^ ^^''^''^ ^^« corn-ships ^^C^eai:p.Men. ('E.^arolevc) or "Secretar/' in the Laeed.monia, B.C. 407. ALCIBIADES RETURNS TO ATHENa 3Ci from the Euxine sailing into the harbour of the Piraeus, and felt how fruitless it was to occupy the fields of Attica, whilst such abundant supplies of provisions were continually finding their way to the city. § 7. The year 409 b.c. was not marked by any memorable events ; but in the following year Chalcedon at length surren- dered to the combined Athenian forces, in spite of an attempt of Pharnabazus to save it. Selymbria was also taken by Alci- biades about the same time. Byzantium fell next. After it had been besieged by Alci blades for some months, ll e gates were opened to the Athenians towards the close of the year 408 b.c, through the treachery of a party among its inhabitants. § 8. These great achievements of Alcibiades naturally paved the way for his return to Athens. In the spring of 407 b.c. he proceeded with the fleet to Samos, and from thence sailed to Pira3us. His reception was far more favourable than he had ventured to anticipate. The whole population of Athens flocked down to Piraeus to welcome him, and escorted him to the city. In the KSenate and in the assembly he protested his innocence of the impieties imputed to liim, and denounced the injustice of his enemies. His sentence was reversed without a dissentient voice ; his confiscated property restored ; the curse of the Eu- molpidae revoked, and the leaden plate on which it was engraven thrown into the sea. He seemed to be in the present juncture the only man capable of restoring the grandeur and the empire of Athens : he was accordingly named general with unlimited powers, and a force of 100 triremes, 1500 hoplites, and 150 cavalry placed at his disposal. ^9. But whatever change eight years of exile and his recent achievements had produced in the pubhc feeling towards Alci- biades, it was one of forgiveness rather than of love, and rested more on the hopes of the future than on the remembrance of the past. The wounds which he had inflicted on Athens in the afiairs of Syracuse and Dccelea, in the revolts of Chios and Mi- letus, and in the organization of the conspiracy of the Four Hundred, were too severe to be readily forgotten ; and he had still many enemies who, though silent amid the general applause, did not cease to whisper their secret condemnation. Alcibiades, however, disbeheved or disregarded their machinations, and yielded himself without reserve to the breeze of popular favour which once more filled his sails. Before his departure, he took an opportunity to atone for the impiety of which he had been suspected. Although his armament was in perfect readiness, he delayed its sailing till after the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries at the beginning of September. For seven years the II HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIX. customary procession across the Thriasian plain had been sus- pended, owing to the occupation of Decelea by the enemy, which compelled the sacred troop to proceed by sea. Alcibiades now escorted them on their progress and return with his forces, and thus succeeded in reconciling himself with the offended god- desses and with their holy priests, the Eumolpidae. § 10. Meanwhile, a great change had been going on in the state of affairs in the East. We have already seen that the Great King was displeased with the vacillating policy of Tissa- phemes, and had determined to adopt more energetic measures against the Athenians. During the absence of Alcibiades, Cyrus, the younger son of Darius, a prince of a bold and enterprising spirit, and animated with a lively hatred of Athens, had arrived 9X the coast for the purpose of carrying out the altered policy of the Persian court ; and with that view had been invested vi4th the satrapies of Lydia, the Greater Phrygia, and Cappadocia, as well as with the military command of all those forces which mustered at Castolus. The arrival of Cyrus opens the last phase of the Peloponnesian war. Another event, in the highest degree unfavourable to the Athenian cause, was the accession of Lysander, as Navarchm, to the command of the Peloponnesian fleet. Lysander was the third of the remarkable men whom Sparta produced during the war. In abihty, energy, and suc- cess he may be compared with Brasidas and Gylippus, though immeasurably inferior to the former in every moral quality. He was bom of poor parents, and was by descent a nwtliax, or one of those Lacedsemonians who could never enjoy the full rights of Spartan citizenship. The allurements of money imd of pleasure had no influence over Mm ; but his ambition was boundless, and he was wholly unscrupulous about the means which he employed to gratify it. In pursuit of his objects he hesitated at neither deceit, nor iHjrjury, nor cruelty, and he is reported to have laid it down as one of his maxims in life to avail himself of the fox's skin where the lion's failed. §11. Lysander had taken up his station at Ephesus, with the Lacedaemonian fleet of 70 triremes ; and when Cyrus arrived at Sardis, in the spring of 407 B.C., he hastened to pay his court to the young prince, and was received with every mark of fa- vour. A vigorous line of action was resolved on. Cyrus at once offered 500 talents, and afiirmed that if more were needed, he was prepared to devote his private funds to the cause, and even to coin into money the very throne of gold and silver on which ho sat. In a banquet which ensued Cyrus drank to the health of Lysander, and desired him to name any wish which he codd gratify. Lysander immediately requested an addition kii B.C. 407. ARRIVAL OF CYRUS ON THE COAST. S5.3 of an obolus to the daily pay of the seamen. Cyrus was sur- prised at so disinterested a demand, and from that day conceived a high degree of respect and confidence for the Spartan com- mander. °Lysander on his return to Ephesus employed himself in refitting his fleet, and in organizing clubs in the Spartan in- terest in the cities of Asia. ^ n ^ k 12. Alcibiades set sail from Athens in September. He hrst proceeded to Andros, now occupied by a Lacedaemonian force ; but meeting with a stouter resistance than he expected, he left Conon with°20 ships to prosecute the siege, and proceeded with the remainder to Samos. It was here that he first learnt the altered state of the Athenian relations with Persia. Beuig ill provided with funds for carrying on the war, he was driven to make predatory excursions for the purpose of raising money. He attempted to levy contributions on Cyme, an unoH'ending Athe- nian dependency, and being repulsed, ravaged its territory ; an act which caused loud complaints against him to be lodged at Athens. During his absence on this expedition he intrusted the bulk of the fleet at Samos to his pilot, Antiochus, with strict injunctions not to venture on an action. Notwithstanding these orders, however, Antiochus sailed out and brought the Pelo- ponnesian fleet to an engagement off Notium, in which the Athenians were defeated with the loss of 15 ships, and An- tiochus himself was slain. Among the Athenian armament itself great dissatisfaction was growing up against Alcibiades. Thou, and forms the most striking feature in the environs of the city. It is to Athens what Vesuvius is to Naples, or Arthur's Seat to Edinburgh. South-west of Lycabettus there are four hills of moderate height, all of which formed part of the city. Of these the nearest to Lycabettus, and at the distance of a mile from the latter, was the Acropolis, or citadel of Athens, a square craggy rock rising abruptly about 150 feet, with a flat summit of about 1000 feet long from east to west, by 500 feet broad from north to south. Immediately west of the Acropolis is a second hill of irregular form, the Areojxigus. To the south- w jst there rises a third hill, the Pnyx, on which the assemblies of the citizens were held ; and to the south of the latter is a fourth hill, known as the Museum. On the eastern and western sides of the city there run two small streams, which are nearly exhausted before they reach the sea, by the heats of summer and by the channels for artificial irrigation. That on the east is the Ilissus, which flowed through the southern quarter of the city : that on the west is the Cephissus. South of the city was seen the Saronic Gulf, with the harbours of Athens. The ground on which Athens stands is a bed of hard limestone rock, which the ingenuity of the inhabitants converted to architectural purposes, by hewing it into walls, levelling it into pavements, and forming it into steps, seats, cisterns, and other objects of utility or ornament. The noblest description of Athens is given by Milton in liis Paradise Refrained : — « Look once more, ere we leave this specular mount. Westward, much nearer by Bouth-west behold, Where on the -/Egean Bhore a city stands, Built nobly ; pure the air, and light the soil ; Athens, the eye of Greece, mother of arts And eloquttnco, native to famous wits. Or hospitable, in her sweet recess. City or suburban, studious walks and shades. See there the olive grove of Academe, Plato's retirement, where the Attic bird Trills her thick warbled notes the summer long; There flowery hill Hymettus, with the sound Of bees' industrious murmur, oft invites To studious musing ; there Ilissus rolls His whispering stream : within the walls then view The schools of ancient sages ; his who bred Great Alexander to subdue the world, Lyceum there, and painted Stoa next" Flan of Athens. 1. Pnyx Ecclesia. 8. Theaeum. 3. Theatre of Dionysus. 4. Odenm of Pericles. 5. Temple of the Olympiaa Jove. § 2. Athens is said to have derived its name from the pro* minence given to the worship of Athena by its King Erechtheus. The inhabitants were previously called Cranai and Cecropidae, from Cecrops, who, according to tradition, was the original founder of the city. This at first occupied only the hill or rock which afterwards became the Acropolis; but gradually the buildings began to spread over the ground at the southern foot of this hill. It was not till the time of Pisistratus and his sons (b.c. 560-514) that the city began to assume any degree of splendour. The most remarkable building of these despots was the gigantic temple of the Olympian Jove, which, however, I 884 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXTV. li was not finished till many centuries later. In B.C. 500, the theatre of Dionysus was commenced on the south-eastern slope of the Acropolis, but was not completed till B.C. 340 ; though it must have been used for the representation of plays long before that period. ^ 3. Xerxes reduced the ancient city almost to a heap of ashes. After the departure of the Persians, its reconstruction on a much larger scale was commenced under the superintend- ence of Theraistocles, whose first care was to provide for its safety by the erection of walls. The Acropolis now formed the centre of the city, round which the new walls described an ir- regular circle of about GO stadia, or 7^ miles in circumference. The new walls were built in great haste in consequence of the attempts of the Spartans to interrupt their progress ; but though this occasioned great irregularity in their structure, they were nevertheless firm and solid. The space thus enclosed formed the Asty*ot city, properly so called. But the views of Thernis- tocles were not confined to the mere defence of Athens : he contemplated making her a great naval power, and for this pur- pose adequate docks and arsenals were required. Previously the Athenians had used as their only harbour the open roadstead of Fluderum on the eastern side of the Phaleric bay, where the sea-shore is nearest to Athens. But Themistocles transferred the naval station of the Athenians to the peninsula of Pirajus, which is distant about 4 J miles from Athens, and contains three natural harbours — a large one on the western side, called simply Pirteus, or Tlie Harbour, and two smaller ones on the eastern side, called respectively Zea and Munychia, the latter being nearest to the city. Themistocles seems to have anticipated from the first that the port-town would speedily become as large a place as the Asty or city itself ; for the walls which he built around the peninsula of PirtTus were of the same circumference as those of Athens, and were 14 or 15 feet thick. It was not, however, till tlie time of Pericles that Pirajus was regularly laid out as a town by the architect, Hippodamus of Miletus. It was also in the administration and by the advice of Pericles, but in pursuance of the policy of Themistocles, that the walls were built which connected Athens with her ports. These were at first the outer or northern Long Wall, which ran from Athens to* Piraeus, and the Phaleric wall connecting the city with Phalerum. These were commenced in b.c. 457, and finished in the following year. It was soc\^ found, however, that the space thus inclosed was too vast to oe easily defended ; and as the port of Phalerum * To 'Affrv. Chap. XXXIV. ITS GENERAL APPEARANCE. 385 was small and insignificant in comparison with the Piraeus, and soon ceased to be used by the Athenian ships of war, its wall was abandoned and probal)ly allowed to fall into decay. Its place was supplied by another Long Wall, which was built parallel to the first at a distance of only 550 feet, thus rendering both capable of being defended by the same body of men. The mag- nitude of these walls may be estimated from the fact that the foundations of the northern one, which may still be traced, are about 12 feet thick, and formed of large quadrangular blocks of stone. Their height in all probability was not lesj that GO feet. In process of time the space between the two Long Walls was occupied on each side by houses. k 4. It will be seen from the preceding description that Athens, in its larger acceptation, and niclucling its port, consisted of two circular cities, the A.sty and Pineus, each of about 7 J miles in circumference, and joined together by a broad street of between 4 and 5 miles long. Its first appearance was by no means agree- able or striking. The streets were narrow and crooked, and the meanness of the private houses formed a strong contrast to the Athens and its Port-towns. A. The Asty. GG. The Phaleric Wall, B. Pirwus. H. Hnrbour of Pirwus. C. Miinvohin, citadel of Pinein. I. Phaleric Bav. D. PIinlfTum. K. Harbour of Miinvchbl. KK, FF. Til.- I...ii^' Wnlls ; KR, t»H' NortWrn lout,' "h11 ; FF, tlie ^uutbt-ru wull. L. Harbour of Tma. s 38G mSTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIV. magnificence of the public buildings. None of the houses were more than one story high, which often projected over the street. They were for the most part constructed either of a framework of wootl, or of unbumt bricks dried in the open air. The front towards the street had rarely any windows, and was usually nothing but a curtain wall covered Avith a coating of plaster. It was not till the Macedonian period, when pubhc spirit had de- cayed, that the Athenians, no longer satisfied with participating in the grandeur of the state, began to erect handsome private houses. Athens was badly drained, and scantily supplied with water. It was not lighted, and very few of the streets were paved. Little care was taken to cleanse the city ; and it appears to have been as dirty as the filthiest town of southem Europe in the present day. The population of Athens cannot be accurately ascertained. The population of the whole of Attica probably exceeded half a million, of whom, liowever, nearly four-fifths were slaves, and half the remainder metics, or resident aliens. The number of citizens — native males above the age of twenty, enjoyhig the franchise — ^was 20,000 or 21,000. The population resident in Athens itself has been variously estimated at firom 120,000 to 192,000 souls. ^ 5. Such was the outward and material form of that city, which during the brief period comprised in our present book reached the highest pitch of military, artistic, and literary glory. The progress of the first has been already traced, and it is to the last two subjects that we are now to devote our attention. The whole period contemplated embraces about 80 years, the middle portion of which, or that comprised under the ascendency of Pericles, exhibits Athenian art in its liighest state of perfection, and is therefore by way of excellence commonly designated as the age of Pericles. The generation which preceded, and that which followed the time of that statesman, also exhibit a high degree of excellence ; but in the former j)erfection had not yet attained its full development, and in tlie latter we already begin to observe trace* of incipient decline. The progress both of poetry and of the plastic arts during this epoch is strikingly similar. The great principle that pervaded all was a lively and truthful imitation of nature, but nature of an ideal and elevated stamp. Epic poetry and the ode give place to a more accurate and striking rendering of nature by means of dramatic repre- sentations ; whilst sculpture presents us not only with more graceful forais, but with more of dramatic action in the ar- rangement of its groups, in this latter respect, however, the age was probably excelled by the succeeding one of Scopas Chap. XXXIV. BEST PERIOD OF ATHENIAN ART. 3S7 and Praxiteles. The process by which Athenian genius freed itself from the trammels of ancient stiffiiess, is as visible m the tragedies of ^schylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, as in the pro- ductions of the great masters of the plastic arts during the same period. In the dramas of iEschylus majesty and dignity are not unmixed with a rigid and archaic simplicity, which also ^ marks the works of the contemporary sculptors. In the next generation, during the time of Pericles, we find this character- istic giving place to the perfection of grace and sublimity united, as in the tragedies of Sophocles and in the statues of Phidias. Art could not be carried higher. In the next step wo find equal truthfuhiess and grace ; but the former had lost its ideal and elevated character, and the latter was beginning to degene- rate into over-refinement and affectation. Such are the examples offered by the plays of Euripides, and by the sculptures of Myron and Polycletus. In like manuer, with regard to architecture, the Parthenon, erected in the time of Pericles, presents the most exquisite example of tlie Doric style in the happiest medium between antique heaviness and the slender weakness of later monuments. Painting also, in the hands of Polynotus, attauied its highest excellence in the grace and majesty of single figures. But painting is a complicated art ; and the mechanical improve- ments in perspective, light and shade, grouping, and compo- sition in general, afterwards introduced by ApoUodoms and Zeuxis, and still later by Apelles, undoubtedly brought the art to a greater degree of perfection. § 6. Among the artists of this period the sculptors stand out prominently. In general the eminent sculptors of this period also possessed not only a theoretical knowledge, but frequently great practical skill in the sister arts of painting and architecture. One of the earliest sculptors of note was Ageladas of Argos, wliose fame at present chiefly rests on the circumstance of his having been the master of Phidias, Myron, and Polycletus. He was probably born about B.C. 5 10, so that he must have been an old man when Phidias became his pupil. Another distinguished statuary and painter among the immediate predecessors of Phi- dias was Onatas, an TEginetan, who flourished down to the year b.c. 4G0. His merit as a painter appears from the fact that he was employed, in conjunction with Polygnotus, to deco- rate with paintuigs a temple at Platroa. Contemporary with these elder masters of the best period of Greek art were Hegias, Canachus, Calamis, and others. The somewhat stilF and archaic style which distinguished their pro- ductions from those of Phidias and his school was preserved even by some artists who flourished at the same time with Phidias ; tS8 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXrV. Chap. XXXIV. SCULPTURE AND PAINTING. 389 tl as, for instance, by Praxias and Androsthenes, who executed some of the statuary which adorned the temple of Delplii. f 7. Phidias is the head of the new school. He was bom about 490 b.c, began to flourish about 400, and died just beibre the breaking out of the Peloponnesiau war in 432. He seems to have belonged to a family of artists, and to have first turned his attention towards painting. He was the pupil, as we have said, of Ageladas, and probably of Hegias ; and his great abilities were developed in executing or superintending the works of art with which Athens was adorned during tlie administration of Pericles. He went to Elis about b.c. 437, where he executed his famous statue of the Olympian Jove. He returned to Athens about 434, and shortly afterwards fell a victim to the jealousy agauist his friend and patron, Pericles, which was then at its height ; and, though he was acquitted on the charge of peculation, he was con- demned on that of impiety, for liaving introduced his own like- ness, as well as that of Pericles, among the figures in the battle of the Amazons, sculptured on the shield of Athena. He was in con- sequence thrown into prison, where he shortly afterwards died. The chief characteristic of the works of Phidias is ideal beauty of the sublimest order, especially in the representation of divinities and their worship. He entirely emancipated him- self from the stilliiess which had liitherto marked the archaic school, but without degenerating into that almost meretricious grace which began to cornipt art in the hands of some of his successors. His renderings of nature had nothing exaggerated or distorted : all was marked by a noble dignity and repose. We shall speak of his works when we come to describe the buildings which contained them. § 8. Among the most renowned sculptors contemporary with Phidias were Polycletus and Myron. There were at least two sculptors of the name of Polycletus ; but it is the elder one of wliom we liere speak, and who was the more famous. He seems to have been bom at Sicyon, and to have become a citizen of Argos. The exact date of his birth is uncertain, but he was rather younger than Phidias, and flourished probably irom about 452 to 412 B.C. Of his personal history we know absolutely nothing. The art of Polycletus was not of so ideal and elevated a character as that of Phidia^. The latter excelled in statues of gods, Polycletus in those of men ; but in these he reached so great a pitch of excellence that on one occasion, when several artists comf sied in the statue of an Amazon, he was adjudged to have carried away the pahn from Phidias. The greatest"of his works was the ivory and gold statue of Hera in lier temple between Argos and Mycenai, which always remained the ideal model of the queen of the gods, as Phidias's statue at Olympia was considered the most periect image of the king of heaven. Myron, also a contemporary and tellow-pupil of Phidias, was a native of Eleutliera?, a town on tlie borders of Attica and Bojotia. Jle seems to have been younger than Pliidias, and was probably longer in attaining excellence, since he flourished about the beginning of the Peloponnesiau war. He excelled in representing the most diflicult, and even transient, postures of the body, and his works were marked by great variety and versatility. He appears to liave been the first eminent artist who devoted much attention to the figures of animals, and one of his statues most celebrated in antiquity was that of a cow. It was represented as lowing, and stood on a marble base in the centre of one of the largest open places in Athens, where it was still to be seen in the time of Cicero, but was subsequently re- moved to Rome. This, as well as most of his other works, was in bronze. He excelled in representing youthiiil athletae ; and a celebrated statue of his, of which several copies are still extant, was the discolxjlus, or quoit-player. $ 9. The art of painting was developed later than that of sculpture, of which it seems to have been the oflspring, and in its earlier period to have partaken very closely of the statuesque character. The ancient Greek paintings were either in water colours or in wax : oil colours appear to have been miknown. We have already given some account of the rudiments of the art among the Greeks.* The first Grecian painter of any great renown was Polygnotus, who was contemporary with Pliidias, though probably soiiiewliat older. He was a native of Thasos, whence he was, in all probability, brought by his friend and patron Cimon, when he subjugated that island in b.c. 403. At that period lie must at least have been old enough to have earned the celebrity which entitled him to Cimon's patronage. He subsequently became naturalized at Athens, where he pro- bably died about the year 420 b.c. His chief works in Athens were executed in adorning those buildings which were erected in the time of Cimon ; as the temple of Theseus, and the Poecilo Stoa, or Painted Colonnade. His paintings were essentially sta- tuesque — the representation by means of colours on a flat sur- face of figures similar to those of the sculptor. But the improve- ments wliich he introduced on the works of his predecessors were very marked and striking, and form an epoch in the art. He first depicted the open mouth, so as to show the teeth, and varied the expression of the countenance from its ancient stifi- * See p. 150. 890 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ciup. ^OLXJY. 'Chap. XXXIV. MONUMENTS OF CIMON. 391 neas. He excelled in representing female beauty and com- plexion, and introduced graceful, iiowing draperies, in place of the hard stiiF lines by which they had teen previously depicted. He excelled in accuracy of drawnig, and in llie nobleness, grace, and beauty of his ligures, which wore not iiwrv transcripts from nature, but had an ideal and elevated character. His master- pieces were executed in the Leschl- (inclosed court or hall for conversation) of the Cnidians at Delphi, ihe subjects of which were taken from the cycle of tj)ic jKjetry. In these there seems to have been no attempt at persjxjctive, and names were affixed to the different figures. ^ 10. Painting reached a further stage cf excellence in the hands of Apoliudorus, Zeuxis, and Parrhasius, the only other artists whom we need notice during this j^eriod. Apollcdorus -was a native of Athens, and first directed attention to the effect of light and shade in painting, thus creating another epoch in the art. His innnediate successors, or rather contemporaries, Zeuxis and Parrhasius, brought the art to a still greater deorec of perfection. Neither the place nor date of the birth of Zeuxis can be accurately ascertahied, though he was probably born about 455 B.C., since thirty years after that date we find him practising his art with great success at Athens. He was patronised by Archelaiis, kuig of Macedonia, and spent some time at his court. He must also have visited Magna Gracia, as he painted his celebrated picture of Helen for the city of Croton. He acquired great Mealth by his pencil, and was very ostentatious in display- ing it. He api^eared at Olympia in a magnificent robe, having his name embroidered in letters of gold ; and the same vanity is ako displayed in the anecdote that, after he had reached the sum- mit of his fame, he no longer sold, but gave away, his pictures, as being above all price. With regard to his style of art, single figures were his favourite subjects. He could depict cods or heroes with sufficient majesty, but he particularly excelled in painting the softer graces of female beauty. In one important respect he appears to have degenerated from the style of Poly- gnotus, his idealism being rather that of form than of diameter and expression. Thus his style is analogous to that of Euripides in tragedy. He was a great master of colour, and his paintings were sometimes so accurate and life-hke as to amount to illusion. This is exemplified in the story told of him and Parrhasius. As a trial of skill, these artists painted two pictures. That of Zeuxis represented a bunch of grapes, and was so naturally executed that the birds came and peeked at it. After this proof, Zeuxis, confident of success, called upon his rival to draw aside the cur- tain which concealed his picture. But the painting of Parrhasius was the curtain itself, and Zeuxis was now obliged to acknow- ledge himself vanquished ; for, though he had deceived birds, Parrhasius had deceived the author of the deception. Whatever may be the historical value of this tale, it at least shows the high reputation which both artists had acquired for the natural representation of objects. But many of the pictures of Zeuxis also displayed great dramatic power. He worked very slowly and carefully, and he is said to have replied to somebody who blamed him for his slowness, " It is true I take a long time to paint, but then I paint works to last a long time." His master- piece was the picture of Helen, already mentioned. Parrhasius was a native of Ephesus, but his art was chiefly exercised at Athens, where he was presented with the right of citizenship. His date cannot be accurately ascertained, but he was probably rather younger than his contemporary, Zeuxis, and it is certain that he enjoyed a high reputation before the death of Socrates. The style and degree of excellence attained by Parrhasius appear to have been much the same as those of Zeuxis. Hi was particularly celebrated for the accuracy of his drawing, and the excellent proportions of his figures. For these he established a canon, as Phidias had done in sculpture for gods, and Polycletus for the human figure ; whence Q,uintilian calls him the legislator of his art. His vanity seems to have been as remarkable as that of Zeuxis. Among the most celebrated of his works was a portrait of the personified Athenian Dcnws, which is said to have miraculously expressed even the most contradictory qualities of that many-headed personage. The excellence attained during this period by the great mas- ters in the higher walks of sculpture and painting waF, as may be well supposed, not without its influence on the lower grades of art. This is particularly visible in the ancient painted vases, which have beiMi preserved to us in such numbers, the paintings on which, though of course the productions of an inferior class of artists, show a marked improvement, both in design and exe- cution, after the time of Polygnotus. Ml. Having thus taken a brief survey of the progress of sculpture and pamting in the hands of the most eminent masters, we now turn to contemplate soma of the chief buildings which they were employed to adorn. The first public monuments that arose after the Persian wars were erected under the auspices of Cimon, who was, like Pericles, a lover and patron of the arts. The principal of these were the small Ionic temple of Nike Apteros (Wingless Victory), the Theseum, or temple of Theseus, and the Poecile Stoa. The temple of Nike Apteros was only 27 feet in length by 18 in in 891 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIV. breadth, and was erected on the Acropolis in commemoration of Cimon's victory at the Eurymedon. It was still in existence in the year 1676, but it was subsequently destroyed by the Turks in oriler to fonn a batter)'. Its remains were discovered m 1 s;]o, and it was rebuilt with the onjrinal materials. A view of it is given on p. 216, and its jiosition on the AcrojK)lis, on one side of the Propylapa, is seen in the drawinrrs on pp. 265 and 273. Four slabs of its sculptured frieze, found in a neighbouring wall, are now in the British Muscnun. The Theseum is situated on a height to the north of the Areopagus, and was built to receive the bones of Theseus, which Cimon brought from Scyros in b.c. 469. It was probably finished about 465, and is the best preserved of all the monuments of ancient Athens. (See drawing on p. 239.) It was at once a tomb and temple, and iwssessed the privileges of an asylum. It is of the Boric order, 104 feet in length by 45 feet broad, and surrounded with columns, of whicli there are 6 at each front, and 13 at the sides, reckoning those at tlie angles twice. The cella is 40 feet in length. It is not therefore by its size, but by its symmetry, that it impresses the beholder. Tlie eastern front was the principal one, since all its metopes, together with the four adjouiitig ones on either side, are sculptured, whilst all the rest are plain. Tlie sculptures, of which the subjects arc the exploits of Hercules and Theseus, have sustained great ii.jury, though the temple itself is nearly perfect. The figures in the pediments have entirely disappeared, and the metopes and I'riezc have been greatly mutilated. The relief is bold and salient, and the sculptures, both of the metopes and friezes, were painted, and still preserve remains of the colours. There arc casts from some of the finest jxirtions of them in the British Museum. The style exhibits a striking advance on that of the .Eginetan marbles, and forms a connecting link between them and the sculptures of the Parthenon. Tlie Pcpcile Stoa, wliich ran along one side cf the Agora, or market-place, was a long colonnade formed by columns on one side and a wall on the other, against which were placed the paintings, which were on panels.^*' H2. But it was the Acropolis which was the chief centre of the architectural splendour of Athens. After the Persian wars the Acropolis had ceased to be inhabited, and was appropriated to the worship of Athena, and the other guardian deities of the city. It was covered with the temples of gods and heroes ; and thus its platform presented not only a sanctuar)-, but a museum, containing the finest productions of the architect and the sculptor, * Hence it* name of PcBoile {tzoikIIt}, variegated or painted). Chap. XXXIV. TIIE PROPYL^EA. 3'J3 Plan of the Acropolis. 1. Parthenon. 3. Erechtheum. 5. Statue of Athena Proniachus. 3. Propylaea. 4. Teinjdti of Nike ApteroB. in which the whiteness of the marble was relieved by brilliant colours, and rendered still more dazzling by the transparent clearness of the Athenian atmosphere. It was surrounded with walls, and the surface seems to have been divided into terraces communicating with one another by steps. The only approach to it^ was from the Agora on its western side. At the top of a mag- nificent flight of marble steps, 70 feet broad, stood the Propylaea,* constructed under the auspices of Pericles, and which served as a suitable entrance to the exquisite works within. The Pro- pyljea were themselves one of the masterpieces of Athenian art. They were entirely of Pentelic marble, and covered the whole of the western end of the Acropolis, having a breadth of 168 feet. They were erected by the architect Mnesicles, at a cost of 2000 talents, or 460,000/. The central portion of them consisted of two hexastyle porticoes, of which the western one faced the city, and the eastern one the interior of the Acropolis. Each portico consisted of a front of six fluted Doric columns, 4^ feet in diameter, and nearly 29 feet in height, supporting a pediment. The central part of the building just described was 58 feet in breadth, but the remaining breadth of the rock at this point was covered by two wings, which projected 26 feet in front of the western portico. Each of these wings was in the form of a Doric temple. The northern one, or that on the left of a person ascend- ing the Acropolis, was called the Pinacotheca, from its walls being covered with paintings. The southern wing consisted only of a porch or open gallery. Immediately before its western front * HQowCkaLa, s* r 894 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIV. CttAP. XXXIV. THE PARTHENON. 395 stood the little temple of Nike Apteros already mentioned. (See drawing on p. 273.) H3. On passing Ihroujrli the Propylaa all the glories of the Acropolis became visible. The chief building was the Parthenon,'* the most perfect production of Grecian architecture. It de- rived its name from its being the temple of Athena Parthenos.t or Athena the Virgin, the invincible goddess of war. It was also called H€cat(mij)ctlmi, Irom its breadth of 100 feet. It was built luider the administration of Pericles, and was completed in B.C. 438. The architects were Ictinus and Callicrates ; but, as we have said, the general sujierintendence of the building was in- trusted to Pliidias. The Parthenon stood on the highest part of the Acropolis, near its centre, and probably occupied the site of an earlier temple destroyed by the Persians. It was entirely of Pentelic marble, on a rustic basement of ordinary limestone, and its architecture, which was of the Doric order, was of the purest kind. Its dimensions, taken from the upper step of the stylobate, were about 228 feet in length, 101 ieet in breadth, and 66 feet in height to the top of the pediment. It consisted of a cella, surrounded by a peristile, which had 8 columns at either front, and 17 at either side (reckoning the comer columns twice), thus containing 46 columns in all. These columns were G feet 2 inches in diameter at the base, and 31 feet in height. The ceDa was divided into two chambers of unequal size, the eastern one of which was about 98 feet long, and the western one about 43 feet. The ceiling of both these chambers was sup- ported by rows of columns. The whole building was adorned with the most exquisite sculptures, executed by various artists under the direction of Phidias. These consisted of, 1. The sculp- tures in the tympana of the pediments (i.e. the inner portion cf the triangidar gable ends of the roof above the two porticoes), each of which was filled with about 24 colossal figures. The group in the eastern or principal front represented the birth of Athena from the head of Jove, and the western the contest between Athena and Poseidon for the land of Attica. An en- graving of one of the figures in the pediments is given on p. 296. 2. The metopes between the triglyphs in the frieze of the entablature (i.e. the upper of the two portions into which the space between the columns and the roof is divided) were filled with sculptures in high relief, representing a variety of subjects relating to Athena herself, or to the indigenous heroes of Attica. Each tablet was 4 feet 3 inches square. Those on the south side related to the battle of the Atlienians with the • HaqOevuv^ i.e.. House of th« Virgin. f 'Adrfvu 7ra(>^evof. Centaurs. One of the metopes is figured on p. 321. 3. The frieze which ran along outside the wall of the cella, and within the external columns which surround the building, at the same heit^ht and parallel with the metopes, was sculptured with a representation of the Panathenaic festival in very low relief. This frieze was 3 feet 4 inches in height, and 520 feet in length. A small portion of the frieze is figured on p. 306. A large num- ber of the slabs of the frieze, together with sixteen nietopes from the south side, and several of the statues of the pediments, were brought to England by Lord Elgin, of whom they were purchased "by the nation and deposited in the British Museum. The en^-ravinir on p. 28o represents the restored western front of the Parthenon. ^ 14. But the chief wonder of the Parthenon was the colossal statue of the Virgin Cxoddess executed by Phidias himself, which stood in the eastern or principal chamber of the cella. It was of the sort called chnjseicpJumtine,^ a kind of work said to have been invented by Phidias. Up to this time colossal statues not of bronze were acroliths, that is, having only the face, hands, and f^3t of mirble, the rest being of wood, concealed by real drapery, But, in the statue of Athena, Phidias substituted ivory for marble in those parts which were uncovered, and supplied the place of the real drapery with robes and other ornaments of solid gold. Its height, including the base, was 26 cubits, or nearly 40 feet. It represented the goddess standing, clothed with a tunic reach- ing to the ankles, with a spear in her left hand, and an image of^ Victory, 4 cubits high, in her right. She was girded with the iBgis, and had a helmet on her head, and her shield rested on the ground by her side. The eyes were of a sort of marble resembling ivory, and were perhaps painted to represent the iris and the pupil. The weight of solid gold employed in the statue was, at a medium statement, 44 talents, and was remov- able at pleasure. The Acropolis was adorned with another colossal figure of Athena in bronze, also the v/ork of Phidias. It stood in the open air, nearly opposite the Propylse, and was one of the first objects seen after passing through the gates of the latter. With its pedestal it must have stood about 70 feet high, and conse- quently towered above the roof of the Parthenon, so that the point of its spear and the crest of its helmet were visible off the promontory of Sunium to ships approaching Athens. It was called the " Athena Promachus,"t because it represented the goddess armed, and in the very attitude of battle. It was still * itf., of gold and i vory, from XQ^^^vg, golden, and t AE^avrtvof , of ivory. •j- TTqofiaxoCi the Defender. 396 HISTORY OF GREECE. CfiAP. XXXIV. i standing in a.d. 395, and is said to have scared away Alaric when he came to sack the AcropoHs. In the aimexed coin the statue of Athena Promachus and the Parthenon are represented on the summit of the Acropolis : below is the cave of Pan, with a flight ol steps leading up the top of the Acropolis. Coin showing the Parthenon, Athena Promachus, and the Cave of Pan. j 15. The only other monument on the summit of the Acro- polis which it is necessary to describe is the Erechtheum, or temple of Erechtheus. The Erechtheum was the most revered of all the sanctuaries of Athens, and was closely connected with the earliest legends of Attica. The traditions respecting Erechtheus vary, but according to one set of them he was identical with the god Poseidon. He was worshipped in his temple under the name of Poseidon Erechtheus, and from the earliest times was associated with Athena as one of the two protecting deities of Athens. The original Erechtheum was burnt by the Persians, but the new temple was erected on the ancient site. This coidtl not have been otherwise ; for on this spot was the sacred oHve-tree which Athena evoked from the earth in her contest with Posei- don, and also the well of salt-water which Poseidon pnjdueed by a stroke of his trident, the impression of which was geen u|jon the rock. The building was also called the temple of Athena PoHas, because it contained a separate sanctuary of the goddess, as w^ell as her most ancient statue. The building of the new Erechtheum was not commenced till tlie Parthenon and Propylaa were finished, and probably not before the year preceding the lireaking out of the Peloponnesian war. Its progress was no doubt delayed by that event, and it was probably not completed before 393 b.c. "When finished it presented one of the finest models of the Ionic order, as the Parthenon Avas of the Doric. It stood to the north of the latter building, and close to the northern wall of the Acropolis. The form of the Erechtheum differs from every known example of a Grecian temple. Usually Chap. XXXIV. ERECHTHEUM. DIONYSIAC THEATRE. 397 a Grecian temple was an oblong figure with a portico at each extremity. The Erechtheum, on the contrary, though oblong in shape, and having a portico at the eastern or principal front, had none at its western end, where, however, a portico projected north and south from either side, thus forming a kind of tran- sept. This irregularity seems to have been chiefly owing to the necessity of preserving the diflerent sanctuaries and reUgious objects belonging to the ancient temple. A view of it from the north-west angle is given on p. 3b 1. The roof of the southern portico, as shown in the view, was supported by six Caryatides, or figures of young maidens in long draperies, one of which is figured on p. 357. Such were the principal objects which adorned the Acropohs at the time of which we are now speaking. Their general ap- pearance will be best gathered from the engraving on p. 265. i IG. Before quitting the city of Athens, there are two or three other objects of interest which must be briefly described. First, the Dionysiac theatre, wliich, as already stated, occupied the slope at the south-eastern extremity of the Acropolis. The middle of it was excavated out of the rock, and the rows of seats ascended in curves one above another, the diameter increasinsr with the height. It was no doubt sufficiently large to accom- modate the whole body of Athenian citizens, as well as the strangers who flocked to Athens during the Dionysiac festival, but its dimensions cannot now be accurately ascertained. It had no roof, but the spectators were probably protected from the sun by an awning, and from their elevated seats they had a distinct view t)f the sea, and of the peaked hills of Sakmis in the horizon . A representation of this theatre viewed from below is given on a brass coin of Athens. The seats for the spectators are distinctly seen ; and on the top, the Parthenon in the centre, with the Propyla)a on the left. Theatre of Dionysus, from coin. 898 HISTORY OF GREECR Chat. XXXIV. Close to the Dionysiac theatre on the east was the Odeum of Pericles, a smaller kind of theatre, which seems to have been chiefly designed for the rehearsal of nujsical performances. It was covered with a conical roof, like a tent, m order to retain the sound, and in its original state was perhaps actually covered with the tent of Xerxes. It served as a reluge for the audience when driven out of the theatre by rain, and as a place for training the chorus. The Areopagus* was a rocky height opposite the western end of the Acropolis, from which it was separated only by some hollow ground. It derived its name from the tradition that Ares was brought to trial licrc belbre the assembled gods, by Poseidon, for murdering Halirrhothius, the son of the latter. It was here that the Council of Areopagus met, frequently called tlie Upper Council, to distinguish it from the Council of Five Hundred, which assembled in the valley below. The Areupagites sat as judges in the open air, and two blocks of stone are still to be seen, probably those which, according to the description of Euripides,! were occupied respectively by the accuser and the accused. The Areopagus was the spot where the Apostle Paul preached to the men of Athens. At the south-eastern corner of the rock is a wide chasm leading to a gloomy recess, containing a fountain of very dark water. This was the sanctuary of the Eumenides, called by the Athenians the Seni?ice,t or Venerable Goddesses. The Pnyx, or place for holding the public assemblies cf the Athenians, stood on the side of a low rocky hill, at the distance of about a quarter of a mile from the Areopagus. Between the Pnyx on the west, the Areopagus on the north and the Acropolis on the east, and closely adjoining the base of these hills, stood the Agora (or market-place.) Its exact bound- aries cannot be detemiined. The Stoa P^cile, already described, ran along the western side of it, and consequently between it and the Pnyx. In a direction from north-west to south-east a street called the Ceramicus ran diagonally through the Agora, entering it through the valley between the Pnyx and the Areopagus. The street was named after a district of the city, which was divided into two parts, the Iinier and Outer Ceramicus. The former lay within the city walls, and included the Agora. Tho Outer Ceramicus, which Ibniied a handsome suburb on tlie north-west of the city, was the burial-place of all persons lio- noured with a public funeral. Through it ran the road to tho • 6 'Ape f Of Trayof, or Hill of Ares (Mars). X al Renvoi. f Ipbig. Taur. 961. CnAP. XXXIV. STATUE OF THE OLYMPIAN JOVE. 89f g\'mnasium and gardens of the Academy, which were situated about a mile from the walls. The Academy was the place where Plato and his disciples taught. On each side of this road were monuments to illustrious Athenians, especially those who had fallen in battle. East of the city, and outside the walls, was the Lyceum, a gymnasium dedicated to Apollo Lyceus, and celebrated as the place in which Aristotle taught. H7. Space will allow us to advert only very bnefly to two of the most distinguished monuments of the art of this period out of Attica. These are the temple of Jove at Olympia, and the temple of Apollo Epicurius at Bassse, near Phigalia in Arcadia. The former, built with the spoils of Pisa, was finished about the year 435. It was of the Doric order, 230 feet long by 95 broad. There are still a few remains of it. We have already adverted to the circumstance of Phidias being engaged by the E leans to exe- cute some of the works here. His statue of the Olympian Jove was reckoned his masterpiece, and one of the wcnders of the worid. The idea which he essayed to embody in this work was that of the supreme deity of the Hellenic nation, enthroned as a conqueror, in perfect majesty and repose, and ruling with a nod the subject world. The statue was about 40 feet high, on a pedestal of 12 feet. The throne was of cedar-wood, adorned with gold, ivory, ebony, precious stones, and colours. The god. held in his right hand an ivory and gold statue of Victory, and m his left a sceptre, ornamented with all sorts of metals, and sur- mounted by an eagle. The robe which covered the lower part of the figure, as well as the sandals, was of gold. After the com- pletion ol* the statue, Jove is related to have struck the pavement in front of it with lightning in token of approbation. § 18. The Doric temple of Apollo near Phigalia was built by Ictinus, and finished about 430 B.C. It was 125 feet long by 47 broad. The frieze of this temple, which is preserved m the British Museum, represents in alto-riUevo the combat of the Centaurs and Amazons, with Apollo and Artemis hastening to the scene in a chariot dra^n by stags. The sculpture by no means equals that of the Parthenon, or even of the Theseuni. The figures are short and fleshy. Some of the groups evidently indicafe the influence of Attic art, and especially an imitation o4 the sculptures of the Theseum ; but in general they may be re- garded as aflbrding a standard of the difference between Athe- nian and Pelopomiesian art at this period. Melpomene, the Muse of Tragedy. Thalia, the Muse of Comedy. CHAPTER XXXV. inSTOILY OF ATHENUN LITERATUHE DOWN TO THE END OF THI: TELOPONNESUN AVAR. Beem necessary to the Lve Z^^t nf /'Ii ''"^T ''"'"'^t' whilst at the sLe time thehrfc' „ •"/ "f "«""^1 «"lture ; for a hare existence. and'^'Xri^J^dTS':.^ Cu.4P. XXXV. ORIGIN OF THE DRAMA. 401 rounding tribes. It was not till the time of Pisistratus and his sons that we behold the first dawn of literature at Athens. But this Hterature was of an exotic growth ; the poets assembled at the court of the Pisistratids were mostly foreigners ; and it was only after the iall of that dynasty, and tiie establishment of more liberal institutions at Atliens, that we faid tlie native genius shooting forth with vigour. It was probably the democratic nature of their new consti- tution, combined with the natural vivacity of the people, which caused Athenian literature to take that dramatic form which pre-eminently distinguishes it. The democracy demanded a literature of a popular kind, the vivacity of the people a litera- ture that made a lively impression ; and both these conditions were fulfilled by the drama. § 2. Though the drama was brought to perfection among the Athenians, it did not originate with them. Both tragedy and comedy, in their rude and early origin, were Dorian inventions. Bjth arose out of the worship of Dionysus. There was at first but little distinction between these two species of the drama, except that comedy belonged more to the rural celebration of the Dionysiac festivals, and tragedy to that in cities. The name of iragedy* was far from signifying any thing mournful, being de- rived from the goat-like appearance of those who, disguised as satyrs, performed the old Dionysiac songs and dances. In like manner, comedy f was called after the song of the band of revel- lers, $ who celebrated the vintage festivals of Dionysus, and vented the rude merriment inspired by the occasion in jibes and extempore witticisms levelled at the spectators. It was among the Megarians, both those in Greece and those in Sicily, whose political institutions were democratical, and who had a turn for rough humour, that comedy seems first to have arisen. It was long, however, before it assumed anything like a regular shape. Epicharmus appears to have been the first who moulded the wild and irregular Bacchic songs and dances into anything ap- proaching a connected fable, or plot. He was born at Cos, about B.C. 510, but spent the better part of his life at Sjrracuse. He wrote his comedies some years before the Pertian war, and from the titles of them still extant it would appear that the greater part of them were travesties of heroic myths. They seem, however, to have contained an odd mixture of sententious wisdom and broad bufibonery, for Epicharmus was a Pythago- rean philosopher as well as a comic poet. * TQayudta — literally ** the goat-song.' •im HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV. OnAP. XXXV. ^SCHYLUS. 40S § 3. Comedy, in its rade and early state, was introduced into Attica long before the time of Epicharmus by Susarion, a native of Tripodiscus, in Megara. It was at Icaria, an Attic village noted for the worship of Dionysus, wliere Susarion had takt .i up his residence, that he first represented cometly, such as it then existed among the Megarians, in the year 578 b.c. The per- Ibrmances of Susarion took no root ; and we hear nothing more of comedy in Attica for nearly a hundred years. It was during this interval that tragedy was introduced into Attica, and continued to be successfully cultivated. We have already observed that tragedy, like comedy, arose out of the worship of Dionysus ; but tragedy, in its more perfect form, was the olFspring of the dithyrambic odes with which that wor- ship was celebrated. These were not always of a joyous cast. Some of them expressed the sulierings of Dionysus ; and it was from this more mournful species of dithyramb that tragedy, properly so called, arose. Arion introduced great improvements into the Dithyrambic odes.* They formed a kuid of lyrical tragedy, and were sung by a chorus of fifty men, dancing round the altar of Dionysus. The improvements in the Dythyramb were introduced by Arion at Corinth ; and it was chiefly among the Dorian states of the Peloponnesus that these choral dithy- rambic songs prevailed. Hence, even in Attic tragedy, the chorus, which was the foundation of the drama, was written in the Doric dialect, thus clearly betraying the source from which the Athe- nians derived it. In Attica an important alteration was made in the old tragedy in the time of Pisistratus, in consequence of which it obtained a new and dramatic character. This innovation is ascrihed to Thespis, a native of the Attic village of Icaria. It consisted in the introduction of an actor, for the purpose, it is said, of giving rest to the chorus. He probably appeared in that capacity him- self, taking various parts in the same piece by means of dis- guises effected by linen masks. Thus by his successive appear- ance in different characters, and by the dialogue which he main- tained with the chorus, or rather with its leader, a dramatic fable of tolerable complexity might be represented. The first repre- sentation given by Thespis was in 535 b.c. He was succeeded by Chcerilus and Phrynicus, the latter of whom gained his first prize in the dramatic contests in 511 B.C. He deviated from the hitlierto established custom in making a contemporary event the subject of one of his dramas. His tragedy on the capture of Miletus was so pathetic that the audience were melted into * See p. 132. tears ; but the subject was considered so ill-chosen that he was fined a thousand drachmae.* The only other dramatist whom we need mention before iEschylus is the Dorian Pratinas, a native of Phlius, but who exhibited his tragedies at Athens. Pratinas was one of the improvers of tragedy by separating the satyric from the tragic drama. As neither the popular taste nor the ancient religious associations connected with the festivals of Dionysus would have permitted the chorus of Satyrs to be entirely banished from the tragic representations, Pratinas avoided this by the invention of what is called the Satyric drama ; that is, a species of play in which the ordinary subjects of tragedy were treated in a lively and farcical man- ner, and in which the chorus consisted of a band of Satyrs in appropriate dresses and masks. After this period it became customary to exhit dramas in tetralogies, or sets of four ; namely, a tragic trilogy, or series of three tragedies, followed by a Satyric play. These were often on connected subjects ; and the Satyric drama at the end served like a merry after-piece to relieve the minds of the spectators. The subjects of Greek tragedy were taken, with few exceptions, from the national mythology. Hence the plot and story were of necessity known to the spectators, a circumstance which strongly distinguishes the ancient tragedy from the modem. It must also be recollected that the representation of tragedies did not take place every day, but only, after certain fixed inter- vals, at the festivals of Dionysus, of which they formed one of the greatest attractions. During the whole day the Athenian public sat in the theatre witnessing tragedy after tragedy ; and a prize was awarded by judges appointed for the purpose to the poet who produced the best set of dramas. §4. Such was Attic tragedy when it came into the hands of JEschylus, who, from the gi'eat improvements which he intro- duced, was regarded by the Athenians as its father or founder, just as Homer was of Epic poetry, and Herodotus of History, ^schylus was born at Eleusis in Attica in b.c. 525, and was thus contemporary with Simonides and Pindar. His father, Eupho- rion, may possibly have been connected with the worship of Demeter at Eleusis ; and hence, perhaps, were imbibed those religious impressions which characterized the poet through life. His first play was exhibited in B.C. 500, when he was 25 years of age. He fought with his brother CynaBgirus at the battle of Marathon,! and also at those of Artemisium, Salamis, and Plataea. In b.c. 484 he gained his first tragic prize. The * See p. 169. f See p. 178. 404 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXXV first of his extant dramas, the Persce, was not brought out till B.C. 472, when he gained the prize with the trilogy of which it formed one of the pieces. In 468 he was defeated in a tragic flontest by his younger rival Sophocles ; jfhortly afterwards he retired to the court of king liiero, at Syracuse. In 4 07 Hiero died; and in 458 ^Eschylus nuist have returned to Athens, since he produced his trilogy of the Orcsteia in that year. This trilogy, which was com|X)sed of the tragedies otthe Agamemnon, the Clim'iilmre, and the EimKnifics, is remarkable a.s the only one that has come down to us in any thing like a jKnlect shape. His defence of the Areopagus, however, contained in the last of these three dramas, proved unpalatable to the new and more demo- cratic generation which had now sprung up at Athens; and either from disappointment or fear of the consequences ^schy- lus again quitted Athens and retired once more to Sicily. On this occasion he repaired to Gela, where he died in b.c. 456, in the 69th year of his age. It is unanimously related that an eagle, mistaking the poet's bald head for a stone, let a tortoise lall upon it in order to break tlie shell, thus fulfdling an oracle pre- dicting that he was to die by a blow from heaven. After his death, his memory was held in high reverence at Athens. A decree was passed that a cliorus should be provided at the public expense for any one who might wish to revive his tragedies ; and hence it happened that they were frequently reproduced upon the stage. The improvements introduced into tragedy by ^schylus concerned both its form and composition, and its manner of representation. In the former his principal iimovation was the introduction of a second actor ; whence arose the dialogue, pro- perly so called, and the limitation of the choral parts, which now became subsidiary. His improvements in the manner of representing tragedy consisted in the introduction of painted scenes, drawn according to the rules of i)erspcctive, for which he availed himself of the pictorial skill of Agatharchus. He furnished the actors with more appropriate and more maf^- niiicent dresses, invented for them more various and expres- sive masks, and raised their stature to the heroic size by pro- viding them with thick soled cothurni or buskins. He paid great attention to the choral dances, and invented several new figures.* The genius of iEschylus inclined rather to the awful and sub- -" personae palljpque repertor honestaj ufischylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tigiiis, Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno." IIoR., Ar. Poet. 278. CiiAF. XXXV. SOPHOCLES. 405 lime than to the tender and pathetic. He excels in representing the superhuman, in depicting demigods and heroes, and m tracmg the irresistible march of fate. His style resembles the ideas which it clothes. It is bold, sublime, and full of gorgeous imagery, but sometimes borders on the turgid.* § 5. Sophocles, the younger rival and immediate successor of ^schylus in the tragic art, was bom at Colonus, a village about a mile from Athens, in B.C. 495. We know little of his family, except that his father's name was Sophilus ; but that he was carefully trained in music and gymnastics appears from the lact that in his sixteenth year he was chosen to lead, naked, and with lyre in hand, the chorus which danced round the trophy, and saner the hymns of triumph, on the occasion of the victory of Salamis (b.c. 480). We have already adverted to his wTcsting the tragic prize from iEschylus in 468, which seems to have been his first appearance as a dramatist. This event was ren- dered very striking by the circumstances under which it occurred. The Archon Eponymus had not yet appointed the judges of the approaching contest, respecting which public expectation and party feeling ran very high, when Cimon and his nine colleagues in command entered the theatre, having just returned from Scyros. After they had made the customary libations to Dio- nysus, the archon detained them at the altar and administered to them the oath api)oiiitcd for the judges in the dramatic con- tests. Their decision, as we have said, was in favour of Sopho- cles. From this time forwards he seems to have retained the almost undisputed possession of the Athenian stage, until a young but formidable rival arose in the person of Euripides. In 440 we find Sophocles elected one of the 10 Strategi, of whom Pericles was the chief, to conduct the expedition against Samos ; an honour which he is said to have owed to his play ot the Antigone, which was brought out in the spring of that year, and whicii is the earliest of his extant dramas. He was now 5^ years of age, yet his poetical liie seemed only beginning. From this time "to his death was the period of his greatest hterary activity ; but of his personal history we have few details. He was one of the ten elders, or ProbouU, a sort of committee of public safety appointed by the Athenians after the failure of the Sicilian expedition, unless indeed the Sophocles mentioned on that occasion by Thucydides be some other person. The close * ^^chylus is said to have written sevonty tragedies ; but only seven are extant, which were probably represented in the following order ; the Persiani^, n.c. 472; the ^even against Thebes, b.c. 471; the i^uppliant 8 ; the Protncthcus; the Ajainvnmon, Choi'phjrw, and Aumctiidcs, b.c. 45». wlw HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV. Chap. XXXV. EURIPIDES. 407 of his life was troubled with family dissensions. lophon, his son by an Athenian wife, and therefore his legitimate heir, was jealous of the aHection manifested by his father lor his grandson iSophocles, the oHspring of another son, Ariston, whom he had had by a Sicyonian woman. Fearing lest his father should bestow a great part of his property upon his favourite, lophon summoned him before the Phratores, or tribesmen, on the ground that his mind was afiected. The old man's only reply was — " If I am Sophocles I am not beside myself; and if I am beside myself I am not Sophocles." Then taking up his (Edijms at Co- lonuSf which he had lately written, but had not yet brought out, he read from it the beautiful passage beginniug — EvtTTTToi', ^t've, riiade x*^P^C — with which the judges were so struck that they at once dis- missed the case. He died shortly afterwards in B.C. 406, in his 90th year. As a poet Sophocles is universally allowed to have brought the drama to the greatest perfection of which it is susceptible. His plays stand in the just medium between the sublime but imregulated flights of jEschylus, and the too familiar scenes and rhetorical declamations of Euripides. His plots are worked up with more skill and care than the plots of either of his great rivals : that of the (Edipus Tyrannus in particular is remarkable for its skilful devolojiement, and for the manner in wliicli the in- terest of the piece increases through each succeeding act. So- phocles added the last improvement to the form of" the drama by the introduction of a third actor ; a change w hich greatly enlarged the scope of the action. The improvement was so obvious that it was adopted by jEschylus in his later plays ; but the number of three actors seems to have been seldom or never exceeded. Sophocles also made considerable alterations in the choral parts, by curtailing the length of the songs, and by giving the chorus itself the character of an impartial spectator and judge, rather tifan that of a deej)ly interested party which it often assumes in the plays of iEschylus.* h 6. Euripides was born in the island of Salamis, in B.C. 480, his parents having been among tliose who fled thither at the time of the invasion of Attica by Xerxes. In early life he prac- tised painting with some success, but lie devoted himself with * Sophocles is said to have written 117 tragedies, but of these only Beven are extant, which are to he ranked, probahly, in the following chronological order: the Antigone, b.c. 440; AVcrtra ; 7Vachinia:; (Edipus Tt/rannns; Ajax ; PhUoetctes, b.c. 409; (Edipu» at Coloitua, brought out by tlic younger Sophocles u.c. 401. still more earnestness to philosophy and literature. He studied rhetoric under Prodicus, and physics under Anaxagoras, and also lived on intimate terms with Socrates. He is said to have written a tracredy at the age of 18 ; but the first play brought out in his own name was acted in b.c. 455, when he was 25 years of age It was not, however, till 441 that he gained his first prize, and from this time he continued to exhibit plays until b.c. 408, the date of his Orestes. Soon after this he repaired to the court ot Macedonia, at the invitation of King Archelaiis, where he died two years afterwards at the age of 74 (b.c. 406).^ Common re- port relates that he was torn to pieces by the king s dogs, which, according to some accounts, were set upon him by two rival poets out of envy. ^ ex.- Euripides received tragedy perfect from the hands ot his pre- decessors, and we do not find that he made any changes in its outward form. But he varied from them considerably in the poetical mode of handling it, and his innovations in this respect were decidedly for the worse. He converted the prologue into a vehicle for the exposition of the whole plot, in which he not only informs the spectator of what has happened up to that mament, but frequently also of what the result or catastrophe will be. In his hands too the chorus grew feebler, and its odes less connected with the subject of the drama, so that they might frequently belong to any other piece just as well as to the one in which they were inserted. In treating his characters and subjects he often arbitrarily departed from the received legends, and di- minished the dignity of tragedy by depriving it of its ideal char- acter, and by bringing it down to the level of every day life. His dialogue was garrulous and colloquial, wanting in heroic dignity, and f'requently fViizid through misplaced philosophical disquisi- tions. Yet in spite of all these faults Euripides has many beauties, and is particularly remarkable for pathos, so that Aris- totle calls him " the most tragic of poets." Eighteen of the tra- gedies of Euripides are still extant, omitting the Rlicsus, the genuineness of which there are good reasons for doubting. One of them, the Cf/dops, is particularly interesting as the only ex- tant specimen of the Greek satyric drama.* § 7. Comedy was revived at Athens by Chionides and his con- temporaries, about B.C. 488; but it received its fuU development * The following is a list of his extant plays : the Alccstis, b.c. 438 ; Medea, 431 ; Hippoli/his, 428 ; Hecuba, about 424 ; Hrraclidce, about 421 ; Sappllces, Ion, Hercules Furens, Andrmnaehe ; Troa^les, 415; Electra ; Helena, 425 ; Iphiqenia in Tauris ; Orestes, 408 ; Phmmonly introduced into that part of the chorus cal ed the jmrafxish, when, the actors having left the stage, the choreuta3 turned round, ard, advancing to- wards the spectators, addressed them in the name of the poet Towards the end of the career of Aristophanes the unrestricted licence and libellous personality of comedy began gradually to disappear. The chorus was first curtailed and then entirely tup- pressed, and thus made way for what is called the Middle Co- medy, which had no chorus at all. The Plulus of Aristojihanes, which contains no political allusions, exhibits an approach to this phase. . An extract from the Knights of Aristophanes will give some idea of the unmeasured invective in which the poet indulged. The chorus come upon the stage, and thus commence their attack upon Cleon: — Close around him, anown you cast hinr, roast |ii^ baste him, and devour him at your ease. Clcotu Yesl assault, insult, abuse me! this is the return I find For the noble testimony, the memorial I designed : Meaning to propose proposals for a monument of stone. On the which your late achievements should be carved and neatly done. Chorus. Out, away with him! the slave! the pompous, empty, fawning knave 1 Does he think with idle speeches to delude and cheat us all, t. 1 1 .1 T** 11 A '\ A. aa !!• 1*1 lid As he does the doting elders that attend his daily call ? Pelt him here, and bang him there ; and here and there and e everywhere. Cleon, Save me, neighbours ! the monsters 1 my side, my back, my breast ! Cho-nm. What, you're forced to call for help? you brutal, overbearing pest.* ^ 8. Of the prose writers of this period, Thucydides is by far the greatest. Herodotus, who belongs to the same period, and who was only a few years older than Thucydides. has been no- ticed in a previous chapter. Thucydides was an Athenian, and was bom in the year 47 1 B.C. His father was named Olorus, and his mt)ther Hegesipyle, and his family was connected with tliat of Miltiades and Cimon. Thucydides appears to have been a man of wealth ; and we know from his own account that he possessed gold mines in Thrace, and enjoyed great influence in that country. AYe also leani from liimself that he was one of the suflerers from the great plague at Athens, and among the few who recovered. He com- manded an Athenian squadron of seven ships at Thasos, in 424 B.C., at the time when Brasidas was besiegnig Amphipolis ; and, having failed to relieve that city in time, he went into a volun- tary exile, in order probably to avoid the punishment of death. He appears to have spent 20 yeans in banishment, principally iu * Translated by Mr. Frere. Chap. XXXV. THUCYDIDES. XENOPHON. 411 the Peloponnesus, or in places under the dominion or influence of Sparta. He perhaps returned to Athens m B.C. 403, the date of its liberation by Thrasybulus. According to the unammous testimony of antiquity he met with a violent end, and it seems probable that he was assassinated at Athens, smce it cannot he doubted that his tomb existed there ; but some authorities place the scene of his death in Thrace. From the heginmng ot the Peloponnesian war he had designed to write its history, and he employed himself in collecting materials for that r^rpcse during its continuance ; hut it is most likely that the work was not actually composed till after the conclusion of the war, and that he was engaged upon it at the time of his death. Some critics are even ofopinion that the 8th and coiicludmg book is not ircm his hand ; but there seems to be little ground for this assump- tion, though he may not have revised it with the same care as the former hooks. ,. ^ ^ j Such are all the authentic particulars that can he stated re- Bpecting the greatest of the Athenian historiaiis. It is only necessary to add a short account of his work. The first hook is introductory, and contains a rapid sketch ol Grecian history from the remotest times to the breaking out oi the- war, accom- panied with an explanation of the events and causes which led to it, and a digression on the rise and progress ol the Athenian power. The remaining seven books are tilled with the details of the war, related according to the division into summers and winters, into which all campaigns naturally fall ; and the work breaks oil* alruptly in the middle of the 21st year of the war (B.C. 411). It is probable that the division oi his history uito hooks was the work of the Alexandrine critics, and that as it came from the hands of the author it formed a contmuous nar- rative. The materials of Tlmcydidcs were collected with the most scrupulous care ; the events are related with the strictest impartiality ; and llie work probably olibrs a more exact account of a lon«r and eveiiliul period than any other contemporary his- tory, whether ancient or modern, of an equally long and import- ant a;ra. The style of Thucydides is brief and sententious, and whether hi moral or political reasoning, or in descriptioii, gains wonderful force from its condensation. It is this brevity and simplicity that renders his account of the plague of Athens so striking and tragic. But this characteristic is sometimes carried to a faulty extent, so as to render his style harsh, and his mean- ing obscure. • i r r< • k 9. Xenophon propcriy helongs to the next period ot Lrrecian history, but the subject of the rariier portion of his History is so intimately connected with the work of Thucydides, that it in HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXV. will be more convenient to speak of hira in the present place. Xenophon was the son of Gryllua, an Athenian, and was pro- bably born about B.C. 44 A. iSjcrates is said to have saved his life in the battle of Delium, wnick was Ibught in ij.c;^^424, and as we know that he lived to a niueh later period, he could hardly have been raaro tlian 20 at the time of this battle. Xenophon was a pupil of Socrates, and we are also told that he received instructions from Prodicus of Coos, and from Isocrates. His accompanying Cyrus the younger in his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, king of Persia, formod a striking episode in his life, and has been recorded by himself in his Anabasis ; but as we shall have occasion to relate this event in our next book, we need not touch upon it here. He seems to have been still in Asia at the time of the death of Socrates in 399 b.c, and was probably banished from Athens soon after that period, in conso- quence of his close connexion with the Lacedtemonian autho- rities in Asia. He accompanied Agesilaus, the Spartan king, on the return of the latter from Asia to Greece ; and he Ibught along with the Lacedwmonians against his own countrymen at the battle of Coronea hi 394 b.c. After this battle he went with Agesilaus to Sparta, and soon afterwards settled at Scillus in Elis, near Olympia, where he was joined by his wife and cliildren. His time seems to have been agreeably spent at this residence in hunting, and other rural diversions, as well as in literary pur- suits ; and he is said to have connxised here his Anabasis, and a part, if not the whole of the lldlcnica. Frmn this quiet retreat he was at length expelled by the E leans, but at what date is uncertain ; though he seem, at all events to have spont at least 20 years at this placj. His siuitenee of banishment from Athens was repealed on the motion of Eubulus, but in what year we do not know. His two sons, Gryllus and Diodorus, are said to have fought with the Athenians anil Spartans against the Thebans, at the battle of Mantinea in 3G2. There is, however, no evidence that Xenophon ever returned to Athens. He seems to have retired to Corinth after his expulsion from Elis, and it is pro- bable that he died there. He is said to have lived to more than 90 years of age, and he mentions an event which occured as late as 3-37 H.c. Probably all the works of Xenophon arc still extant. The Anabasis is the work on which his liimi3 as an historian cliieily rests. It is written in a simple and agreeable style, and conveys much curious and striking information. The llcllcntai is a con- tinuation of the history of Thucydides, and comprehends in seven books a space of about 48 years ; namely, from the time when Thucydides breaks oil', B.C. 411, to the battle of Muutinea Chap. XXXV. SOPHISTS. 413 in 362. The subject is treated in a very dry and uninteresting style ; and his evident partiality to Spana, and dislike of Athens, have frequently warped his judgment, and must cause his state- ments to be received with some suspicion. The Cyropmtia, one of the most pleasing and popular of Xenophon's works, professes to be a history of Cyrus, the Ibunder of the Persian monarchy, but is in reality a kind of political romance, and possesses no authority whatever as an liistorical work. The design of the author seems to have been to draw a picture of a perfect state ; and though the scene is laid in Persia, the materials of the work are derived from his own philosophical notions and the usages of Sparta, engrafted on the popularly current stories re- specting Cyrus. Xenophon displays in this work his dislike of democratic institutions like those of Athens, and his preference for an aristocracy, or even a monarchy. Xenophon was also the author of several minor works ; but the oidy other treatise which we need mention is the Memo rab ilia of Socrates, in four books, intended as a defence of his master against the charges which occasioned his death, and which undoubtedly contains a genuine picture of Socrates and his philosophy. The genius of Xenophon was not of the highest order ; it was practical rather than specu- lative ; but he is distinguished for his good sense, his moderate views, his humane temper, and his earnest piety. k 10. In closing this brief survey of Athenian literature, it is necessary to make a few remarks upon Athenian education, and upon the greatest teacher of his age — the philosopher Socrates. A certain amount ef elementary education seems to have pre- vailed among the free citizens of all tlie Grecian states at the time of which we are speakuig. Instruction was usually im- parted in schools. The pedagogue, or private tutor, was not a teacher ; he was seldom a man of much knowledge — often indeed a slave— and his oflice was merely to watch over his pupils in their idle liours, and on their way to the schools. When a youth could read with fluency, he was set to learn by heart passages selected from the best poets, in which moral precepts and examples of virtuous conduct were inculcated and exhibited. The wt)rks of ^sop and Theognis were much used for this purpose. He was then taught those accomplishments which the Greeks uicluded under the comprehensive head of " music," and which comprised not only the art of playmgon the lyre, and of singing and dancing, so as to enable him to bear a part in a chorus, but also to recite poetical compositions with grace and propriety of accent and pronunciation. At the same time his physical powers were developed and strengthened by a course of gymnastic exercises. At the age of 18 or 20 the sons 414 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV. of the more wealthy citizens attended the classes of the rhetors and sophists who gave their lectures in the Lyceum, Academy, or other similar institutions ; — a course somewhat analogous to entering a university in our own times. Here the young man studied rhetoric and philosophy ; under which heads were in- cluded mathematics, astronomy, dialectics, oratory, criticism, and morals. § 11. It will he perceived from the above sketch that the rhetor and sophist — whose provinces were often combined, and are generally diliicult to distinguish with accuracy — played the most important part in the formation of the future man. They gave the last bias to his muid, and sent him forth into the world with habits of thought which in after liie he would perhaps have neither the leisure nor the inclination to alter, or even to exa- mine. Most of the young men who attended their lectures had Httle more in view than to become qualilied Ibr taking a practical part in active life. The democraticai institutions which had begun to prevail in Athens, ISicily, and other parts of Greece during the lifth century before the Christian ara, and which often obliged a public man to confute an adversary, to dclend himself from an attack, or to persuade a public assembly, leii- dered it necessary for him to obtain some knowledge of rhetoric and dialectics. It was for this purpose that the schools of the rhetors and sophists were frequented by the great mass cf their hearers, without, perhaps, much care lor their speculative i)rin- ciples except so far as they might serve us exercises to sharpen dialectic skill. Among the most eminent tf these teachers in the time of Socrates were Protagoras of Abdera, Gorgias of Leontini, Polus of Agrigentum, Hippias of Elis, Prodicus of Ceos, and others. As rhetorical instructors they may be compared with Isocrates or (duintilian ; but, generally speaking, there was more or less of philosophical speculation nnxed up with their teaching. The name of " Sopliist" borne by these men had not origin- ally that invidious meaning which it came to possess in later times. In its early use it meant only a tcise or a clever man. Thus it was applied to the seven sages, and to the poets, such as Homer and Hesiod ; men as far removed as possible from the notion imphed in the modern term sopliist. The word seems to have retained its honourable meaning down to the time of Socrates ; but Plato and Xcnophon began to use it in a depre- ciatory sense, and as a term of reproach. AYhenever tliey wished to speak of a truly wise man they preferred the word " philosopher." It may therefore be inferred that the name cf "Sophist" began to fall into contempt through the teaching of CuAP. XXXV. SOCRATES. 415 Socrates, more especially as we find that Socrates himself shrank from the name. n v i. ^<. U2. But the relation of Socrates to the Sophists will be best shown by a brief account of his life. . ^ ^ r a i - ' SocratAiS was born iu the year 468 b.c. m the deme of Alopece, in the immediate nei^rlibourhood of Athens. His father, bo- phroniscus, was a sculi^tor, and Soc:ates was brought up to and for some time practised, the same profession. A group ot the Charities or Graces, from his chisel, was preserved in the Acro- polis of Athens, and was extant in the time of Pausanias His mother, Phaiiiarete, was a midwife. Thus his station in life was humble, but his family wa^ of genuine Attic descent. He was married to Xanthippe, by whom he had three sons ; but her bad temper has rendered her name proverbial for a conjugal scold His physical constitution was healthy, robust, and won- derfully enduring. Indiilbrent alike to heat and cold, the same scanty and homely clothing sulilced him both in summer and winter • and even in the campaign of Potidaea, amidst the snows of a Thracian winter, he went barefooted. He was rnoderate and fru , and retirement of Xenophon. f 1 The intervention of Cyrus in the affairs of Greece, related in the preceding book, let! to a remarkable episode m Grecian Mstory. which strongly illustrates the contrast between the Greeks and Asiatics. This was the celebrated expedition ot Cyrus against his brother Artaxerxes, in which the superiority of Grecian to Asiatic soldiers was so strikingly shown. It was the first symptom of the repulsion of the tide of conquest, which had in former times flowed from east to west, and the harbinger of those future victorious expeditions into Asia which were to be conducted by Agesilaus and Alexander the Great. It has been already mentioned, in the account ol the death ol Alcibiades, that Cyrus was forming designs against the throne of his brother Artaxerxes. The death of their father, Darius Nothus, took place about the beginning of the year B.C. 4U4, shortly before the battle of ^gospotami. Cyrus, who was pre- sent at his father's death, was charged by Tissaphemes with plotting against the new monarch. The accusation was believed by ArTaxerxes, who seized his brother, and would have put him to death, but for the intercession of their mother, Parysatis, who persuaded him not only to spare Cyrus, but to conhrm him in his former government. Cyrus returned to Sardis, burning with revenge, and fuUy resolved to make an cfiort to dethrone his brother f 2. From his intercourse with the Greeks Cyrus had become aware of their superiority to the Asiatics, and ol their useielness in such an enterprise as he now contemplated. The peace which followed the capture of Athens seemed favourable to his projects. Many Greeks, bred up in the practice of war during the long stru4le between that rity and Sparta, were now deprived ct their employment, whilst many more had been driven into exile by the establishment of the Spartan oligarchies m the various conquered cities. Under the pretence of a private war with the satrap Tissaphemes. Cyrus enhsted large numbers ol them m his service. The Greek, in whom he placed most confidence, and who collected for him the largest number ot mercenaries was Clearchus, a Lacedemonian, and formerly harmost of Byzantium, who had been condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for disobedience to tJheir orders. It was not, however, till the beginning of the year n.c. 4U1, that the enterprise of Cyrus was ripe for execution. The breek levies were then withdrawn from the various towns m which they were distributed, and concentrated in Sardis to the number 422 HISTORY OF GREECE. CuAP. XXXVL of 7700 hoplites, and 500 light-armetl troops ; and in March or April of this year Cyrus marched from Sardis with them, and with an army of 100,000 Asiatics. The object of the exjx^dition was proclaimed to be an attack upon the mountain-freebooters of Pisidia ; its real destination was a secret to every one except Cyrus himself and Clearchus. The Greeks wlio took part in this expedition were not mere adventurers and outcasts ; many of them liad some position in their own cities, and several were even opulent. Yet the hope of gain, foimded on the riches of Persia, and on the known liberality of Cyrus, was the motive which allured them. Among them was Xcnophon, an Athenian knight, to whom we owe a narrative of the expedition. He went as a volunteer, at the invitation of his friend Proxenus, a Bceotian, and one of the generals of Cyrus. § 3. The march of Cyrus was directed through Lydia and Phrygia. After passing Colossae he arrived at Cela;ntB, where he halted thirty days to await the arrival of Clearchus with the re- serves and reinforcements. The grand total of the Greeks, when reviewed here by Cyrus, amounted to 11,000 hophtes and 2000 peltasts. The line of march, which had been hitherto straight npon Pisidia, was now directed northwards. Cyrus passed in suc- cession the Phrygian towns of Peltie, Ceramon Agora, the Plain of Cayster, Thymbrium, and Tyriaeum. At the last of these places he was met by Epyaxa, wife of Syennesis the here- ditary prince of Cilicia. Epyaxa supplied him with money enough to furnish four months' pay to the (i reeks, who had pre- viously been murmuring at the irregularity with which they received their stipend. A review was then held, in which the Greeks, in their best array, and with newly-furbished shields and armour, went through their evolutions, and executed a mock charge with such effect that Epyaxa jumped out of her palanquin and fled in affright, followed by a great part of the Asiatics. Cyrus was delighted at seeing the terror which the Greeks in- spired. From Tyriaeum Cyrus marched to Iconium (now Konieh), the last city in Phrygia, and from thence through Lycaonia to Dana, south of which lay the pass across Mount Taurus into Cilicia. This pass, called the Gates of Taurus, or the Cilician Gates, was occupied by Syennesis. But the resistance of that prince, who was a vassal of the Persian crown, was in fact a mere feint. He had already, as we have seen, supplied Cyrus with money through his wife ; and he now abandoned his impregnable position, and retired first to Tarsus, and thence to an inaccessible fortress in the mountains. But, when Cyrus arrived at Tarsus, Syennesis, at the first invitation of his wife, repaired thither, and furnished B.C. 401. PASSAGE OF THE EUPHRATES. 423 the young prince with a supply of money and a contingent of troops for his expedition. § 4. Pisidia had now been passed, and the Greeks plainly saw that they had been deceived, and that the expedition was de- signed against the Persian king. Seized with alarm at the pro- spect of so long a march, they declared their resolution to pro- ceed no farther. But they had already advanced so far that to retreat seemed as difficult and dangerous as to advance ; and, after considerable hesitation and delay, they sent a deputation to Cyrus to ask him what his real intentions were. Cyrus re- plied that his design was to march against his enemy, Abrocomas, satrap of Syria, who was encamped on the banks of the Euphrates. The Greeks, though they still suspected a delusion, contented themselves with this answer in the face of their present diffi- culties, especially as Cyrus promised to raise their pay from one Daric to one Daric and a half a month. The whole army then marched forwards to Issus, the last town in Cilicia, seated on the gulf of the same name. Here they met the fleet, which brought them a reinforcement of 1100 Greek soldiers, thus raising the Grecian force to about 14,000 men. Abrocomas, who commanded for the Great King in Syria and PhcEnicia, alarmed at the rapid progress of Cyrus, fled before him with all his army, reported as 300,000 strong ; abandomng the impregnable pass situated one day's march from Issus, and known as the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. This pass was a narrow road, nearly half a mile in length, lying between the sea and Mount Amanus, and enclosed at either end by gates. Marchnig in safety through this pass, the army next reached Myriandrus, a sea-port of Phcenicia, where the Grecian generals Xenias and Pasion deserted, and hired a merchant-vessel to convey them home. Cyrus might easily have captured them with his triremes, but declined to do so ;— conduct which won for him the confidence and love of the army. ^ 5. Cyrus now struck off into the interior, over Mount Ama- nus. Twelve days' march brought him to Thapsacus on the Euphrates, where for the first time he formally notified to the army that he was marching to Babylon against his brother Artaxerxes. At this intelligence loud murmurs again broke forth from the Grecian ranks, and accusations against the generals of having deceived them. The discontent, however, was by no means so violent as that which had been manifested at Tarsus. The real object of the march had evidently been suspected beforehand by the soldiers, and the promise of a large donative soon induced them to proceed. The water happened to be very low, scarcely reaching to the breast ; and Abrocomas made no HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXVI. 424 attempt to dispute the passage. The army now entered upon the desert, where the Greeks were struck with the novel sights which met their view, and at once amused and exhausted them- selves in the chase of the wild ass and the antelope, or in the vain pursuit of the scudding ostrich. After several days ol toil- some march, the army at length reached Pyla) the entrance into the cultivated plains of Babylonia, where they halted a few days to refresh themselves. § 6. Soon after leaving that place symptoms became per- ceptible of a vast hostile force moving m their iront. ihe exagcrerated reports of deserters stated it at 1,200,000 men ; its reaF'strength wa^ about 900,000. In a characteristic address Cyrus exhorted the Greeks to take no heed of the multitude ot their enemies ; they would find in them, he affirmed, nothing but numbers and noise, and if they could bring themselves to despise these they would soon find of what worthless stutl the natives were' composed. The army then marched cautiously forwards, in order of battle, along the left bank of the Euphrates. They soon came upon a huge trench, 30 feet broad and 18 deep, which Artaxerxes had caused to be dug across Uie plfm for a length of about 42 English miles, reaching Irom the Euphrates to the wall of Media. Between it and the river was left only a narrow passage about 20 feet broad ; yet Cyrus and his army louiid with surprise that this pass was left entirely undefended. This cir- cumstance inspired them with a contempt of the enemy and induced them to proceed in careless array ; but on tlie next day but one after passing the trench, on arriving at a place called Cuiirtxa, they were surprised with the intelligence that Artaxerxes was approachin- with all his forces. Cyrus immediately drew up his army in order of battle. The Greeks were posted on the ri^ht, whilst Cyrus himself, surrounded by a picked body-guard of 600 Persian cuirassiers, took up his station in the centre. It was loner, however, before the army of the Great King appeared in siorht" A white cloud of dust in the extreme distance gave the first Indication of their approach. Out of this an undefined and ominous dark spot began gradually to emerge ; presently arrns and armour glanced in the sunbeams ; and at length the whole array of the enemy became discernible, advancing lu dense and threatening masses. 0:i their left wing, and consequently op- iiosed to the Greeks, appeared Tissaphernes, at the head ot the Persian horsemen, with white cuirasses ; on his right the Persian bowmen with their ^enha, or light wicker shields, which they planted in the ground, and from behind them shot their arrows , next, the array of the Egyptian infantry, whose loiig wooden sluelds covered their whole body from head to foot. In fiont B.C. 401. BATTLE OF CUNAXA 425 was a line of chariots, having scythes attached to the wheels, and which were to lead the charge. The Persian line was so vast that its centre extended beyond the Icit of Cyrus. Before the battle began Cyrus desired Clearchus to attack the Persian centre, where the king in person was posted. But Clearchus, whose' right rested on the river, cared not to withdraw from that position, lest he should be surrounded by the superior numbers of the enemy, and therefore returned a general answer that he would manage everything for the best. His over-precaution oc- casioned the defeat and death of Cyrus. When the enemy were about half a mile distant, the Greeks charged them with the usual war-shout. The Persians did not await their onset, but turned and fled. Tissaphernes and his cavalry alone ofiered any resistance ; the remainder of the Persian left was routed without a blow. As Cyrus was contemplating the easy victory of the Greeks, his followers surrounded him, and already saluted him with the title of king. But the centre and right of Artaxerxes still remained unbroken ; and that monarch, unaware of the defeat of his left wing, ordered the right to wheel and ericompass the army of Cyrus. No sooner did Cyrus perceive this move- ment than with his body-guard he impetuously charged the enemy's centre, where Artaxerxes himself stood, surrounded with 6000 horse. The latter were routed and dispersed, and were fol- lowed so eagerly by the guards of Cyrus, that he was left almost alone with the select few called his " Table Companions." In this situation he caught sight of his brother Artaxerxes, whose per- son was revealed by the flight of his troops, when, maddened at once by rage and ambition, he shouted out, " I see the man !" and rushed" at him with his handful of companions. Hurling his javelin at his brother, he wounded him in the breast, but was himself speedily overborne by superior numbers and slain on the spot. § 7. Meanwhile, Clearchus had pursued the flying enemy up- wards of three miles ; but hearing tliat the King's troops were victorious on the left and centre, he retraced his steps, again routing the Persians who endeavoured to intercept him. When the Greeks regained tlieir camp they Ibund that it had been completely plundered, and were consequently obliged to go su^i^ perless to rest. It was not till the following day that they learned the death of Cyrus ; tidings which converted their triumph into sorrow and dismay. A Greek in the service ot Artaxerxes now appeared in their camp, with a message re- quiring them to lay down their arms. " If the King," replied the Grecian generals, " thinks himself strong enough, let him come and take them." But they were in a difficult position. \ 'I i 416 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXVL B.C. 401 RETREAT OF THE GREEKS. 427 They were desirous that Ariscus, who now commanded the army of Cyrus, should lay claim to the Persian crown, and oflered to support his pretensions ; hut Ariicus answered that the Persian grandees would not tolerate Fiich a chiiin ; that he intended im- mediately to retreat ; and that if tiie Greeks wished to accom- pany him, they must join him diiriiijr the lollowiujr ni«j:ht. This was accordingly done ; when oaths of reciprocal lidclity were iuterchanged between the Grecian generals and Ariajus, and sanctitied by a solemn sacrifice. The difficult question now arose how their retreat was to be conducted. They were nearly 1 500 miles from 8ardis, and were to find their own way back, without guides, and by a new route, since the former one was impracticable on account of the desert and the want of provisions. Moreover, though tliey might easily defy the Persian infantry, however numerous, yet the Persian cavalry, ever hovering on their rear, would prove a formidable obstacle to their retreat. They commenced their march east- wards towards some Babylonian villages, where tliey hoped to find supplies ; but on reaching them at the end of a long day's march, they foimd that they had been plundered, and that no provisions were to be obtained. On the following day a message arrived from the Persian king, with a proposal to treat for })eace on equal terms. Clearchus afiected to treat the oiler vvitli great iudiliercnce, and made it an opportunity for procuring provisions. " Tell your king," said he to the envoys, " that we must first fight ; for we have had no breakfast, nor will any man presume to talk to the Greeks about a truce, without first providing for them a breakfast." This was agreed to, and guides were sent to conduct the Greeks to some villages where they might obtain food. In these all the riches of Babylon were spread before them. Corn in vast abun- dance, dates of such size and flavour as they had never betbre seen, whie made from the date palm; in short, luxury and abundance in place of their late scanty fare and privations. Whilst they were enjoying these quarters, they received a visit from Tissaphemes, who came in great state. He pretended much friendship towards them, and said that he had come from the Great King to inquire the reason of their expedition. Cle- archus repUed — what was indeed true of the greater part of the army^ ^that they had not come thither with any design to attack the king, but had been enticed forwards by Cyrus under false pretences ; that their only desire at present was to return home ; but that if any obstacle was oliered, they were prepared to repel hostilities. In a day or two Tissaphemes returned, and with some parade stated that he had with great ditficulty obtained permission to save the Greek army ; that he was ready to con- duct them in person into Greece, and to supply them with provisions, for which, however, they were to pay ; but it he i'ailed to supply them, tlien they were to be at liberty to help tluMiiselves. An agreement was accordingly entered into to this ciiect. Artaxerxcs, indeed, seems to have been heartily desirous of gettin"- rid of them. They were now within 90 miles of Baby- lon, in a rich country intersected by canals, and easily defensible acrainst cavalry. Bit a pamful interval of twenty days ensued d'urincr which TLssaphernes neglected to return ; whilst at the Bame°time the suspicions of the Greeks were excited by the friendly messages which Ariseus received from Artaxerxes, with promises of oblivion and forgiveness of his past conduct. At length, however, Tissaphernei returned, and undertook the di- rection of the homeward march. § 8 The troops of Ariseus were now mingled with those ot Tissaphemes, whilst the Greeks followed the combined army at a distance of three miles. In three days' march they reached the wall of Media, and passed through it. This wall was 100 feet high and 20 feet broad, and was said to extend a distance of 70 miles. Two days more brought them to the Tigris, which they crossed on the following morning by a bridge of boats. They then marched northward, arriving in four days at the river Physeus and a large city called Opis. Six days' further march through a deserted part of Media brought them to some villages belonging to queen Parysatis, which, out of enmity to her as the patron of Cyrus, Tissaphemes abandoned to be plundered by the Greeks. From thence they proceeded in five days to the river Zabatus, or Greater Zab, having previously crossed the Lesser Zab, which X3nophon neglects to mention. In the first of these five days they saw on the opposite side of the Tigris a larcre city called Cajii®, the inhabitants ot which brought over "provisions to them. At the Greater Zab they halted three days. Mistmst, and even slight hostilities, had been already manifested between the Greeks and Persians, but they now became so serious that Clearchus demanded an interview with Tissaphemes. The latter protested the gi'catest fidelity and friendship towards the Greeks, and promised to deliver to the Greek generals, on the following day, the calumniators who had set the two armies at variance. But when Clearchus, with four other generals, accompanied by some lochages, or captains, and 200 soldiers, entered the Persian camp, according to appoint- ment, the captains and soldiers were immediately cut down; whilst the five generals were seized, put into irons, and sent to 428 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXVI. B.C. 401. RETREAT OF THE GREEKS. 429 tbe Persian court. After a short imprisonment, four of them were beheaded ; the fifth, Menon, who pretended that he had iKstrayed his colleapues into the hands of Tissaphernes, was at first spared ; but after a year's detention Avas put to death \.ith tortures. . . ^ . This scene naturally produced a commotion m the rersian camp ; and the Greeks who observed it from ailir, warned by one of the companions of the generals, who came running womided towards them, rushed to arms in expectation ol a general attack None, however, followed ; but Ariseus rode up at the head ot 300 horse, and relating to the Greeks the fate of their generals, called upon them to surrender. r. x. -o • .i, ♦ § 9. It seems to have been the opmion of the Persians that under these circumstances the Greeks would feel themselves completely helpless ; but some of the Greek officers stepped forward and dismissed Aria^us with indignant reproaches. Yet apprehension and dismay reigned among the Greeks. Their situation was, indeed, appalling. They were considerably more than a thousand miles from home, in a hostile and unknown country, hemmed in on all sides by impassable rivers and moun- tains, without generals, without guides, without provisions. Despair seemed to have seized on all. Lcavmg their watcli- lircs unhghted and their suppers uncooked, they threw them- selves on the ground, not to sleep, but to ruminate on their forlorn condition. Xcnophon slumbered, nideed, but his lancy was fdled with the images naturally conjured up by his desperate situation. He dreamed that a thunderbolt had struck his pa- ternal house, and enveloped it in llames. This partly lavourable and partly unfavourable omen indicated at all events a message from Jove; and the sujKjrstition which formed so marked a trait in his character, led him to consider it as a warning to rise and bestir himself He immediately got up, and calling an assembly of the captains, impressed upon them the danger ot their i^si- tion, and the necessity for taking immediate precautions. Xcno- phon, though young, possessed as an Athenian eitr/eii some claim to distinction ; and his animated address showed him fitted for command. He was saluted general on the spot ; and in a subsequent assembly was, witli four others, lorm-ally elected to that office. ^ 10. TheGreeks,havingfirstdestroyed their superfluous baggage, crossed the Greater Zab, and pursued their march on the other bank. Tissaphernes preceded them with his host, but without daring to dispute their passage or molest their route : though some cavalry, under Mithridates, annoyed the rear guard with their missiles. In order to meet this species of attack, a small body of 50 horse and 200 Rhodian slingers was organized. It was found highly useful, as the leaden bullets of the Rhodians car- ried farther than the stones of the Persian slingers. Another day's march brought the Greeks to the Tigris, near the deserted city of Larissa, 7 miles in circumference, with walls 25 feet thick and 100 feet high. Pursuing the course of the Tigris they ar- rived on the following day at Mespila, another deserted city. It was in this neighbourhood that Nineveh was situated, and, according to a modern tlieory, the two were both formerly com- prised under the name of Nineveh. Larissa seems to be repre- sented by the mound now called Nimro? id, and Mespila by that of Koia/ioy'ik, opposite the modern town of Mosul. The march from Mespila to the mountainous country of the Carduchi occupied several days, in which the (Wrecks sullered much from the attacks of the enemy. sWl. Their future route was now a matter of serious per- plexity. On their left lay the Tigris, so deep that they could not fathom it with their spears ; wliile in their front rose the steep and lofty mountains of the Carduchi, which came so near the river as hardly to leave a passage for its waters. A Rhodian soldier proposed to transport the army across the Tigris by means of inflated skins ; but the appearance of large masses of the enemy's cavalry on the opposite bank rendered this inge- nious sclieme impracticable. As all other roads seemed barred, they formed the resolution of striking into the mountains of the Carduehi,— atribe of iierce and warlike highlanders, who, though surrounded on all sides by the dominions of the Persian king, had succeeded in maintaining their independence. On the farther side of these mountains lay Armenia, where both the Tigris and the Euphrates might be forded near their sources. The Greeks found the first mountain-pass undefended, and de- scended thence into some villages; but all their attempts to conciliate the inhabitants proved unavailing. Every pass was disputed. Sometimes liuge rocks were hurled doAvn on the defiling army ; sometimes they were attacked by the Carduchian slingers and bowmen. The latter were of extraordinary skill, and^tlieir bows and arrows of such strength as to pierce the shields and corslets, and even the brazen helmets of the Greekc. After a difficult and dangerous inarch of seven days, during which their suflerings were far greater than any they had ex- perienced from the Persians, the army at length emerged into the plain, and reached the river Centrites, the boundary of Ar- Tfnenia. n -i , m § 12. Their first attempts to cross the Centrites failed. The cavalry of Tiribazus, satrap of Armenia, lined the ojiposite baidc 430 HISTOUY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXVI. ©f the river, which was 200 feet broad, up to the neck in depth, with a rapid current and shppery bottom. All the eflbrts of the Greeks to ford it proved abortive ; and as the Carduchi were threatening their rear, their situation seemed altogether desperate. On tlie following morning, however, two young men fortunately discovered a lord about half a mile higher up the stream, by which the whole army suceeded in getting across. They now prosecuted their maich iu Armenia, and in three days arrived at some villages situated on the river Teleloas. Here Tiribazus proposed to them that they should proceed urmiolested through his satrapy, taking what supphes they wanted, but with- out damaging the villages. During the first part of their march Tiribazus kept his word, and tlie only annoyance they felt was tlie severity of the weather. It was now tlie month of December, and Armenia was cold and exposed, being a table-land raised high above the level of the sea. Whilst halting near some well sup- plied villages, the Greeks were overtaken by two deep falls of snow, which almost buried them in tlieir open bivouacs. Hence a five days' march brought them to the eastern branch of the Euphrates. Crossing the river, they proceeded on the other side of it over plains covered with a deep snow, and in the iace of a biting north wind. Here many of the slaves and beasts of burthen, and even a few of the soldici-s, fell victims 1o the cold. Some had tlieir ieet frost-bitten ; some were blinded by the snow ; whilst others, exhausted with cold and hunger, sunk down and died. The army next arrived at some singular vil- lages consisting of dwellings excavated in tlie earth, and entered by means of a ladder through an oi^ening like a well. As these villages were plentifully stocked with cattle, com, vegetables, and l)eer, they here took up their quarters for a week, in order to refresh theinsi'lves. On the morning after their arrival, they despatchetl a detachment which brought iu mcst of the soldiers left behind during the march. On the eiglilh dsiy they pro- ceeded on their way, ascending the banks ol" the Tliasis, not the celebrated river of that name, but probably the one usually called Araxes. H3. From thence they fought their way through the country of the Taochi and Chalydes, both of them brave and warlike tribes. Then, after crossing the Harpasus (the modern 7\Jtorouk), they reached the comitry of the Scythiui, in whose territor)- they Ibund abundance in a large and populous city called Gymnias. The chief of this place liaving engaged to conduct them* witliin sight of the Euxine, they proceeded for five days under his guidance ; when, after ascending a mountain, the sea suddenly burst on th*j view of the vanguard. The men proclaimed their B.C. 401. ARRIVE AT TRAPEZUS, ON THE EUXINE 431 joy by loud shouts of " The sea I the sea I" The rest of the army hurried to the summit, and gave vent to their joy and exultation in tears and mutual embraces. With spontaneous impulse they erected a pile of stones, by way of trophy, to mark the spot ; and dismissed their guide with many presents and expressions of the warmest gratitude. The Greeks now entered the country of the Macrones, with whom they opened negotiations through a peltast conversant with their language, and agreed for an unmolested passage and the purchase of provisions. The Colchians, through whose ter- ritory the march next lay, attempted to oppose their progress, but were soon dispersed. The honey of this region produced a singular efiect upon the Greeks. It was grateful to the palate, and when eaten in moderation produced a species of intoxication ; but those who partook largely of it were seized with vomiting and diaiThcca, and thrown into a state resembling madness. Two days' further march at length brought them to the ob- jects for which they had so often pined, and which many at one time had never hoped to see again — a Grecian city and the sea. By the inhabitants of Trapezus or Trebizond, on the Euxine, where they had now arrived, they were hospitably received, and being cantoned in some Colchian villages near the town, re- freshed themselves alter the hardships they had undergone by a repose of thirty days. They also seized this opportunity to dis- charge the vows which they had made for a safe deliverance, after the capture and massacre of their generals by Tissaphernes, by offering up sacrifices to Jove the Preserver, Hercules the Con- ductor, and other gods. Solemn games followed and completed these sacred ceremonies. ^ 11. The most difhcult part of the return of the Ten Thou- sand was now accomplished, but much still remained to be done. The sight of the sea awakened in the army a universal desire to prosecute the remainder of their journey on that element. " Comrades," exclaimed a Tlmrian soldier, *' I am weary of pack- ing up, of marching and running, of shouldering arms and falling into line, of standing sentinel and fighting. For my part I should like to get rid of all these labours, and go home by sea the rest of the way, so that I might arrive in (jreece outstretched and asleep, like Ulysses of old." The sliouts of applause which greeted this address showed that the Thurian had touched the right chord ; and when Chirisophus, one of the principal officers, offered to ])roceed to Byzantium and endeavour to procure transports for the conveyance of the army, his proposal was joy- fully accepted. Meanwhile, the Ten Thousand were employed iu marauding expeditions, and in collecting all the vessels possible, Jl 4SS HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXVL in case Chirisophus should fail in obtaining the requisite supply. That officer delayed to return ; provisions jrrew scarce, and the army found itself compelled to evacuate Trapczus. Vessels enou«rh liad been collected to Iransprt the women, the sick, and the baerseded appa- rently at the end of 399 or beginning of 398 b.c , and Dercyllidas appointed in his place, a man who from his cunning and re- sources had acquired the name of Sisyphus. On assuming the command, Dercyllidas concludeil a truce with Tissaphenies, in order that he might direct his whole force against Pharnabazus, from whom he had received a personal injury. He overran the greater part of jEohs with great rapidity, reducing nnie towns in eight days, and took up his winter quarters in Bithynia. Early in the ensuing spring he proceeded into Thrace, where he built a wall across the Chersonese, to protect the Grecian colo- ♦ See p. 62. B.C. 39Y. WAR IN ASIA MINOR. 4^9 nies from the attacks of the barbarians of the interior. On his return to Asia he received orders from the Ephors to attack Tissaphenies in Caria, whilst the Lacedaemonian fleet under Pharax co-operated with him on the coast. But here the Per- sians appeared in such force, the two satrap" having luiited their armies, that he was able to ellect but little; '^nd bemg surprised in an unfavorable position would himself havp suffered severely but for the timidity of Tissaphernes, who was afraid to venture upon an action. Under these circiwnstances an annistice was agreed to for the purpose ol treating for a peace. Dercyllidas de- manded on the part of the Spartans the complete independence of the Grecian cities in Asia : the Persians on their side required the Lacedaemonians to withdraw their army from Asia as well as their various harmosts, or governors. This armistice took place in 397 b.c. Pharnabasus availed himself of it to make active preparations for a renewal of the war. He obtained large reinforcements of Persian troops, and bejran to organize a fleet in PhoBuicia and Cilicia. This was to be intrusted to the Athenian admiral Conon, of whom we now first hear again after a lapse of seven years since his defeat at ^gospotami. After that disastrous battle, Conon fled with 9 triremes to Cyprus, where he was now living under the protec- tion of Evagoras, prince of Salamis. At the instance of Pharna- bazus, seconded by Evagoras, Conon consented to accept the command of the Persian fleet, which was to be raised to the number of 300 vessels. ^ 7. It was the news of these extensive preparations that in- duced Agesilaus, on the suggestion of Lysauder, to volunteer his services against the Persians. He proposed to take with him only 30 full Spartan citizens, or peers, to act as a sort of council, together with 2000 Neodamodes, or enfranchised Helots, and 6000 hoplites of the allies. But Thebes, Corinth, and Athens refused on different pleas to join the expedition. Lysauder in- tended to be the leader of the 30 Spartans, and expected through them to be the virtual commander of the expedition of which Agesilaus was nominally the head. Since the time of Agamemnon no Grecian king had led an army into Asia ; and Agesilaus studiously availed himself of the prestige of that precedent in order to attract recruits to his standard. The Spartan kings claimed to inherit the sceptre of Agamemnon; and to render the parallel more complete, Age- silaus proceeded with a division of his fleet to Aulis, intending there to imitate the memorable sacrifice of the Homeric hero. But as he had neglectej to ask the permission of the Thebans, and conducted the sacrifice and solemnities by means of hii ^ ^Mlf HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXXVII. own prophets and ministers, and in a manner at variance with the usual rites of the temple, the Thebans were ofiended, and exiielled him by armed Ibrcc :— an uisult M'hich he never ibrgave. § 8. It was in 396 k.c that AjresiJaus arrived at Ephcsus, and took tlie command in Asia. He demanded tlic game conditions of peace as those previously made by Dercyllidas ; and in order that there might be time to communicate with the Persian court, the armistice was renewed fbr three mouths. During this in- terval of repose, Lysander, by his arrogance and pretensions, ofiended both Agcsilaus and the Thirty tSpartans Agesdausi determined to uphold liis dignity, subjected Lysander to so many humiliations that he was at last lain to request his dis- missal from Ephesus, and was accordingly sent to the Hellespont, where he did good service to the 8parlaii interests. ^ 9. Meanwhile Tissaphenies, having received large rein- forcements, sent a message to Agcsilaus before the armistice had expired, ordering him to quit Asia. Agcsilaus replied by saying that he thanked the satrap for perjuring himself so flagrantly as to set the gods against him, and immediately made preparations as if he would attack Tissaphames in Caria ; but having thus put the enemy on a falt=e scent, he suddenly turned northwards into Phr}'gia, the satrapy oi Pharnabazus, and marched without opposition to the neighbourhood of Bascylium, the re- sidence of the satrap himstdf. Here, however, he was repulsed by the Persian cavalrj- ; and the sacrifices proving unfavourable for an advance, Agcsilaus gave orders to retreat. He now pro- ceeded into winter quarters at Ephesus, where he employed him- self in organizing a body of cavalry to compete with the Persians. A eonscnption was accordingly made of the richest Greeks in the various tovras, who, liowever, were allowed if they pleased to provide substitutes. By these and other energetic exertions, which during the winkT gave to Ephesus the appearance oi'one vast arsenal, the army was brought into excellent condition ; jiid Agesilaus gave out early in the spring of 395 b.c. that he should march direct upon Sardis. Tissaphemes, suspecting another k'lnt, now dispersed his cavalry in the plain of the Ma-ander. But this time Agesilaus marched as he had announced, and in three days arrived unopposed on the banks of the Pactolus, be- fore the Persian cavalry could be recalled. "WTicn they at last came up, the newly-raised Grecian horse, assisted by the peltasts, and some of the younger and more active hoplites, soon succeeded in putting them to flight. Many of the Persians were drowned in the Pactolus, and their camp, containing much booty and several camels, was taken. B.C. 396. AGESILAUS IN ASIA 441 HO. Agesilaus now pushed his ravages up to the very gates of Sardis, the residence of Tissaphemes. But the career of that timid and treacherous satrap was drawing to a close. The queen-mother, Parysatis, who had succeeded in regaining her influence over Artaxerxes, making a pretext of the disasters which had attended the arms of Tissaphemes, but in reality to avenge the part which he had taken against her son Cyrus, caused an order to be sent down from Susa for his execution ; in pursuance of which he was seized in a bath at CoIosssb, and be- headed. Tithraustes, who had been intrusted with the execution of this order, succeeded Tissaphemes in the satrapy, and imme- diately reopened negotiations with Agesilaus ; proposing that if he quitted Asia the Greek cities there should enjoy their in- dependence, with the sole exception of paying to Persia the tri- bute originally imposed upon them. Agesilaus replied that he could decide nothing without consulting the authorities at home. For this purpose an armistice of six months was concluded ; and meanwhile Tithraustes, by a subsidy of 30 talents, induced Age- silaus to move out of his satrapy into that of Pharnabazus. §11. During this march into Phrygia Agesilaus received a new commission from home, appointing him the head of the naval as well as of the land Ibrce — two commands never before united in a single Spartan. For the first time since the battle of iEgospotami the naval supremacy of Sparta was threatened. Conori, with a fleet of 40 triremes, occupied the port of Caunus, on the confines of Caria and Lycia, and was there blockaded by a Lacedaimonian fleet of 120 triremes under Pharax; but a re- inforcement of 40 more ships having come to the aid of Conon, Pharax raised the blockade and retired to Rhodes. Here the first symptoms appeared of the detestation in which the Spartan government was held. The inhabitants rose, compelled the Spar- tan fleet to leave the island, and put themselves under the pro- tection of Conon, who now sailed thither. . § 1 2. Agesilaus, having despatched orders to the Lacedaemonian maritime dependencies to prepare a new fleet cf 120 triremes against the following year, and having appointed his brother- in-law, Pisander, to the command of it, marched himself into the satrapy of Pharnabazus. He passed the winter in the neighbour- hood of Dascylium, the rich and fertile country about which af lorded comfortable quarters and abundant plunder to the Grecian army. Towards the close of the winter a Greek cf Cyzicus, named Apollophanes, brought about an interview beteen Agesilaus and Pharnabazus. Agesilaus, with the Thirty, having arrived first at the appointed place, sat down without ceremony on the grass. u = 442 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXYIl. When the Satrap came, accompanied with all the luxury of ori- ental pomp, his attendants prepared to spread some rich carpets for him ; but Phamabazus, observing how the Spartans were seated, was ashamed to avail himseli' of such luxuries, and sat down on the grass by the side of Agesilaus. After mutual salutes, Pharnabazus began to reproach the Greeks with their treatment of one who had always been their faithful ally. " You have reduced me so low," he observed, •' that I have scarcely a dinner except from your leavings. My residences, my parks and hunting-grounds, the charm of my Mfe, are all burnt or destroyed. Pray tell me if this is gratitude." The Spartans seemed struck with shame ; and Agesilaus, after a long pause, remarked in apology that their war with the Persian king compelled them to act as they had done ; that towards himself personally they had the most Iriendly leehnga, and invited him to join their alliance, when they would support him in independence of the Persian king. The reply of Pharnabazus was characterized by a noble frankness. *' If the kiiig," he said, *' should deprive me of my command, I would willingly become your ally ; but so long as I am intrusted with the supreme power, exj^ect from me nothuig but war." Agesilaus was touched with the satrap's magnanimity. Taking him by the hand, he observed, " Would to Heaven that with such noble sentiments it were possible for you to be our friend But at all events I will at once quit your territory, and never again molest you or your property so long as there are other Persians against whom to turn my arms." H3. In pursuance of this promise Agesilaus now entered the plains of Thebe, near the gulf of Elajus ; but whilst he was here preparing an expedition on a grand scale into the interior of Asia Minor, he was suddenly recalled home (b.c. 394) to avert the dangers which threatened his native country. Meanwhile Conon, who had remained almost inactive since the revolt of Rhodes, proceeded in person to Babylon, and succeeded in obtaining a considerable sum of money from Artaxerxes. He shared his command with Pharnabazus, and by their joint exer- tions a powerful fleet, partly PhcBnician and partly Grecian, was speedily equipped, superior in number to that of the Lacedas- monians under Pisander. About the month of July Conon proceeded to the peninsula of Cnidus, in Caria, and ollered Pisandar battle. Though inferior in strength, Pisander did not shrink from the encounter. Being abandoned, however, by his Asiastic allies, he was soon overpowered by numbers, and fell gallantly fightuig to the last. More than half the Lace- daemonian fleet was either captured or destroyed. This event occurred about the begiuning of August B.C. 394- View of Corinth and the Acrocorinthus. CHAPTER XXXVni. THE CORINTHIAN WAR. FROM THE BATTLE OF CNmUS TO THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. § 1. Mission of Timocrates to the Grecian cities. § 2. Hostilities between Sparta and Tliebes. § 3. The Athenians join the Thebans. Defeat and death of Lj-sandcr. Retreat of Pausanias. § 4. League aerainst Sparta. Battle of Corinth. § 5. Homeward march of Agesilaus. 8 6. Battle of Coronea. § 7. Loss of the Spartan maritime empire. § 8. Conon rebuilds the walls of Athens. § 9. Civil dissensions at Corinth. § 10. Campaign of Agesilaus in the Corinthian territory'. § 11. New system of tactics introduced b}^ Iphicrates. Destruction of a Spartan mora by his light-armed troops. § 12. Negotiations of Antalcidas with the Persians. Death of Conon. Defeat and death of Thimbron. § 13. Maritime war on the coast of Asia. Revolt of Rhodes. Thrasybulus appointed Athenian commander. His death at Aspendus. Anaxibius defeated by Iphicrates at the Hellespont S 14. War between Athens and ^gina. Teleutias surprises thePirajua. § 16. Peace of Antalcidas. § IG.Its character. fl. The jealousy and ill-will with which the newly acquired empire of the Spartans was regarded by the other Grecian states had not escaped the notice of the Persians ; and when Tithraustes succeeded to the satrapy of Tissaphernes he resolved to avail himself of this feeling by exciting a war against Sparta in the heart of Greece itself With this view he despatched one Timo- crates. a Rhodian, to the leading Grecian cities which appeared ! « 4 44S HISTOKY OF GREECE Chap. XXXYll When the Satrap came, accompanied with all the luxury of ori- ental pomp, his attendants prepared to spread some ricli carpets for him ; but Phariiabazus, observing liow the Spartans were seated, was ashamed to avail himself of such luxuries, and sat down on the grass by the side of Agesilaus. After mutual salutes, Pharnabazus began to reproacli tlie Greeks with their treatment of one who had always been their faithful ally. " You have reduced me so low," he observed, " that I have scarcely a dinner except from your leavings. My residences, my parks and hunting-grounds, the charm of my life, are all burnt or destroyed. Pray tell me if this is gratitude." The Spartans seemed struck with shame; and Agesilaus, after a long pause, remarked in apology that their war with the Persian king compelled them to act as they had done ; that towards himself personally they had the most friendly feelings, and invited him to join their alliance, when they would support him in independence of the Persian king. The reply of Pharnabazus was cliaracterized hy a noble frankness. " U the king," he said, " should deprive me of my command, I would willingly become your ally ; but so long as I am intrusted with the supreme power, exjiect from me nothing but war." Agesilaus was touched with the satrap's magnanimity. Taking him by the hand, he observed, " Would to Heaven that with such noble sentiments it were possible for you to be our friend But at all events I will at once quit your territory, and never again molest you or your property so long as there are other Persians against whom to turn my arms." ^ 13. In pursuance of this promi.se Agesilaus now entered the plains of Thebe, near the gulf of Elajus ; but whilst he was here preparing an expedition on a grand scale into the interior of Asia Minor, he was suddenly recalled home (b.c. 391) to avert the dangers which threatened his native country. Meanwhile Conon, who had remained almost inactive since the revolt of Rhodes, proceeded in person to Babylon, and succeeded in obtaining a considerable sum of money I'rom Artaxerxes. He shared his command with Pharnabazus, and by their joint exer- tions a powerful fleet, partly PhoBnician and partly Grecian, was speedily equipped, superior in number to that of the Lacedaj- monians under Pisander. About the month of July Conon proceeded to the peninsula of Cnidus, in Caria, and oilered Pisandar battle. Though inferior in strengtli, Pisander did not shrink from the encounter. Being abandoned, however, by his Asiastie allies, he was soon overj^wered by numbers, and fell gallantly fighting to the last. More than half the Lace- daemonian fleet was either captured or destroyed. This event occurred about the beginning of August u.c. 394 View of Corinth and the Acrocorinthus. CHAPTER XXXVUI. THE CORINTHIAN WAR. FROM THE BATTLE OF CNIDUS TO THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. § 1. Mission of Timocratcs to the Grecian cities. § 2. Hostilities between Sparta and Thebes. § 3. The Athenians join the Thebans. Defeat and death of Lysander. Retreat of Pausanias. § 4. League ajjainst Sparta. Battle of Corinth. § 5. Homeward march of Agesilaup. §6. Battle of Coronea. § 7. Loss of the Spartan maritime empire. § 8. Conon rebuilds the walls of Athens. § 9. Civil dissensions at Corinth. § 10. Campaign of Agesilaus in tlie Corinthian territory. § IL New system of tactics introduced by Iphierates. Destruction of a Spartan mora hy his light-armed troops. § 12. Negotiations of Antalcidas with thc"^ Persians. Death of Conon. Defeat and death of Thimbron. § 13. Maritime war on tlie coast of Asia. Revolt of Rhodes. Tlirasybulus appointed Athenian commander. His death at Aspendus. Anaxibius defeated by I]>hicrates at the Hellespont 1 14. "War between Athens and vEgina. Teleutias surprises thePirttua. I 15. Peace of Antalcidas. § 16. Its character. { 1 . The jealousy and ill-will with which the newly acquired empire of the Spartans was regarded hy the other Grecian states had not escaped the notice of the Persians ; and when Tithraustes gucceeded to the satrapy of Tissaphernes lie resolved to avail himself of this feeling by exciting a war against Sparta in the heart of Greece itself With this view lie despatched one Timo- crates. a Rhodian, to the leading Grecian cities which appeared r AAA HISTORY OF GREECE. C11.VP XXXVIII. B.C; 894. BATTLE OF CORINTIL 445 hostile to Sparta, carrying with him a sum of 50 talents to be distributed among the chief men in each for the purpose of brinjrinjj them over to the views of Persia. This transaction, however, is scarcely to be viewed in the light of a private bribe, but rather as a sum publicly advanced lor a specific purpose. Timocrates was successful in Thebes, Corinth, and Argoe ; but he appears not to have visited Athens. k 2. Hostilities were at first confined to Sparta and Thebes. A quarrel having arisen between the Opuntian Locrians and the Phocians respecting a strip of border land, the former people appealed to the Thebans, who invaded Phocis. The Phocians on their side invoked the aid of the Lacedaemonians, who elated with the prosperous state of their attkirs in Asia, and moreover desirous of avenging the affronts they had received from the Thebans, readily listened to the appeal. Lysander, who took an active part in promoting the war, was directed to attack the town of Haliartus, having first augmented the small force which he took with him by contingents levied among the tribes of Mount (Eta ; and it was arranged that King Pausanias should join him on a fixed day under the walls of that town, with the main body of the Lacedaemonians and their Peloponnesian allies. j 3. Nothing could more strikingly denote the altered state of feeling in Greece than the request for assistance which the Thebans, thus menaced, made to their ancient enemies and rivals the Athenians ; even offering, as an inducement, to assist them in recovering their lost empire. Nor were the Athenians back- ward in responding to the appeal Disunion, however, prevailed among the Boeotians themselves ; and Orchomenus, the second city in importance in their confederacy, revolted at the approach of Lysander, and joined the Lacedajmonians. That commander, afler ravaging the country round Lebadea, proceeded according to agreement to Haliartus, though he had as yet received no tidings of Pausanias. Here, in a sally made by the citizens, opportunely supported by the unexpected arrival of a body of Thebans, the army of Lysander was routed, and himself slain : ind though his troops, favoured by some rugged ground in their fear, succeeded in rallying and repulsing their assailants, yet, dis- heartened by the severe loss which they had suHered, and by the death of their general, they disbanded and dispersed themselves in the night time. Thus when Pausanias at last came up, he found no army to unite with ; and as an imposing Athenian force had arrived, he now, with the advice of his council, took the humiliating step — always deemed a confession of inferiority — «f requesting a truce in order to bury the dead who had fallen in the preceding battle. Even this, however, the Thebans would not grant except on the condition that the Lacedaemonians should immediately quit their territory. With these terms Pau- sanias was forced to comply ; and after duly interring the bodies of Lysander and his fallen comrades, the Lacedaemonians deject- edly pursued their homeward march, followed by the Thebans, who manifested by repeated insults, and even by blows admin- istered to stragglers, the insolence inspired by their success. Pau- sanias, afraid to face the public indignation of the Spartans, took refuge in the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea ; and being condemned to death in his absence, only escaped that fate by remaining in the sanctuary. He was succeeded by his son Agesipolis. § 4. The enemies of Sparta took fresh courage from this dis- aster to her arms. Athens, Corinth, and Argos now formed with Thebes a solemn alliance against her. The league was soon joined by the Euboeans, the Acarnanians, the Ozolian Locriiais, the Am- braciots, the Leucadians, and the Chalcidians of Thrace. In the spring of 394 B.C. the allies assembled at Corinth, and the war, which had been hitherto regarded as merely Boeotian, was now called the Corinthian, by which name it is known in history. This threatening aspect of aflairs determined the Epliors to recall Agesilaus, as related in the preceding chapter. The allies were soon in a condition to take the field vdth a force of 24,000 hoplites, of whom one-fourth were Athenians, together with a considerable body of light troops and cavalry. The Lacedajmonians, under the conduct of Aristodemus, had also made the most active preparations. The exact amount of their force is not known, but it was in all probability consi- derably inferior to that of the allies. The latter were full of confidence, and the Corinthian Timolaus proposed marching straight upon Sparta, in order, as he expressed it, to burn the wasps in their nest before they came forth to sting. This bold, but perhaps judicious advice, was, however, anticipated by the unwonted activity of the Lacedaemonians, who had already crossed their border, and, advancing by Tegea and Mantinea, had taken up a position at Sicyon. The allies, who had pro- ceeded as far as Nemea, now fell back upon Corinth, and en- camped on some rugged ground in the neighbourhood of the city. Here a battle ensued, in which the Lacedaemonians gained the victory, tliough their allied troops were put to the rout. Of the Spartans themselves only 8 men fell ; but of their allies 1100 perished, and of the confederates as many as 2800. This battle, called the battle of Corinth, was fought apparently about the game time as that of Cnidus, in July 394 B.C. I 44« HISTORY OF GREECE. Cuap. XXXVm ^ 5. Agesilaus, who had rehnquished with a heavy heart his projected expedition into Asia, was now on his homeward march. By the promise of rewards at Sestus in the Chersonese, he had persuaded the bravest and most efficient soldiers in his army to accompany him, amoiigst whom were many ol'the Ten Thousand, with Xenophon at their head. The route of Agesilaus was much the same as the one formerly traversed by Xerxes, and the camels which accompanied the army gave it somewhat of an oriental aspect. At Amphipolis he received the news of the victory at Corinth ; but his heart was so full of schemes against Persia, that the feeling which it awakened in his bosom was rather one of regret that bo many Greeks had fallen, whose united efforts might have emancipated Asia Minor, than of joy at the success of his countrymen. Having forced his way through a desultory opposition offered by the Thessahan cavalry, he crossed Mount Otlirys, and marched unopposed the rest of the way through the straits of ThermopylaB to the frontiers of Phocis and Bceotia. Here the evil tidings reached him — foreshadowed according to ancient superstition by an eclipse of the sun (14 Aug. 394 b.c°)--- of the defeat and deatli of his brother-in-law, Pisander, at Cnidus Feanng the mipression which such sad news might produce upon his men, he gave out that the Lacedajmonian fleet had gained a victory, though Pisander had perished ; and, having offered sacri- fice as if for a victory, he ordered an advance. ^ 6. Agesilaus soon came up with the confederate army, which had prepared to oppose him in the plain of CoronCa. Tlie hostile forces approached each other slowly and in silence, till witliin about a furlong, when the Thebans raised the pajan, and charged at a running pace. They succeeded in driving in the Orchome- niaiis, who formed the left wing of the army of Agesilaus, and penetrated as far as the baggage in the rear. But on the re- mainder of the line Agesilaus was victorious, and the Thebans now saw themselves cut off from their companions, who had retreated and taken up a position on Mount Hehcon. Facing about and forming in deep and compact order, the Thebans sought to rejoin the main body, but they were opposed by Age- silaus and his troops. The shock of the conflicting masses which ensued was one of the most terrible recorded in the annals of Grecian warfare. The shields of the foremost raidts were shat- tered, their spears broken, so that daggers became the only available arm. The regular war-shout was suppressed, but the silence was occasionally broken by deep and furious exclamations. Agesilaus, who was in the front ranks, unequal by his size and strength to sustain so furious an onset, was flung down, trodden on, and covered with wounds ; but the devoted courage of the B.C. 394. BATTLE OF CORONEA. 447 50 Spartans forming his body-guard rescued him from death. The Thebans finally forced their way through, but not without severe loss. The victoiy of Agesilaus was not very decisive ; but the Thebans tacitly acknowledged their defeat by soliciting the customary truce for the burial of their dead. After the battle Agesilaus visited Delphi, where he dedicated to Apollo a tithe, valued at the large sum of 100 talents, of the booty which he had acquired during his Asiatic campaigns. He then returned to Sparta, where he was received A^ith the most lively demonstrations of gratitude and esteem, and became hence- forwards the sole director of Spartan policy. { 7. Thus in less than two months the Lacedaemonians had fought two battles on land, and one at sea ; namely, those of Corinth, Coronea, and Cnidus. But, though they had been vic- torious in the land engagements, they were so little decisive as to lead to no important result ; whilst their defeat at Cnidus produced the most disastrous consequences. It was followed by the loss of nearly all their maritime empire, even faster than they had acquired it after the battle of jEgospotami. For as Conon and Pharnabazus sailed with their victorious fleet from island to island, and from port to port, their approach was everywhere the signal for the flight or expulsion of the Spartan harmosts. Abydus formed the only exception to this universal surrender. Fortunately for Sparta the able and experienced Dercyllidas was then harmost in that city, and by his activity and courage he succeeded in preserving not only Abydus, but also the opposite Chersonese from the grasp of Pharnabazus. ^8. In the spring of the following year, B.C. 393, Conon and Pharnabazus sailed from the Hellespont with a powerful fleet, and, after visiting Melos and several of the Cyclades, directed their course to the Pelopomiesus. After ravaging the coast of Laconia at several points, and taking the island of Cythera, where they established an Athenian garrison, they sailed to the isthmus of Corinth, then occupied as a central post by the allies. The appearance of a Persian fleet in the Saronic gulf was a strange sight to Grecian eyes, and one which might have served as a severe comment on the efiect of their suicidal wars. Phar- nabazus assured the allies of his support, and gave earnest of it by advancing to them a considerable sum of money. Conon dexterously availed himself of the hatred of Pharnabazus towards Sparta to procure a boon for his native city. As the satrap was on the point of proceeding homewards Conon obtained leave to employ the seamen in rebuilding the fortifications of Pira3us and the long walls of Athens. Pharnabazus also granted a large sum foi the game purpose ; and Conon had thus the glory of appear- 44» HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXXVHI I5.C. 391 THE CORINTHIAN WAR. 449 ing, like a second Themistocles, the deliverer and restorer of his country. By a singular revolution of fortune, the Thebans, w^ho had most rejoiced at the fall of Athens, as well as the Persians, who had subsidized Sparta to destroy the city, now gave their funds and labour to restore it. Before the end of autumn the walls were rebuilt. Athens seemed now restored, if not to power, at least to independence ; and if she reflected but the shadow of her former greatness, she was at least raised up from the depths of her degradation. Having thus, as it were, founded Athens a second time, Conon sailed to the islands to lay again the founda- tions of an Athenian maritime empire. f 9. During the remainder of this and the whole of the follow- ing year (b.c. 392), the war was carried on in the Corinthian territory. The Onean mountains, which extend across the Isth- mus south of its narrowest part, afford an excellent line of delence against an invading anny. Through tliese mountains there are only three passes, one by the Saronic gulf, close to Cenchreai, a second through a ravine at the eastern side of the Acrocorinthus or citadel of Corinth, and a third along the narrow strip of land which lies between the western foot of the Acrocorinthus and the Corinthian gulf The two former of these passes could easily be delended by a resolute body of troops against superior numbers ; and the third was completely protected by two long walls running down from Corinth to Lschaeum, the port of the city upon the Corinthian gulf Corinth Plan of Carinth. A. AcfucorinUitui. B. Corinth. C. L«ehttam. I. ]. Luns VVsIlfl. and the passes of the Onean mountains were now occupied by the allied troops ; but while the allies themselves suffered little or nothing, the whole brunt of the war lell upon Corinth. The Spartans took up their head-quarters at Sicyon, whence they ravaged the fertile Corinthian plain upon the coast. The wealthy Corinthian proprietors suffered so much from the devastation of their lands, that many of them became anxious to renew their old alliance with Sparta. A large number of the other Co- rinthians participated in these feelings, and the leading men in power, who were violently opposed to Sparta, became so alarmed at the wide-spread disaffection among the citizens, that they in- troduced a body of Argives into the city during the celebration of the festival of the Eucleia, and massacred numbers of the opposite party in the market-place and in the theatre. The go- vernment now formed such a close union with Argos, that even the boundary marks between the two states were removed, and the very name of Corinth was changed to that of Argos. But the aristocratical party at Corinth, which was still numerous, contrived to admit Praxitas, the Laceda3monian commander at Sicyon, within the long walls which connected Corinth with Lechaeum. In the space between the walls, which was of con- siderable breadth, and about a mile and a half in length, a battle took place between the Lacedaemonians and the Corinthians, who had marched out of the city to dislodge them. The Co- rinthians, however, were defeated, and this victory was followed by the demolition of a considerable part of the long walls by Praxitas. The Lacedemonians now marched across the Isthmus, and captured Sidus and Crommyon. These events happened in I>.C. Ot)ii. § 10. The breach effected in the long walls of Corinth excited great alarm at Athens, as it opened a secure passage to the Lace- dajuionians into Attica and BoBotia. Accordingly the Athenians moved in great force to Corinth, with carpenters and other ne- cessary workmen ; and with this assistance the Corinthians soon restored the breach. In the summer of n.c. 391, this step was, however, rendered useless in. consequence of Agesilaus, assisted by the Laecdajmonian fleet under his brother Teleutias, having obtained possession not only of the long walls, but also of the port of Lechajum itself Agesilaus followed up his success by marcliing into the rocky peninsula between the bay of Lechaium and the Alcyonian sea, from which Corinth derived both support and assistance. The two principal places in this district, PiraBum and QEnoe, together with large booty and many captives, fell into his hands. Corinth was now surrounded on every side ; and the Tliebans were thrown into such alarm that they sent envoys to 4m HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XKXVnt Agesilaus to treat of peace. Agesilaus had never forgiven the Thebans for having interrupted his sacrifice at Aulis ; and he now seized the opportunity of gratifying his spite against them. Accordingly, when they were introduced into his presence, he treated them with the most marked contempt, and allected not to notice them. But a retributive Nemesis was at hand. As Agesilaus sat in a pavihon on the banks of a lake which adjoined the sacred grove of Hera, feasting his eyes with the spectacle of a long train of captives, paraded under the guard of Lacedsemo- Mian hoplites, a man galloped up on a foaming horse, and ac- quainted him with a disaster more novel and more astounding than any that had ever yet befallen the Spartan arms. This was nothing less than the destruction of a whole Lacedaemonian mam, or battalion, by the hght-armed mercenaries of the Athe- nian Iphicrates. Hi. For the preceding two years Iphicrates had commanded a body of mercenaries, consisting of peltasts,=* who had been first organised by Conon after rebuilding the walls of Athens. For this force Iphicrates introduced those improved anns and tactics which form an epoch in the Grecian art of war. His object was to combine as far as possible the peculiar advantages of the hopUtes and light-armed troops. He substituted a linen corslet for the coat of mail worn by the hoplites, and lessened the shield, while he rendered the hght javelin and short sword of the peltasts more efiective by lengthening them both one-half These troops soon proved very effective. At their head Iphi- crates attacked and defeated the Phliasians, gained a victory near Sicyon, and inflicted such loss upon the Arcadian hoplites that they were afraid to meet his peltasts in the field. He now ven- tured upon a bolder exploit. A body of Amyclaean hoplites had obtained leave to celebrate the festival of the Hyacinthia in their native city ; and a Lace- daemonian nwrtty 600 strong, was appointed to escort them till they should be considered out of reach of attack. Iphicrates, who was in Corinth with his peltasts, suffered the Amycljeans and their escort to pass unmolested ; but on the return of the Lacedaemonians he sallied forth with inconceivable hardihood, and attacked them in flank and rear. So many fell under the darts and arrows of the peltasts that the Lacedaemonian captain called a halt, and ordered the youngest and most active of his hoplites to rush forward and drive ofi' the assailants. But their heavy arms rendered them quite unequal to such a mode of fighting ; nor did the Lacedsemonian cavalry, which now came up, but • So called from the pelta, or kind of shield which they carried. B.C. 391. VICTORY OF IPHICRATES. 451 which acted with very little vigour and courage, produce any better effect. At length the Lacedaemonians succeeded in reach- ing an eminence, where they endeavoured to make a stand ; but at this moment Callias arrived with some Athenian hoplites from Corinth, whereupon the already disheartened Lacedajmo- nians broke and fled in confusion, pursued by the peltasts, who committed such havoc, chasing and killing some of them even in the sea, that but very few of the whole body succeeded in reaching Lechajum. The news of this defeat produced a great change in the con- duct of the Thebaii envoys then with Agesilaus. They did not say another word about peace, but merely asked permission to communicate with their countrymen at Corinth. Agesilaus, per- ceiving their altered sentiments, and taking them with him, marched on the following day with his whole force to Corinth, where he defied the garrison to come out to battle. But Iphi- crates was too prudent to hazard his recently achieved success ; and Agesilaus marched back to Sparta as it were by stealth, avoiding all those places where the inhabitants, though allies, were likely to show their satisfaction at the disgrace of the Spar- tan arras. No sooner was he departed than Iphicrates sallied forth from Corinth and retook Sidus, Crommyon, Piraeum, and CEnoe, thus liberating all the northern and eastern territory of Corinth. But, in spite of his military abilities and great services, the domineering character of Iphicrates had rendered him so unpopular at Corinth, that the Athenians were obliged to recall him, and appoint Chabrias in his place. ^2. Meantime important events had taken place in connexion with the maritime war. The successes of Conon had inspired the Lacedajmoiiians with such alarm that they resolved to spare no efforts to regain the goodwill of the Persians. With this view they sent Antalcidas, an able politician trained in the school of Lysander, to negotiate with Tiribazus, who had suc- ceeded Tithraustes in the satrapy of Ionia, in order to bring about a general peace under the mediation of Persia. His nego- tiations, however, though supported by the influence of Tiri- bazus, at present proved unsuccessful. Conon, and the other representatives of the allies in Asia, rejected with indignation the proposal of Antalcidas to abandon the Grecian cities in Asia to Persia ; nor was the court of Susa itself as yet disposed to entertain any amicable relations with Sparta. Tiribazus, how- ever, covertly supplied the Lacedajmonians with money for the purposes of their fleet, and, by a gross breach of public faith, caused Conon to be seized and detained, under the pretence that he was acting contrary to the interests of the Great King. This ? 40S fflSTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXVHt t event proved the end of Conon's public life. According to one account the Persians caused him to be put to death in prison ; but it seems more probable that he escaped and again took refuge with Evagoras in Cyprus. Be this, however, as it n.ay, the pubhc labours of one of the most useful, if not one of the greatest, of Athenian citizens, were now brought to a close : a man from whose hands his country reaped nothing but benefit, and to whose reputation history seems to have done but scanty justice. Struthas, who held the command in Ionia during the absence of Tiribazus at Susa, carried on hostiUties with vigour against the Lacedaemonians. In spite of his proved incapacity, Thimbron had been again intrusted with the command of an army of 8000 men ; but while on his march from Ephesus he was surprised by Struthas, and sufiered a complete deleat. Thimbron himself was among the slain, and those of his soldiers who escaped were compelled to take refuge in the neighbouring cities. H3. The island of Rhodes now demanded the attention of the belligerents. The democratical party in this island, having ob- tained the upper hand, had revolted from Persia ; and the Spar- tans, fearing that they would form an alliance with Athens, sent Telcutias, the brother of Agesilaus, with a fleet to reduce the island, although they were themselves at war with Persia, so much greater was their lear of the Athenians than of the Per- sians. On his way from Cnidus, Teleutias fell in with and cap- tured an Athenian squadron of 10 triremes under Philocrates, which was proceeding to assist Evagorus in a struggle that was impending between him and the Persians. The news of this reverse, as well as the great increase of the Lacedaemonian fleet, induced the Athenians to despatch, in B.C. 389, a fleet of 40 triremes, under Thrasybulus, to the coasts of Asia Minor a feat which betokens a considerable renovation of their naval power. Thrasybulus first proceeded to the Hellespont, where he ex- tended the Athenian alliance among the people on both sides of the straits, persuaded or compelled Byzantium and other cities to establish democratical governments, and reimposed the toll of m tenth on all vessels passing from the Euxine. After this, Thra- sybulus sailed to Lesbas, where he defeated the Lacedjemoniau harmost, and next visited several places on the mainland, with the view of raismg funds for his meditated expedition to Rhodes. But the inhabitants of Aspendus in Pamphylia, where he had obtained some contributions, surprised his naval camp in the night, and slew him. Thus perished the man who had delivered his country from the Thirty Tyrants. He was succeeded in his command by Agyrrhius. B.C. S89. TELEUTIAS SURPRISES PIRAEUS. 453 The success of Thrasybulus in the Hellespont created such anxiety at Sparta that the Ephors were induced to supersede Dercyllidas, and appoint Anaxibius to the government of Aby- dus. Anaxibius took with him a force that rendered him master of the straits, and enabled him to intercept the merchantmen bound to Athens and other ports belonging to the allies. The Athenians now despatched Iphicrates with 8 triremes and 1200 peltasts to make head against Anaxibius ; and by a well-laid stratagem the Athenian commander succeeded in suprising Anaxibius among the mountain-ranges of Ida, whilst on his homeward march from Antandrus to Abydus. The troops of Anaxibius were completely routed, and himself and twelve other harmosts slain. § 14. This exploit rendered the Athenians again masters of the Hellespont. But whilst thus successful in that quarter, their attention was attracted nearer home by the aflairs of ^Egina. After the battle of ^Egospotami, Lysander had restored to the island as many of the ancient population as he could find ; and they were now induced by the Lacedaemonian harmost to infest the Athenian trade with their privateers ; so that, in the lan- guage of Pericles, JEgina again became " the eyesore of Piraeus." The most memorable event in this period of the war was the surprise of Piraeus by Teleutias with a squadron of only 12 sail. Teleutias was the most popular commander in the Lacedaemonian fleet, and was sent by the Ephors to appease the discontent among the Lacedaemonian seamen at ^Egina, in consequence of not receiving their pay. Teleutias plainly told them that they had nothing to depend upon but their swords, and he bade them prepare for an enterprise, the object of which he did not then disclose. This was nothing less than an attack upon Piraeus ; an enterprise which it seemed almost insane to attempt with a force of only 12 triremes. But Teleutias reckoned on taking the Athenians by surprise. Quitting the harbour of iEgina at night- fall, and rowing along leisurely and in silence, Teleutias Ibmid himself at daybreak within half a mile of Piraeus, and when it was fully hght he steered his vessels straight into the harbour, which was beginning to assume again some of its former com- mercial importance. Here, as he expected, he found no pre- parations for repelling an attack, and though the alarm was immediately raised, he had time to inflict considerable damage before any troops could be got together to oppose him. His men disembarked on the quays, and carried off not only the portable merchandise, but also the shipmasters, tradesmen, and others whom they found there. The larger merchant ships were boarded and plundered ; several of the smaller were towed I ^ 4114 HISTORY OF GREECE. CiiAP XTYVITT oft' with their whole cai^goes ; and even three or four triremes met the same fate. All this booty Teleutias succeeded in carry- ing safely into iEgina, together with several corn-ships, and other merchantmen which he fell ui with ofi' Sunium. The prizes were then sold, and yielded so large a sum that Teleutiai was able to pay the seamen a month's wages. § 15. Whilst these things were passing in Greece, Antalcidas, conducted by Tiribazus, had repaired to the Persian court a second time for the purpose of renewing his negotiations for a general peace on the same basis as he had proposed before. This time he succeeded in winning the favour of the Persian monarch, in spite of his dislike of the Spartans generally, and prevailed on him both to adopt the peace, and to declare war against those who should reject it. Antalcidas and Tiribazus again arrived on the coasts of Asia Minor in the spring of b.c. 387, not only armed with these powers, but provided with an ample force to carry them into execution. In addition to the entire fleet of Persia, Dionysius of Syracuse had placed 20 tri- remes at the service of the Lacedamonions ; and Antalcidas now sailed with a large fleet to the Hellespont, where Iphicrates and the Athenians were still predominant. But the overwhelming force of Antalcidas, the largest that had been seen in the Helles- pont since the battle of jEgospotami, rendered all resistance hopeless. The supplies of corn from the Euxine no longer found their way to Athens ; the ^ginetan privateers resumed their depredations ; and the Athenians, depressed at once both by what they felt and by what they anticipated, began to long for peace. The Argives participated in the same desire ; and as without the assistance of Athens it seemed hopeless for the other allies to struggle against Sparta, all Greece seemed in- chned to listen to an accommodation. Under these circumstances deputies from the Grecian states were summoned to meet Tiribazus; who, after exhibiting to them the royal seal of Persia, read to them the following terms of a peace : " King Artaxerxes thinks it just that the cities in Asia and the islands of Clazomense and Cyprus should belong to him. He also thinks it just to leave all the other Grecian cities, both small and great, independent — except Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, which are to belong to Athens, as of old. Should any parties refuse to accept this peace, I will make war upon them, along with those who are of the same mind, both by land and sea, with ships and with money." The deputies reported these terms to their respective govern- ments, all of which at once accepted the jieace with the exception of the Thebans, who claimed to take the oath not in their own B.C. 887. PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. 455 behalf alone, but for the Boeotian confederacy in general. But when Agesilaus threatened the Thebans with war if they did not comply, they consented to take the oath for their own city alone — ^thus virtually renouncing their federal headship. H6. This disgraceful peace, called the peace of Antalcidas, was concluded in the year b.c. 387. By it Helles seemed pro- strated at the feet of the barbarians ; for its very terms, engraven on stone and set up in the sanctuaries of Greece, recognized the Persian king as the arbiter of her destinies. Although Athens cannot be entirely exonerated from the blame of this transac- tion, the chief guilt rests upon Sparta, whose designs were far deeper and more hypocritical than they appeared. Under the specious pretext of securing the independence of the Grecian cities, her only object was to break up the confederacies under Athens and Thebes, and, with the assistance of Persia, to pave the way for her own absolute dominion in Greece. Her real aim is pithily characterized in an anecdote recorded of Agesi- laus. When somebody remarked "Alas, for Hellas, that our Spartans should be Mediziytg!" "Say rather," replied Agesi- laus, "that the Medes are Laconizing.'' Adventures or Dionysus, fVom the Choragic monument of Lysicrates. i B.C«« 88d> DESTRUCTION OF MANTINEA, 467 AdTentures ofDioDysas, flrom the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates. CHAPTER XXXIX. FROM THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS TO THE PEACE OF CALLUS. §1- Aggressions of Sparta in Bccotia Rebuilding of Plnt.Ta. J? 2. Reduction of Mantinea. §3. Olvntliian eonfederation. Sparta' in. terferes. § 4. Seizure of the Cadraea at Thebes by the J^acedaMno- nians. § o. Reduction of Olynthus. § 6. Unpopularity of Sparta. § 1. Revolution at Thebes. § 8. The I^cedaiMionians expelled from the Cadmea. §9. Their expeditions against Thebes. Alarm of the Athenians, who ally themselves with Thebes. § 10. Reoi-ganization of the Athenian eonfederation. §11. Preparations for war. The Theban "Sacred Band." § 12. Character of Epaminondas. § 13. Spartan invasions of Boeotia. 14. Maritime affairs. Battle of Naxos. Success of Timotheus. §15. Progress of the Theban arms. §16. The Athenians form a peace with S[mrta, which is immediately broken. Proceedings at Corcyra. § 17. The Lacedcemonians solicit Persian aid. § 18. ( ongress at Sparta to treat of peace. The The- bans arc excluded from it U. No sooner was the peace of Antalcidas coiitdiuled tliaii Sparta, directed by Agesilaus, the ever-active enemy of Thebes, exerted all her power to weaken that city. She began by pro^ claiming the independence of the various Bceotian cities, and by organizing in each a local oligarchy, adverse to Thebes and favourable to herself. The popular feeling in these cities was in general opposed to the Spartan dominion ; two alone, Orcho- menus and Thespiae, preferred it to that of Thebes ; and in these the Lacedaemonians placed garrisons, and made them their main stations in Bceotia. Even such a step as this seemed to exceed the spirit of the treaty, which required merely the independence of each city; but the restoration of Platiea, now effected by the Lacedaemonians, was an evident work of sufiererogation, under- taken only to annoy and weaken Thebes, and to form a place iir another Lacedaemonian garrison. Since the destruction of Plataja, most of her remaining citizens had become domiciled at Athens, had niarried Athenian women, and had thus almost forgotten their native country. These were now restored, and their city rebuilt ; but merely that it might become a Spartan out-post. Thebes was at present too weak to resist these en- croachments on her dignity and power, which even at Sparta were regarded with dissatislation by king Agesipohs and the moro moderate party. § 2. The Lacedasmonians now found themselves in a condition to wreak tlieir vengeance on the Mantiueans, by whom they deemed themselves aggrieved. They could not, indeed, briii^r any charge of positive hostility against the Mantiiieans ; but they accused them of lukewarmness and equivocal fidelity ; of havin*T been slack in lurnishing their contingents during the late war ; and of having supplied the Argives with corn when at war with Sparta. Oa these grounds a message was sent requiring the Mantineans to raze their walls ; and as they hesitated to comply, an army was despatched under Agesipolis to enforce obedience. AgesipoJis succeeded in taking Mantinea, which was well sup- plied with provisions, by damming up the river Ophis which ran through it. The inundation thus caused undermined the walls which were built of baked bricks, and obliged the citizens to capitulate. Mueli harder terms were now exacted from them. They were required not only to demolish their fortifica- tions but also a great part of their town, so as to restore it to the form of five villages, out of which it had been originally formed. Each of tliese villages was left unfortified, and placed under a separate oligarchical government. About the same time the Lacedcemonians compelled the city of PhUus to recall a bady of exiles who had been expelled on account of their at- tachment to the interests of Sparta. § 3. But the attention of Sparta was soon called to more distant regions. Olynthus, a town situated at the head of the Toronaic gulf in the peninsula of the Macedonian Chalcidice, had become the head of a powerful confederation, which included several of the adjacent Grecian cities, and among them Potidaea, on tlie isthmus of Pallene. Acanthus and Apollonia, the largest cities after Olynthus, in the Chalcidic peninsula, had refused to join the league ; and as they were threatened wath war by Olyn- thus, they despatched envoys to Sparta to solicit aid (b.c. 383). The envoys gave an alarming account of the designs of Olyn- thus : and being seconded by ambassadors from Amyntas, king of Macedonia, tlie Lacedcemonians were easily persuaded to enter upon an undertakuig which harmonised with their present course of policy. Their allies were persuaded or rather overawed into It 9 453 HISTORY Of GREECK Chap. XXXIX. \ \t the adoption of their views, and an army of 10,000 men was voted. The emergency, however, was so pressing that Euda- midas was despatched at once with a ibrce of 2000 hophtes. Marching rapidly with only a portion even of these, he arrived in time enough to defend Acanthus and Apollonia, and even suc- ceeded in inducing Potidaia to revolt from the league. But, though joined by Amyntas with his forces, he was not strong enough to take the field openly against the Olynthians. k 4. This expedition ol' the Lacedemonians led incidentally to an affair of much greater importance. The Thebans had entered into an alliance with Olynthus, and had forbidden any of their citizens to join the LacedsBmonian army destined to act against it ; but they were not strong enough to prevent its marching through their territory. Phcubidas, the brother of Eudamidas, was appointed to collect the troops which were not in readiness at the time of his brother's departure, and to march with all pos- sible speed towards Olynthus. On his way through Bceotia he halted with his division at a gymnasium not far iiom Tliebcs ; where he was visited by Leontiades, one of the polemarchs of the city, and two or three other leaders of the Lacedemonian party in Thebes. It happened that the festival of the Thes- mophoria was on the point of being celebrated, during which the Cadmea, or Theban Acropolis, was given up for the exclusive use of the women. The opportunity seemed favourable for a sur- prise ; and Leontiades and Phcebidas concerted a plot to seize it. Whilst the festival was celebrating, Phcebidas pretended to re- sume his march, but only made a circuit round the city walls ; whilst Leontiades, stealing out of the senate, mounted his horse, and joining the Lacedajmonian troops, conducted them towards the Cadmea. It was a sultry summer's afternoon, so that the very streets were deserted ; and Phcebidas, without encounter- ing any opposition, seized the citadel and all the women in it, to serve as hostages for the quiet submission of the Thebans. Leontiades then returned to the senate, and caused his fellow Polemarch, Ismenias, who was the head of the opposite, or pa- triotic, party, to be seized and imprisoned. AtUr this blow, 300 of the leading men of his party fled to Athens for safety. Ismenias was shortly afterwards brought to trial by Leontiades before a packed court, and put to death on tlie ground of his receiving money from Persia and stirring up the late war. This treacherous act during a period of profound peace awakened the liveliest indignation throughout Greece. Sparta herself could not venture to justify it openly, and Pha?bidas was made the scape-goat of her affected displeasure. The Ephoi-s, though they had secretly authorised the proceeding, now dis- B.C. 379. END OF THE OLYNTHIAN WAR. 469 avowed him ; and Agesilaus alone, prompted by his burning hatred of Thebes, stood forth in his defence. The result was a truly Laconian piece of hypocrisy. As a sort of atonement to the violated feeling of Greece, Phosbidas was censured, fined, and dismissed. But that this was a mere farce is evident from the fact of his subsequent restoration to command ; and, however indignant the LacedsBmonians afiected to appear at the act of Phcebidas, they took care to reap the fruits of it by retaining their garrison in the Cadmea. ^ 5. The once haughty Thebes was now enrolled a member of the LacedaBmonian alliance, and furnished her contingent — the grateful offering of the new Theban government — for the war which Sparta was prosecuting with redoubled vigour against Olynthus. The troops of that city, however, especially its cav- alry, were excellent, and the struggle was protracted for several years. During the course of it king Agesipolis died of a fever brought on by his exertions ; and the war, which had begun in B.C. 363, was ultimately brought to a close by his successor, Polybiades, in e.c. 379 : who, by closely blockading Olynthus, deprived it of its supplies, and thus forced it to capitulate. The Olynthian confederacy was now dissolved ; the Grecian cities be- longing to it were compelled to join the Lacedaemonian alliance ; whilst the maritime towns of Macedonia were again reduced under the dominion of Amyntas. Sparta thus inflicted a great blow upon Hellas ; for the Olynthian confederacy might have served as a counterpoise to the growing power of Macedon, des* tined soon to overwhelm the rest of Greece. About the same time as the reduction of Olynthus, Phlius yielded to the arms of Agesilaus, who, on the complaint of the restored exiles that they could not obtain a restitution of their rights, liad undertaken the siege of that city. A govermnent nominated by Agesilaus was now appointed there. k G. The power of Sparta on land had now attained its greatest height. At sea, she divided with Atlicns the empire of the smaller islands, whilst the larger one seems to have been inde- pendent of both. Her mipopularily in Greece was commen- surate with the extent of her harshly administered dominion. She was leagued on all sides with the enemies of Grecian free- dom — with the Persians, with Amyntas of Macedon, and with Dionysius of Syracuse. But she had now reached the turning- point of her fortunes, and her succetsses, which had been earned without scruple, were soon to be followed by misfortunes and disgrace. The first blow came from Tliebcs, where she had per- petrated her most signal injustice. k 7. That city had been for three years in the hands of li r 460 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXDC B.a 3Y9. LIBERATION OF THEBES. 4«l Leontiades and the Spartan party. During this time great dis- content had grown up among the resident citizens ; and there was also the party of exasperated exiles, who had taken refuge at Athens. Among these exiles was Pelopidas, a young man of birth and fortune, who had already distinguished himself by his disinterested patriotism and ardent character. He applied a great part of his wealth to the relief of his indignant fellow- citizens, and gave such undivided attention to public aflairs as to neglect the management of Iiis own property. Pelopidas took the lead in the plans now Ibrmed for the libe- ration of his country, and was the heart and soul of the enter- prise. Rebuked by his friends on account of his carelessness, he replied that money was certainly useful to such as were lame and Wind. His warm and generous heart was irresistibly at- tracted by everything great and noble ; and hence he was led to form a close and intimate friendsliip with Epaminondas, who was several years older than himself and of a still loi'tier cha- racter. Their friendship is said to liave originated in a cam- paign in which they served together, wlien Peloj)itlas having lallen in battle apparently deatl, Epaminondas protected his body at the imminent risk of his own lile. Pelopidas afterwards endeavoured to persuade Epaminondas to sliare his riches with liim ; and when he did not succeed, he resolved to live on the same frugal faro as his great IViend. A secret correspondence was opened with his iriends at Thebes, the chief of whom were Phyllitias, secretary to thepolemarchs, and Charon. Epaminon- das was solicited to take a part in the conspiracy ; but, though he viewed the Lacedffimonian government with abhorrence, his principles forbade him to paticipate in a plot which was to be carried out by treachery and murder. The dominant faction, besides the advantage of the actual possession of power, was supported by a garrison of 1500 Lace- dajmonians. The enterprise, therefore, was one of considerable difficulty and danger. In the execution of it Phyllidas took a leading pai-t. It was arranged that he should give a supper to Archias and Philippus, the two polemarchs, whose company was to be secured by the allurement of an introduction to some Theban women remarkable lor their beauty. Alter they had partaken freely of wine, the conspirators were to be intro- duced, disguised as women, and to complete their work by the assassination of the polemarchs. On the day belbre the banquet, Pelopidas, with six other exiles, arrived at Thebes from Athens, and, stragghng through the gates towards dusk in the disguise^ of rustics and huntsmen, arrived safely at tlie house of Charon, where they remained concealed till the appointed hour. Before it arrived, however, a summons which Charon received to attend the polemarchs filled the conspirators with the liveliest alarm. These magistrates, whilst enjoying the good cheer of Phyllidas, received a vague message from Athens respecting some plot formed by the exiles ; and, as Charon was known to be connected with them, he was immediately sent for and questioned. By the aid of Phyllidas, however, Charon contrived to lull the sus- picions of the polemarchs, who were already half intoxicated. •Shortly after the departure of Charon another messenger arrived from Athens with a letter for Archias, in which the whole plot was accurately detailed. The messenger, in accordance with his Histructions informed Archias that the letter related to matters of serious importance. But the polemarch, completely engrossed by the pleasures of the table, thrust the letter under the pillow of his couch, exclaiming, " Serious matters to-morrow." The hour of their fate was now ripe, and the polemarchs, flushed with wine, desired PhyUidas to introduce the women. The conspirators, disguised with veils, and in the ample folds of female attire, were ushered into the room. For men in the state of the revellers the deception was complete ; but when they attempted to lift the veils from the women, their passion was rewarded by the mortal thrust of a dagger. After thus slaying the two polemarchs, the conspirators went to the house of Leon- tiades, whom they found reclining after supper, whilst his wife sat spinning by his side. Leontiades, who was strong and courageous, immediately seized his sword and inflicted a mortal wound on one of the conspirators, but was at length overpowered and killed by Pelopidas. Then the conspirators proceeded to the gaol, and, having liberated the prisoners, supplied them with arms. Tiie news of the revolution goon spread abroad. Epaminondas, whose repugnance to these proceedings attached only to their secret and treacherous cliaracter, now appeared, accompanied by a few friends in arms. Proclamations were issued announcing liiat Thebes was free, and calling upon all citizens who valued their liberty to muster in the market-place. As soon as day dawned, and the citizens became aware that they were sum- moned to vindicate their liberty, their joy and enthusiasm were unbounded. For the first time since the seizure of their citadel tliev met in public assembly ; the conspirators, being introduced, were crowned by tlie priest with wreaths, and thanked in the name of their country's gods ; whilst the assembly, with grateful acclamation, unanimously nominated Pelopidas, Charon, and Mel- lon as the first restored Bceotarchs. § 8, Meanwhile the remainder of the Theban exiles, accom' 4m HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIX panied by a body of Athenian volunteers, assembled on the frontiers of Boeotia ; and, at the first news of the success of the conspiracy, hastened to Thebes to complete the revolution. The Lacedajmonian garrison scut to Thespiie and Plata;a i'or reinforce- ments ; but these were disjKirscd by the Tliebau cavalry beibre they could approach the gates. The Thebans, under their new BflBotarchs, were already mounting to the assault of the Cadmca, when the Lacedajmonians capitulated, and were allowed to march out with the honours of war. But several of tlie Theban citizens of the Lacedcemonian party, who had taken refuge in the citadel, were put to death, and in some cases even their children shared their late. The surrender of the Cadmea seems to have been a disgraceful dereliction of duty on the part of the three com- manding Spartan harmosts ; nor are we surprised to hear that two of them were put to death and the thirtl lined and banished. $ 9. The news of this revolution gave a shock to the Lace- daemonian jx)wer throughout Greece. At Sparta itself it occa- Bioned the greatest consternation. Although it was the depth of winter, the allied contingents were immediately called out and an exjiedition undertaken against Thebes. As Agesilaus, being now more than sixty years of age, declined to take the command, it was assigned to his colleague, Cleombrotus, who penetrated as far into BoDotia as Cynoscephala; ; but, after re- maining there sixteen days, he rctumed to Sparta without having effected anything, leaving, however, a third of his army at Thes^ pia;, nnder the command of Sphodrias. This expedition caused great alarm at Athens. The Lacedaemonians sent envoys to demand satisfaction for the part which the Athenians had taken in the Theban revolution. Among those who had aided and abetted the plot were two of the Strategi or Generals, who were now sacrificed to the public security, one of them being con- demned and executed, and the other, who fled before trial, sen- tenced to banishment. The Thebans, now fearing that the Athenians would remain quiet and leave them to contend single- handed against the Spartans, bribed Sphodrias to invade Attica. Accordingly Sphodrias set out from Thespiaj with the intention of surprising the Pirajus by night ; but, being overtaken by day- light whilst still on the Thriasian plain near Eleusis, he retreated, though not without committing various acts of depredation! This attempt excited the liveliest indignation at Athens. The Lacedaemonian envoys, still at Athens, were seized and interro- gated, but exculpated themselves from all knowledge of the en- terprise. Sphodrias himself was indicted for it at" Sparta, but the influence of Agesilaus procured his acquittal. His escape was denounced by the unanimous voice of Greece. At Athens B.O. &7«. ALLIANCE BETWEEN ATHENS AND THEBES. 468 it at once producendas. § 11. Invasion of Laconia by the Arcadians. § 12. Expedition of Pelopidas into Thessaly. The "Tearless Battle" between the Arcamonians to despair, and ofTering his mediation. He accordingly succeeded in eflecting a truce, by which the Lacedflemonians were allowed to depart from BoBotia unmolested. Their commander, however, did not trust to this ; but, having given out that he meant to march over Mount Cithieron, he decamped in the night to Creusis, and from thence proceeded by a difficult road along the side of the rocks upon the coast to jEgoslhcna in the Megarfd ; where he was met by Arehidamus and his army. As the defeated troops were now in safety, the object of the' latter had been attained, and the whole armament was disbanded. * Taydf. ^ 5. According to Spartan custom, the survivors of a defeat were looked upon as degraded men, and subjected to the pe- nalties of civil infamy. No allowance was made Ibr circum- stances. But those who had fled at Leuctra were three hundred in number ; an attempt to enforce against them the usual penalties might prove not only inconvenient, but even dangerous ; and on the proposal of Agesilaus, they were, for this occasion only, sus- pended. The loss of material power which Sparta sustained by the defeat was great. The ascendency she had hitherto enjoyed m parts north of the Corinthian gulf fbll from her at once, and was divided between Jason of Pliera3, and the Thebans. ' The latter, flushed by success, now panted for nothing but military glory, and under the superintendence of Epaminondas devoted themselves to an active course of warlike training. Their alliance was sought on every side. The Phocians were the first to claim It, and their example was soon followed by the Euboians, the Locriaiis, tlie Maliaiis, and the Heracleots. In this flood-tide of power tlie Thebans longed to take vengeance on their ancient enemy Orcliomenus, to destroy the town, and to sell the inhabit- ants lor slaves ; and from this design they were only diverted by the mildness and wisdom of Epaminondas. But the Orchomenians were forced to make their submission, and were then re-admitted as members of the Boeotian confederation. The same lenity was not extended to the Thespians, who were expelled from Bceotia and their territory annexed to Thebes. They took refuge, like the Plata^ans, at Athens. «= » ^^ j G. At the same time Jason of Phera3 was also extending his inlluence and power. It was known that he was revolving some important enterprise, but it was doubtful whether he woufd turn his arms against the Persians, against the cities of Chalcidice or against the states of southern Greece. After the battle of Leuctra the last seemed the most probable. He had amiounced his 'inten- tion of being present at the Pythian festival, which was to take place in August 370 b.c, at the head of a numerous army • on which occasion his sacrifice to the Delphian god was to consist of the enormous quantity of 1000 bulls, and 10,000 sheep, goats and swiiie But it was unpleasant tidings for Grecian ears to learn that he intended to usurp the presidency and management ot the festival, which were the prerogatives of the Amphictyonic Council In this conjuncture the alarmed Delphians consulted the god as to what they should do in case Jason approached their treasury, and received for answer that he would himself take care of it. Shortly afterwards the despot was assassinated by seven youths as he sat in public to give audience to all comers. The death of Jason was felt as a relief by Greece, and especially 174 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. Xu by Thebes. He was succeeded by his two brothers Polyphron and Polydorus ; but they possessed neither his abihty nor his power. ^ 7. The Athenians stood aloof from the contending parties. They had not received the news of the battle of licuctra with any pleasure, for they now dreaded Thebes more tlian Sparta. But uistead of helping the latter, they endeavoured to prevent either from obtaining the supremacy in Greece, and for this ])ur- poBC called upon the other states to form a new alliance uix>ii the terms of the peace of Antalcidas. Most of the Pelojionnesian states joined this new league ; but the E leans declined, on the ground that they would thus deprive themselves of their sove- reignty over the Triphylian cities. Thus even the Peloponnesian cities became independent of Sparta. But this was not all. Never did any state fall with greater rapidity. She not only lost the domniion over states which she had exercised for centuries ; but two new political powers sprung up in the peninsula, which threatened her own independence. The first of these was the Arcadian confedera- tion, estabhshed a few months after the battle of Leuctra ; the second was the new Messenian state, founded by Epaminondas two years later. It has been related how the Lacedaemonians had some years previously broken up Mantinea into its five original villages, and thus degraded it from the rank of a city. The Mantineans' assisted by the Arcadians of various other quarters, now availed themselves of the weakness of Sparta to rebuild their town. Its restoration suggested the still more extensive scheme of a union of all the Arcadian cities. Hitherto the Arcadians had been a race and not a nation, having nothing in common but their name. The idea of*miiting them into a federal state arose with Lycomedes, one of the leading men of the restored Man- tinea. It was expected that the Thebans and Argives would lend their aid to the project, which was well received throughout the greater part of Arcadia, though opposed by Tegea and cer- tain other cities jealous of Mantinea. The Spartans would not tamely allow such a formidable power to spring up at their very doors ; and, accordingly, Agesilaus marched with a Lacedsemo- man army against Mantinea (b.c. 370). But the Mantineans were too prudent to venture on an engagement till reinforced by the Thebans, to whom they had applied for assistance ; and as they kept within their walls, Agesilaus, after ravaging their ter- ritory, marched back to Sparta. ^8. Ever since the battle of Leuctra, Epaminondas had been watching an opportunity for interfering in the afiairs of Pelopon- B.C.370. EPAMINONDAS INVADES LACONIA. m nesus. But his views were not confined to the establishment of an Arcadian union. He also proposed to restore the exiled Mes- senians to their territory. That race had formerly hved under a dynasty of their own kings ; but for the last three centuries their land had been in the possession of the Lacediemonians, and they had been fugitives upon the face of the earth. The re- storation of these exiles, now dispersed in various Hellenic co- lonies, to their former rights, would plant a bitter hostile neigh- bour on the very borders of Laconia. Epaminondas accordingly opened communications with them, and numbers of them flocked to his standard during his march into Arcadia, late in the au- tumn of 370 B.C. He entered that country shortly after Agesi- laus had quitted it, and, in addition to the Arcadians, was immediately joined by the Argives and Eleans. The combined force, including the Thebans, is estimated at 70,000 men. Epa- minondas, who had in reality the chief command, thouo-h asso- ciated with the other Basotarchs, brought with him choice bodies of auxiliaries from Phocis, Locris, and other places, and especially the excellent cavalry and pchasts of Thessaly. But it was the Tiicban bands themselves that were the object of universal ad- miration ; which, under the inspection of Epaminondas, had been brought into the highest state of discipline and efficiency The Peloponnesian allies, elated at the sight of so large and so well appointed an army, pressed Epaminondas to invade Laconia Itself, since his services were no longer required in Arcadia, in consequence of the retreat of Agesilaus. Although it was now mid-winter, he resolved, after some hesitation, to comply with their request. Dividing his army into four parts, he crossed without any serious opposition the mountains separating Ar- cadia from Laconia, and reunited his forces at Sellasia. From thence he marched to Amycla), two or three miles below Sparta, where he crossed the river Eurotas, and then advanced cautiously towards the capital. Sparta, which was wholly unfortified, was now filled with con- fusion and alarm. The women, who had never yet seen the face of an enemy, gave vent to their fears in wailing and lamentation. Moreover, the state was in great danger from her own intestine divisions. Not only was she threatened by the customary dis- content of the Perioeci and Helots, but the large class of poor and discontented citizens called " Inferiors," looked with anger on the wealth and political power of the " Peers."* But the emergency was pressing, and called for decisive measures. The Ephors ventured on the step of ofTering freedom to such He- * See p. 438. fflSTORY OP GREECE. Chap, XL lots as would enlist as hoplites for the defeucp cf the city. The call was responded to by no fewer than OOUU, who now inspired fear by their very numbers; and the alann was justified and heightened by the fact that a considerable body ol Perioici ..iid Helots had actually joined the Thebans. In the midst of these pressing dangers Sparta was saved by the vigUance and energy of her aged king Agesilaus. He re- pulsed the cavalry of Epaminondas as they advanced towards th« city ; and so vigorous were his measures of defence, that Epa. minondas abandoned all further attempt upon the city, and proceeded southwards as far as Helos and Gythium on the coast, the latter the port and arsenal of Sparta. Alter laying waste with fire and sword the valley of the Eurotas, he retraced his steps to the frontiers of Arcadia. k 9. Epaminondas now proceeded to carry out tlie two objects for which his march had been undertaken ; namely, the conso- lidation of the Arcadian confederation, and the establishment of the Messenians as an independent community. In the prosecu- tion of the fbnner of these designs, the mutual jealousy of the various Arcadian cities rendered it necessary that a new one should be founded, which should be regarded as the capital of the confederation. Consequently, a new city was built on the banks of the Helisson, called Megalopolis, and peopled by the inhabitants of forty distinct Arcathan townships. Here a synod of deputies from the towns composing the confederation, called •* The Ten Thousand,"* was to meet periodically for the de- spatch of business. A body of Arcadian troops, called Epariti,t was also levied for the purposes of the league. Epa- minondas next founded the town of MessOnc. Its citadel was placed on the summit of Mount Ithome, which had three cen- turies before been so bravely defended by the Messenians against the Spartans ; whilst the town itself was seated lower down upon the western slope of the mountain, but connected with its Acro- pohs by a continuous wall. The strength of its Ibrt ill cat ions was long afterwards a subject of admiration. The territoiy at- tached to the new city extended southwards to the Messenian gulf, and northwards to the borders of Arcadia, comprising some of the most fertile land in Peloponnesus. In order to settle the allairs of Arcadia and Messenia. Epami- nondas had remained in Peloponnesus four months ai'ier the legal period of his command had expired ; for which ofience he and the other Boeotarchs were arraigned on his return to Thebes. But they were honourably acquitted, Epaminondas having ex- * Mvpioi. f 'Kvtiiirrot, B.a 870. FOUNDATION OF MEGALOPOLIS. 477 pressed his willingness to die if the Thebans would record that he was put to death because he had humbled Sparta, and taucrht his countrymen to conquer her armies. '^ flO. So low had Sparta now sunk, that she was fain to send envoys to beg the assistance of the Athenians. This request ivas acceded to ; and shortly afterwards an alliance was formed between the two states, in which Sparta waived all her claims to superiority and headsliip. It was agreed that the command both on land and sea should alternate every live days between Athens and Sparta, and that their united forces sliould occupy Corinth and guard the passes of the Onean mountains across the isth- mus, so as to ])reveiit the Thebans from again invading Pelopon- nesus. Before this position Epaminondas appeared'' with his army in the spring of the year n.c. 3G9 ; and as all his attempts to draw on a battle proved unavailing, he resolved on forciu"- his way through the hostile lines. Directing his march just before daybreak against the position oecu]iied by the Lacedemonians, he succeeded in surprising and completely defeating them. He was thus enabled to form a junction with his allies in Pelopon- nesus, whilst the Lacethemonians and Athenians do not appear to have stirred from their position. Sicyon now deserted Sparta and joined the Theban alliance ; but the little town of Phlius remained fliitht'ul to the Laceda'nionians, and successfully re- sisted all the attempts made to capture it. The Thebans were also defeated in an attempt upon Corinth ; and the spirits of the Spartan allies were still further raised by the arrival at Lecha^um of a Syracusan squadron, bringing 2000 mercenary Gauls and Iberians, together with 50 horsemen, as a succour from the despot Dionysius. After a while, however, accord- ing to the usual desultory nature of Grecian warfare, both armies returned home without having achieved anythinir of im- portance. * Hi. Meanwhile the Arcadians, elate with their newly acquired power, not only believed themselves capable of maintaining their mdependence without fbreign assistance, but thought themselves eiititled to share the headship with Thebes, as Athens did with Sparta. Lycomedes, whom we have already mentioned as an able and energetic citizen of Mantinea, was the chief promoter of these ambitious views, and easily flattered the national vanity of his countrymen by appeals to their acknowledged courage and hardihood. They responded to his representations by calling upon him to lead them into active service, apjiointed him their commander, and chose all the officers whom he nominated. The first exploit of Lycomedes was to rescue the Argive troops in Ei)idaurus, where they Avere in great danger of being cut ofi* by a ii 418 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL. body of Athenians and Corinthians under Chabnas. He then marched into the south-western portion of Messenia, where he penetrated as far as Asine, defeated the Spartan commander Geranor, who had drawn out the garrison to oppose Iiim, and destroyed the suburbs of the town. It was probably by this expedition that the annihilation of the Spartan dominion in that quarter was completed. The hardihood and enterprise displayed in it excited everywhere both admiration and alarm; but at Thebes it also occasioned jealousy. At the same time circum- stances arose which tended to disunite the Arcadians and E leans. The former objected to Elis resuming lier sovereignty over the towns of Triphylia, which they had thought to regain after the decay of the Spartan supremacy. § 12. During the year 368 b.c. the Thebans undertook no ex- pedition into Peloponnesus ; but Pclopidas conducted a Theban force into Thessaly for the purpose of protecting Larissa and other cities against the designs of Alexander, who, by the murder of his two brothers, had become despot of Pheraj and Tagus of Thessaly. Alexander was compelled to solicit peace ; and Pc- lopidas, after establishing a defensive league amongst the Thes- salian cities, marched into Macedonia, when the regent Ptolemy entered into an alliance with the Thebans. Amongst the hos- tages given for the observance of this treaty was the youthlbl Phihp, son of Amyntas, afterwards the celebrated king of Ma- cedon, who remained for some years at Thebes. Shortly afterwards the Lacedemonians, under the command of Archidamus, supported by the reinforcements sent byDiony- fiius, succeeded in routing the Arcadians with great slaughter, whilst not a single Lacedemonian fell, whence the victory de- rived the name of " the Tearless Battle." The news of tliis defeat of the Arcadians was by no means unwelcome at Thebes, as it was calculated to check their presumption, and to show them that they could not dispense with Theban aid. H3. Epaminondas now resolved on another expedition into Peloponnesus, with the view of bringing the Acheans into the Theban alliance. Until the battle of Leuctra the cities of Achaia had been the dependent allies of Sparta ; but since that event they had remained free and neutral. On the approach of Epa- minondas they immediately submitted, and consented to be en- rolled among the allies of Thebes. That commander, with his usual moderation, did not insist upon any change in their go- vernments. But this was made a subject of accusation against Mm at home. The Arcadians charged him with having lel't men in power in the Achajan cities who would join Sparta on the lirst opportunity. These accusations, being supported by the enemiei B.C. 368. THE TEARLESS BATTLE. 479 of Epaminondas, prevailed : his proceedings in Achaia were re- versed ; democratic governments were established in the various Achaean cities ; and in the ensuing year Epaminondas himself was not re-elected as Boeotarch. But the consequence was that the exiles thus driven from the various Achaean cities, watching their opportunity, succeeded in eflecting counter-revolutions, and afterwards took a decided part with Sparta. § 14. The Thebans now resolved to send an embassy to Persia. Ever since the peace of Antalcidas the great King had become the recognised mediator between the states of Greece ; and his fiat seemed indispensable to stamp the claims of that city which pretended to the headship. The recent achievements of Thebes might entitle her to aspire to that position ; and at all events the alterations which she had produced in the internal state of Greece, by the establishment of Megalopolis and Messene, seemed to require for their stability the sanction of a Persian rescript. For this purpose Pelopidas and Ismenias proceeded to the court of Susa apparently in the years 367-366 b.c. They were accom- panied by other deputies from the allies ; and at the same time the Athenians sent Timagoras and Leon to counteract their in- fluence. Pelopidas may probably have pleaded the former ser- vices of Thebes towards Persia at the time of the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, as well as in having opposed the expedition of Agesilaus into Asia. But the great fact which influenced the decision of the Persian king would doubtless be that Thebes was now the strongest state in Greece ; for it was evidently easier to exercise Persian ascendency there by her means, than through a weaker power. Pelopidas had therefore only to ask his own terms. A rescript was issued declaring the independence of Messene and Amphipolis ; the Athenians were directed to lay up their ships of war in ordinary ; Thebes was declared the head of Greece ; and the dispute between Elis and Arcadia on the subject of the Triphyhan cities was decided in favour of the former power : probably at the instance of Pelopidas, and on account of the estrangement now subsisting between Arcadia and Thebes. The Athenian and Arcadian envoys had attempted in vain to secure better terms for their own states. Antiochus, the repre- sentative of Arcadia, on his return to Megalopolis, vented his displeasure by a most depreciatory report to the Ten Thousand of all that he had seen during his journey. There were armies, he said, of cooks, confectioners, wine-bearers, and the like, but not a single man fit to fight against Greeks ; and even the vaunted golden plane-tree itself, he affirmed, was too small to afibrd shade ix) a single grasshopper. The Thebans, on the contrary, made the most of their success. Deputies from the allied cities were \ 480 mfcJlUKi" OF GREECE. Chap. XI* summoned to Thebes to hear the royal rescript read ; but it was coldly received by all present. Lycomedes, the Arcadian envoy, even protested against the headship claimed for Thebes, and asserted that the aUied synod should not be exclusively convened in that city, but in the actual scat of war. After some angry language, the Arcadians withdrew from the assembly, and the other deputies seem to have followed their example. Nor were the Thebans more successful in an attempt to get the rescript recognized by sending it round to the various cities separately. k Id. It was, in all probability, during a ini^sion undertaken by Pelopidas and Ismenias, for tlie |)urpose of j)rocuring the acknowledgment of the rescript in Tlie^saly and tlie nonheni parts of Greece, that they were seized and imprisoned by Alex- ander of Phera). That tyrant met them at riiar^^alus under all the appearances of jKuice, but took occasion of their being witli- out guards to seize and carry tliem off to Plierie. JSucl" value was attacheil to the person of Pelopidas that liis imprisonment niduced several of the Thessalian i)artizans of Thebes to submit to Alexander. Even the Athenians did not disdain to avail themselves of this treacherous breach of pnhlic Ihith, and sent Autocles with a fleet of 30 triremes and lOUO lioi)Iites to tlic support of Alexander. Meanwliile the justly incen.^cd Thebans had despatched an army of 8000 hopli'tcs and 000 cavalry, to recover or avenge their favourite citizen. Uni'ortnnately, liow- ever, they were no longer connnanded by Epaminondas' who, as we have related, had not been re-elected to the oilice of BoBotarch. Their present commanders were utterly incompe- tent. They were beaten and ibrced to retreat, and tlie army was in such danger from the active pursuit of the Thessalians and Athenians, that its destruction seemed inevitable. Luckily, however, Epammondas was serving as a lioplite in tlie ranks! By the unanimous voice of the troops he was now called to the command, and succeeded in conducting the army safely back to Thebes. Here the imsuccessful Btetarchs were disgraced, and Epammondas, whose reputation now shone forth more brilliantly than ever, was restored to the command, and placed at the head of a second Theban army destined to attempt the release of Pe- lopidas. Directed by his superior skill, the enterprise proved successful. Anxious, however, for the life of his friend, Epami- nondas avoided reducing Alexander to such extremities as might induce him to make away with Pelopidas; and thus, though the main object of the expedition was attained, it was not accom- panied with such striking and decisive results as to counter- balance the advantages wliich Alexander had derived from hia treachery B.C. 8Cr.. ALLIANCE BETWEEN ARCADIA AND ATHENS. 481 i 16. The acquirement of Oropus was, however, some com- pensation to the Thebans for their losses on the other side of their frontier. The possession of that town, which lay on the borders of Athens and Thebes, had long been a subject of contention between the two states. For many years past it had been in the hands of the Athenians ; but it was now seized by a party of exiles favourable to the Theban interest, and imme- diately occupied by a Theban garrison, which deprived the Athe- nians cf all hopes of retaking it. The AtheniaiiF liad been dis- pleased at the want of zeal manifested by their Peloponnesian allies in not assisting them in the afiair of Oropus ; and Lyco- medes, who was disgusted with the Theban ascendency, took advantage of this feehng to negotiate an aUiance between Arcadia and Athens. He procured himself to be appointed ambassador to that city, where he was favourably received, and prehminary arrangements made for an alliance ; but on his way home he was assassinated by some Arcadian exiles of the opposite party. The negotiations, however, proceeded. CaUistratus was sent from Athens as Ambassador to the Arcadian Ten Thousand, whilst Epaminondas hastened from Thebes, to counteract, if possible, the machinations of the eloquent Athenian. But though Epaminondas here displayed his ready talent in debate, he was misuccessful. The Athenians concluded an alliance with Ar- cadia, but at the same time without formally breaking with Thebes. H7. This connexion rendered it desirable for Athens to secure an uninterrupted communication with Peloponnesus, and lor this purpose she formed the treacherous design of seizing Co- rinth by surprise. She was not only at peace but in alliance with that city ; and her auxiliaries were serving in the Corinthian forts and outposts. These, however, were to be the instruments of her tieachery. Under pretence of a reinforcement an arma- ment under the command of Chares was despatched to Corinth. But the designs of Athens had reached the ears of the Corinthians, who refused to admit Chares into their port of Cenchreee ; and at the same time dismissed the other Athenians in their service, yet with all the appearance of good will. Though thus saved lor the moment, this step had placed the Corinthians in a state of isolation ; and they therefore resolved to open negotiations with Thebes for a general peace. Their overtures were well re- ceived by the Thebans. A meeting of the allies was then con- vened at Sparta, in which the Corinthians set Ibrth the necessity of their case, and endeavoured to induce the rest of the confe- derates to follow their example in concluding a peace with Thebes, the terms of which were to be the independence of each Y HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XL. individual city, including Messene ; but without recognizing the headship of Thebes, or entering into any formal alliance with her. On this basis a peace was accordingly concluded between Thebes, Corinth, Phlius, Epidaurus, and perhaps one or two other cities ; but as the Thebans made the independence of Messene an indispensable condition, Sparta resolutely refused to join it, and the larger states of Greece, Thebes, Athens, Sparta, Arcadia, and others still remained at war. § 18. Athens availed herself of the distracted condition of Greece to extend her maritime empire. She had no longer occa- sion to dread any opposition from Sparta ; and she accordingly sent a powerful fleet into the ^gean under the command of Timotheus, who succeeded in conquering Samos, and in ob- taining possession of Potida3a, Pydna, Methoue, and it is said even of Olynthus itself But in the midst of his success, he was menaced by the unexpected aiipearance of a Theban fleet. Epa- minondas, jealous of the maritime empire of Athens, had per- suaded his countrymen to try their strength on a new element. Sparta, he said, was humbled; it was not she, but Athens, who was now their prominent enemy ; and he exhorted them not to rest content till they had transferred to the Theban Cad- mea the Propylaja which adorned the acropolis of Athens. A fleet of 100 triremes was constructed, and he himself appointed to the command ; whilst envoys were sent to Rhodes, Chios, and Byzantium, to induce them to break with Athens. It was with this fleet that Epaminondas appeared in the Hellespont in e.g. 363. He seems, however, to have effected little,— at least no- thmg splendid is recorded— and this expedition proved both the first and last of the Thebans by sea. H9. It was in the same year that his friend Pclopidas led an expedition into Thessaly against Alexander of Phene. Strong complaints of the tyranny of that despot arrived at Thebes, and Pelopidas, who probably also burned to avenge his private wrongs, prevailed upon the Thebans to send him into Thessaly to punish the tyrant. The forces he had collected were far inferior in number to those of Alexander ; and when informed at Pharsalus, that the tyrant was advancing towards him with a great army, he remarked that it was so much the better, since there would be more for him to conquer. The battle was fought on the haisof Cynoscephalae ; the troops of Alexander were routed ; and Pelopidas, observing his hated enemy endeavouring to rally them, was seized with such a transport of rage that, regardless of his duties as a general, he rushed impetuously forwards and chal- lenged him to a single combat. Alexander shrunk back within the ranks of his guards, followed impetuously by Pelopidas, who B.C. 364. DEATH OF PELOPIDAS. 488 was soon slain, fighting with desperate bravery. Although the army of Alexander was defeated with severe loss, the news of the death of Pelopidas deprived the Thebans and their Thessa- lian alhes of all the joy which they would otherwise have felt at their victory. The Thebans, however, subsequently avenged the death of their general by sending a fresh force of 7000 hop- lites into Thessaly ; with which they compelled Alexander to relinquish all his dependencies in that country, to confine him- 'self to the actual limits of Pheraj, and to swear allegiance to Thebes. The Thebans thus acquired greater influence than they had ever before enjoyed in Northern Greece. § 20. Meantime a war had been carried on between Elis and Ar- cadia. It has been already remarked, on more than one occasion, that the E leans claimed the sovereignty of the Triphylian townsi in which they were backed by Sparta, but opposed by the Arca- dians. The Eleans also laid claim to a tract of hilly ground lying north of the Alpheus, containing Lasion and some other towns which had been included in the Arcadian league. They seized Lasion by surprise, but were driven out again by the Arcadians, who afterwards took formal possession of the sacred district of Olympia. Other acts of hostility had occurred between the Eleans and Arcadians, and the former had called in the assistance of the Lacedaemonians, but without any decisive result. In 364 b.c. the Arcadians were still in possession of Olympia ; and as the Olympic festival occurred in that year, they availed themselves of their situation to transfer the presi- dency of the games from the Eleans to the Pisatans, who had long laid claim to it. It was anticipated that the Eleans would assert their rights by force; and the Arcadians prepared to resist any attempt of that kind, not only by a large army of their own, but also by summoning their allies. The festival had already commenced, many of the games had been performed, and the wrestling match was going on, when bodies of the Eleans, and their allies the Achajans, were observed approaching the sacred ground. The Arcadians immediately rushed to arms, and formed on the bank of the little river Cladeus, to prevent their approach. The Eleans advanced with the utmost boldness, but were Anally repulsed and obliged to retire. On this occasion the temple of the Olympian deity himself was converted into a fortress, and the majestic Jove of Pliidias looked down with calm dignity upon those who were contending for the honour of celebrating his festival. The Eleans subsequently avenged them- selves by slrikmg the 101th Olympiad out of the list of the festivals. '^21. Not content with this uisult to the Eleans, the Arcadiaiw 4' I 4M HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL. earned their insolence to the extent of sacrilege, by despoiling the nch temples of Olympia. But this act rip^ied theCedf Ifl'tr" T '"^ ZT ^^'"^^y ^P""^'^^ "P ^^^^S the Area- dians themselves. The assembly of Mantinea passed an act re- nouncmg all participation in the sacred spoil, and though the Ten Thousand attempted at first to seize the leading men at Mantinea as traitors to the Arcadian league, the views of the Mantineans respecting the employment of the sacred treasures were m evidently just, that even their opponents were at leUh shamed into them. Accordingly, a peace was concluded with the Eleans, who were restored to all their rights with regard to Olympia. 8ince the Spartans had supported the Eleans, the Mantineans were naturally brought into close connexion with the former ; whilst the rest of the Arcadians, and esix^cially the Tegeans, favoured Thebes. Tegea thus became the centre of Theban influence m Arcadia, and was occupied by a Theban hannost and a gamson of 300 Bceotians. The Thebans viewed the success of the Mantineans and Spartan party with suspie^n and when the peace, recently concluded, was sWom to at Te^a' they seized the pnncipal members of the Spartan party The news ol this treacherous act was received with great iiidi- nation at Mantinea. Heralds were immediately despatched by Hereupon the Theban hamiost released the pri.«oners, protestincr that he had been misled by a false report of the approach of a fcpartan force, prepared to coK)perate with a party within the walls m order to seize Tegea. The Mantineans and^heirpartv fo tULT' '"I '"'^f "^ "^^^ '^^' ^P«^"?>'' ^-' ^^«t envoys to Thebes, demanding the punishment of the harmost. Epami- Hondas, incensed that a ptwe had been concluded without the sanction of Thebes, justified the hannost's conduct, and bade he envoys cany back word that he would himself soon lead an amiy into An^adia. The Mantineans and their partisans imme- diately made preparations for war, and sent ambassadors to request the assistance ol the Lacedemonians J 22, These events occurred in 362 b.c, and in the summer of TFlZr^!Z'Tu"' undertook his fourth and last inva^^n Z ^dHuZ Jl^ f'?'^^}^l^^^ Arcadia, which threatened for h r ! J,"r'' ^^^^'''' '^ ^"^ ^P^^^> ^«^« the motives tor his expedi ion. His army was numerous, and included many troops from Northern Greece. He marched without opposition to Tegea, where he was joined by such of the Tretri'"^ ' Ti' ^l^P^'^"-^'^"^ ^ were favourable to the Iheban cause. The other party concentrated tl^mselvcs at B.C. 362. BATTLE OF MANTINEA. 48S Mantinea, whither the aged Agesilaus was marching with a Lace- daemonian force, whilst Athenian succours were also expected. Epaminondas, whose movements were characterized by decision and rapidity, resolved to surprise Sparta in the absence of Age- silaus by a sudden man^h upon it. Providentially, however? a swift Cretan ruuner overtook Agesilaus in time to warn him of the danger. He got back to Sparta early enough to anticipate tlie attempt of Epaminondas; and though that commander actually entered the city, yet he found the streets and houses so well defended, that he was fain to retire. The alarm caused by this diversion had however occasioned the recall of the Lacedae- monian army destined for Mantinea, and Epaminondas took advantage of that circumstance to attempt the surjjrise of that place. Fortunately for the Mantineans, the Athenian cavalry had reached their city an hour or two before the arrival of Epaminondas, and though hungry and tired with their march, succeeeded in repulsing the Theban and Thessalian horse. Epa- minondas now fell back upon Tegea. $ 23. Thus both these well planned manoBuvres were acci- dentally frustrated. As the enemy had now succeeded in con- centrating their forces at Mantinea, it was clear that a general action was unavoidable. The plain between Tegea and Mantinea, though 2000 feet above the level of the sea, is shut in on every side by lofty mountains. Li length it is about ten miles, whilst its breadth varies from one to eight. About four miles south of Mantinea it contracts to its narrowest dimensions, and here the Lacedajmonians and Mantineans took up their position. Epa- minondas, in marching northwards from Tegea, inclined to the left, so as to skirt the base of Mount Majiialus, which bounds the plain on the west. On arriving in sight of the hostile lines, Epa- minondas ordered his troops to halt and ground arms. Hence the LacedaBinonians inferred that he did not mean to offer battle that day ; and so strong was this persuasion, that they left their ranks, whilst some of the hoi-semen took off their breastplates and unbridled their horses. But meanwhile Epaminondas was making his dispositions for an attack. His plan very much re- sembled that of the battle of Leuctra. His chief reliance was upon the Bceotian troops, whom he had formed into a column of extraordinary depth. The enemy at length became aware of his intentions and hurried into their ranks ; but they were in no condition to receive the onset of the Theban hoplites, who bore down all before them. The Mantineans and Lacedee- monians turned and fled, and the rest followed their example. The day was won ; but Epaminondas, who fought in the foremost ranks, fell pierced with a mortal wound. His fall occasioned f *8w HBTORy OF GREECE. Cbap. XL. Buch consternation among his troops, that althoi.;rh the enemy wer« m full flight, they did not know how to use their advanta^ and remained rooted to the spot. Hence both sides sutee^ quently claimed the victory and erected trophies, though it was t!^ ^^=""°"""^ ^'^o ^^•^t a herald to request the bodies of R.tTi"''^'^ r' l^"^'^ """*''•' ^"^^ ^'th the spear-head still fixed w h's Wt. Having satisfied himself that his shield was safe, and that the victory was gained, he inquired for lolaidaa ™»nJ^i^^" •■ 7'""" J>« "'tended to succeed him in the com- mand. Being informed that both were slain : " Then " he nh. «erved "you mnst make peace." After this he ordered the spear-head to be withdrawn ; when the gush of b"h Lh followed soon terminated his life. Thus died this truly J^at W^'ll h"^T7'"a*"'^ .""^ ^hose title to that epithet has been 1^ disputed. Antiquity is unanimous in his praise and ^Z^''^ t-.'rl'^'V^ ^'"^'' subsequently took hifn for 'their model. With him the commanding influence of Thebes began and ended H,s last advice was adopted, and peace was cm," duded probably before the Theban aAny quittedVdopZ.eru" Its basis was a recognition of the status ,jiZ-to leave eiervthin.; as It was, to acknowledge the Arcadian constitution and the in" dependence ol Messene. Sparta alone refused to joh. it "n account of the last article, but she was not supported by C § 24 Agesikns had lived to see the empire of Sparta extin- f^^illl ^r "J."*!^ "^'''- Thus curious^ had the propW ^L^^"^' ""^'"^ •"""?.•* ^r^"^ "' ^he'evils awaftinrre^ ZnZ «'^««';gnty." But Agesilaus had not yet aban- doned all hope; arid he and his son Archidamus now directol Svl^r'ri "Tl n *'" ''"' ■" ^ "J""^^' ''™" -'-h Sp-^n i^rw„ n '^use.tated. At the age of 80 the indo- M. aches king of Egypt, in his revolt against Persia. The ace and msignificant appearance of the veteran warrior made him how- ever, a butt for Egyptian ridicule, and he was not intr "d wTh Jhe supreme command. But in spite of this afibnt he 1"^ puued the Egyptian army on an expedition into Pho-nicia During the absence of Tachos, Neetanebis rose against him a .d ^.ug supported by AgesUaus. obtained the thfone of W Neetanebis rewarded this service with a present of 230 takrrts But Agesilaus did not live to carry this lAoney home to Smrta bnri«n^^' ^ ^y ^"^ embalmed in wax. and splendidly buned m bparta. He was succeeded by his son ArchidLus lU Bust of Plato. CHAPTER, XLI. HISTORY OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF THE ATHENIAN ARMAMENT TO THE DEATH OF TIMOLEON. § \ I^^'voliitions at Syracuse. Dionysius the Elder seizes the despotism. fe 2. His successes § 3. His poetical compositions. Plato visits Sy- racuse. ^4. Deatli of Dionysius. His character. Story of Damocles. ^5. Accession of the younger Dionysius. Second visit of Plato. Ban- ishment of Dion. Third visit of Plato. § G. Dion expels Dionysius and becomes master of Syracuse. § 7. Assassination of Dion. ^ 8 8 Revolutions at Syracuse. The Syracusans invoke the aid of Corilth. ^9. Character of Timoleon. § 10. His successes. Surrender of Dionv- 81U8 and conquest of Syracuse. § 1 1. Moderation of Timoleon. He remodels the constitution. § 12. Defeats the Carthaginians at the Crimesus § 13. Deposes the Sicilian despots. § U. Retires into a private station. His great popularity and deathf 4V' Jlf ^^^'^^ ^^^^^ Sicilian Greeks, an important branch of the Hellenic race, deserve a passing notice. After the destruc- tion ot the Athenian armament in B.C. 413, the constitution of fcyracuse was rendered still more dcmocratical by a new code of laws, which Diodes, one of the principal citizens, took the chief part in drawing up. Shortly afterwards, in B.C. 410, Hermo- crates, the leader of the aristocratical party, who had greatly distinguished himself during the Athenian invasion, was ba- nished ; and Dioclcs thus obtained for a time the undisputed direction of the Syracusan government. But two years after- wards Diodes was in his turn banished in consequence of his want of success in the war against the Carthaginians. Mean- time Hermocrates had returned to Sidly and collected a con- siderable force at Sdinus, from whence he carried on hostilities 488 HISTORY OP GREECE. Ohap. XLl against the Carthaginians and their allies with considerable success, and thus secured a strong party at Syracuse in his favour. Relying upon this circumstance, he endeavoured to efiect his restoration by Ibrce, but was slain in an attempt to enter Syracuse by night, b.c. 407. This state of things oi>ened Die way for a still more daring and successful aspirant. This was the celebrated Dionysius, the son of a person also named Her- mocrates. Dionysius was of humble origin, but of good educa- tion, and began life as a clerk in a public office. He had taken p active part m the enterprise of Hermocrates just mentioned, in which he had been wounded and given out for dead a cir- cumstance by which he escaped a sentence of banishment After the death of Hermocrates, the domestic discontents of the byracusans were still further fomented by another invasion of the Carthaginians m 40G b.c, during which they took and plun- dered Agngentum. Dionysius, who now headed the party of Herrnocrates, taking advantage of the prevailing discontent, iii an artlul address to the assembly attributed the fall of Anri^rentum to the incompetence of the Syracusan generals, and Succeeded in procunng theur deposition, and the appointment of others in their stead of whom he himself was one. His advent to power was immediately followed by the restoration of all the exiles of his party His next step was to get rid of his coUeacnies by ac- cusing them of treachery and corruption, and to procure his own sole appomtment with unlimited and irresponsible au- thority. The remaining steps towards a despotism were easv Under pretence that Ws life had been attempted, he obtained a body-guard of 1000 men for his protection ; by whose means he made himself master of Syracuse, and openly seized upon the supreme pwer, b.c. 405. ^ ^ 2 Dionysius first directed his arras against Naxos, Catana, and Leontim, which successively fell into his power either bv force or tr^chery ; but it was not till b.c. 397 that lie considered mmseli sufficiently strong to declare war against Cartha^re This war was conducted with varying success. In 395-^1 Syracuse Itself seemed on the point of falUng into the hands of the Cartha- ginians. The Carthagmian fleet, after obtaining a great naval Toa^ ^* ^^*^"^' «^^«d into the harbour of Syracuse upwards 01 200 strong. At the same time their army established itself in the neighbourhood of the city, and Imilcon, the Carthaginian general, took up his head-quarters in the temple of the Olympian Jove, withm about a mile and a half of the walls, and even occu- pied and plundered the suburb of Achradina. The situation of Dionysius now seemed desperate. It is even said that he was on the point of giving up all for lost and making his escape ; from B.C. 393. DIONYSIUS THE ELDER. 489 which he was deterred by one of his friends observing, " that so- vereign power was an honourable winding-sheet." A pestilence which shortly afterwards broke out in the Carthaginian camp proved the salvation of Syracuse. The Carthaginians fell by thousands, whilst the Syracusans themselves remained unharmed Dionysius made a successful attack both by sea and land on their weakened forces ; and Imilcon was glad to secure a disoraceful retreat by purchasing the connivance of Dionysius for the sum of 300 talents. After this period the career of Dionysius was marked by great" though not altogether unvarying success. In 393 the Cartha- ginians under Magon once more threatened Syracuse, but were agam defeated, and compeUed to sue for peace. Dionysius willingly concluded a treaty with them, since he was anxious to pursue his schemes of conquest in the interior of Sicily, and in Magna (xraBcia. By the year 384 he had reduced the greater part of the former, and a considerable portion of the latter country He had now arrived at his highest pitch of power, and had raised Syracuse to be one of the chief Grecian states, second in influence, if indeed second, to Sparta alone. Undei; his sway Syracuse was strengthened and embelhshed with new lortihcations, docks, arsenals, and other public buUdincrg and became superior even to Athens in extent and population! ' Dio- nysius took every opportunity of extending his relations with foreign powers, and strengthening himself by alliances. He cultivated the friendship of the LacedsBmonians ; and annons the last acts of his reign was the sending of an auxiliary force in two ortreThebaL^ ^"^ '""^^"^ ^^^"^ ^^^'"'^ *^^ increasing power § 3. Dionysius was a warm patron of literature, and was anx- ious to gain distinction by his literaiy compositions. In the midst ot his pohtica and military cares he devoted himself assiduously to poetry, and not only caused his poems to be publicly recited at the Olympic games, but repeatedly contended for the prize of tragedy at Athens. Here he several times obtained the second and third prizes; and, finally, just before his death, bore away the first prize at the LenaBan festival, with a play called the itansom of Hector." In accordance with the same spirit we find him seeking the society of men distinguished in literature and philosophy Plato who visited Sicily about the year 389 from a curiosity to see Mount ^tna, was introduced to Dionysius by Dion The high moral tone of Plato's conversation did not however prove so attractive to Dionysius as it had done to Dfon ; and the phi- losopher was not only dismissed with aversion and dislike, but 490 HISTORY OF GREECE. I Chap.XU. even it seems through the machinations of Dionvsius seized bound, and sold for a slave in the island of ^ginf He^' aZ^'' "^P*""*""^ ^y Anniceris of CyrC-n6, .^d sent back to i 4. Dionysius died in B.C. 367, after a reign of 38 years Love of power was his ruling passion : the dkie of literary W his .^nd. In his manner of life he was moderate an^ Ti^T.1 V T "^ ''"^Ser to pity, and never suffered »t to check hira m the pursuit of his ends. Although by no means deficient m personal courage, the suspicious temper of SdTr.rf"*^ ^T '^^ ""f"™"" P"'y of uneasiness in the midst of all his greatness, and drove him to take precautions Sa L"" Th^ of his life even against his nearest Ss a3 relatives. The miseries of absolute, but unlegalized and unp his flatterer^ Da' mocte. The latter having extolled the power and maiestv the abundant p<«sessions and magnificent palaces which rendered his what his happiness really was, and then ordered him to be placi « a golden couch, decked with coverings of the richest and most magnificent embroidery. The sideboanls groaned under wSn WmThistld was crow^eSS'' "'' =''™'=<'^''^^S with unguen™ '; the smeirof S^XuSlSl^ht'i^S ment, and the table was coverod with the most exquisite vfrn^d^ Damocles now thought himself supremely happy; but in the inidst of his enjoyments he happen^ to Lt hi^^yes toward! the ceilmg, and beheld a naked scimitar suspended over his head ilLr! Hk'"'- /* *•?'' 'i^''* ^^ satisfaction vanished in an instant, and he entreated to be released from the enjoyment of pleasures which could only be tasted at the risk of life * Such ^^on *^""*'^ practical illustration of his own envied con- o»l!^' ^""^y^"^ ^^? succeeded by his eldest son, commonly cail^ the younger Dionysms, who was about 25 years of age at the tune of his father's death. The elder Dionysius had married two ^ves at the same time. One of these was i Locrian wom^ ^„^, ^"T'W^^" ?^^^'' Aristomach6, was a Syracusan. the daughter of Hipparmus, one of the most active partisans of • "Destrictus cnsis ciii super impia Cervicc- peudet, noii Siciila: dapc3 Dulcem elaborabunt saporem ; Non avium citharroque cantus Somnum reducenf— Hob. Co™. iiL l. 17. ■' B.C. 387. dionyshjs the younger. 491 Dionysius, and sister to Dion, whom we have already had occa- sion to mention as the friend of Plato. The marriage with Doris proved immediately fruitful, and by her he had three children, of whom the eldest, Dionysius, was his successor. But Aristo- mache was long childless, much to the chagrin of Dionysius, who, attributing the circumstance to the spells and incantations of the mother of Doris, caused the latter to be put to death. At length Aristomache also bore him children, two sons and two daughters. Dionysius having died without appointing any suc- cessor, Dion at first attempted to secure the inheritance lor his youthful nephews, but found himself obliged to relinquish all such claims in favour of the son of Doris. The inexperience of the young Dionysius, however, inchned him to listen to the counsels of Dion, who had always enjoyed the respect and con- fidence of his father, and who now became the confidential ad- viser of the son. Plato's lofty and ideal conceptions of civil government had sunk deep into the mind of Dion, and the influence which he now enjoyed over the youthful sovereign made him long to seize the opportunity for realizing them in practice. To expel the Carthaginians from Sicily, to civilize and Hellenize the semi-barbarous Siceliot tribes, and to convert Syracuse from a despotism into a constitutional monarchy go- verned by equal laws, — these were the projects which floated in the imagination of Dion, and which he endeavoured to instil into Dionysius. With this view he pursuaded Dionysius to invite Plato again to Syracuse, nothing doubting that his eloquence and conversational powers would work an immense efiect upon the youthful monarch. But Plato was now growing old, and had already experienced the danger of attempting to instruct despots in the sublime, but somewhat visionary theories of perfect go- vernment. Nevertheless, after something of a struggle, he sacri- ficed his scruples and apprehensions to the pressing instances of his friend Dion, and the warm invitation of young Dionysius himself The philosopher was received with the greatest honour. His illustrious pupil immediately began to take lessons in geo- metry ; superfluous dishes disappeared from the royal table ; and Dionysius even betrayed some symptoms of a wish to mitigate the former rigours of the despotism. But now his old courtiers took the alarm ; nor does Plato himself appear to have used with skill the opportunity for a practical application of his doc- trines which chance had thrown in his way. It was whispered to Dionysius that the whole was a deep laid scheme on the part of Dion for the puqjose of effecting a revolution and placing his own nephews on the throne. These accusations had the desired eflect on the mind of Dionysius ; and an intercepted letter from 402 HISTORY OF GREECE. Cttip. XLL Dira to the Carthaginian generals, in which he invited them tn pretext for getting r.d ol him. lu the course of a conversluo^ he e„t.ccd Ihon down to the very brink of the harborw en suddenly producing the intercepted letter, and chaiir'h,^ to lus face with trea«>„, he forced him to enter a vesTelfha ™ !° m readiness to convey him to Italy. The situation of Plato wL now very cnUcal Many advised Dionysius to put hkn to dea^h but the despot refused to listen to these suggesfoC He eve.f in' vited Pkto to hispalace, and treated him wifh the ^reattt ~t • Xv wwat*""!'""" '"^y "-« lessCn rS: sophy which he had now been taught to regard with suJici™, as d^gned only to deprive him oT his pol-r. P lato 7as a length suffered to escape from the kind of honouraWc cantTvitv m which he was held ; but at the pressing invitation o'Cv S.US he agam reluctantly returned \o Syracuse in the hope S" prevailmg upon the tyrant to recall Dion from banishmej In this however, he proved unsuccessful ; nay, Diony'iusTvennrn mSer ° F^tT "' ''"'^'"'^ ''^'''-* '^ S g^L" Z Z7^\JaT " """""'r?' ^^'''^ »'"»• ^ho was now S Kih^nt'T '" "•" ^"^^ "'■ ''''^''"e' ^ere stopped and at length all his large property was confiscated and sold and s?^ ''Tkto l^hlw t' •'''"•'"^ *'" P*^-'"" f"-''^ 0' Dion;! aus. i-Jato beheld this injustice towards his friend with irrief Md mortification, but without the power of preventimi- W -^n^ IrrorriSer '- ^^--^^ lengSiXSje-n^^ O^l^^^t-SVp^ a Ift-I^eiidtoif s S o„,.t?tf: f^ T "^ ^l°t ""•* ^^ "*» half sister, to marry one of his finends, named Timocratcs. He also acted in Ae most brutal mamier towards Dion's youthful son Tims wounded m the tenderest points, Dion resolved T revenr at K^d^'^tV? ''''' '"^"'^"'' »"* -ly ''* Ath'n'TJt ai oparta and m the Peloponnesus, and especiallv amoncr f),™„ vrho were attached to Plato and his teacCrrendTrTmar v d^ to serve him ; whilst the natural L e o ■ 1 S ^ of the Syracusan population to recover their liberty as wel as the contempt mto which DioiWus had fallen from ht dnmken and dissipated habits, promised success raiyTnte pme against him, though undertaken vith ever TLal a B.C. 356. DION CONQUERS SYRACUSE. 498 After two or three years spent in preparations, Dion, in the sum- mer of 357 B.C., landed on the coast of Sicily with only 800 men. The enterprise was favoured hy an imprudent step on the part ol Dionysms. who had recently sailed with a fleet of 80 vessels ©n an expedition to the coasts of Italy. By a rapid night-march Dion appeared unexpectedly before Syracuse ; at dawn his troops were beheld from the walls in the act of crossing the little river Anapus, first crowning their heads with garlands, and sacrificing to the rising sun. Their advance resembled rather the solemn procession of a festival than the march of an hostile army. The inhabitants, filled with joy and enthusiasm, crowded through the gates to welcome Dion as their deliverer, who proclaimed by sound of trumpet that he was come for the purpose of putthio- down the despotism of Dionysius, and of liberating not only the byracusans, but all the Sicihan Greeks. Dion easily rendered himself master of the whole of Syracuse with the exception of Ortygia, which was still held by the parti- sans ol Dionysius. Such was the state in which that tyrant lound ins capital on his return from his Italian expedition. Dionysius at lirst attempted to recover possession of the city by force but having been defeated in a sea-fight, he determined to quit Svra- cuse, and sailed away to Locri in Italy, leaving his son Apollo- crates in charge of the citadel (b.c. 356). After his departure dissensions broke out among the besiegers, and Dion was deposed Irom the command ; but the disasters of the Syracusans, aris- ing irom the incapacity of their new leadei-s, soon led to his recall and to his appointment as sole general with uncontrolled authority Not long after, ApoUocrates was compelled by famine to surrender the citadel. ^ 7. Dion was now master of Syracuse, and in a condition to carry out all those exalted notions of political life which he had sought to instil into the mind of Dionysius. He seems to have contemplated some political changes, probably the esta- bhshment ol a kind of hmited and constitutional monarchy, alter the fashion of Sparta, combined perhaps with the ohgarchi- cal institutions of Corinth. But this scheme of a constitution existed only in his imagination : his immediate and practical acts were tyranmcal, and were rendered still more unpopular by hia overbeanng manners. The Syracusans looked for republican institutions--lor the dismantling of the fortifications of Ortygia the stronghold of despotism^and for the destruction of the splendid mausoleum, which had been erected there to the me- mory of the elder Dionysius, by way of pledge that the despotism was really extinct and overthrown. But Dion did nothing of all this. JMay, he even caused Heraclides, who had proposed the f 494 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XLl, N destruction of Ort}^gia, to be privately assassinated. This act increased to the highest pitch the unpopularity under which he already laboured. One of his bosom friends — the Athenian Callippus — seized the opportunity to mount to power by his murder, and, having gained over some of his guards, caused him to be assassinated in his own house. This event took place in 353, about three years after the expulsion of the Dionysian dynasty. § 8. Callippus contrived to retain the sovereign power about a twelvemonth. He was ultimately driven out by Hipparinus, the nephew of Dion (son of the elder Dionysius by Aristomache),' who reigned but two years. Nysseus, another of Dion's nephews,' subsequently obtained the supreme authority, and was in pos- session of it when Dionysius presented himself before Syra- cuse with a fleet, and became master of the city by treachery, about B.C. 346. Dionysius, however, was not able to re-establish himself firmly in his former power. Most of the other cities of Sicily had shaken off the yoke of Syracuse, and were governed by petty despots : one of these, Hicetas, M-ho had established himself at Leontini, afforded a rallying-point to the disafiected Syracusans, with whom he joined in making war on Syracuse. Meantime, the Carthaginians prepared to take advantage of the distracted condition of Sicily. In the extremity of their suffer- ings, several of the Syracusan exiles appealed for aid to Corinth, their mother-city. The application was granted, and Timoleon was appointed to command an expedition destined for the relief of Syracuse. § 9. Timoleon was one of those models of uncompromising patnotism which we sometimes meet with in the history of Greece, and still more frequently in that of Rome, but which, under some of its phases, we, in modem times, are at a loss whether to approve or to condemn. When a man's country was comprised in a small state or a single city, the feehng of patriot- ism grew stronger in proportion as it was more condensed ; and to this circumstance, as well as to the humanising eflects of Christianity, may perhaps be chiefly attributed the diflerence between ancient and modem views respecting the duty of a patriot. Timoleon was distinguished for gentleness as well as for courage, but towards traitors and despots his hatred was intense. He had once saved the life of his elder brother Timophanes in battle at the imminent peril of his own ; but when Timophanes availing himself of his situation as commander of the garrison in the Acrocorinthus, endeavoured to enslave his country, Timo- leon did not hesitate to consent to his death. Twice before had Timoleon pleaded with his brother, beseeching him not to B.a 344. TIMOLEOX INVADES SICILY. ^, 495 destroy the liberties of his country ; but when Timophanes turned a deaf ear to these appeals, Timoleon connived at the action of his friends who put him to death, whilst he himself bathed m a flood of tears, stood a little way aloof The action was not without its censurers even among the Corinthians them- selves : but these were chiefly the adherents of the despotic Pf ^y' "^^^^^ ^^^ S''^''^ *^^y of ^he citizens regarded the conduct ot 1 imoleon with love and admiration. In the mind of Timoleon however, their approving verdict was far more than outweicrhed by the reproaches and execrations of his mother. The stin^ of blood-guiltmess and the maternal curse sunk so deep into his soul that he endeavoured to starve himself to death, and he was only diverted from his purpose by the active interference of his Iriends. But for many years nothing could prevail upon him to return to public lilb. He buried himself in the country far from the haunts ot men, dragging out the life of a self condemned cnminal and exile, till a chance voice in the Corinthian as- sembly nominated him as the leader of the expedition against Dionysius. ° ^ 10. Housed by the nature of the cause, and the exhortations ot his Inends, Timoleon resolved to accept the post thus oftered to him. The prospect however was discouraging. Before he sailed, a message arrived from Sicily to countermand the expe- dition, Hicetas and the anti-Dionysian party having entered into secret negotiations with the Carthaginians, who reiused to allow any Corinthians to land in Sicily. But the responses of the Delphic oracle and the omens of the gods were propitious ; especially the circumstance that in the temple of Delphi itself a wreath of victory fell from one of the statues upon the head of Timoleon. The fleet of Timoleon consisted of only ten triremes, but by an adroit stratagem he contrived to elude the Carthaginian fleet ot twenty sail, and arrived safely at Tauromenium in Sicily where he was heartily welcomed by the inhabitants. Hicetas ineanwhile, had made gi-eat progress in the war against Diony- sius. He had defeated him in battle, and had made himself master of the whole of Syracuse with the exception of Ortygia 111 which he kept the despot closely besieged. Hicetas, learninr^ that Timoleon was advancing to occupy Adranum, hastened thither to anticipate hmi, but was defeated with heaw loss Timoleon now marched upon Syracuse. Dionysius, who appears to have abandoned ail hope of ultimate success, judged it better to treat with Timoleon than with Hicetas, and accordingly sur- rendered the citadel into the hands of the Corinthian^leader on condition of being allowed to depart in safety to Corinth,' «96' HISTORY OF GREECE. Cbap. XLI. B.C. 343. Dionysius passed the remainder of his life at Corinth. h^Zt i1 ""f ^,^'"' ^'"P^^y^ '"""' ^«°>"»nl« "{ his former luxury by the fastidious taste which he showed in the choicrof bs viands, unguents dress, and furniture; whilst his literal in- chnations manifested themselves in teaching the pubSi^ and actors, and m opening a school for boys ^ * Hicetas still had possession of Achradina ;* and, since he saw to?l ^^l ^t^" Carthaginian force for the reduction of Urt)gia. The harbour of Syracuse was occupied by 150 Car- thagiman s ups, whilst an army of 60,000 Carthaeinians wa, fc^JhrSr'^^ °^4<=^- But-hiieSraiz magon the tarthagiman general marched with a great nart of i"SJ:T. "" ""''"' 1""^ *""" "f C"'-"'- whence^ gS; ™SrIX"''?^"* n*" P^r""^' Neon, the Corinthk^ r^r dSe^Sfbwft"^."^"""'''^!'' Wrt-'ity. made i.^I' °^^^^^ the blockading force on all sides, and even ob- ^i'XTS.f "^^ •'"•'"'•' of Achradina. This unex;^^.^ SeSL^?hf^te^ra£^5S^^^^^^ p^on of that paTorSylnt^S^afsXliir^r w- J 7"^,«'?We to resist the attack of Timoleon 3 wis obhged to abandon the city and return to Leontiir crowned wi'JhZ'i!^' apparently hopeless enterprise of Timoleon crowned with entire success m an uicredibly short space of time It now lemamed for him to achieve a still greater victo" ort^57Xa'!r-r'' ""' "'^ ">»«*" of%t::'Z'7{ dSmTn V.U r""' '"i^ '"^""=^* <■" <^tablishi„g a despotism m his own favour ; but his firet public act was to destroy those mipregnable fortifications which would ha^'? dered such a usurpation feasible. All the ^Vracu^aM w2' mvited to assist in demohshing the waUs of Orty™„d Z monument of the elder Dionysius, the record onLeir ?brmer oTr ^\Vi W' ^ n'^y •? ^"•'"^ *° " ^tate of liberty and order \Aith this view all exdes were invited to return • whil.t * See plan of Syracuse, p. 337. B.C. 343 TIMOLEOIf AT SYRACUSE ■> 497 leading Corinthian citizens were accordingly despatched to assist Timoleon and the Syracusans in recasting their constitution, which was remodelled on the basis of the laws of Diodes* To remedy the poverty into which Syracuse had been plunged by its misfortunes, new colonists were invited to enrol them- selves; and thus a body of 10,000 citizens, including the Syra- cusan exiles, was collected at Corinth and transported to Syracuse. But larger bodies of Greeks soon poured in from Italy, so that altogether the immigrants are reckoned at G0,000. H2. Meantime, Timoleon was not idle. He attacked Hicetas in Leontini, and compelled him to capitulate. But the submis- sion of Hicetas was a mere feint in order to gain time for calhng in the Carthaginians ; who highly indignant at the precipitate retreat of Magon, were aiLxious to wipe out tlie disgrace by some signal act of vengeance. An army of 70,000 men was accordingly disembarked at Lilybaeum. To meet this formidable force Timoleon could raise only about 12,000 men ; and on his march against the enemy this small force was still further re- duced by the defection of about 1000 of his mercenaries. With the remainder Timoleon marched westwards into the Cartha- ginian province. As he was approaching the Crimesus, or Cri- missus, a small river which flows into the Hypsa on the south- western coast of Sicily, he was saluted by one of those omens which so frequently either raised the courage of the Greeks or sunk them into despondency. The army was met by several mules bearing loads of parsley, the usual ornament of tombs. Perceiving the alarm of liis soldiers, Timoleon, with great pre- sence of mind, gave the omen another and a favourable direction. Crowns of parsley were also employed to reward the victors in the Isthmian games; and Timoleon, seizing a handful and making a wreath for liis own head, exclaimed, " Behold our Conntluan symbol of victory ; its unexpected appearance here aflords an unequivocal omen of success." These timely words reanimated his men, who now followed him with alacrity. In the battle which ensued Timoleon appeared to have been a^rain lavoured by the gods. In the hottest of the fight a terrific stwm ot hail, rain, and thunder, and lightning beat right in the faces of the Carthaginians, and by the confusion which it created enabled the G reeks to put them to the rout. The same cause occasioned the death of thousands in their retreat, for the river Crimesus, swollen by the sudden rain, carried away a great part of those who attempted to rccross it. Ten thousand Carthaginians are said to have perished in the battle, while 15,000 more were * See p. 487. 498 HISTORY OP GREECR Chap. XLL made pnsonere. The remainder fled without stopping to Lilv- teum, whence they immediately embarked for Carthage not without a dread that the anger of the gods would still piirsuo tnem at sea. § 13. The victory of the Crimesus brought Timoleon such an accession of power and influence, that he now resolved to irom Ncily. The Carthagmians sent another expedition to assist these despots, but they were unable to effect anvthinff and were glad to conclude a treaty with Timoleon in b.c. 338.' li^l A '^''' '^ ^ *^^"t"^»ed with the Carthaginians. Timoleon obU^ned possession of the town of Leontini, as well as of the person ol Hicetas, whom he caused to be put to death Ma- inercus, despot of Catana, was next deposed and executed by order ot the public assembly at Syracuse, and the other despote m bicily soon shared his fate. ^ * 14. Having thus efi-ected the liberation of the island, Timo- leon immediately laid down his power. All the reward he received for his great services was a house in Syracuse, and some landed property m the neighbourhood of the city. He now sent for his lamily Irom Cormth, and became a Syracusan citizen. He con- turned, however, to retain, though in a private station, the greatest influence m the state. During the latter part of his We, though he was totally deprived of sight, yet when important affairs were discussed in the assembly, it was customary to ^nd for limolcon, who was drawn in a car into the middle of the theatre ^^f . ^""^^ u"*^ affectionate greetings of the assembled nounced was usually ratified by the vote of the assembly ; Ind he then left the theatre amidst the same cheers which had g^eted his amval A truly gratifying position ! and one which must have conferred on Timoleon more real happiness than the po^^ssion of the most absolute power could ever have be- f«rf« „ V^!^ ^ xPP^ """^ honoured condition he breathed his Mst m B.c o36, a few years after the battle of Crimesus. He was splendidly interred at the public cost, whilst the tears of the whole feyracusau pipulation ibffowcd him to the grave View of Delphi and Mount Parnassus. BOOK VI. THE MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY. B.C. 359—146. CHAPTER XLIL FROM THE ACCESSION OF nilLIP TO THE END OF THE SACRED WAR. §1. State of Greece. §2. Description of Macedonia. 8 3. Kin^s of Macedon. § 4. Oiaracter of Philip. § 5. He subdues the P^onians and Illy nans. §6. His military; discipline. §7. Capture of Ainphi- pohs, and foundation of Philippi. § 8. The Social War 8 9 Com nieiicement of the Sacred War. The Phocians seize Delphi 8 lo Sue" cesses of the Phocians. § 1 1. Philip interferes in the war. Conquers Ihessalv. §12. Phihp in Thrace. Demosthenes. § 13. TheOlvnthian \t\' I ^'*- Pilr ''•''^^^^ ^'f Phoeion. Fall of Olynthus. 8 15. Progress of the Saered War. Embassy to Philip. § 1 6: Conquest of Phocis by 1 hihp. Sentence of the Aniphictyonic Council on the Phocians. f 1. The internal dissensions of Greece, which have formed the Bul^jcct of the two preceding books, are now about to produce their natural fruits ; and in the present book we shall have to »»8 I HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XLL made prisoners. The remainder fled without stopping to Lilv- bapum, whence they immediately embarked for Carthajre not without a dread that the anger of the gods would still pursue tnem at sea. •* H3. The victory of the Crimesus brought Timoleon such an accession of power and influence, that he now resolved to «^ ,u ^' 1 Carthaginians sent another expedition to ass St these despots, but they were unable to efTect anvthinff and were glad to conclude a treaty with Timoleon in n.c. 338.' nhH n ^ "*" '""^ continued with the Carthaginians, Timoleon obtained possession of the town of Leoiitini, as well as of the person of Hicetas whom he caused to be put to death. Ma- mercus despot of Catana, was next deposed and executed by .^, slnl P"^ " T^'"}^^ ""^ ^J^'""^"^' """1 tl"^ »t'«^' despot; m JMicily soon shared his late. } 14. Haying thus cflfccted the liberation of the island. Timo- leon immediately laid down his power. All the reward he received ^Lt^n^i^\^'^"""^^''^'' ^"T^ ^y^"''"^"' "°'' «""Ha„ded ft3v 1 - n«'?h Whood of the city. He now sent for his lamily bom toniith, and became a Syracusai. citizen. He con- tnmed however, to retain, though in a j.rivate station, the greatest i.iflueiiee lu the state. During tl.i- latter part of his ai airs .» eie discussed in the assembly, it was cuslomarv to Lid for lunoicon, who was drawn in a car into the mi.ldie ol "the Hieatre amid the shouts and alitctionatc greetings of the a.=sembled caizeiis Wien the tumult of liis%eception had subsidrhe lis tened patiently to the debate. The opinion which he pro- nounced was usual y ratified by the vote of the assembly ; ind he then lelt the theatre amidst the same cheers which had pec ed his arrival. A tn.ly gratifying j^sition ! and one which must have cx>nlerred on Timoleon more real happiness than the possession oi the most absolute power could ever have be- ul^' o.lr ^I'l'y "'"^ honoured condition he breathed his last in lic. o30, a lew years after the battle of Crimesus. He ^as spfo„d.dlyi„terre.l at the public cost, whilst the tears of tlie whole isyraeusau jn.pulation followed him to the grave t, , View of Deliihi and Mount Parnassus. BOOK VI. THE MACEDONIAN SUPKEMACY. B.C. 359— IIG. CHAPTER XLII. FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP TO THE END OF THE SACRED WAPv. 1. State of Greece. § 2. Description of Macedonia. 8 3. Kinirs of I^Iacodon. § 4. Clianu-ter of Philip. 4? 5. He subdues the Pfoonians and Illyrians polis, aiK nienceint' : anb. b 6. ll.smilitar^^ discipline. §7. Capture of Aniphi- d foundation ol Philippi. g 8. The Social War. 8 9 Coni- 'nt of the Sacred War. Tlie Phocians seize Delphi i$ 10 Sue cessesofthePhocians. §11. Philip interferes in ih;;va;:' C^nqSera Jliessaly. ^ 12. Philip ml hraee. Demosthenes. S 13. TheOlvnthian A\ ar. ^irrM * ' fin • T, V, V §13. TheOlynthian f ii I 'if ••^^'^^^ ^f I'hoeion. Fall of Olynthus. g 15. Progress of the Saeroc War. Enibassy to Philip. § i o. Conquest of Phocis by 1 hihp. Sentence of the Aniphietyonic Council on the Phocians. f 1. The iiitenial dissensions of Greece, which have formed the Bul^ject of the iM'o preceding books, are now about to produce their natural fruits ; and in the present book we shall have to iOO' I HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XLII. lelate the downfall of her independence and her subjuffation bv a foreign power. We have first of all seen Sparta exercising a irt of empire of opinion over the other Grecian states, and looked up to by them with willing obedience as their traditional and chosen leader. After the Persian wars Athens contests the &r .K u' '^»*^:,J^«»«&h the confederacy of Delos, becomes TZI K i «i^<^'ceccin material power, if not reco«r,used as such by the public opmion of the nation. But Sparta ana most of the other Grecian states, from jealousv of the Athenian supremacy, league together for the purpose of crush- ing Athens. After a long struggle, Athens falls into the power ol her enemies ; and Sparta becomes the ruler of Greece The power which she has thus acquired, she exercises with harsh, ness, cruelty, and corruption ; her own allies desert her • and in httle more than thirty years after the battle of yEgospitami she IS m her turn not only deprived of the supremacy, but even stripped of a considerable portion of her own ancient territory '^ i!^. ^m^'"''""^ *^^ ^"^^^ ^"^ influence of Thebes. For a httle While Thebes becomes the predominant state ; but she owes her position solely to the abilities and genius of Epaniinondas, ' and after his death sinks down to her former level. The state ot exhaustion into which Greece had been thrown bv these protracted intestine dissensions is already shown by her havinor condescended to throw herself at the feet of Persia, and to make her hereditary enemy the arbiter of her quarrels. Athens alone during the comparative state of tranquiUity afforded'her throu-h the mutual disputes ol her neighbours, has succeeded in re-afn- mg some portion of her former strength, and becomes thelea^dincr power m tlie struggle which now threatens to overwhelm the whole of Greece. This new danger comes from an obscure northern state, hitherto overlooked and despised, and considered hzatbn^ ^^'barous, and without the pale of Grecian civi- i 2. Macedonia— for that is the country of which we are speaking— had vanous limits at difierent times. Properly how- ^""^1 u "^^ t ^fg^^ded as separated from Thessaly on the south by the Cambunian mountains ; from lUyria on the west by the great inountain chain caUed Scardus and Bernus, and which, under the name of Pindus, also separates Thessaly from Epirus ; from MoBsia on the north by the mountains called Orbe- lus and Scomius ; and from Thrace on the east by the river btrymon It is dramed by three rivers of considerable size, the Axius the Lydias, and the Haliacmon ; each of which has its separate valley, formed by two mountain ranges running south- eastwards from the mountains that divide lUyria and Macedonia. . ., B.a 859. HISTORY OF MACEDONIA. 501 All these nvers discharge themselves into the Thermaic ffulf The origin of the people who inhabited this tract of country has been much disputed. The Greeks themselves looked upon them as barbarians, that is, as not of Hellenic origin. They were pro- bably an lUpian people, and the similarity of the manners and customs, as well as ol' the languages, so far as they are known o the early Macedonians and Illyi.ans, seems to estabhsh the Identity ol the races. $ 3. But though the Macedonians were not Greeks their so- vereigns claimed to be descended from an HeUenic race, namely that of Temenus of Argos ; and it is said that Alexander l' proved his Argive descent previously to contending at the Olympic games. Perdiccas is commonly regarded as the founder of the monarchy ; of the history of which, however, httle is known till the reign of Amyntas L, his fifth successor, who was contem- porary with the Pisistratida) at Athens. Under Amyntas who submitted to the satrap Megabyzus, Macedonia became subject to 1 ersia, and remained so till after the battle of Plateea The r.lf li^'V^*' succeeding sovereigns do^^n to Philip 11. present ittlc tiiat is remarkable, with the exception of that of Arche- laus (B.C. 4 13). This monarch efiected much for Macedonia by ^proving the condition of the army, by erecting fortresses to check the incursions of his barbarous neighbours, by construct- ing roads and by endeavouring to difliise among his subjects a taste for literature and art. He transferred his residence from .^ga3 to Pella, which thus became the capital, and he employed Zeuxis to adorn his palace there with paintings. He entertained many literary men at his court ; such as Agathon and Euripides the latter of whom ended his days at Pella. Archelaus mL as- sassmated m B.C. 399, and the crown devolved upon Amyntas II a representative of the ancient line. Amyntas left three sons*' Alexander II., who was assassinated by Ptolemy Alorites • Per- diccas III., who recovered his brother's throne by slaying Pto- lemy, and who fell in battle against the Illyrians ; and lastly the celebrated Philip, of whom we have now to speak. i 4. It has been already mentioned that the youthful Philin was one of the hostages delivered to the Thebans as security for the peace efiected by Pelopidas. ^ His residence at Thebes ffave him some tincture of Grecian philosophy and literature It seems probable that he made the personal acquaintance of Plato • and he undoubtedly acquired that command over the Greek lan- ^age which put him on a level with the best orators of the day but the most imix)rtant lesson which he learned at Thebes was the art of war, with all the improved tactics introduced by Epa- mmondas. A* the time of Philip's residence, moreover, TheLs *J^ i f X ■ \ 1' tf^icj 3 t *J 6m HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIl was the centre of political interest, and he must accordingly have had opportunities to become intimately acquainted with tlie views and policy of the various (Jrecian powers. The genius and character of Philip were well calculated to derive advantage from these opportunities. He had great natural acuteness and sagacity, so as to perceive at a glance the men to be employed, and the opportunities to be improved. His boundless ambition was seconded by an iron will, which no danger could daunt and no repulse dishearten ; and when he had once formed a project he pursued it with untiring and resistless energy. His hand- some person, spontaneous eloquence, and apparently frank deportment, were of great assistance to him in the prosecution of his schemes ; whilst mider these seducing qualities lurked no inconvenient moraUty to stand between his desires and their gratification. Corruption was his instrument as frequently as force ; and it was one of his favourite boasts that he had taken more towns with silver than with iron * Yet when force was necessary no man could wield it better ; for with the skill of a general he united a robustness of constitution which enabled him to bear all the hardships of a campaign as well as the meanest soldier. § 5. Such was the man who at the age of 23 assumed the go- vernment of Macedonia (b.c. 359). It had probably been in- trusted to him when his brother Perdiccas set out on the expe- dition against the lUyrians in which he fell ; and after that event h3 became the guardian of his brother's infant son. This minority induced two pretenders to claim the crown : Pausanias, who was supported by the king of Thrace ; and Argjeus, whose claims were backed by the Athenians with a force of 3000 hoplites, because he had engageTIo put them in iK)ssession of Amphi- jJoHs. But by his promises and address Philip contrived to propitiate both the king of Thrace and the Athenians ; to the ] latter of whom he made the same oilers as Argieus had done. The two pretenders being thus deprived of their supporters, were easily got rid of, and Philip was left at hberty to turn his arms against the Paeonians and Illyrians, who were threatening Macedonia with invasion. The former people were easily sul^ dued, and Philip then marched against the lll>Tians with a force of 10,000 men. He was met by Bardylis, the aged chief of Illyria, with an army of about the same strength. This was the first important engagement fought by Philip. He displayed in It the military skill which he had acquired in the school of Epa- * "diffidit iirbiuui Portas vir Macedo et subruit junuilos Rcg«i8 inuacribus."— IIoiL Curttu iii. 16. la 3.a 869. ACCESSION OF PHILIP. 305 -. mmondas, and, like that conmiander, gained the victory by con- centratmg his forces on one point of the enemy's line. Nearly two-thirds of the Illyrian army were destroyed ; and they were consequently compelled to submit unconditionally, and to place m the hands of Philip the principal mountain passes between the two countries. It was after these victories that Phihp seems to have deposed his nephew, and to have assumed the crown of Macedon. This revolution, however, was unattended with harsh- ness or cruelty. Philip continued to bring up his nephew at court, and ultimately gave him one of his daughters in marriage. $ 6. It was natural that success acquired with so much e^o should prompt a youthful and ambitious monarch to further undertakings. In anticipation of future conquests he devoted the greatest attention to the training and discipline of his anny It was in his Illyrian wars that he is said to have introduced the lar-famed Macedonian phalanx. But perhaps the greatest of his military innovations was the establishment of a standin«^ army V\ e have already noticed certain bodies of this description at Argos and Thebes. Philip, however, seems to have retained on loot the 10,000 men which he had employed against the Illy- rians ; and this standing force was gradually enlarged to double the number. Among the soldiers discipline was preserved by the severest punishments. Thus we hear of a youth of noble birth being scourged for leaving the ranks to get a draucrht of wine at a tavern ; and of another who, though a favourite at court, was put to death for a similar offence, aggravated by a breach of* positive orders. § 7. Philip's views were now turned towards the eastern fron- tiers of his dominions, where his interests clashed with those of the Athenians. A few years before the Athenians had made various unavailing attempts to obtain possession of Amphipohs, onee the jewel of their empire, but which they had never reco- vered since Its capture by Brasidas in the eighth year of the Pc- loponnesian war. Its situation at the mouth of the Strymon rendered it also valuable to Macedonia, not only as a commercial port, but as opening a passage into Thrace. The Olynthians « were likewise anxious to enrol Amphipohs as a member of their ' contederacy and accordingly proposed to the Athenians to form • an alliance for the purjwse of defending Amphipohs against their I mutual enemy. An alhance between these two powerful states i would have proved an insurmountable obstacle to Philip's views ; and It was therefore absolutely necessary to prevent this coali- tion. Here we have the first instance of Philip's skill and du- plicity in negotiation. By secretly promising the Athenians that lie would put Amphiiiolis into their hands, U" they would 604 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLH, give him possession of Pydna, he induced them to reject the overtures of the Olynthians ; and hy ceding to the latter the town of Anthemus, he hought off their opposition. He now laid siege to Amphipoiis, which, being thus left unaided, fell into his 1 hands (b.c. 358). He then forthwith marched against Pydna, which surrendered to him ; hut on the ground that it was not j the Athenians who had put him in possession of this town, he ( refused to give up Amphipoiis to them. Philip had now just reason to dread the enmity of the Athenians, and accordingly it was his policy to court the favour of tho Olynthians, and to prevent them from renewing their negotia- tiona with the Athenians. In order to separate them more eflectually. he assisted the Olynthians in recovering Potidsea, which had formerly belonged to their confederacy, but was now in the hands of the Athenians. On the capture of the town he handed it over to the Olynthians ; but at tlie same time he treated the Athenian garrison with kindness, and allowed them to return home in safety. Plutarch relates that the capture of Potidaea was accompanied with three other Ibrtunate events in the hfe of Philip ; namely, the prize gained by his chariot at the Olympic games, a victory of his general Pannenio over the lUyrians, and the birth of his son Alexander. These events hapijened in b.c. 356. Philip now crossed the Strymon, on the left bank of which lay Pangieus, a range of mountains abounding in gold mines Pangajus property belonged to the Thracians, but had some- *f^f if" ^'^ ^^^ possession of the Athenians, and sometimes oi the Thasians ; and at this time was held by the latter people. Phihp conquered the district, and founded there a new town called Plulippi, on the site of the ancient Thasian town of Cremdes. By unproved methods of working the mines he made them yield an aiuiual revenue of 1000 talents, neariy 250,000/ But It was cliicfly as a military post that Philijipi was valu- able to him, and as a meaus of pushing his conquests farther eastwards; for which, however he was not at present pro- pared. ^ J 8. Meanwhile, Athens was engaged in a war with her allies which has been called the Social War; and which was, perhaps ttie reason why she was obliged to look quietly on whilst Philip was thus aggrandizing himself at her expense. This war broke out m b.c. 357. The chief causes of it seem to have been the contributions levied upon the allies by the Athenian gene- rals, and the re-establishment of the system of cleruchies,' which the Athemans had formally renounced when they were beginnin*r to reconstruct their empire. However this may be, a coalition B.C. 85Y. THE SACRED WAR. 60a was formed against Athens, of which either Byzantium or Rhodes was the head, and which was soon joined by Chios, Cos, and other places. The insurgents were also assisted by the Carian prince, Mausolus. The first step taken by the Athenians in order to quell this insurrection was to attack Chios with 60 tri- remes, under Chares and Chabrias. The expedition proved un- successful. Chabrias was slain whilst gallantly leading the way into the harbour of Chios, and the armament was aUogether de- feated. We next find Timotheus and Iphicratrs employed in this war in conjunction with Chares : but the cetails recorded of it are obscure, and sometimes contradictory. Chares got rid of his two colleagues on a charge of failing to support him in a battle. On this indictment they were subsequently tried, when Iphicrates was acquitted ; but Timotheus was condemned, and retired to Chalcis, where he soon afterwards died. Athens thus lost her best commanders; and Chares, having obtained the sole command, entered the service of the satrap Artabazus, who had revolted against Artaxerxes, and was rewarded with a large sum which enabled him to pay his men. He did not succeed, how- ever, in reducing the refractory allies to obedience ; and when Artaxerxes threatened to support them with a fleet of 300 ships, the Athenians were obliged to consent to a disadvantageous peace, which secured the independence of the more important allies (B.C. 355). The Athenians only succeeded in retaining some of the smaller towns and islands, and their revenue from t them was reduced to the moderate sum of 45 talents. $ 9. The Social War tended still further to exhaust the Grecian states, and thus pave the way for Philip's progress to the su- premacy. Another war, which had been raging during the same time, produced the same result even to a greater extent. This ' was the Sacred War, which broke out between Thebes and l!liocis in the same year as the Social War (b.c. 357). An ill- feeling had long subsisted between those two countries. It was with reluctance that the Phocians had joined the Theban al^ hance. In the last campaign of Epaminondas in the Pelopon- nesus, they positively refused their assistance ; and afiter tho death of that leader they seem to have committed some actual hostihties agamst Bceotia. The Thebans now availed themselves of the influence which they possessed in the Amphictyonic coun- cil to take vengeance upon the Phocians, and accordingly induced this body to impose a heavy fine upon the Phocians, because they had cultivated a portion of the Cirrhsean plain, which, after the first sacred war, had been consecrated to the Delphian god,* and was to he waste for ever. The Phocians pleaded that the * JSoe p|>:6U, 51. Z mm HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIL B.C. 352. payment of the fine would ruin them ; but instead of listening to their remonstrances, the Amphictyons doubled the amount, and threatened, in case of their continued refusal, to reduce them to the condition of serfs. Thus driven to desperation, the Phocians resolved to complete the sacrilege with which they had been branded, by seizing the very temple of Delphi itself, to the possession of which they asserted an ancient right, founded on a verse m Homer, in which the " rocky Pytho" was reckoned among the Phocian towns * If they succeeded in seizing the temple, not only would aU its treasures be at their command, but they would even be able to dictate the responses of the oracle. The leader and counsellor of this enterprise was Philo- melus, who, with a force of no more than 2000 men, surprised and took Delphi. The Locrians of Amphissa, who came to the rescue of the temple, were defeated by him with great loss. Being now master of the temple. Philomelus destroyed the re- cords containing the sentence of the Amphictyons, and appealed to all (xreece against its injustice. At first, however, he care- luUy abstamed Irom touching the sacred treasure ; but he levied large sums on the private property of the Delphians. He then lortifaed the temple afresh ; and, having hired more mercenaries which sweUed his force to 5000 men, invaded the Locrian terri- toiy. After some petty skirmishes, the Locrians were finally defeated m a pitched battle ; whereupon they applied to the Ihebans for assistance. * 10. Meanwhile, Philomelus, being master of the oracle, ex- torted a decree from the priestess sanctioning all that he had done ; and sent envoys to the principal Grecian cities, including r n . l^*^ ^*"'^'*'^*® ^'^ conduct, and to declare that the treasures ol Delphi were untouched. The envoys succeeded in obtaining the a Jiance of Sparta and Athens, but from Thebes they were repulsed with threats. There, however, the apphcation of the Locrians met with a ready acquiescence ; and messages were sent by the Ihebans to stir up the Thessalians and all the northern tribes which belonged to the Amphictyonic Council. The Phocians now saw themselves threatened by a powerful combination, whilst irom Athens, weakened by the social war, and from Sparta, hampered by Megalopohs and Messene, they could expect but httle aid. In this emergency Philomelus threw off the scruples which he had hitherto assumed, and announced that the sacred treasures should be converted into a fund for the payment of mercenaries Crowds of adventurers now flocked on all sides to his standard, and he soon found himself at the head of 10,000 men. With these he again invaded Locris, and defeated th» • Iliad, ii bll. INTERFERENCE OF PHILIP. 607 " ■" Thebans and Thessalians. Subsequently, however, the Thebans obtained large reinforcements, and having become manifestly the strongest, put to death all Phocian prisoners, as being guilty of sacrilege. The war thus assumed the most barbarous character, and the Phocians, by way of self preservation, were obliged to retaliate. The details of the struggle arc not accurately known, but it appears that a great battle was at length fought, in which the Phocians were defeated and Philomelus killed. The victory, however, does not seem to have been sufficiently decisive to , enable the Thebans to obtain possession of Delphi, and they sub- ' sequently returned home. Onomarchus, who succeeded his brother Philomelus in the command, carried on the war with vigour and success. He re- duced both the western and eastern Locrians, as well as the little state of Doris. He then invaded BcBotia, captured Orchome- nus, and laid siege to Chajronea ; which, however, the Thebans compelled him to raise, and drove him back with some loss into Phocis. HI. Such was the state of the Sacred War when Philip first began to interfere in it. It was only, however, through his pre. vious conquests in Thessaly that he was enabled to do so. Even before he could enter that country he had to reduce the town of Methone, which lay between him and the Thessalian frontier ; and it was at the siege of this place that he lost his eye by an arrow. After the capture of Methone, his road lay open into Thessaly ; and at the invitation of the AleuadaB of Larissa, who were disgusted with the tyranny exercised by the successors of Alexander of Phera), he undertook an expedition against that state. Alexander himself had been despatched tlurough the machinations of his wife Thebe, who caused him to be murdered by her three half-brothers. These subsequently ascended the throne, and exercised a tyranny as harsh as that of their pre- decessor. Pherse, it seems, had shown some disposition to assist the Phocians; and when Onomarchus heard that Philip was marching against it, he sent his brother, Phayllus, with a force of 7000 men to its assistance. Philip defeated Phayllus, but was subsequently routed and compelled to retreat by Onomar- chus in person. The latter then turned his arms against Coro- nea, which he reduced ; but the news that Philip had re-entered Thessaly at the head of 20,000 men, soon compelled him again to march thither. Philip now assumed the character of a cham- pion of the Delphic god, and made his soldiers wear wreaths of laurel, plucked in the groves of Tempe. Onomarchus was at the head of about an equal number of men ; but in the encounter which ensued, apparently near the gulf of Pagasaj, he was slain, S06 HISTORY OF GREECE, Cdap. YT.tt , and his anny totally defeated (b.c. 352). This victory mado Plnhp master of Thessaly. He now directed his 3 sTth! wards with the view of subduing the Phocians? but u^ reaching Thermopyto, he found the pass guarded by a strC * 12. After his return from Thessaly, Philip's views were .)i rected towards Tluace and the Chem,nese ; b^u hi fct caric^' h.s arms so far aUo the interior of the counto. that U e ITh,; mans cou d learn nothing of his movements.^ It was at thL opponent of Philip, and delivered the first of those celebrated oratiom which from their subject have been called the PWlip. pics. [ Smcc the establishment of democracy at Athens a cer- SifS °f "!!^»y - P"l"- «P<^aking was'indispeusable to a o7ato^ ^r^, f ' '"^''^t'^tesmen and warriors, as m-cU as w^^ in thl '^^ ^'"^"^ v"""^'^ "' *•"= "" of rhetoric, as W E^lnlnl . l"^" T' *^" ™1'"^'^'» ""^^' introduced by Jipaminondas, had now almost completely separated the pro- fessions of the orator and the soldier. PhocLX contend ThJr lT\. T '',"',''' *'"' Athenians had become ihstidious They delighted in displays of oratorical skill ; and it was this period which produced those speakers who have been cllTed by flmouf oTtrr,;' *'"' tl''*' "■■''"'"■" C«'»-thcnes. the m,;^ lamous of hem all, was bom m b.c. 382-361 . Having lost his 2dX,»r iT' ^ '^f/'f--". his guardians abused t^ei trus Thtt?^ . T "' '^^ ^''' P"-^ °f '"^ Pa"^"'"! inheritance to^rt •""' ^""^"^"■W-yod one of the causes which tended to make him an orat.r. Uemosthei.es, as he advanced towa ds manhood, pereeiyed with indignation the conduct orhinuar dians. ior which he resolved to make them answerable when the proper opportumty should arrive, by accusing them hfm^^f belore he dicastery. The weakness of his boddy frame Whrch d^oto hfZlf'J^h rr^ '''''" ^--iu-. cau^d'hTm ti devote himself with aU the more ardour to intellectual pursuits He placed hmiself under the tuition of Is»ns, who thence, ioyld a high reputation as an advocate ; and when he had aSd Z^^'T' '^'^ °'"l^'"' ^'^ P'^^-l his cause against Sar a^mblv'- hlttrrr,?'"'""^"^ '"^ *° ^P^'^k iii\lie public fi^ .t. L '"^h«' attempt proved a failure, ami he retired tT™! 7 "'""*'* ^' ^'^'^"^ ''"'I '""^hter of the citizens. The n^ judicious and candid among his auditors perceived B.C. 352. DEMOSTHENES. FIRST PHILIPPIC. 509 however, marks of genius in his speech, and rightly attributed ]iis faihirc to timidity and want of due preparation. Eunomus, an aged citizen who met him wandering about the Piraeus in a state of dejection at his ill success, bade him take courage and persevere- " Your manner of speaking," said he, " very much resembles that of Pericles ; you ikil only through want of con- fidence. You are too much disheartened by the tumult of a popular assembly, and you do not take any pains even to acquire that strength of body which is requisite lor the bema." Struck and encouraged by these remarks, Demosthenes withdrew awhile from public life, and devoted himself perseveringly to remedy his detects. They were such as might be lessened, if not re- moved, by practice, and consisted chiefly of a weak voice, imperfect articulation, and ungraceful and inappropriate action. He derived much assistance from Satyrus, the actor, who exer- cised him in reciting passages from Sophocles and Euripides. He studied the best rhetorical treatises and orations, and is said to have copied the work of Thucydidcs with his own hand no fewer than eight times. He shut himself up for two or three months together in a subterranean chamber in order to practise composition and declamation. It may also be well supposed that he devoted no inconsiderable part of liis attention to the laws of Athens and the politics of Greece. His perseverance was crowned with success ; and he who on the first attempt had descended from the bema amid the ridicule of the crowd, became at last the most perfect orator the world has ever seen.J H3. Demosthenes had established himself as a public speaker before the period which we have now reached ; but it is chiefly in connexion with Philip that we are to view him as a statesman as well as an orator. Philip had shown his ambition by the con- quest of Thessaly, and by the part he had taken in the Sacred War ; and Demosthenes now began to regard him as the eaemy of the liberties of Athens and of Greece. In his first " Philippic" Demosthenes tried to rouse his country-men to energetic meas- ures against this formidable enemy ; but his warnings and exhor- tations produced little efiect, for the Athenians were no longer distinguished by the same spirit of enterprise which had cha- racterized them in the days of their supremacy. It is true they were roused to momentary action towards the end of B.C. 352 by the news that Philip was besieging the fortress of Heraeum on the Propontis ; but the armament which they voted, upon receiv- ing the news, did not sail till the autumn of b.c. 351, and then on a reduced scale under the command of Charidemus. For the next two years no important step was taken to curb the growing power of Philip ; and it was the danger of Olynthus, which first 610 HISTORY OF GREECEl Chaf. XLXt B.C. S47. PHILIP TAKES OLYNTHUS. 511 'OC ■>-l1t% Naturally simple upright, and benevolent, his manners were nevertheless often rendered repulsive by a tinge of misanthropy and cynicism. He viewed the multitude and their affairs with a scorn which he was at no pams to disguise ; receiving their anger with indiifer- ence and their praises with contempt. When a response from Delphi annoimced to the Athenians that though they were themselves unanimous, there was one man who dissented from them, Phocion stepped ibrw ards, and said : " Do not trouble yourselves to seek for this refractory citizen ;— I am he, and I like nothing that you do." On another occasion, when one of his speeches was received with general applause, he turned round to his iriends, and inquired, " Have I said anything bad ?" Pho- cion s whole art of oratory consisted in condensing his speeches into the smallest possible compass, without any attention to the imoothness of his periods, or the grace of his language Yet their terse and homely vigour was olten heightened by a sort of dry humour, which produced more eHk-t than the most studied eMorts of oratory. "What, at your meditations, Phocion^" inquired a Inend, who perceived him wrapt up in thought— " I^\ }^^ replied, " I am considering whether I can shorten what I have to say to the Athenians." His known probity also gave him weight with the assembly. He was the only statesman ot whom Demosthenes stood in awe ; who was accustomed to say when Phocion rose, "Here comes the primer of my penods ' But Phocion's desi>onding views, and his mistrust of the Athenian people, made him an ill) statesman at a period which demanded the most active patriotism. He doubtless injured his country by contributing to check the more enlarged and patnotic views of Demosthenes ; and though his own con- duct was pure and disinterested, he unintentionally threw his weight on the side of those who, like Demades and others, were actuated by the basest motives.; This division of opinion ren- tlered the operations of the Athenians for the aid of the Olyn- / . thians languid and desultory. Town after town of the confe- deracy fell before Philip ; and in B.C. 348, or early in 347, he laid siege to Olynthus itself The city was vigorously defended ; but Philip at length gained admission through the treachery of Las- theiies and Euthycrates, two of the leading men, when he razed it to the ground and sold the inhabitants into slavery. The whole of the Chalcidian peninsula thus became a Macedo- nian province. Philip celebrated his triumph at Dium, a town on the borders of Thessaly ; where, on the occasion of a festival to the Muses, instituted by Archelaus, he amused the people with banquets, games, and theatrical entertainments. H5. The prospects of Athens now became alarming. Her possessions in the Chersonese were threatened, as well as the freedom of the Greek towns upon the Hellespont. At this junc- ture Demosthenes endeavoured to persuade the Athenians to organize a confederacy among the (jrecian states for the purpose of arresting a power which seemed to threaten the hberty of all ; and in this he was seconded by some of those politicians who usually opposed him. But though steps were taken towards this object, the attempt entirely failed. The attention of the Athenians was next directed towards a reconciliation with Thebes, The progress of the sacred war, to which we must now briefly revert, seemed favourable to such a project. After the death of Onoraarchus, his brother Phayllus had assumed the command of the Phocians ; and as the sacred treasure was still unexhausted he succeeded in obtaining large reinlbrcements of troops. The Spartans sent 1000 men ; the Achseans 2000 ; the Athenians 5000 foot and 400 horse under Nausicles. With these tbrces Phayllus undertook a successful invasion of BoBotia ; and afterwards attacked the Epicnemidian Locrians, and took all their towns except Naryae. But in the course of the year Phayllus died, and was succeeded in the conduct of the war by Mnaseas, guardian of Phalaecus, the youthful son of Onomarchus. Mnaseas, however, was soon slain, and Phalaecus himself then assumed the command. Under him the war was continued between the Pho- cians and Thebans, but without any decisive success on either side. The treasures of Delphi were nearly exhausted, and on the other hand the war was becoming every year more and more burthen- some to the Thebans. It was at this juncture that the Athe- nians, as before hinted, were contemplating a peace with Thebes ; nor did it seem improbable that one might be concluded not only between those two cities, but among the Grecian states ' generally. It seems to have been this aspect of affairs that induced Philip to make several indirect overtures to the Athe- nians in the sununer of B.C. 347. In spite of subsidies from 512 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLII. II Delphi the war had been very onerous to them, and they received these advances with joy, yet not without suspicion, as they were quite unable to divine Philip's motives for making them On the motion of Philocrates, however, it was decreed that ten am- bassadors should be despatched to Philip's court. Philocrates himself was at the head of them, and amoncr the rest were the nvai orators Demosthenes and yEscliines, and the actor Aristo- demus. We have, however, no particulars on which we can rely respectmg this embassy. All that we can gather respecting it is liora the personal recriminations of Demosthenes and ^schines and we can only infer on the whole that it was a miserable lailure. Philip seems to have bribed some of the ambassadors, and to have cajoled the rest by his hospitable banquets and his winning and condescending manners. Nothing decisive was done respecting Amphipolis or the Phocians ; and as far as we can learn the whole fruits of the embassy were some vague promises on the part of Philip to respect the Athenian possessions in Ihrace. boon after the return of Philocrates and his colleagues, Antipater Parmemo, and Eurj-lochus, three of Philip's most dis- tinguished generals and statesmen, came on a mission to Athens where they were entertained by Demosthenes. The basis of a treaty oi peace and alliance seems now to have been arranged, in Which Piiilip dictated his own terms. Another embassy con- sisting probably of the ibrmer ten, was appointed to procure the ratification of this treaty by Philip ; and on the news that he was invading the dominions of Cersobleptes, they were directed to hasten their departure, and to seek that monarch in whatever quarter he might be. With this view they proceeded to the port of Oreus in EuboBa; but instead of following the advice of Demosthenes, and embarking for the Hellespont, which thev might have reached in two or three days, they wasted some time at that place, and then proceeded by a circuitous route to Pella • hence they did not reach that city till upwards of three weeks alter quitting Athens. Here they met ambassadors from other states concerned in the progress of the sacred war, as Thebes Phocis, feparta, and Thessaly ; but Philip was still in Thrace, and tliey had to wait a month fbr his return. Even when he arrived at Pella, he delayed the final ratification of the treaty, and per- Buaded the ambassadors to accompany him on his march to 1 hersB m Thessaly, under pretence that he desired their media- tion between the Pharsahans and Halus ; though liis real motive undoubtedly was to gain time for invading Phocis. He at lenc^th swore to the treaty in Phera) ; but the Phocians were expre^y excluded from it. ^ ^ h 16. Scarcely had the Athenian ambassadors returned homo B.a 34i,. END OF THE SACRED WAR. 513 \ " when Philip began his march towards ThermopylsB. Demosthenes, on his return, protested against the acts of his colleagues, and his representations had such an effect, that the ambassadors were not honoured with the usual vote of thanks. The main ! charge which he brought against his colleagues, and against' jaEschines in particular, was that of having deluded the people \ with false hopes respecting Philip's views towards Athens. But ! the opposite party had possession of the popular ear. Not only \ was nothing done for the Phocians, but a decree was even passed to coavey the thanks of Athens to Philip, and to declare that unless Delphi was deUvered up by the Phocians to the Amphic- tyons, the Athenians would help to enforce that step. The am- bassadors were again directed to carry this decree to Philip ; but Demosthenes was so disgusted with it that he refused to go, and ^schines also declined on the plea of ill-health. The Phocians now lay at the mercy of Philip. As soon as the king had passed the straits of Thermopylae, Phalajcus secured his own safety by concluding a treaty with Philip, by which he was permitted to retire into the Peloponnesus with 8000 mer- cenaries. When Philip entered Phocis all its towns surrendered unconditionally at his approach. Philip then occupied Delphi, where he assembled the Amphictyons to pronounce sentence upon those who had been concerned in the sacrilege committed there. The council decreed that all the cities of Phocis, except Aba3, should be destroyed, and their inhabitants scattered into villages containing not more than fifty houses each ; and that they should replace by yearly payments the treasures of the temple estimated at the enormous sum of 10,000 talents, or nearly two millions and a half sterling. Sparta was deprived of her share in the Amphictyonic privileges ; the two votes in the Council possessed by the Phocians were transferred to the kings of Macedonia ; and Philip was to share with the Thebans and Thessalians the honour of presiding at the Pythian games. These were no slight privileges gained by Philip. A seat in the Amphictyonic council recognized him at once as a Grecian power, and would afford him occasion to interfere in the affairs of Greece. Thebes recovered the places which she had lost in BoBotia. Such was the termination of the Sacred War Tb c 346J. ^ 2* B.C. 344. SECOND PHILIPPIC. 515 The Plain of Cheronea. CHAPTER XLIII. FROM THE END OF THE SACRED WAR TO THE DEATH OF PHH^IP. § 1. Results of the Sacred War. § 2. Macedonian embassy to Athens. Seaynd Fkilippic. § 3. Philip's expedition into Thrace. 8 4 Third Philippic. Progress of Philip. Siege of Perinthus. § 5. Phocion's success in Eiibcea. § 6. Declaration of war between Athens and Maeedon. Phocion compels Philip to evacuate the Chersonese. 8 Y Charge of sacrilege against the Amphissians. § 8. Philip appointed general by the Amphictyons to conduct the war against Amphissa. § 9. He seizes Elatea. League between Athens and Thebes. 8 10. Battle of Chjeronea. § 11. Philip's extravagant joy for his victory. ^ 12. Congress at Corinth. Philip's progress through the Peloponne- MM. § 13. Phihp's Domestic quarrels. § 14. Preparations for the Persian expedition. § 16. Assassination of Philip. h 1. The result of the Sacred War rendered Maeedon the lead- ing state in Greece. Philip at once acquired by it military glory, a reputation for piety, and an accession of power. His ambitious designs were now too plain to be mistaken. The eyes of the blindest among the Athenians were at last opened ; the pro- moters of the peace which had been concluded with Philip mcurred the hatred and suspicion of the people ; whilst on the other hand Demosthenes rose higher than ever in public favour. They showed their resentment against Philip by omitting to send their usual deputation to the Pythian games at which the Macedonian monarch presided. ■ It was either this omission, or the unwillingness of the Athe- nians to acknowledge Philip as a member of the Amphictyonic league, that induced him to send an embassy to Athens for the purpose of settling a point which neither his dignity nor his interest would permit to lie in abeyance. It was generally felt that the question was one of peace or war. Yet the Athenians were so enraged against Philip that those who were for main- taining peace with him could hardly obtain a hearing in the as- sembly. On this occasion we have the remarkable spectacle of JEschines and Demosthenes speaking on the same side, though from widely different motives. The former adhered to his usual corrupt policy in favour of Philip ; whilst Demosthenes, in sup- porting him, was actuated only by views of the most sagacious and disinterested policy. These he detailed ahd enforced in his ' Oration On the Peaces in which he persuaded the Athenians not to expose themselves at that time to the risk of a war with Philip, supported, as he would be, by the greater part of Greece. k 2. Philip had now succeeded to the position lately occupied by Thebes, and in virtue of it prepared to exercise the same in- fluence which that state had previously enjoyed in the Pelopon- nesus. He declared himself the protector ot" the Messenians, and the friend and ally of the Megalopolitans and Argives. Demos-- thenes was sent into Peloponnesus to endeavour to counteract Philip's proceedings in the peninsula ; but his mission led to no result. During his stay there, he had openly accused Philip of perfidy ; and that monarch now sent an embassy to Athens, ac- companied by envoys from Argos and Messene, to complain of so grievous an accusation. It was on this occasion that the second I Philippic of Demosthenes was delivered, which was chiefly ^ directed against the orators who supported Philip (b.c. 344). In the following year a prosecution was instituted against ^schines and Philocrates for " malversation in their embassy " to the Macedonian court. The latter, conscious of his guilt, evaded the trial by flight ; and -SIschines, who defended himself with great skill, was acquitted by only thirty votes.* ^ 3. Meanwhile, in b.c. 344, Philip overran and ravaged Illyria ; and subsequently employed himself in regulating the \ affairs of Thessaly, where he occupied Pherae with a permanent J Macedonian garrison. He was likewise busied with preparations/
edition was to witl;- draw the attention of the Greeks from his ambitious projects, and to delude them into the belief that other afi'airs were now engaging his attention. But meanwhile his partizans were not idle, and events soon occurred which again summoned him into the heart of Greece. f 7. In the spring of 339 B.C. ^schines was appointed with three others to represent Athens in the Amphictyonic Council. In this assembly the deputies of the Locrians of Amphissa, stimulated, it is said, by the Thebans, charged the Athenians with sacrilege for having, in commemoration of their victory over the Persians and Thebans, dedicated some golden shields in a chapel at Delphi before it had been regularly consecrated. The Locrians themselves, however, were, it seems, amenable to a similar charge, for having cultivated and used for their own benefit the very land which had been the subject of the Sacred War against the Phocians ; and ^Eschines, irritated by the lan- guage of the deputies from Amphissa, denounced them as guilty of sacrilege. A proclamation was in consequence issued requir- ing all the Delphians, as well as the members of the Amphic- tyonic Council, to assemble and vindicate the honour of the god ; and on the following day they marched down to Cirrha with spades and pickaxes, and destroyed some buildings which the Amphissians liad erected there. But as they returned, the Amphissians lay in wait for them, and they narrowly escaped with their lives. Hereupon, the Amphictyons issued a decree, naming a certain day on which the Council was to assemble at Thermopylae, for the purpose of bringing the Amphissians to justice. B.C. 338. PHILIP GENERAL OF THE AMPHICTYONS. 519 ^ 8. ^schines was strongly suspected of having adopted the conduct which he pursued on this occasion in order to play into the hands of Philip. Demosthenes procured a decree, pre- venting any Athenians from attending the council at Thermo- pylae ; and the Thebans, who were friendly to the Amphissians, also absented themselves. But, with these exceptions, the meeting was attended by deputies from the other Grecian states ; war was declared against the Amphissians ; and Cotty- phus was appointed to lead an army against them. Demosthenes asserts that this expedition failed ; but according to other accounts it was successful, and a fine was laid upon the Am- phissians, which, however, they refused to pay. Accordingly, at the next ordinary meeting of the Amphictyons, either in the autumn of 339 or spring of 338, Philip, who had now returned from Thrace, was elected their general lor the purpose of carry- ing out the decree against Amphissa. § 9. Early in 338 Philip marched southwards ; but instead of proceeding in the direction of Amphissa, he sudJeidy seized Elatea, the chief town in the eastern part of Phocis, and began to restore its fortifications ; thus showing clearly enough that his real design was against Bceotia and Attica. Intelligence of this event reached Athens at night, and caused extraordinary alarm. The market was cleared of the retail dealers, who com- monly occupied it ; their wicker booths were burned ; and the whole city prepared as if for an immediate siege. At daybreak, on the following morning, the Five Hundred met in the senate house, and the people assembled in the Pnyx, where the news was formally repeated. The herald then gave the usual invitation to speak, but nobody was inclined to come forwards. At length ^ Demosthenes ascended the bema, and calmed the fears of the f people by pointing out that Phihp was evidently not acting in concert with the Thebans, as appeared from the fact of his having thought it necessary to secure Elatea. He then pressed upon the assembly the necessity for making the most vigorous preparations for defence, and especially recommended them to send an embasssy to Thebes, in order to persuade the Thebans to unite with them against the common enemy. This advice i was adopted, and ten envoys were appointed to proceed to Thebes, amongst whom was Demosthenes himself A counter- embassy had already arrived in that city from Macedonia and Thessaly, and it was with great difficulty that the Athenian envoys at length succeeded in persuading the Thebans to shut their gates against Philip. Athens had made vigorous prepara- tions, and had 10,000 mercenaries in her service. Philip, on the other hand, was at the head of 30,000 men ; but after the con SIO HISTORY OP GREECE. Chap. XLIIL B.C. 338. elusion of the alliance between Thebes and Athens he did not deem It prudent to march directly against the latter city, and therefore proceeded toward Amphissa, as if in prosecution of the avowed object of the war. He sent a manifesto to his allies m Peloponnesus requiring their assistance in what he re- presented as a purely religious object ; but his application was coldly received. f 10. The details of the war that followed are exceedingly ob- ^u"^u ?^^^^P appears to have again opened negotiations with the Thebans, which failed ; and we then find the combined Theban and Athenian armies marching out to meet the Mace- donians. The former gained some advantage in two engacre- raents ; but the decisive battle was fought on the 7th of Au^°st m the plain of Chaeronea in Boeotia, near the frontier of Phocis' In the Macedonian army was Philip's son, the youthful Alex- ander, who was mtrusted with the command of one of the wings • and It was a charge made by him on the Theban sacred band! that decided the fortune of the day. The sacred band was cut to pieces, without flinching from the ground which it occupied and the remainder of the combined army was completely routed. Demosthenes, who was serving as a foot-soldier in the Athenian ranks, has been absurdly reproached with cowardice because he participated in the general flight. ~ An interest- ing memorial of this battle still remains. The Thebans, who fell m the engagement, were buried on the spot, and their sepulchre was surmounted by a lion in stone, as an emblem ol their courageous spirit. This lion was still seen by Pau- sanias, when he visited Chajronea in the second century of the Christian era. It afterwards disappeared, though the site oi the sepulchre continued to be marked by a large mound of earth ; but a few years ago this tumulus was excavated, and a colossal lion discovered, deeply embedded in its in- tenorj The battle of Chajronea crushed the liberties of Greece, and made it in reaUty a province of the Macedonian monarchy.' To Athens herself the blow was almost as fatal as that of iEgospotami. Such was the consternation it created in that city that many of the wealthier citizens prepared for immediate night ; and it was found necessary to arrest emigration by a decree which made it a capital ofience. Demosthenes roused his fellow-citizens by his energy and eloquence to adopt the most vigorous measures for defending the city, and contributed thr^ talents out of his own private fortune towards the repair of the walls. He was appointed to pronounce the funeral ora- tion over those slain at Chaeronea ; a proof that the Athenians BATTLE OF CILERONEA 621 did not consider him guilty of any dereliction of duty in that en- gagement ; but Lysicles, the Athenian general, was brought to trial, and condemned to death. Hi. The exultation of Philip at his victory knew no bounds. He celebrated his triumph with drunken orgies ; and reehng from the banquet to the field of battle, he danced over the dead, at the same time singing and beating time to the opening words of the decree of Demosthenes, which happened to have the rhythm of a comic Iambic verse.* It is said that the orator Demades put an end to this ridiculous and unroyal exhibition by remind- ing Philip, " That though fortune had placed him in the position of Agamemnon, he preferred playing the part of Thersites." But when Philip had returned to his sober senses, the manner in which he used his victory excited universal surprise. He dis- missed the Athenian prisoners not only without ransom, but witli all their baggage, and some of them he even provided' with new apparel. Ht3 then voluntarily oilered a peace on terms more advantageous than the Athenians themselves would have ven- tured to propose. They were, indeed, required to relinquish a part of their foreign dependencies ; but they were in some de- gree compensated lor this by being put in possession of Oropus, of which the Thebans were now deprived. Philip, indeed, seems to have regarded Athens with a sort of love and respect, as the centre of art and refinement, for his treatment of the Thebans was very difierent, and marked by great harshness and severity. They were compelled to recall their exiles, in whose hands the government was placed, whilst a Macedonian garrison was esta- blished in the Cadmea. They were also deprived of their sovereignty over the Boeotian towns, and Plataja and Orcho- menus were restored, and again filled with a population hostile to Thebes. § 12. But the mildness of PhiHp's conduct towards Athens, though It bore the appearance of magnanimity, and aflbrded matter for triumph to the orators of the peace party, was, after all, perhaps in no small degree the result of pohcy. It was by no means certain that, if Philip laid siege to Athens, he would be able to take the city ; at all events, the siege would be a protracted one ; the exasperated Thebans lay in his rear; and the attempt would certainly delay the more briUiant enter- prise which he had long meditated against Persia. For this lat- ter purpose he now convened a congress of the Grecian states at Corinth, though its ostensible object was the settlement of the affairs of Greece. Sparta was the only state unrepresented in * Arj/ioir&ivTic AvMoadevovg TIataviev(; rdS' elTrev. 522 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIII this assembly. War was declared against Persia, Philip was appointed generalissimo of the expedition, and each state was assessed in a certain contingent of men or ships. But before he returned to the north of Greece, he determined to ch;.Ltise Sparta for her ill-disguised hostility. His march through Pelo- ponnesus, and back by the western coast, though he here and there met with resistance, resembled rather a royal progress than an expedition into a hostile coimtry. The western states north of the isthmus now submitted to his authority, and a Ma- cedonian garrison was placed in Ambracia. Byzantium also executed a treaty with Philip, which was virtually an act of subjection. Having thus estabhshed his authority throughout Greece, he returned to Macedonia in the autumn of b.c. 338, in order to prepare for his Persian expedition. § 13. But the fortune of Philip, which had triumphed over all his foreign enemies, was destined to be arrested by the feuds which arose in the bosom of his own family. Soon after his return to Macedonia, and probably in the spring of 337, he cele- brated his nuptials with Cleopatra, the beautiful niece of Attalus, one of his generals. He had already several wives, for he had adopted the eastern custom of polygamy ; but it was Olympias, daughter of Neoptolemus, king of Epirus, by whom Philip had become the father of Alexander, who regarded herself as his legitimate queen ; a violent and imperious woman, who prided herself on the ancient nobility of her family, which traced its descent from Pyrrhus, son of Achilles. The banquet which fol- lowed the wedding was marked by an extraordinary scene. When the cup had freely circulated, and wine had begun to unlock the hearts of the guests, Attalus uncautiously disclosed the ambitious views with which his daughter's marriage had inspired hini, by calling upon the company to invoke the gods to bless the union they were celebrating with a legitimate heir to the throne. Fired at this expression, which seemed to convey a reflection on his birth, the young prince Alexander hurled his goblet at Attalus, exclaiming, " Am I then called a bastard ?" Philip at these words started from his couch, and seizing his Bword, rushed towards Alexander, whom he would probably have slain, had not his foot slipped and caused him to fall. Alexander rose and left the banqueting-hall ; but as he withdrew levelled a taunt at his prostrate parent. " Behold the man," he exclaimed. " who was about to pass from Europe to Asia, but who has been overthrown in going from one couch to another I" Alexander and his mother Olympias now hastened to quit Macedonia. The latter found refuge at the court of her brother Alexander, king cf Epirus, whilst the former took up his abotlo B.C. 33«. ASSASSINATION OF PHILIP. 528 in lUyria. The fugitives appear to have stirred up both these countries to wage war against Philip, who however at length contrived to eflect a show of reconciliation. Through the me- diation of a friend, he induced Alexander to return to Pella ; and he averted the hostility of his brother-in-law, the king of Epirus, by ollering him the hand of his daughter, Cleopatra. Olympias was now compelled to return to Philip's court ; but both she and Alexander harboured an implacable resentment against him. §14. These domestic disturbances delayed Philip's expedition during the year 337 ; but in the following spring he appears to have sent some forces into Asia, under the command of Attalus, Parmenio, and Amyntas. These were designed to engage the Greek cities of Asia in the expedition, and to support the dis- afiected subjects of Persia. But before quitting Macedonia, Philip determined to provide for the safety of his dominions by celebrating the marriage of his daughter with Alexander of Epirus. It was solemnized at ^Egae, the ancient capital of Mace- donia, with much pomp, includuig banquets, and musical and theatrical entertainments. Most of the Greciiiu towns sent their deputies to the festival, bringing crowns of gold ana other presents to the king. But a terrible catastrophe was impend- ing, vi^hich several omens are said to have predicted. The oracle ol' Delplii, when consulted by Philip, as head of the Amphic- tyons, respecting the issue of his eastern expedition, responded with its usual happy ambiguity — " The bull is crowned, every- thing is ready, and the sacrificer is at hand." And the player Neoptolemus, who had been engaged to recite some verses during the nuptial banquet, chose an ode which spoke of power, pride, and luxury, and of the rapid and stealthy approach of death, which terminates in a moment the most ambitious expectations! § 15. The day after the nuptials was dedicated to theatrical entertainments. The festival was opened with a procession of the images of the twelve Olympian deities, with Avhich was asso- ciated that of Philp himself The monarch took part in the procession, dressed in white robes, and crowned with a chaplet. A little behind him walked his son and his new son-in-law, whilst his body-guards followed at some distance, in order that the person of the sovereign might be seen by all his subjects. Whilst thus proceeding through the city, a youth suddenly rushed out of the crowd, and drawing a long sword which he had concealed under his clothes, plunged it into Philip's side, who fell dead upon the spot. The assassin was pursued by some of the royal guards, and having stumbled in his flight, was de- spatched before he could reach the place where horses had been provided for his escape. His name was Pausanias. He was a I 02i fflSTOBY OF GREECE. CHAP. XLIIL I youth of nobie birth, and we are told that his motive for takiinr Philip's life was that the king had refused to punish an outrage which Attains had comimtted against him. Both Olympias and her son Alexander were suspected of being concerned in the murder. Olympias is said to have prepared the horses for the escape of the assassin ; and it is certani that she manifested an extravagant satisfaction at Philip's death. The suspicion that Olympias was privy to her husband's assassination is consider- ably strengthened by the nnprobability that Pausanias, without ^incitement from some other quarter, should have avenged him- self on Philip rather than on Attalus, the actual perpetrator of the injury which he had received. With regard to Alexander, however, there is no evidence worth a moment's attention to inculpate him; and though an eminent historian* has not scrupled to condenm him as a parricide, yet we should hesitate to brand him, on such slender suspicions, with a crime which seems foreign to his character. Thus fell Philip of Macedon in the twenty-fourth year of his reign and forty-seventh of his age (b.c. 336). When we reflect upon his achievements, and how, partly by pohcy and partly by arras, he converted his originally poor and distracted kingdom into the mistress of Greece, we must acknowledge him to have been an extraordinary, if not a great man, in the better sense of that term. His views and his ambition were certainly as large as those of his son Alexander, but he was prevented by a pre- mature death from carrying them out ; nor would Alexander himself have been able to perform his great achievements had not Philip handed down to him all the means and instruments which they required. » at; Niebuhr. Bust of Demosthenes. Battle of Issus. From a Mosaic at Pompeii. CHAPTER XLIV. ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 1. Education of Alexander. § 2. Rejoicings at Athens for Philip'3 death. Movements in Greece. §3. Alexander overawes the malcon- tents, and is appointed generalissimo for the Persian war. § 4 Alex- ander subdues the Triballians,. Geta;, Illyrians, and Taulantians. § 5. Revolt and destruction of Thebes. § 6. Alexander prepares to invade Persia. Nature of that empire. § 7. Alexander crosses the Ilellespont § 8. Battle of the Granicus. § 9. Alexander overruns Asia Minor. The Gordian knot. § 10. March through Cilicia. Bat- tle of Issus, Victory. § 11. Conquest of Phoenicia. Siege of Tyre. § 1 2. Alexander marches into Egypt. Foundation of Alexandria. Oracle of Amnion. §13. Battle of Arbela. § 14. Alexander takes possession of Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. "^g 15. March to Ecba- tana, and pureuit of Darius. Death of Darius. §16. March through Ilyrcania, Asia, and Drangiana. Conspiracy of Philotas. § lY. Alexander crosses the Oxus. Death of Bessus. Reduction of Sog- diana. Alexander marries Roxana. § 18. Murder of Clitus. §19. Plot of the pages. Alexander invades the Penjab, and defeats Poms. Marches as far as the Hyphasis. § 20. Descent of the Hydaspes and Indus. §21. March through Gedrosia. Voyage of Nearchus. §22. Arrival at Susa. Intermarriages of the Greeks and Persians. Mutiny of the army. § 23. Death of Hepha^stion. Alexander takes up hia residence at Babylon. His death. § 24. Character. ^ 1. Notwithstanding the suspicions of Olj^npias and Alex- ander, it does not appear that Philip had ever really entertained the desip:n of depriving Alexander of the throne. At the time of his father's death he was in his twentieth year, having been born in n.c. 350. At a veiy tender age he displayed a spirit 6m HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIV. I i which endeared him to his father. His early education was en- trusted to Leonidas, a kinsman of his mother, a man of severe and parsimonious character, who trained him with Spartan smiplicity and hardihood ; whilst Lysimachus, a sort of under- governoc, early inspired the young prince with ambitious notions by teachmg him to love and emulate the heroes of the Iliad* According to the traditions of his family, the blood of Achilles actually ran in the veins of Alexander ; and Lysimachus nour- ished the feehng which that circumstance was calculated to awaken by giving him the name of that hero, whilst he called PhOip Peleus, and liimself PhcBnix. But the most strikintr fea- ture m Alexander's education was, that he had AristotFe fbr his teacher, and that thus the greatest conqueror of the mate- rial world received the instructions of him who has exercised the most extensive empire over the human intellect. It was probably at about the age of thirteen that he first received the lessons of Aristotle, and they can hardly have continued more than three years, for Alexander soon left the schools for the employments of active hfe. At the age of sixteen we find him regent of Macedonia during Phihp's absence ; and at eighteen we have seen him filhng a prominent military post at the'battle of Chaeronea. ^ 2. On succeeding to the throne, Alexander announced his in- tention of prosecuting his father's expedition uito Asia ; but it was first necessary fbr him to settle the affairs of Greece, where the news of Philip's assassination, and the accession of so young a prince, had excited in several states a hope of shaking off the Macedonian yoke. Athens was the centre of these movements Damosthenes, who was informed of Philip's death by a special messenger, resolved to avail himself of the superstition of his fellow citizens by a pious fraud. He went to the senate-house and declared to the Five Hundred that Jove aud Athena had forewarned him in a dream of some great blessing that was in store for the commonwealth. Shortly afterwards public couriers arrived with the news of Phihp's death. Demosthenes, although ui mourmng for the recent loss of an only daughter, now came abroad dressed in white, and crowned with a chaplet, in which attire he was seen sacrificing at one of the pubhc altars. He also moved a decree that Pliilip's death should be celebrated by a pubhc thanksgivir*^. and that rehgious honours should be paid to the memory of Pitusanias. Phocion certainly showed a more generous spirit in disapproving of these proceedings. " Nothing," he observed, •* betrays a more dastardly turn of mind than ex- pressions of joy for the death of an enemy. And truly you have niie luaaou ti> lejoice, wlicn the army you longht with at Clia)- B.C. 336. ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER. 627 ronea is only reduced by one man !" In this last remark, indeed, he depreciated the abilities of Philip, as much as Demosthenes was inclined to underrate the abilities of Alexander. During his embassy to Pella, the Athenian orator had conceived a mean opinion of the youthful prince, whom he now compared to Homer's Margites, and assured the Athenians that he would spend all his time in either prosecuting his studies, or inspect- ing the entrails of victims. At the same time Demosthenes made vigorous preparations for action. He was already in cor- respondence with the Persian court fbr the purpose of thwarting Philip's projected expedition into Asia ; and he now despatched envoys to the principal Grecian states for the purpose of ex- citing them against Macedon. Sparta, and the whole Pelopon- nesus, with the exception of Megalopolis and Messenia, seemed inclined to shake otFtheir compulsory alliance. Even the Thebans rose against the dominant oligarchy, although the Cadmea was in the hands of the Macedonians. k 3. But the activity of Alexander disconcerted all these move- ments. He retained the Thessalians in obedience partly by flattery, partly by a display of force, and having marched through their territory, he assembled the Amphictyonic Council at Ther- mopylae, who conferred upon him the command with which they had invested his father during the Sacred War. He then ad- vanced rapidly upon Thebes, and thus prevented the meditated revolution. The Athenians were now seized with alarm, and sent an embassy to deprecate the wrath of Alexander, and to offer to him the same honours and privileges which they had before conferred upon Philip. Demosthenes was appointed one of the envoys, but when he had proceeded as far as the confines of Attica, he was filled with apprehension respecting Alexander's intentions, and found a pretence for returning home. The other • ambassadors were graciously received, and their excuses accepted. Alexander then convened a general congress at Corinth, which, as on the former occasion, was attended by all the Grecian states except Sparta. Here he was appointed generahssimo for the Persian war in place of his father. Most of the philosophers and persons of note near Corinth came to congratulate him on this occasion ; but Diogenes of Sinope, who was then living in one of the suburbs of Corinth, did not make his appearance. Alex- ander therefore resolved to pay a visit to the eccentric cynic, whom he found basking in the sun. On the approach of Alex- a,nder with a numerous retinue, Diogenes raised himself up a httle, and the monarch afiably inquired how he could serve him ? " By standing out of my suusliine," replied the churlish philo- sppher. Alexander was struck with surprise at a behaviour to 628 HISTORY OF GEEECK Chap. XLIV, B.C. 835. ALEXANDER DESTROYS THEBES. 629 i I I which he was so little accustomed ; but whilst his courtiers were ridiculing the manners of the cynic, he turned to them and said, " Were I not Alexander, I should like to be Diogenes." § 4. The result of the Congress might be considered a settle- ment of the affairs of Greece. Alexander could very well afibrd to despise Sparta's obsolete pretensions to the supremacy of Greece, and did not deem it worth while to undertake an expe. dition for the purpose of bringing her to reason. He then re- turned to Macedonia, in the hope of behig able to begin hia Persian expedition in the spring of b.c. 335 ; but reports of dis- turbances among the Thracians and Tribalians diverted his attention to that quarter. He therefore crossed Mount Haimus (the Balkan) and marched into the territory of the Triballians. defeated their forces, and pursued them to the Dajiube, where they fortified themselves in an island. Leaving them in that position, Alexander crossed the river by means of a fleet which he had caused to be sent from Byzantium, and proceeded to attack the Getaj. The barbarians fled at his approach, and Alexander, who had acquired a large booty, regained the banks of the Danube, where he received the submissions of the Danu- bian tribes, and admitted them into the Macedonian aUiance. Thence he marched against the Illpans and Taulantians, who were meditating an attack upon his kingdom, and speedily re- duced them to obedience. ^ 5. During Alexander's absence on these expeditions, no tidings were heard of him for a considerable time, and a report of his death was industriously spread in Southern Greece. The Thebans rose and besieged the Macedonian garrison in the Cadmea, at the same time inviting other states to declare their independence. Demosthenes was active in aiding the move- ment. He persuaded the Athenians to furnish the Thebans with subsidies, and to assure them of their support and alliance. But the rapidity of Alexander again crushed tlie insurrection in the bud. Before the Thebans discovered that the report of his death was false, he had already arrived at Onchestus in Bceotia. Alexander was vnlling to afibrd them an opportunity lor repent- ance, and marched slowly to the foot of the Cadmea. But the leaders of the insurrection, beheving themselves irretrievably (Compromised, replied with taunts to Alexander's proposals lor i)eace, and excited the people to the most desperate resistance. In engagement was prematurely brought on by one of the ge- nerals of Alexander, in which some of the Macedonian troops were put to the rout ; but Alexander coming up with the phalanx, whilst the Thebans were in the disorder of pursuit, drove them baek in turn and entered tli# gates along with them, when a fearful massacre ensued, committed principally by the Thracians in Alexander's service. Six thousand Thebans are said to have been slain, and thirty thousand were made prisoners. The doom of the conquered city was relerred to the allies, who decreed her destruction. The grounds of the verdict bear the impress of at tyrannical hypocrisy. They rested on the conduct of the The-| bans during the Persian war, on their treatment of Plataea, and on their enmity to Athens. The inhabitants were sold as slaves, and all the houses, except that of Pindar, were levelled with the i ground. The Cadmea was preserved to be occii} ied by a Ma- cedonian garrison. Thebes seems to have been thus harshly treated as an example to the rest of Greece, for towards the other states, which were now eager to make their excuses and submission, Alexander showed much forbearance and lenity. The conduct of the Athenians exhibits them deeply sunk in de- gradation. When they heard of the chastisement inflicted upon Thebes, they immediately voted, on the motion of Demosthenes, that ambassadors should be sent to congratulate Alexander on his sale return from his northern expeditions, and on his recent success. Alexander in reply wrote a letter, demanding that eight or ten of the leading Athenian orators should be delivered up to him. At the head of the list was Demosthenes. In this - dilemma, Phocion, who did not wish to speak upon such a question, was loudly called upon by the people for his opinion ; when he rose and said that the persons whom Alexander de- manded had brought the state into such a miserable plight that they deserved to be surrendered, and that for his own part he should be very happy to die for the commonwealth. At the same time he advised them to try the efiect of intercession with Alexander ; and it was at last only by his own personal applica- tion to that monarch, with whom he was a great favourite, that the orators were spared. According to another account, how- ever, the wrath of Alexander was appeased by the orator De- mades, who received from the Athenians a reward of five talents for his services. It was at this time that Alexander is said to have sent a present of 100 talents to Phocion. But Phocion asked the persons who brought the money — " WTiy he should be selected for such a bounty?" "Because," they re- plied, ** Alexander considers you the only just and honest man." *' Then," said Phocion, " let him sufter me to be what I seem, and to retain that character." And when the envoys went to his house and beheld the frugality with which he lived, they perceived that the man who reiused such a gift was wealthier than he who ofiered it. kO. Having thus put the aflairs of (arcece on a satisfactory 2 A I mo HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIY. fi # > I ir footu^ Alexander marched for the Hellespont in the sprint of B.C 334 leaving Antipater regent of Macedonia in his absence vath a force of 12,000 foot and 1500 horse. Alexander's ow^ army consisted ol only about 30,000 foot and 5000 horee Of the infantry about 12,000 were Macedonians, and these composed the pith of the celebrated Macedonian phalanx. SuchTaHhe force with which he proposed to attack the immense but ill cemented empire of Persia, which, like the empires of Turkey or Austria in modem times, consisted of various nations and races with diflerent religions and manners, and speaking diflferent lan- guages; the only bond of union being the dominant m" it2 power ol the ruling nation, which itself fonned only T maU ..umencaJ portjon of the empire. The remote provLes^ke those of Asia Minor, were administered by satraps a^m iitar^ goveniois who enjoyed an almost indefi^ndent* authorhv fr2^ quently transmitting their provinces, like hereditaiy fiefe to their heirs, and sometimes, as we have already sSn in the cou^ of this h,storJ^ defying their sovereign or\heir br" the" satraps m open war. The expedition of Cyrus, and the subset quen retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks, h'ad sho.Vhow e.sy It was for a handful of resolute and well-disciplincd men to penetrate mto the very heart of an empire thus weaken^ by dismiion, and composed for the most part of an unwariike pop/ ktion and we are not therefore surprised at the confidence with mrioH t'TfZ T\ ""' "P? ?'* expedition. Before he de- parted he distributed most of the crown property amonff his Inends, and when Perdiccas asked him what he had reserved for himself he replied, " My hopes." reservea J 7. A march of sixteen days brought Alexander to Se»to« where a la^ fleet and a number of transports had been eoUefted for the embarkation of his army. Alexander steerS^ whh ht own hand the ves,sel in which he sailed towards the verspot where the Aeha^ans were said to have landed when proceedh..^ to the Trojan war. When half the passage had been comoleted he propitiated Poseidon and the Nereids with the sacrifice of a bull and with hbations from a golden goblet ; and as his trireme neared the shore, he hurled his spear towards the land, by wTv i^^Fr"^'"' "^""T . ^^ ^'^' "^ ^^ have said, a^eat admirer of Homer a copy of whose works he always carried with him; and on landing on the Asiatic coast he made it his first listed there, and the very altar was pointed out to him at which Neoptoleinus was said to have slain Priam. Alexander hen proceeded to S.geum, where he crowned with a gariand thjp liar said to mark Uic tumulus of his mythical ai.cesTor Acli lej^an, B.C. 334. BAITLE OF THE GRANICU& 531 according to custom, ran round it naked with his friends, whilst Hephaestion paid similar honours to the tomb ol* Patroclus. § 8. Alexander then rejoined his army at Arisbe, near Abydos, and marched northwards along the coast of the Propontis. The satraps of Lydia and Ionia, together -with other Persian generals, were encamped near Zelea, a town on the Granicus, with a force of 20,000 Greek mercenaries, and about an equal number of native cavalry, with which they prepared to dispute the passage of the river. A Rhodian, named Meinnon, had the chief com- mand. The veteran general Parmenio advised Alexander to delay the attack till the following morning ; to which he replied, that it would be a bad omen at the beginning of his expedition^ if, after passing the Hellespont, he should be stopped by a paltry stream. He then directed his cavalry to cross the river, and followed himself at the head of the phalanx. The passage, how- ever, was by no means easy. The stream was in many parts so deep as to be hardly fordable, and the opposite bank was steep and rugged. The cavalry had great difiicultv in maintaining their ground till Alexander came up to their relief He imme- diately charged into the thickest of the fray, and exposed himself BO much, that his life was often in imminent danger, and on one occasion was only saved by the interposition of his friend Clitus. Having routed the Persians, Alexander next attacked the Greek mercenaries, 2000 of whom were made prisoners, and the rest nearly all cut to pieces. In this engagement Alexander killed two Persian officers with his own hand. After the battle he visited the wounded, and granted immunity from all taxation to the famiUes of the slain. He also sent 300 suits of Persian annour to Athens, to be dedicated to Athena in the Acropolis ; a proceeding by which he hoped, perhaps, further to identify his cause as the common cause of Hellas against the barbarians, as well as to conciliate the Athenians, from whose genius he wished to receive an adequate memorial of his exploits. ^ 9. Alexander now marched southwards towards Sardis, which surrendered before he came within sight of its walls. Having left a gaiTison in that city he arrived after a four days' march before Ephesus, which likewise capitulated on his approach. Magnesia, Tralles, and Miletus next fell into his hands, the last after a short siege. Halicarnassus made more resistance. It was de- fended by Ephialtes, an Athenian exile, supported by Memnon, whose head-quarters were now in the island of Cos. It was obliged to be regularly approached; but at length Memnon, finding it no longer tenable, set fire to it in the night, and crossed over to Cos. Alexander caused it to be razed to the ground, and leaving a small force to reduce the garrison, which I r U2, HISTORY OP GREECE. Chap. XLIV. 13. C. 833. BATTLE OF ISSUS. 583 f If I* had taken refuge in the citadels and forts, pursued his march Blong the southern coast of Asia Minor, with the view of seizinc those towns which might alibrd sheher to a Persian fleet The winter was now approaching, and Alexander sent a considerahle part ot his amiy under Parinenio into winter-quarters at 8ardis Me also sent back to Macedonia such officers and soldiers as had been recently manied, on condition that they should return in the spnng with what reinforcements they could raise • and with the same view he despatched an officer to recruit i.i the Pelopon- nesus. Meanwhile he himself with a chosen body proceeded along the coasts of Lycia and Pamphylia, having instructed Par- memo to rejom him in Phrjgia in the spring, with the main body. After he had crossed the Xanthus, most of the Lyciaii towns tendered their submission, and Phaselis presented him with a golden crown. On the borders of Lycia and Pamphylia, Mount Climax, a branch of the Taunis range, runs abruply into tlie sea, leaving only a narrow passage at its foot, which is ire- quently overflowed. This was the case at the time of Alex- ander s approach. He therefore sent his main body by a lorirr and difficult road across the mountains to Perc^e • but he' himself who loved danger for its own sake, proceeded with a chosen band along the shore, wading through water that was breast- high for nearly a whole day. From Perge he advanced against Aspendus and hide, which he reduced ; and then forcing his way northwards through the barbarous tribes which inhabited the mountains of Pisidia, he encamped in the neighbourhood of Gor- dium m Phiygia. Here he was rejoined by Paimenio and by the new levies from Greece. Gordium had 'been the capital of the early Phrygian kings, and in it was preserved with super- stitious veneration the cliariot or waggon in which the celebrated Midas, the son of Gordius, together with his parents, had entered tlie town, and in conformity with an oracle had been elevated to the^ monarchy. An ancient prophecy promised the sovereignty ol Asia to him who should untie the knot of bark which fastened the yoke of the waggon to the pole. Alexander repaired to the Acropolis, where the waggon was preserved, to attempt this ad- venture Whether he undid the knot by drawing out a pe-, or uVl tTrK"^'^^ ^'^ ''^*'^*^' '^ ^ "tatter of doubt ; but that he Had lulhlied the prediction was placed beyond dispute that very night by a great storm of thunder and lightning. HO. In the spring of 333, Alexander pursued his march east- wards, and on arriving at Ancyra received the submission ol" the I aphlagonians. He then advanced through Cappadocia without resistance ; and forcing his way through the passes of Mount laurusCthe Py^ CVw^yVc), he descended into the plains of Cilicia J' Hence he pushed on rapidly to Tarsus, which he found abandoned by the enemy. Whilst slili heated with the march, Alexander plunged into the clear but cold stream of the Cydiius, which runs by the town. The result was a lever, which soon became so violent as to threaten his lilc. An Acarnanian physician, named Philip, who accompanied him, prescribed a remedy ; but at the same time Alexander received a letter informing him that Philip had been bribed by Darius, the Persian king, to poison him. He had, however, too much confidence in the trusty Philip to believe the accusation, and handed him the letter whilst he drank the draught. Either the medicine, or Alexander's youthlul consti- tution, at length triumphed over the disorder. After remaining some time at Tarsus, he continued his march along the coast to Mallus, where he first received certain tidings of the great Persian army, commanded by Darius in person. It is said to have con- sisted of 600,000 fighting men, besides all that train of attendants which usually accompanied the march of a Persian monarch. This immense force was encamped on the plains of 8cchi, where Amyntas, a Greek renegade, advised Darius to await the approach of Alexander. But Darius, impatient of delay, and full of vain- glorious confidence in the number of his forces, rejected this advice, and resolved to cross the mountains in quest of his foe. Alexander had meantime passed through Issus ; had secured the whole country from that place to the maritime pass called the Gates of Syria and Cilicia, and had pushed forwards to Myrian- drus, where he was detained by a great storm of wind and rain. Meanwhile Darius had crossed Mount Amanus, more to the north, at a pass called the Amanic Gates, and had thus got into Alexander's rear ; who heard with joy that the Persians were moving along the coast to overtake him. By this movement, however, Issus had fallen into the hands of the Persians. Alex- ander now retraced his steps to meet Darius, whom he found encamped on the right bank of the little river Pinarus. The Persian monarch could hardly have been caught in a more un- favourable position, since the narrow and rugged plain between Mount Amanus and the sea afforded no scope for the evolutions of large bodies, and thus entirely deprived him of the advantage of his numerical superiority. Alexander recccupied the pass between Syria and Cihcia at midnight, and at day-break began to descend into the plain of the Pinarus, ordering his trccps to deploy into line as the ground expanded, and thus to arrive in battle array before the Persians. Darius had thrown 30,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry across the river, to check the advance of the Macedonians ; whilst on the right bank were drawn up his choicest Persian troops to the number of 60,000, together with fM HISTORY OF 6REECR Chap. XLIV: M I I II 30,000 (rreek mercenaries, who formed the centre, and on whom he chiefly rehed. These, it appears, were all that the breadth of tlie plam allowed to be drawn up in line. The remainder of the vast host were posted in separate bodies in the farther parts cf the plain, and were unable to take any share in the combat Darius took his station m the centre of the line in a maffiiificent state chariot. The banks of the Pinanis were in many parts steep, and where they were level Darius had caused them to be mtrenched. As Alexander advanced, the Persian cavalry which had been thrown across the river were recalled ; but the 20,000 infantry had been driven into the mountains, where Alexander held them in check with a small body of horse. The left wino- of the Macedonians, under the command of Parmenio, was ordered to keep near the sea, to prevent being outflanked. The riirht wmg was led by Alexander in person, who at first advanced slowly ; but when he came within shot of the Persian arrows he gave the order to charge, rushed impetuously into the water and was soon engaged in close combat with tlie Persians The latter were immediately routed ; but the impetuosity of tiie charge had disarranged the compact order of the Macedonian phalanx, and the Greek mercenaries took advantage of this cir- cumstance to attack them. This manceuvre, however was de- feated by Alexander, who. after routing the Persians,' wheeled and took the Greeks in flank. But what chiefly decided the iortune of the day was the timidity of Darius himself, who, on beholdmg the defeat of his left wing, immediately took to flight His example was followed by his whole army ; and even the Persian cavalr>% which had crossed the river, and was cngaginir the Macedonian left with great bravery, was compelled to follow the example. One hundred thousand Persians are said to have been left upon the fleld. On reaching the hills Darius threw aside his royal robes, his bow and shield, and mounting a fleet courser, was soon out of reach of pursuit. The Persian camp became the spoil of the Macedonians ; but the tent of Darius to- gether with his chariot, robes and arms, was reserved for Alexander himself. It was now that the Macedonian king first had ocular proof of the nature of Eastern royalty. One compartment of tne tent of Darius had been fitted up as a bath, which steamed with the richest odours ; whilst another presented a magnificent pavi- hon, containing a table richly spread for the banquet of Darius iJut from an adjoining tent issued the wail of female voices wliere 8isygambis the mother, and Statira the wife of Darius' were lamenting the supposed death of the Persian monarch. Alexander sent to assure them of his safety, and ordered them to be treated with the most delicate and respectful attention. RC. 833. SIEGE OF TYRE 536 Hi. Such was the memorable battle of Issus, fought in No- vember, B.C. 333. A large treasure which Parmenio was sent forward with a detachment to seize, fell into the hands of the Macedonians at Damascus. Another favourable result of the victory was that it suppressed some attempts at revolt from the Macedonian power, which, with the support of Persia, had been manifested in Greece. But, in order to put a complete stop to all such intrigues, which chiefly depended on the assistance of a Persian fleet, Alexander resolved to seize Pha?iiicia and Egypt and thus to strike at the root of the Persian maritime power ' Meanwhile, Darius, attended by a body of only 4000 fugi- tives, had crossed the Euphrates at Thapsacus. Before he had set out from Babylon, the whole forces of the empire had been summoned ; but he had not thought it worth while to wait for what he deemed a merely useless encumbrance ; and the more distant levies, which comprised some of the best troops of the empire, were still hastening towards Babylon. In a short time therefore, he would be at the head of a still more numerous host than that which had fought at Issus ; yet he thought it safer to open negotiations with Alexander than to trust to the chance of arms. With this view he sent a letter to Alexander who was now at Marathus in Phoenicia, proposing to become his friend and ally; but Alexander rejected all his overtures and told him that he must in future be addressed not in the language of an equal, but of a sovereign. As Alexander advanced southwards, all the towns of Phcenicia hastened to open their gates ; the inhabitants of Sidon even hailed him as their deliverer. Tyre, also, sent to tender her submission; but coupled with reservations by no means accept- able to a youthful conqueror m the full tide of success. Alex- ander aflected to receive their ofier, which was accompanied with a present of a golden crown and provisions for his army as an unconditional surrender, and told them that he would visit their city and ofler sacrifices to Melcart, a Tyrian deitv. who was considered as identical with the Grecian HeiTules. This brouffht the matter to an issue. The Tyrians now informed him that they could iiot admit any foreigners within their walls, and that It he wished to sacrifice to Melcart, he would find another and more ancient shrine in Old Tyre, on the mainland. Alexander indignantly disniissed the Tyrian ambassadors, and announced his intention of laying siege to their city. The Tvrians probably deemed it inipregnable. It was by nature a 'place of great strength, and had been rendered still stronger by art The kn^ T r r*' 'i T"^ r' ^"^^ ^ "^^^ ^^^^^'^t fr«"^ th« main- land . and though the channel was shallow near the coast it 536 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XLIV. I Hi i deepened to three fathoms near the island. The shores of the island were rocky and precipitous, and the walls rose from the chtis to the height of 150 Ibet in solid masonry. The city was abundantly supplied with fresh water ; was well furnished with arms and provisions ; possessed an intelligent and warlike popu lation ; and though tlie greater part of the ileet was absent in the Persian service, it had in its two harbours a competent num- ber of vessels of war. As Alexander jxjssessed no ships, the only method by which ho could approach the town was by'con- itructing a causeway, the materials lor which were collected from the forests of Libanus and tlie ruins of Old Tyre. Throu«rh the shallow part of the water the work proceeded rapidly; but as it approached the town the difficulties increased, both from the greater depth of the water, and from the workmen being exposed to missiles from the town and from the Tyriaii galleys. To obviate the latter inconvenience, Alexander caused two wooden towers, covered with liides, to be built at the head of the mjle, which would serve both to protect the workmen, and to keep assailants at a distance by the missiles hurled from engines at the top of the towers. The Tyrians, however, con- trived to burn these towers by seizing the opportunity of a Uvourable breeze to drive against them, a vessel tilled with dry waod besmeared with pitch, and other combustible materials lae Macedonians being thus driven from the mole, the Tv^ians cam3 od in boats, and destroyed such parts of it as the liames had spared Bat Alexander was so far from being discoura.red by this mishap, that he began the work again on a larger scale. Me alsa procured ships from Sidon and other places in order to protect It, and in a little tiraa had collected a deet of 250 sail wmch he exercised in nautical manccuvres ; and thus forced the iynan galleys, which had previously molested the procrress of the work, t« keep within their harbour. After overcomii^ many aifliculties the mole was at length pushed to the foot of the walls, Wiiich were now assailed with engines of a novel descrip- *L /^^^' ^fieged on their side resorted to many ingenious methods oi defence, among which was the discharging of heated Sana on the besiegers, which, penetrating beneath the annour, occasioned great torment. But it now began to grow evident tliat the city must fall ; and as soon as Alexander had effected a practicable breach, he ordered a general assault both by land and sea. The breach was stormed under the immediate in- spection of Alexander himself; and though the Tyrians made a desperate resistance, they were at length overpowered, when the city became one wide scene of mdiscriminate carnage and plun- der. The siege had lasted seven months, and the Macedonians B.C. 332. FOUNDATION OF ALEXANDRIA. 637 were so exasperated by the difficulties and dangers they had undergone that they granted no quarter. Eight thousand of the citizens are said to have been massacred ; and the remainder, with the exception of the king and some of the principal men, who had taken refuge in the temple of Melcart, were sold into slavery to the number of 30,000. Tyre was taken in the month of July, in 332. Whilst Alexander was engaged in the siege of Tyre, Darius made him iurther and more advantageous proposals. He now oiiered 10,000 talents as the ransom of his liamily, together with all the provinces west of the Euphrates, and his daughter Barsine in marriage, as the conditions of a peace. When these oflers were submitted to the Council, Parmenio was not unnaturally struck with their magnificence, and observed, that were he Alexander he would except them. " And so would I," replied the king, "were 1 Parmenio." Had Alexander's views been bounded by the political advantage of Macedonia, he would doubtless have adopted the advice of his veteran general. But his ambition was wholly of a personal nature. He felt more pleasure in acquinng than in possessing; and as his prospects expanded with his progress, he was unwilling to accept what he considered as only an instalment of the vast empire which he was destined to attain. Darius, therefore, prepared himself Ibr a desperate resistance. k 12. After the fall of Tyre, Alexander marched with his army towards Egypt, whilst his fleet proceeded along the coast. Gaza, a strong fortress on the sea-shore, obstinately held out, and de- layed his progress three or four months. According to a tradi- tion preserved in Josephus, it was at this time thai; Alexander visited Jerusalem, and, struck with its pious priests and holy rites, endowed the city with extraordinary privileges, and the priesthood with ample gifts; but this story does not appear in any other ancient author. After the capture of Gaza, Alex- ander met his fleet at Pelusium, and ordered it to sail up the Nile as far as Memphis, whither he himself marched with his army across the desert. Alexander conciliated the affection of the Egyptians by the respect with which he treated their na- tional superstitions, whilst the Persians by an opposite hue of coiiduct had incurred their deadliest hatred. Alexander then sailed down the western branch of the Nile, and at its mouth traced the plan of the new city of Alexandria, which for many centuries continued to be not only the grand emporium of Europe, Africa, and India, but also the principal centre of in- tellectual life. Being now on the confines of Libya, Alexander resolved to visit the celebrated oracle of Jove Ammon which 2a* 538 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XLIV. B.C. 331. )i lay in the bosom of the Libyan wilderness, and which waa reported to have been consulted by his two heroic ancestors, Hercules and Perseus. As he marched towards the Oasis in which it was situated, he was met by envoys from Cyrcne, bringing with them magnificent presents, amongst which were five chariots and three hundred war-horses. After marching along the coast for about two hundred miles, Alexander struck to the south-east into the desert ; when a five days' journey over pathless sands and under a scorching sun brought him to the well-watered and richly-wooded valley, containing the renowned and ancient temple of Ammon. The conqueror was received by the priests with all the honours of sacred pomp. He consulted the oracle in secret, and is said never to have disclosed the an- swer which he received ; though that it was an answer that contented him appeared from the magnificence of the offerings which he made to the god. Some say that Anmion saluted him as the son of Jove. ^ 1 3. Alexander returned to PhoBnicia in the spring of 33 1 . He then directed his march through Samaria, and arrived at Thap- sacus on the Euphrates about the end of August. After crossing the river, he struck to the north-east through a fertile and well supplied country. On his march he was told that Darius was posted with an immense force on the left bank of the Tigris ; but on arriving at that river, he found nobody to dispute his passage. He then proceeded southwards along its banks, and after four days' march fell in with a few squadrons of the enemy's cavalry. From some of these who were made prisoners Alexander learned that Darius was encamped with his host on one of the extensive plains between the Tigris and the mountains of Kurdistan, near a village called Gauga- mela (the Camel's House). The town of Arbela, after which the battle that ensued is commonly named, lay at about twenty miles distance, and there Darius had deposited his baggage and trea- sure. That monarch had been easily persuaded that his former defeat was owing solely to the nature of the ground ; and, there- fore, he now selected a wide plain for an engagement, where Aere was abundant room for his multitudinous infantry, and fcr the evolutions of his horsemen and charioteers. Alexander, after giving his army a few days' rest, set out to meet the enemy soon after midnight, in order that he might come up with tliem about daybreak. On ascending some sand-hills the whole array of the Persians suddenly burst upon the view of the Macedonians, at the distance of three or four miles. Darius, as usual, occupied the centre, surrounded by his body-guard and chosen troopa la front of the royal position were ranged the war-charioti BATTLE OF ARBELA 539 and elephants, and on either side the Greek mercenaries, to the number, it is said, of 50,000. Alexander spent the first day in surveying the ground and preparing for the attack ; he also ad- dressed his troops, pointing out to them that the prize of victory would not be a mere province, but the dominion of all Asia. Yet so great was the tranquillity with which he contemplated the result, that at daybreak on the following morning, when the officers came to receive his final instructions, they found him in a deep slumber. His army, which consisted only of 40,000 foot and 7000 horse, was drawn up in the order which he usually observed, namely, with the phalanx in the centre in six divisions, and the Macedonian cavalry on the right, where Alex- ander himself took his station. And as there was great dano-er of being out-flanked, he formed a second line in the rear, com- posed of some divisions of the phalanx and a number of light troops and cavalry, which were to act in any quarter threatened by the enemy. The Persians, fearful of being surprised, had stood under arms the whole night, so that the morning found them exhausted and dispirited. Some of them, however" fought with considerable bravery ; but when Alexander had succeeded in breaking their line by an impetuous charge, Darius mounted a fleet horse and took to flight, as at Issus, though the fortune of the day was yet far from having been decided. At length, how- ever, the route became general. Whilst daylight lasted, Alexander pursued the flying enemy as far as the banks of the Lycus, or Greater Zab, where thousands of the Persians perished in the attempt to pass the river. After resting his men a few hours, Alexander continued the pursuit at midnight in the hope of overtaking Darius at Arbela. The Persian monarch, however, had continued his flight without stopping ; but the whole of the royal baggage and treasure was captured at Arbela. k 14. Finding any further pursuit of Darius hopeless, Alex- ander now directed his march towards Babylon. At a httle distance from the city the greater part of the population came out to meet him, headed by their priests and magistrates, ten- dermg their submission, and bearing with them magnificent presents. Alexander then made his triumphant enlry into Babylon, riding in a chariot at the head of his army. The streets were strewed with flowers, incense smoked on either hand on sdver altars, and the priests celebrated his entry with hymns. Nor was this the mere display of a compulsoiy obedience. Under the Persian sway the Chalda3an religion had been oppressed and persecuted : the temple of Belus had been destroyed and still lay m ruins ; and both priests and people consequently rejoiced at the downfall of a dynasty from which they had suffered so 640 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XLIV. much wrong Alexander, whose enlarged views on the subject of popular rehgion had probably been derived from Aristotle observed here the same politic conduct which he had adopted m hgypt. He caused the ruined temples to be restored, and proposed to offer personally, but under the direction of the priests a sacnhce to Belus. He then made arrangements lor the salety and government of the city. He appointed Mazaeus. tho Persian officer who had been left in charge of it, satrap of ISibyloii ; but he occupied the citadel with a garrison of 1000 Macedonians and other Greeks, whilst the collection oi' the revenues was also intrusted to a Greek named Asclepiodorus Alexander contemplated making Babylon the capital of his future empire. His army was rewarded with a large donative from the Persian treasury ; and after being allowed to indulge Ibr some time m the luxury of Babylon, was again put in motion, towards the middle of November, lor Susa. It was there that the Per- sian treasures were chiefly accumulated, and Alexander had de- X'tK w^^Tf !:^/^^\P«s^«^io« or the city immediately alter the battle of Arbela. It was surrendered without a blow aI nnn'f r^.'^^^'^'^'t-, ^^^ ^'"^^'"^'^ ^^"^''^ there amounted to 40.000 talents in gold and silver bullion, and 9000 in crold Danes. But am3ng all these riches the interest of the Greeks must have been excited in a hvely manner by the discovery of the spoils carried olFlrom Greece by Xerxes. Among them were the bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, which Alex- ander now sent back to Athens, and which were long afterwards preserved in the Ceramlcus. At Susa Alexander received reinforcements of about 15,000 men Irom Greece. Amyntas, who conducted them, broucrht tidings ol disturbances in Greece, fomented by Sparta: and" to assist m quelling them. Alexander transmitted a considerable sura to the regent Antipater. He then directed his march south-eastwards towards Persepolis. His road lay throucrli the mountainous territory of the Uxiaiis, who refused him a plssacre unless he paid the usual tribute which they were in the habit of extorting even from the Persian kings. But Alexander routed them with great slaughter. The difficult mountain defile called tne rersian Gates, forming the entrance into Persis, still re- mained to be passed, which was defended by Ariobarzanes, the satrap of that district, with 40,000 foot and 700 horse. Ario- barzanes had also built a wall across the pass; but Alexander turned the position by ascending the lieights with part of his army, whilst the remainder stormed and carried the wall • and the Persians were nearly all cut to pieces. He then advanced rapidly to Persepolis, whose magnificent ruins still attest its B.C. 330. PURSUIT OF DARIUS. 54\ ancient splendour. It was the real capital of the Persian kings, though they generally resided at Susa during the winter, and at Ecbatana in summer. The treasure ibund there exceeded that both of Babylon and Susa, and is said to have amounted to 120,000 talents, or nearly 30,000,000/. sterling. It was here that Alexander is related to have committed an act of senseless folly, by firing with his own hand the ancient and magnificent palace of the Persian kings ; of which the most charitable ver- sion is that he committed the act when heated with wine at the instigation of Thais, an Athenian courtezan. By some writers, however, the story is altogether disbelieved, and the real de- struction of Persepolis referred to the Mahommedan epoch. Whilst at Persepolis, Alexander visited the tomb of Cyrus, the Ibundcr of the Persian monarchy, which was situated at a little distance, at a city called Pasargadse. M5. Thus in between three and four years after crossing the Hellespont, Alexander had established himself on the Persian throne. But Darius was not yet in his power. After the battle of Arbela, that monarch had fled to Ecbatana, the ancient capital of Media, where he seemed disposed to watch the turn of events, and whence, if he should be again threatened, he meditated flying farther north across the Oxus. It was not till about four months after the battle of Arbela, and consequently early in 330, that Alexander quitted PersepoHs to resume the pursuit of Darius. On approaching Ecbatana, he learned that the Persian monarch had already fled with the little army which still ad- hered to him. On arriving at that place, Alexander permitted the troops of the allies to return home if they wished, as the main object of the expedition had been accompHshed ; but many volunteered to remain with him, and the rest were dismissed with a handsome share of booty, in addition to their pay. The treasures which had been conveyed from Persepolis were lodged in the citadel of Ecbatana, under the guard of 6000 Ma- cedonians, besides cavalry and light troops. Alexander, with his main body, then pursued Darius through Media by forced marches, and reached RhagsB, a distance of three hundred miles from Ecbatana, in eleven days. Such was the rapidity of the march that many men and horses died of fatigue. At Rhagae he heard that Darius had already passed the defile called the " Caspian Gates," leading into the Bactrian province ; and, as that pass was fifty miles distant, urgent pursuit was evidently aseless. He therefore allowed his troops five days' rest, and then resumed his march. Soon after passing the Gates he learned that Darius had been seized and loaded with chains by his own satrap Bessus, who entertained the design of establish- m 542 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIV, B.C. 329. 11 ing himself in Bactria as an independent sovereign. This intel- ligence stimulated Alexander to make still further haste with part of his cavalry and a chosen body ol' foot. On the fourth day he succeeded in overtaking the iugitives with his cavalry having been obhged to leave the iiilkntry behind, with direc- tions to follow more at leisure. The enemy, who did not know his real strength, were struck with consternation at his appear- ance, and fled precipitately. Bessus and his adherents now endeavoured to persuade Darius to fly with them, and provided a fleet horse for that purpose. But the Persian monarch, who had already experienced the generosity of Alexander, in the treatment of his captive family, preferred to fall into his hands, whereupon the conspirators mortally wounded him in the chariot in which they kept him confined, and then took to flight. Darius expired belbre Alexander could come up, who threw his own cloak over the body. He then ordered him to be magnificently buried in the tomb of his ancestors, and provided for the fitting education of his children. U6. Alexander next invaded Hyrcania, a province of the Persian empire, on the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, and took possession of Zadracarta, the chief town in the country. From thence he undertook an expedition against the Mardians, a warlike tribe in the western part of Hyrcania, who, thinking themselves secure amidst their forests and mountains, had re- fused to make their submission. After chastising the Mardians, Alexander quitted Zadracarta, and pursued his march eastwaids through the province of Aria. Near Artacoana, the capital of Ana, he founded a city on the banks of the river Arius, called after him (Alexandria Ariorum), and which, under the name of Ilemty is still one of the chief cities in central Asia. Hence he proceeded southwards to Prophthasia, the capital of Drangiana, where his stay was signalized by a supjwsed conspiracy against his life, formed by Philotas. the son of Parmenio. Alexander had long entertained suspicions of Philotas. Whilst still in Egypt he had discovered that Philotas had spoken disparagingly ol' his exploits, and had boasted that, without the aid of his father and himself, Alexander would never have been able to achieve his conquests. He had also ridiculed the oracle respecting Alex- ander's supernatural birth, and had more recently opposed the inclination which that monarch now began to display to assume all the pomp and state of a Persian king. But the immediate subject of accusation against him was that he had not revealed a conspiracy which was reported to be Ibrming against Alex- ander's Hie, and which he had deemed too contemptible to notice. He was consequently suspected of being impMcated in it ; and DEATH OF BESSUa 543 on being put to the torture he not only confessed his own guilt ill his agonies, but also implicated his father. Philotas was executed, and an order was sent to Ecbatana, where Parmenio then was, directing that veteran general to be put to death. A letter, purporting to be from his son, was handed to him ; and whilst the old man was engaged in reading it, Polydamas, his intimate friend, together with some others of Alexander's prin- cipal officers, fell upon and slew him. His head was earned to A-lexander. Hephaestion, who had been active in exciting the king's suspicion against Philotas, was rewarded with a shai'e of the command vacated by his death ; but the horse-guards were now divided into two regiments, one of which was given to He- phaestion and the other to Clitus. ^ 17. Late in the year 330, Alexander directed his march southwards, to the banks of the Etymandrus (the HelynundY where he remained sixty days. Hence he penetrated into Ara- chosia, and founded there another Alexandria, which is sup- posed to be the modern city of Candaluir. He tlun crossed the lofty mountains of Paropamisus, called Caucasus by the Greeks (now Ilimloo- Koosk ), which were covered with deep snow, and so barren that they did not even afibrd firewood for his army. At the foot of one of the passes of these mountains Alexander founded another city called Alexandria a^d Caucasum, situated probably about fifty miles north-west of Cabul. Alexander now entered Bactria ; but Bessus did not wait his approach, and fled across the Oxus into Sogdiana. Early in the summer of 329, Alexander followed him across the Oxus ; and" shortly afler wards Bessus was betrayed by two of his own officers into the hands of Alexander. Bessus was carried to Zariaspa, the capital of Bactria, where he was brought before a Persian court, and put to death in a cruel and barbarous manner. Alexander next took possession of Maracanda (now Savmr- cand), the capital of Sogdiapa, from whence he advanced to the river Jaxartes {Sir), which he designed to make the boundary of his empire against the Scythians. On the banks of that river he founded the city of Alexandria Eschate (the kist or fartlicst) probably the modern KJwJencL After crossing the river and deteating the Scythians, who menaced him on the opposite bank, he returned into winter-quarters at Zariaspa. Sogdiana, however, was not yet subdued, and accordingly in the following year 328 Alexander again crossed the Oxus. He divided his army into five bodies, ordering them to scour the country in diflbrent directions. With the troops under his own command he rnarched against the fortress called the Sogdian Rock, seated on an isolated hill, so precipitous as to be deemed inac^ 1S44 HISTORY OF GREECE. Char XUV. cessible, and so well supplied with provisions as to defv a blockade. The summons to surrender was treated with derision by the commander, who inquired whether tlie Macedonians had wnigs .' But a small body of Macedonians havinjr succeeded in scalmg some heights which overhung the fortress, the garrison became so alarmed that they immediately surrendered. To this place a Bactrian named Oxyartes, an adherent of Bcssus, had sent his daughters for safety. One of them, named Roxana. was ot surpassnig beauty, and Alexander made her the partner of his j 18 Alexander now returned to Maracanda, where he was joined by the other divisions of his army, and wliile remainincr at this place he appointed his friend Clitus satrap of Bactria" Un the eve of the parting of the two friends, Alexander cele- bratetl a festival in honour oi' the Dioscuri, thougl, the day was sacred to Dionysus. The banquet was attended by several parasites and literary flatterers, who magnified the praises of A-cxander with extravagant and nauseous flattery. Clitus whom Wine had re eased from all prudent reserve, sternly rebuked their luLonie adulation ; and, as the conversation turned on the com- parative merits of the exploits of Alexander and his father Philip lie did not hesitate to prefer the exploits of the latter He re- minded Alexander of his former ser^^ces. and, stretching fortii his hand, exclaimed, - It was tliis hand, Alexander, which .4ved your Me at the battle of the Granicus I" The king, who was also Uushed with wiiie was so enraged by these remarks, that he rushed <-[**"J7»th the intention of killing him on the sriot. but he was held back by his friends, whilst Clitus was at the same time hurri^Mi out of the room. Alexander, however, was no sooner released than, snatching a spear, he sprang to the door, and meeting Chtus, who was returning in equal fury to brave hi. anger, ran him through the body. But when the deed was done He was seized with repentance and rpmorse. He flung himself on his couch and remained for three whole days in an acony cf grief, refusing all sustenance, and calhng on the names of Clitus and of his sister Lanice, who had been liis nurse. It was not till his bodily strength began to fail through protracted absti- nence that^he at last became more composed, and consented to listen to the consolations of his friends, and the words of the soothsayers; who ascribed the murder of Clitus to a temi>orar>' frenzy with which Dionysus had visited him as a punishment lor neglecting the celebration of his festival. § 19 After reducing the rest cf the fortresses cf Socrdiana Alexander returned into Bactria in 327, and began to prepare lor his projected expedition into India. AYhilst he was thus B.C. 327. INVASION OF INDIA. 545 employed, a plot was formed against his life by the royal pages, incited by Hermolaus, one of their number, who had been punished with stripes for anticipating the king during a hunting party in slaying a wild boar. Hermolaus and his associates, among whom Avas Callisthencs, a pupil of Aristotle, were first tortured, and then put to death. It seems certain that a con- spiracy existed ; but no less certain that the growing pride and haughtiness of Alexander were gradually ahenating from him the hearts of his followers. Alexander did not leave Bactria till late in the spring. He crossed the Indus by a bridge of boats near Taxila, the present Attack, where the river is about 1000 feet broad, and very deep. He is said to have entered India at the head of 120,000 foot and 15,000 horse, the greater part of whom must necessarily have been Asiatics. He now fbund himself in the district at present called the Pefij-ab (or the Five Rivers). Taxiles, the sovereign of the district, at once surrendered Taxila, his capi- tal, and joined the Macedonian force with 5000 men. Hence Alexander proceeded with little resistance to the river Hydaspes {Behut or Jelum). On the opposite bank, Porus,=^ a powerful Indian king, prepared to dispute his progress with a numerous and well-appointed force. Alexander, however, by a skilful stra- tagem conveyed his army safely across the river. An obstinate battle then ensued. In the army cf Porus were many elephants, the sight and smell of which frightened the horses of Alex- ander's cavalry. But these unwieldy animals ultimately proved as dangerous to the Indians as to the Greeks ; for when driven into a narrow space they became unmanageable, and created great confusion in the ranks of Porus. By a few vigorous charges the Indians were completely routed, with the loss of 12,000 slain and 9000 prisoners. Among the latter was Porus himself, who was conducted into the presence cf Alexander. Tlie courage which he had displayed in the battle had excited the admiration of the Macedonian khig. Mounted on an enor- mous elephant, he retreated leisurely when the day was lost, and long rejected every summons to surrender ; till at length, over- come by thirst and fatigue, he permitted himself to be taken. Even m this situation Porus still retained his majestic bearing, the eflect of which was increased by the extraordinary height of his stature. On Alexander's inquiring how he wished to be treated, he replied, " Like a king." " And have you no other request?" asked Alexander. "No," answered Porus; " every- thmg is comprehended in the word king." Struck by his mag- * Porus is probably a corruption of the Sanscrit word, "Paurusha," which signifies a "hero." 5 546 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XLIV. nanimity, Alexander not only restored him to his dominions, but also considerably enlarged them ; seeking by these means to re- tain him as an obedient and faithful vassal. Alexander rested a month on the banks of the Hydi^^cs, where he celebrated his victory by games and sacrifices, and founded two towns, one of which he named Nic«a, and the other Bucepfaaia, in honor of his gallant charger Bucephalus, which is said to have died here. He then overran the whole of the Penj-ab, as far as the Hyphasis {Gharra), its southern boundary. The only resolute resistance he experienced was from the war- like tribe of the Cathaji, whose capital, Sangala, was probably the modem Lalwre. They were subdued, and their territory divided amongst the other Indian tribes. Upon reaching the Hyphasis, the army, worn out by fatigues and dangers, positively refused to proceed any farther ; although Alexander passionately desired to attack a monarch still more powerful than Porus, whose dominions, he heard, lay beyond the river. All his attempts to induce his soldiers to proceed proving inefiectual, he prepared to submit with a good grace to an alternative which he perceived to be unavoidable. Pretending that the sacrifices were unfavourable for the passage of the Hyphasis, he gave the order for retreat ; having first erected on its banks 12 colossal altars to mark the boundary of his conquests in that direction. i 20. When Alexander again arrived at his newly founded cities of Nicffia and Bucephala on the Hydaspes, he divided his army into three detachments. Two of these, under the com- mand of Hephsestion and Craterus, were ordered to descend the Hydaspes on its opposite banks ; whilst he himself, at the head cf 8000 men, embarked on board a fieet of about 2000 vessels, which he had ordered to be prepared with the view of sailing do^Ti the Indus to its mouth. The ignorance which prevailed among the Macedonians respecting the geography ol' the region io be traversed, may be estimated i'rom the circumstance that Alexander at first considered the Indus to be a branch of the Nile. The army began to move in November 327. The navigation lasted several months, but was accomplished without any serious opposition, except from the tribe of the Malli, who are conjee^ tured to have occupied the site of the present Mooltan. At the storming of their town the life of Alexander was exposed to imminent danger. He was the first to scale the walls of the citadel, and was followed by four officers ; but before a filth man could mount, the ladder broke, and Alexander was left exposed on the wall to the missiles of the enemy. From this situation KC. 326. RETURN TO PERSIA 647 there were only two methods of escape ; either by leaping down among his own army, or into the citadel among the enemy Alexander chose the latter ; and alighting on his feet, placed his back to the wall, where he succeeded in keeping the enemy at bay, and slew two of their chiefs who had ventured within reach of his sword. But an arrow which pierced his corslet brou«rht him to the ground, fainting with loss of blood. Two of his fol- lowers who had jumi)ed down after him, now stood over and defended him ; till at length more soldiers having scaled the walls, and opened one of the gates, sufficient numbers poured in not only to rescue their monarch, but to capture the citadel • when every living being within the place was put to the sword' Alexander's life was long in great danger, but when he was suffi- ciently recovered he was again placed in his vessel, and dropped down the Hydraotes (Rave) to its confluence with the Acesines HeTc his army was encamped ; and the soldiers testified by shouts and tears their joy at again beholding their commander. Hence Alexander pursued his course to the point where the four rivers now united into one stream, the Acesines, {Ch€nah),\6m the Indus. At their confluence he ordered dockyards to be con- structed, and another Alexandria to be built. Hence he pursued his voyage to the Indian Ocean, all the towns on either bank of the river submitting at his approach. When he arrived at the mouth of the Indus, he explored its estuaries, and accompanied by a few horsemen skirted the margin of the Delta next the sea Nearchus with the fleet was directed to explore the Indian Ucean, the Persian Gulf, and the mouths of the Tigris and Eu- phrates, with the view of establishing a maritime communication between India and Persia. We have hitherto beheld Alexander only as a conqueror ; but these cares exhibit him in the more pleasing light of a geographical discoverer, and of a sovereiirn solicitous lor the substantial benefit of his subjects. ^21. From this point Alexander proceeded with his army in the autunm of 326, through the burning deserts of Gedrosia towards Persepohs ; marching himself on foot, and sharing the privations and fatigues of the meanest soldier. In these regions the very atmosphere seems to be composed of a fine dust, which on the slightest whid, penetrates into the mouth and nose whilst the soil aflbrds no firm footing to the traveller The march through this inhospitable region lasted GO days, during which numbers of the soldiers perished from fatigue or disease At length they emerged into the fertile province of Carmania. VV^iilst 111 tins country, Alexander was rejoined by Nearchus who had arrived with his fleet at Harmozia {Ormuz) ; but who subsequently prosecuted his voyage to the head of the Persian 548 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLTV. Gulf. The main body of the army under Hephsstion was directed to march along the shores of the Gulf; whilst Alexander himself, with his horse-friiards and light infantry, tot)k a shorter route through PasargadaB and Persepolis. Dunnghis stay in the latter city, he remedied the disorders which had been connnitted since he left it, and executed summary justice on the delinquent satraps who had oppressed the provinces of Persis. It was thus that he caused liis empire to be resjjected as much by the equity of his administration, as by the irresistible Ibrce of his arms. § 22. From Persepolis Alexander pursued his marcli to Susa (B.C. 325), where the soldiers were allowed to repose from their fatigues, and were amused with a series of briUiant lestivities. It was here that he adopted various measures with the view oi' consolidating his empire. One of the most important was to form the Greeks and Persians into one people by means of in- termarriages. He himself celebrated his nuptials with Statira, the eldest daughter of Darius, and bestowed the hand of her sister, Drypetis, on Hephaestion. Other marriages were made between Alexander's otficers and Asiatic women to the number, it is said, of about a hundred ; whilst no fewer than 10,000 of the common soldiers followed their example and took native wives. As another means ol' amalgamating the Europeans and Asiatics, he caused numbers of the latter to be admitted into the army, and to be armed autl trained in the Macedonian fashion. But these innovations were regardeil with a jealous eye by most of the Macedonian veterans ; and this ieehng was increased by the conduct of Alexander himself, who assumed everyday more and more of the state and manners of an eastern despot. x\t first, indeed, the growaig discontent was repressed by the large bounties distributed among the soldiers, and by the dis- charge of all their debts. But at length their long stifled dis- satisfaction broke out into open mutiny and rebellion at a review which took place at Opis on the Tigris. Alexander here proposed to dismiss such Macedonians as were wounded or otherwise disabled ; but though they had clamoured for their discharge whilst on the other side of the Indus, they now re- garded this proposal as an insult, and called out " That the king had better dismiss them all — his father Ammon would fight big battles." But the mutiny was quelled by the decisive conduct of Alexander. He immediately ordered thirteen of the ring- leaders to be seized and executed, and then addressing the remainder, pointed out to them how, by his own and his father's exertions, tliey had been raised from the condition of scattered herdsmen to be the masters of Greece and the lords of Asia ; and that whilst he had abandoned to them the richest and most B.C. 324, ALEXANDER EKTERS BABYLON. 549 valuable fruits of his conquests, he had reserved nothing but the diadem for himself, as the mark of his superior labours and more imrninent perils. He then secluded himself for two whole days, during which his Macedonian guard was exchanged for a Persian one, whilst nobles of the same nation were appointed to the most confidential posts about his person. Overcome by these marks of alienation on the part of their sovereign, the Macedo- nians now supplicated with tears to be restored to favour. A solemn reconciliation was effected, and 10,000 veterans were dis- missed to their homes under the conduct of Craterus. That general Avas also appointed to the government of Macedonia in place of Antipater, who was ordered to repair to Asia with Iresh reinforcements. § 23. Soon after these occurrences, Alexander proceeded to Ecbatana, where during the autumn he solemnized the festival of Dionysus with extraordinaiy splendour. The best actors and musicians m Greece, to the number it is said of 3000, were assembled for the occasion ; whilst the natives flocked ficm all quarters to the Median capital, to witness what was to them a novel spectacle. But Alexander's enjoyment was suddenly con- verted into bitterness by the death of his friend Hephasticn who was carried off by a fever. This event threw Alexander into a deep melancholy, from which he never entirely recovered. The memory of Hephaestion was honoured by extravagant marks of public mourning, and his body was conveyed to Babylon, to be there interred with the utmost magnificence. His name was still retained as commander of a division of the cavalry ; and the officer who actually discharged the duties cf the post was only regarded as his lieutenant. Alexander entered Babylon in the spring of 324, notwithstand- mg the warnings of the priests of Belus, who predicted some serious evil to him if he entered the city at that time. Babylon was now to witness the consummation of his triumphs and of his life. As in the last scene of some well-ordered drama, all the results and tokens of his great achievements seemed to be collected there to do honour to his fmal exit. Ambassadors from all parts of Greece, from Libya, Italy, and probably from still more distant regions, were waiting to salute him, and to do homage to him as the conqueror of Asia ; the fleet under Ne- archus had arrived after its long and enterprising voyage, and had been augmented by other vessels constructed in Phcinicia and thence brought overland to Thapsacus, and down the river to Babylon ; whilst for the reception of this navy, which seemed to turn the inland capital of his empire into a port, a magnificent harbour was m proccfcis cf construction. A more melancholy, SfiO HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XLIV. B.C. 323. DEATH OF ALEXANDEK 651 and it may be added, a more useless, monument of his greatness was the funeral pile now rising for Hephsestiou, which was con- structed with such unparalleled splendour, that it is said to have cost 1 0,000 talents. The mind of Alexander was still occu- pied with plans of conquest and ambition ; his next design was the subjugation of Arabia ; which, however, was to be only the stepping stone to the conquest of the whole known world. He despatched three expeditions to survey the coast of Arabia ; ordered a fleet to be built to explore the Caspian sea ; and en- gaged himself in surveying the course of the Euphrates, and in devising improvements of its navigation. The period for com- mencing the Arabian campaign had already arrived ; soluniii sacrifices were offered up for its success, and grand banquets were given previous to departure. At these carousals Alexander drank deep ; and at the termination of the one given by his favourite, M^dius, he was seized with uneciuivocal symptoms of fever. For sjmj days, however, he neglected the disorder, and continued to occupy himself with the necessary preparations for the march. But in eleven days the malady ha(l gained a fatal strength, and terminated his life on the 2bth of June, b.c. 323, at the early age of 32. Whilst he lay speechless on his deathbed his favourite troops were admitted to see him ; but he could offer them no other token of recognition than by stretching out his hand. § 24. Few of the great characters of history have been so difierently judged as Alexander. Of the magnitude of liis ex- ploits, indeed, and of the justice with which, according to the usual sentiments of mankind, they confer upon him the title of " G-reat," there can be but one opinion : it is liis motives for undertaking them that have been called in question. An emi- nent writer* brands him as an "adventurer;" an epithet which, to a certain extent, must be allowed to be true, but which is not more true of him than of most other conquerors on a large scale. His military renown, however, consists more in the seem- ingly extravagant boldness of his enterprises, than in the real power of the foes whom he overcame. The resistance he met with was not greater than that which a European army expe- riences in the present day from one composed of Asiatics ; and the empire of the East was decided by the two battles of Issus and Arbela. His chief difficulties were the geographical diffi- culties of distance, climate, and the nature of the ground tra- versed. But this is no proof that he was incompetent to meet a foe more worthy of his military skill ; and his proceedings in Ureece before his departure show the reverse. His motives, it must be allowed, seem rather to have spruncr from the love of personal glory and the excitement of conquest" than from any wish to benefit his subjects. The attention whicli he occasionaUy devoted to commerce, to the fbundation of new cities, and to other matters of a shnilar kind, form rather episodes in his history, than the real objects at which his ahns were directed ; and it was not by his own prudence, but through the weariness of his army, that his career of conquest was at lencrth arrested, which he wished to prosecute before he had consoli- dated what he had already won. Yet on the whole his achieve- ments, though they undoubtedly occasioned great partial misery, must be regarded as beneficial to the human race ; the families of which, if it were not for some such movements, would stag- nate in solitary listlessness and poverty. By the conquests of Alexander the two continents were put into closer communica- tion with one another ; and both, but particularly Asia, were the gainers. The language, the arts, and the literature of Greece, were introduced into the East ; and after the death of Alexander Greek kingdoms were formed in the western parts of Asia, which continued to exist for many generations. Apoiio CitharoBdus. From the collection in the Vftticnn ♦ Kiebuhr. The Group of Niobe. From the collection at Florence. CHAPTER XLV. FROM THE DEATH OF ALEX^\NDER THE GREAT TO THE BATTLE OP IPSUS. § 1. Division of the provinces after Alexander's death. § 2. Retro- spective view of Grecian affairs. Revolt of Agis. Demosthenes d« Corona. 8 3. Arrival of Harpalus at Athens. Accusation and exile of Demosthenes. § 4. The Lamian war. Defeat of Antipater, and siege of Lamia. § 5. Defeat and death of Leonnatus. Battle of Crannon. End of the Lamian war. § 6. Death of Demosthenes. Ambitious projects of Perdiccas. His invasion of Egypt, and death. § T. Fresh division of the provinces at Triparadisus. Death of Anti- pater. Polysperchon becomes regent, and conciliates the Grecian states. Death of Phocion. § 8. War between Polysperchon and Cassander. Ill success of Polysperchon. Cassnnder becomes master of Macedonia, and puts Olympias to death. § 9. Coalition against Antigonus. Peace concluded in b.c. 81 L Murder of Roxana and her son. § 10. Renewal of the war against Antigonus. Demetrius Poli- orcetes expels the Macedonians from Athens. § 11. Demetrius Poli- orcetes at Cyprus. Battle of 8alamis. Attempt on Egypt. Siege of Rhodes. § 12. Battle of Ipsus, and death of Antigonus. h 1. The unexpected death of Alexander threatened to involve both his extensive dominions and his army in inextricable con- fusion. On the day after liis death a military council assembled to decide on the course to be pursued. Alexander on his death- l>ed is said to have griven his signet-ring to Perdiccas, but he had left no legitimate heir to his throne, though his wife Roxana was pregnant. In the discussions which ensued in the council, B.C. 323. I'ARTITION OF THE EMPIRE. 553 Perdiccas assumed a leading part ; and after much debate, and a quarrel between the cavalry and infantry, which at first threat- ened the most serious consequences, an arrangement was at length eflected on the Ibllowing basis : That Philip Arrhidajus, a young man of weak intellect,the half-brother of Alexander (being the son of Philip by a Thessalian woman named Philinna), should be declared king, reserving however to the child of Roxana, if a son should be born, a share in the sovereignty : that the govern- ment of Macedonia and Greece should be divided between An- tipater and Craterus : that Ptolemy, who was reputed to be connected with the royal family, should preside over Egypt and the adjacent countries : that Antigonus should have Phrygia Proper, Lycia, and Pamphylia : that the Hcllespontine Phrygia should be assigned to Leonnatus : that Eumenes should have The satrapy of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, which countries, how- ever, still remained to be subdued : and that Thrace should be committed to Lysimachus. Perdiccas reserved for himself the chiliarchy, or command of the horse-guards, the post before held by Hephaistion, in virtue of which he became the guardian of Philip Arrhidajus, the nominal sovereign. It was not Ibr some time after these arrangements had been completed that the last rites were paid to Alexander's remains. They were conveyed to Alexandria, and deposited in a cemetery which afterwards became the burial-place of the Ptolemies. Nothing could exceed the magnificence of the funeral car, which was adorned with ornaments of massive gold, and so heavy, that it was more than a year in being conveyed Irom Babylon to Syria, though drawn by 84 mules. In due time Roxana was delivered of a son, to whom the name of Alexander was given, and who was declared the partner of Arrhidajus in the empire. Roxana had previously uiveigled Statira and her sister Drjpetis to Babylon, where she caused them to be secretly assassinated. § 2. It is now necessary to take a brief retrospective glance at ^e aflairs of Greece. Three years after Alexander had quitted Europe, the Spartans made a vigorous efiort to throw oil" the Macedonian yoke. They were joined by most of the Peloponne- fiian states, but the Athenians kept aloof In b.c. 331, the Spar- tans took up arms under the command of their king, Agis; but though they met with some success at first, they were finally defeated with great slaughter by Antipater, near Megalopohs Agis fell m the battle, and the chains of Greece were riveted more firmly than ever. This victory, and the successes of Alex- ander in the East, encouraged the Macedonian party in Athens to take active measures against Demosthenes; and ^Eschines trumped up an old charge against him which had lain dormant 2B *1IM' HISTORY OF GREECE. Cbap. XLV. for several years. Soon after the battle of Chajronea, Ctesiphon had proposed that Demosthenes should be presented with a golden crown in the theatre during the great Dionysiac festival, on account of the services he had conferred upon his country. For proposing this decree JEschines indicted Ctesiphon ; but though the latter was the nomuial defendant, it was Demos- thenes who was really put upon his trial. The case was de- cided m 330 B.C., and has been immortalized by the memorable and still extant speeches of jEschines " Agauist Ctesiphon," and of Demosthenes *' On the Crown." ^schines, who did not ob- tain a fifth part of the votes, and consequently beeame himself liable to a penalty, was so chagrined at his defeat that he retired to Rhodes. ^3. In B.C. 325, Harpalns arrived in Athens. Harpalus was a great favourite with Alexander, as he had embraced his side during his quarrel with his father, Philip. "When Alexander, after the conquest of Persia and Media, determined to push on into the interior of Asia, in pursuit of Darius, he left Harpalus at Ecbatana, with 6000 Macedonian troops, in charge of the royal treasures. From thence he removed to Babylon, and appears to have held the important satrapy of that province as well as the administration of the treasury. It was here that, during the absence of Alexander in India, he gave himself up to the most extravagant luxury and profusion, squandering the treasures en- trusted to him, at the same time that he alienated the people subject to his rule, by his lustful excesses and extortions. He had probably thought that Alexander would never return frem the remote regions of the East into which he had penetrated ; jut when he at length learnt that the king was on his niArcli back to Susa, and had visited with unsparing rigour those of his officers who had been guilty of any excesses during his absence, he at once saw that his only resource was in flight. Collecting together all the treasures which he could, and assembling a body of 6000 mercenaries, he hastened to the coast of Asia, and from thence crossed over to Attica. He seems to have reckoned on a favourable reception at Athens, as during the time of his prosperity he had made the city a large present of corn, in re- turn for which he had received the right of citizenship. At first, however, the Athenians refused to receive him ; but briber administered to some of the principal orators induced them to alter their determination. Such a step was tantamount to an act of hostility against Macedonia itself; and accordingly Anti- pater called upon the Athenians to deliver up Harpalus, and to bring to trial those who had accepted his bribes. The Athe- nians did not venture to disobey these Uemaiuis. Harpalus was B.C. 32o. LAMIAN WAR. 565 put into confinement, but succeeded in making his escape from prison. Demosthenes was among the orators who were brought f to trial for corruption. He was declared to be guilty, and was con- demned to pay a fine of 50 talents. Not being able to raise that sum, he was thrown into prison ; but he contrived to make his escape, and went into exile. There are, however, good grounds for doubting his guilt ; and it is more probable that he fell a victim to the implacable hatred of the Macedonian party. Upon quitting Athens Demosthenes resided chiefly at iEgiia or Trcezen, in siglit of his native land, and whenever he lookji towards her shores it was observed that he shed tears. ^ 4. When the news of Alexander's death reached Athens, the anti-Macedonian party, which, since the exile of Demosthenes, f was led by Hyperides, carried all before it. The people in a tlecree declared their determination to support the liberty of Greece ; a fleet of 240 triremes was ordered to be equipped ; ail citizens under 40 years of age were commanded to enrol them- ) selves for service ; and Leosthenes was directed to levy an army f of mercenaries. Envoys were despatched to all the Grecian' states to announce the determination of Athens, and to exhort ' them to struggle with her for their independence. This call was responded to in the Peloponnesus only by the smaller states, whilst Sparta, Arcadia, and Achaia kept aloof In northerri Greece the confederacy was joined by most of the states except the BoBotians ; and Leosthenes was appointed commander-in- chief of the allied forces. Phocion, as usual, was opposed to this war, thinking the forces of Athens wholly inadequate to sustain it. Leostheiies scoffed at liiin, and asked hini " What he had ever done for his country, during the long time that he was general ?" " Do you reckon it nothing," answered Phocion, " that the Athenians are buried in the sepulchres of their forefathers ?" And when Leosthenes continued his pompous harangues, Phocion said : " Young man, your speeches resemble cypress-trees, which are indeed large and lofly, but produce no fruit." " Tell us, then," interrupted Hy- perides, '• what will be the proper time for the Athenians to make war ?" Phocion answered : " Not till young men keep with- in the bounds of decorum, the rich contribute with hberality, and the orators desist from robbing the people." Tlie allied army assembled in the neighbourhood of Thermo- pylae. A«itipater now advanced from the north, and offered battle in the vale of the Spercheus ; but being deserted by his Thessalian cavaliy, who went over to his opponents during the heat of the engagement, he was obliged to retreat, and threw himself into Lamifi, a strong fortress on the Malian gulf Leos- 856 niSTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLV. RC. 822. DEATH OF DEMOSTHENES. 567 Ihenes, desirous to finish the war at a blow, pressed the siege with the utmost vigour ; hut his assauUs were repulsed, and he was compelled to resort to the slower method of a blockade. From this town the contest between Antipater and the allied Greeks has been caUed the Lamian War. 4 5. The novelty of a victory over the Macedonian arms was received with boundless exultation at Athens, and this feeling was raised to a still higher pitch by the arrival of an embassy from Antipater to sue for peace. Phocion was bantered unmercifully. He was asked whether he would not like to have done such great things as Leosthenes ? " Certainly," said he ; " but I should not have advised the attempting of them." And when messenger after messenger announced the successes of the Athenian arms, he exclaimed sarcastily, " When shall we have done conquer- ing ?" The Athenians were so elated with their good fortune that they would listen to no terms but the unconditional surren- I der of Ajitipater. Meantime Demosthenes, though still an exile, I exerted himself in various parts of the Peloponnesus in counter- acting the envoys of Antipater, and in endeavouring to gain I adherents to the cause of Athens and the allies. The Athenians I in return invited Demosthenes back to his native country, and a ! ship was sent to convey him to Piraeus, where he was received with extraordinary honours. Meanwhile Leonnatus, governor of the Hellespontine Phrygia, had appeared on the theatre of war with an army of 20,000 ibot and 2500 horse. Leosthenes had been slain at Lamia in a sally of the besieged ; and Antiphilus, on whom the command of the allied army devolved, hastened to offer battle to Leonnatus before he could arrive at Lamia. The hostile armies met in one of the plains of Thessaly, where Leonnatus was killed and his troops defeated. Antipater, as soon as the blockade of Lamia was raised, had pursued Antiphilus, and on the day after the battle he effected a junction with the beaten army of Leonnatus. Shortly afterwards, Antipater was still further reinforced by the arrival of Craterus with a considerable force from Asia ; and being now at the head of an army which outnumbered the forces of the aUies, he marched against them, and gained a decisive victory over them near Crannon in Thessaly, on the 7th of Augusst, B.C. 322. The aUies were now compelled to sue for peace ; but Antipater refused to treat with them except as separate states, foreseeing that by this means many would be detached from the confederacy. The result answered his expectations. One by one, the various states submitted, till at length all had laid down their arms. Athens, the original insti- gator of the insurrection, now lay at the mercy of the conqueror. As Antipater advanced, Phocion used all the influence which he I possessed with the Macedonians in favor of his countrymen ; ' but he could obtain no other terms than an unconditional sur- render. Ou a second mission, Phocion received the final demands of Antipater ; which were, that the Athenians should deliver up a certain number of their orators, among whom were Demosthenes and Hyperides ; that their political franchise should be limited by a property qualification ; that they should receive a Macedo- nian garrison in Munychia, and that they should defray the ex- penses of the war. Such was the result of the Lamian war. ^ $ 6. After the return of the envoys bringing the ultimatum of Antipater, the sycophant Demades procured a decree for the death of the denounced orators. Demosthenes, and the other persons compromised, made their escape from Athens before the Macedonian garrison arrived, ^gina was their first place of refuge, but they soon parted in different directions. Hyperi- ' des fled to the temple of Demeter atHermione in Peloponnesus, whilst Demosthenes took refuge in that of Poseidon in the isle of Calaurea, near Troezen. But the satellites of Antipater, under the guidance of a Thurian named Archias, who had for- merly been an actor, tore them from their sanctuaries. Hype- rides was carried to Athens, and it is said that Antipater took the brutal and cowardly revenge of ordering his tongue to be cut out, and his remains to be thrown to the dogs. Demosthenes contrived at least to escape the insuhs of the tyrannical con- queror. Archias at first endeavoured to entice him from his sanctuary by the blandest promises. But Demosthenes, fore- warned, it is said, by a dream, fixing his eyes intently on him, exclaimed : " Your acting, Archias, never touched me formerly,' nor do your promises now." And when Archias began to employ threats : " Good," said Demosthenes, " now you speak as from the Macedonian tripod ; before you were only playing a part. But wait awhile, and let me write my last directions to my family." So taking his writing materials, he put the reed into his mouth, and bit it for some time, as was his custom when composing ; after which he covered his head with his garment and reclined against a pillar. The guards who accompanied A.rchias, imagining this to be a mere trick, laughed and called hnn coward, whilst Archias began to renew his false persuasions. Demosthenes feeling the poison work — for such it was that he had concealed in the reed— now bade him lead on. " You may now," said he, *' enact the part of Creon, and cast me out un- buried ; but at least, gracious Poseidon, I have not polluted thy temple by my death, which Antipater and his Macedonians 658 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLV. B.C. 821. TREATY OF TRIPARADISUS. 650 would not have Ecrupled at." But whilst he was endeavouring to walk out, he fell down by the altar and expired. § 7. The course of events now carries us back to the East. Perdiccas jjossessed more power than any of Alexander's gene- rals, and was regarded as the regent ci" the empire. He had the custody of the infant Alexander, the son of Alexander the Great, and the weak Philip Arrhidanis was a puppet in his hands. Perdiccas had at first courted the alliance of Antipater, and had even married his daughter Nicsea. But when Olympias oflercd him the hand of lier daughter Cleopatra, if he would assist her against Antipater, Perdiccas resolved to divorce Nicsea at the first convenient opportunity, and espouse Cleopatra in her stead, believing that such an alliance with the royal family would pave his way to the Macedonian throne, to which he was now aspir- ing. His designs, however, were not luiknown to Antigonus and Ptolemy ; and when he attempted to bring Antigonus to trial for some ofience in the government of his satrapy, that general made his escape to Macedonia, where he revealed to Antipater the full extent of the ambitious schemes of Perdiccas, and thus at once induced Antipater and Craterus to unite in a league with him and Ptolemy, and openly declare war against the re- gent. Thus assailed on all sides, Perdiccas resolved to direct his arms in the first instance against Ptolemy. In the spring cf B.C. 321 he accordingly set out on his march against Egyj-t, at the head of a formidable army, and accompanied by Philip Ar- rhidaeus, and Eoxana and her infant son. He advanced without opposition as far as Pelusium, but he found tiie banks of the Nile strongly fortified and guarded by Ptolemy, and was repulsed in repeated attempts to force the passage of the river ; in the last of which, near Memphis, he lost great numbers of men, by the depth and rapidity of the current. Perdiccas had never been popular with the soldier}', and these disasters completely alien- ated their aflections. A conspiracy was Ibrmed against him, and some of his chief oflicers murdered him in his tent. f 8. The death of Perdiccas was followed by a fresh distribu- tion of the provinces of the empire. At a meeting of the gen- erals held at Triparadisus in J^^yria, towards the end of the year 321 B.C., Antipater was declared regent, retaining the govern- ment of Macedonia and Greece ; Ptolemy was continued in the government of Egj^pt ; Seleucus received the satrapy of Baby- lon ; whilst Antigonus not only retained his old province, but was rewarded with that of Susiana. Antipater did not long survive these events. He died in the year 318, at the advanced age of 80, leaving Polysperchon, one of Alexander's oldest generals regent; much to the surprise and mortification of his son Cassander, who received only the second- ary dignity of Chiliarch, or commander of the cavalry. Cas- sander was now bent on obtaimng the regency ; but seeing no hope of success in Macedonia, he went over to Asia to solicit the assistance of Antigonus. Polysperchon, on his side, sought to conciliate the friendship of the (jrrecian states, by proclaiming them all free and inde- pendent, and by abolishing the oligarchies which had been set up by Antipater. In order to enforce these measures, Poly- sperchon prepared to march into Greece, whilst his son Alex- ander was despatched betbrehand with an army towards Athens, to compel the Macedonian garrison under the command of Nica- nor to evacuate Muiiychia. Nicanor, however, refused to move without orders from Cassander, whose general he declared himself to be. Phocion was suspected of intriguing in favour of Nicanor, and being accused of treason, fled to Alexander, now encamped before the walls of Athens. Alexander sent Phocion and the friends who accompanied him to his father, who was then in Pliocis ; and at the same time an Athenian embassy arrived in Polysperchon's camp to accuse Phocion. A sort of mock trial ensued, the result of which was that Phocion was sent back to Athens in chains, to be tried by the Athenian people. The theatre, where his trial was to take place, was soon full to overflowing. Phocion was assailed on every side by the clamours of his enemies, which prevented his defence from being heard, and he was condemned to death by a show of hands. To the last Phocion maintained his calm and dignified, but somewhat contemptuous bearing. When some wretched man spat upon him as he passed to the prison, " Will no one," said he, " check this fellow's indecency ?" To one who asked him whether he had any message to leave for his son Phocus, he an- swered, *' Only that he bear no gnulge against the Athenians." And when the hemlock which had been prepared was found in- surticient for all the condemned, and the jailer would not furnish more unless he was paid for it, " Give the man his money," said Phocion to one of his friends, " since at Athens one cannot even die for nothing." He died in b.c. 317, at the age of 85. The Athenians afterwards repented of their conduct towards Phocion. His bones, which had been cast out on the frontiers of Megara, were subsequently brought back to Athens, and a bronze statue was erected to his memory. ^0. Whilst Alexander was negotiating with Nicanor about the surrender of Munychia, Cassander arrived in the Piraius with a considerable army, with which Antigonus had supplied him ; and though Polysperchon himself soon came up with a large . t I . - MO HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLV. force, he found the fortifications of Pineus too strong for him Leaving, therefore, his son to blockade the city, Polysperchoii advanced with the greater part of his army into the Pelopon- nesus. Here he laid siege to MegalojK)lis ; hut that town was defended with such extraordinary elibrts tliat Polysperchon was compelled to withdraw. His ill success, as well as the destruction of his fleet by the fleet of Cassander, produced an unfavourable tuni in the disposition of the Greek states towards Polysperchon, and Athens in particular abandoned his alliance for that of Cassander, who established an oligarchical government in the city under the presidency of Demetrius of Phalerus. At the same time Eurydice, the active and intriguing wife of Philip ArrhidaBUS, conceived the project of throwing ofl" the yoke of the regent, and concluded an alliance with Cassander, while she herself assembled an army with which she obtained for a time the complete possession of Macedonia. But in the spring of 317 Polysperchon, having united his ibrces with those of JEacides, king of Epirus, invaded Macedonia, accompanied by Olympias. Eurydice met them with equal daring ; but when the mother of Alexander appeared on the field, surrounded by a train in bacchanalian style, the Macedonians at once declared in her favour, and Eurydice, abandoned by her own troops, fled to Amphipolis, where she soon fell into the hands of Olympias, who put both her and her husband to death, with circumstances of the greatest cnielty. She next wreaked her vengeance on the family of Antipater, and on the adherents of Cassander. These events determined Cassander to proceed with all haste into Ma- cedonia. At his approach Olympias threw herself into Pydiia, together with Roxana and her son. Cassander forthwith laid Eiege to this place ; and after a blockade of some months it sur- rendered in the spring of 316. Olympias had stipulated that her life should be spared, but Cassander soon afterwards caused her to be murdered. After the fall of Pydna all Macedonia sub- mitted to Cassander ; who, after shutting up Roxana and her son in the citadel of Amphipolis, married Thcssalonica, a half- sister of Alexander the Great, witli the view of strengthening his pretensions to the throne. Shortly afterwanls Cassander marched into Greece, and beqan the restoration of Thebes (ii.c. 315), in the twentieth year after its destruction by Alexander, a measure highly popular with the Greeks. HO. A new war now broke out in the east. Antigonus hz.d become the most powerful of Alexander's successors. He had conquered Eumenes, who had long defied his arms, and he now B.C. 315. COALITION AGAINST ANTIGONUS. 561 began to dispose of the provinces as he thought fit. His increas- ing power and ambitious projects led to a general coalition against him, consisting of Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus, the governor of Thrace. The war began in the year 315, and was carried on with great vehemence and alternate success in Syria, PhoBuicia, Asia Minor, and Greece. After four years all parties became exhausted with the struggle, and peace was accordingly concluded in 311, on condition that the Greek cities should be free, that Cassander should retain his authority in Europe till Alexander came of age, that Ptolemy and Lysi- machus should keep possession of Thrace and Egypt respective- ly, and that Antigonus should have the government of all Asia. The name of Seleucus does not occur in the treaty. This hollow peace, which had been merely patched up for the convenience of the parties concerned, was not of long duration. It seems to have been the immediate cause of another of those crimes which disgrace the history of Alexander's successors. Alexander, who had now attained the age of sixteen, was still shut up with his mother Roxana in Amphipolis ; and his parti- sans, with injudicious zeal, loudly expressed their wish that he should be released and placed upon the throne. In order to avert this event Cassander contrived the secret murder both of the mother and the son. Hi. This abominable act, however, does not appear to have caused a breach of tho peace. Ptolemy was the first to break it (B.C. 310), under the pretext that Antigonus, by keeping his garrisons in the Greek cities of Asia and the islands, had not respected that article of the treaty which guaranteed Grecian freedom. After the war had lasted three years, Antigonus resolved to make a vigorous effort to wrest Greece from the hands of Cassander and Ptolemy, who held all the principal towns in it. Accordingly, in the summer of 307 b.c. he de- spatched his son Demetrius from Ephesus to Athens, with a fleet of 250 sail, and 5000 talents in money. Demetrius, who after- wards obtained the surname of " Poliorcetes," or " Besieger of Cities," was a young man of ardent temperament and great abilities. Upon arriving at the PirsBUs, he immediately pro- claimed the object of his expedition to be the liberation of Athens and the expulsion of the Macedonian garrison. Sup- ported by the Macedonians, Demetrius the Phalerean had now ruled Athens for a period of more than ten years. Of mean birth, Demetrius the Phalerean owed his elevation entirely to his talents and perseverance. His skill as an orator raised him to distinction among his countrymen ; and his politics, which led him to embrace the party of Phocion, recommended him to 2b* I • 'I il &62 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLT. Cassander and the Macedonians. He cultivated many branches of literature, and was at once an historian, a pliilosopher, and a poet ; but none of his works have come down to us. During the first period of his administration he appears to have governed wisely and equitably, to have improved the Athenian laws, ai;d to have adorned the city with uselul buildings.* But in spite cf his pretensions to philosophy, the possession of uncontrolled pow- er soon altered his character for the worse, and he became re- markable for luxury, ostentation, and sensuality. Hence he giad- ually lost the popularity which he had once enjoyed, and vihich had prompted the Athenians to raise to him no lewer than oGO bronze statues, most of them equestrian. The Athenians heaid with pleasure the proclamations of the gen of Antigonus ; his namesake, the Phalerean, was obliged to surrender tlie city to him, and to close his political career by retiring to Thebes. The Macedonian garrison in Munychia oHered a slight resistance, which was soon overcome. Demetrius Poliorcetes then formal- ly amiounced to the Athenian assembly the restoration of their ancient constitution, and promised them a large donative of corn and ship-timber. This munificence was repaid by the Athenians with the basest and most abject flattery. Both Demetrius and his father were deitied, and two new tribes, those of Antigonias and Demetrius, were added to the existing ten which derived their names from the ancient heroes of Attica. { 12. Demetrius Poliorcetes did not, however, remain long at Athens. Early in 306 b.c. he was recalled by his father, and, sailing to Cyprus, undertook the siege of Salamis. Ptolemy has- tened to its relief with 140 vessels and 1 0,000 troops. The bat- tle that ensued was one of the most memorable in the annals of ancient naval warfare, more particularly on account of the vast size of the vessels engaged. Ptolemy was ccmpletely deleated ; and so important was the victory deemed by Antigt)nus, that on the strength of it he assumed the title of king, which he also conferred upon his son. This example was followed by Ptolemy, Seleucus, and Lysimachus. Encouraged by their success at Cyprus, Antigonus and Deme- trius made an attempt upon Egjpt, which, however, proved a disastrous failure. By way of revenge, Demetrius undertook an expedition a^fainst Rhodes, which had refused its aid in the attack upon Ftolemy. It was from the memorable siege of Hhodes that Demetrius obtained his name of •• Poliorcetes." * A census which Demetrius took of the population of Attica, proba- bly in 309 B.C., the year of his archonship, gave 21,000 freemen, lo,OOU metiee, or resident aliens, and the amazing' number of 400,000 slaves. The wives and families of the free Dooulation must of course be added B.C. 301. BATTLE OF IPSUS. 563 After in vain attempting to take the town from the sea-side, by mc;aii3 of floating batteries, from which stones of enormous weight were hurled from engines with incredible force against the walls, he determined to alter his plan and invest it on the land-side. With the assistance of Epimachus, an Athenian en- gineer, he constructed a machine which, in anticipation of its effect, was called Helepolis, or " the city taker." This was a square wooden tower, loO feet high, and divided into nine stories, tilled with armad men, who discharged missiles through apertures in the sides. When armed and prepared for attack, it required the strength of 2300 men to set this enormous machine in motion. But though this formidable engine was assisted by the operation of two battering-rams, each 150 feet long and propelled by the labour of 1000 men, the Rhodians were so active in repairing the breaches made in their walls, that after a year spent in the vain attempt to take the town, Demetrius was forced to retire and grant tho Rhodians peace. M3. Whilst Demetrius was thus employed, Cassander had made great progress in reducing Greece. He had taken Corinth, and was besieging Athens, when Demetrius entered the Eurlpus. Cassander immediately raised the siege, and was subsequently defeated in an action near Thermopyla). When Demetrius en- tered Athens, he was received as belbre with the most extrava- gant flatteries. He remained two or three years in Greece, during which his superiority over Cassander was decided, though no great battle was fought. In the spring of 301 b.c. he was recalled by his father Anti- gjnus, who stood in need of his assistance against Lysimachus and Sjleucus. In the course of the same year the struggle be- twj^ii Antigonus and his rivals was brought to a close by the battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, in which Antigonus was killed, and his army completely defeated. Antigonus had attained the age of 81 at the time of his death. Demetrius retreated with the remnant of the army to Ephesus, whence he sailed to Cyprus, and afterwards proposed to go to Athens ; but the Athenians, alienated by his lU-lbrtune at Ipsus, refused to receive him. Se- leucus and Lysimachus shared between them the possessions of Antigonus. Lysimachus seems to have had the greater part of Asia Minor, whilst the whole country from the coast of Syria to th3 Euphrates, as well as a part of Phrygia and Cappadocia, fell to tho share of Seleucus. The latter founded on the Orontes a now capital of his empire, which he named after his father Antioch. The fall of Antigonus secured Cassander in the pos- session of Greece, though it does not appear that any formal treaty was entered into for that purpose . i B.a 204. Group of Dirce. From the Museum at Naples. CHAPTER XLVI. FROM THE BATTLE OF IPSUS TO TIIE CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. § 1. Proceedinijs of Demetrius Poliorcetes. lie captures Athens. 8 2. Obtains the Macedonian crown. Ilia flight and death. §3. Lysimachus reigns over Macedonia. He is defeated and slain by Seleucus. 8 4. Se- leucus assassinated by Ptolemy Ccraunus. 1 nvasion of the Celts, and death of Ptolemy Ceraunus. § 5. AntlgonusGonatasascendstheMace- donian throne. Death of Fyrrhusof Epirus. Chremonidean war. §6. The Achiean League. § 7. State of Sparta. Reforms of Agis and Cleo- menes. The Cleomenic war. § 8. The jEtolian League. § 9. The SocialWar. §10. WarbetweenPhilipand the Romans. §11. Philopoo- men. § 12. Second war between Philip and the Romans. Battle of Cynoscephalffi. § 13. Defeat of Antiochus, and subjugation of the ^tolians by the Romans. § 14. Extension of the Achaean League. Conquest of Spartft. Death of Philopoemen. § 15. War between Perseus and the Romans. Conquest of Macedonia. §16. Proceedings of the Romans in Greece. § 17. Athens and Oropus. War between the Acha?ans and Spartans. § 18. The Spartans appeal to the RomanB» who reduce Greece into a Roman province. f 1. After his repulse from Athens, Demetrius proceeded towards Peloponnesus, but found that his allies in that quarter had also abondoned him and embraced the cause of Cassander. DEMETRIUS GAINS MACEDONL^ 565 He was, however, neither ruined nor discouraged. On leaving the Peloponnesus (b.c. 300) he proceeded to the Thracian Cher- sonese, and ravaged the territory of Lysimachus. Whilst en- gaged in this expedition he was agreeably surprised by receiv- ing an embassy from Seleucus, by which that monarch solicited his daughter Stratonice in marriage. Demetrius gladly granted the request, and found himself so much strengthened by this alliance, that in the spring of the year 296 he was in a con- dition again to attack Athens, which he captured after a long siege, and drove out the bloodthirsty tyrant Lachares, who had been established there by Cassander. Such was thq extremity of famine to which the Athenians had been reduced, that we are told of a father and son quarrelling for a dead mouse ; and the philosopher Epicurus supported himself, and the society over which he presided, by dividing amongst them daily a small quantity of beans. On becoming master of the city, Demetrius, much to the surprise of the Athenians, treated them with great lenity and indulgence, and in consideration of their distresses, made them a present of a large quantity of com. ^ 2. Meanwhile Cassander had died shortly before the siege of Athens, and was succeeded on the throne of Macedon by his eldest son, Philip IV.* But that young prince died in 295, and the succession was disputed between his two brothers, Antipater and Alexander. Their mother Thessalonica, a daughter of the great Philip, seems to have been their guardian, and to have attempted to arrange their disputes by dividing the kingdom between them ; but Antipater, thinking that she favoured Alex- ander, slew her with his own hand in a fit of jealous rage Alexander now called in the aid of Pyrrhus, king of Epims, as well as of Demetrius, who was in the Peloponnesus with his army. Pyrrhus, as the nearest, was the first to respond to this call, and efiected a partition of Macedonia between the two brothers ; an arrangement, which, as it weakened a neighbouring kingdom, was favourable to his own interests. Shortly after- wards (294) Demetrius, who saw in the distracted state of Mace- donia an opening for his own ambitious designs, appeared in that country with his forces. Alexander havhig joined him with his army, Demetrius caused that young prince to be assassinated and was saluted king by the troops. Demetrius reigned over Macedonia, and the greater part of Greece, about seven years He aimed at recovering the whole of his father's dominions in Asia ; but before he was ready to take the field, his adver- saries, alarmed at his preparations, detemiined to forestall * Philip Arrhidajus is called Philip IIL '®6ft HISTORY OF GREECE. CUAF. XLVl B.C. 280. INVASION OF THE CELTS. :it him. In the spring of b.c. 287, Ptolemy sent a powerful fleet against Greece, while Pyrrhus on the one side and Lysimachus on the other simultaneously invaded Macedoiua. Demetrius had completely alienated his own subjects by his proud and haughty bearing, and by his lavish expenditure on his own luxuries; while Pyrrhus by his generosity, afiability, and daring courage, had become the hero of the Macedonians, who looked upon him as a second Alexander. The appearance of Pyrrhus was the signal for revolt : the Macedonian troops flocked to his standard, and Demetrius was compelled to fly. Pyrrhus now ascended the throne of Macedonia ; but his reign was of brief duration ; and at the end of seven months he was in turn driven out by Lysi- machus. Demetrius made several attempts to regain his power in Greece, and then set sail for Asia, where he successively endea- voured to establish himself in the territories of Lysimachus, and of his son-in-law Seleucus. Falling at length into the hands of the latter, ho was kept in a kind of magnilicent captivity in a royal residence in SjTia ; where, in 283, at the early age of 55, his chequered career was broi:ght to a close, jiartly by chagrin, and partly by the sensual indulgences with which he endea- voured to divert it. § 3. The history cf Alexander's successors continued to be marked to the end by the same ambition, the same dissen- sions, and the same crimes which had stained it from the first. The power of Lysimachus had been greatly increased by the acquisition of Macedonia ; and he now found himself in posses- sion of all the dominions in Europe that had formed part cf tlie Macedonian monarchy, as well as of the greater part of Asia Minor. Of Alexander's immediate successors, Lysimachus and Seleucus were the only two remaining competitors ibr power; and with the exception of Egypt, those two sovereigns divided Alexander's empire between them. In Eg}'pt the aged Ptolemy had abdicated in 285 in favour of his son by Berenice, afterwards known as Ptolemy Philadelphus, and to the exclusion of his eldest son, Ptolemy Ceraunus, by his wife Eurydice. Ptolemy Ceraunus quitted Egypt in disgust, and fled to the court of Lysimachus ; and although Arsinoc, the wife of Lysimachus, was own sister to his rival, Ptolemy Philadelphus, he succeeded in gaining her entire confidence. Arsinoe, jealous of her stepson Agathocles, the heir apparent to the throne, and desirous of securing the succession for her own children, conspired with Ptolemy Ceraunus against his life. She even procured the consent of Lysimachus to his murder ; and after some vain attempts to make away with him by poison, he was flung into prison, where Ptolemy Ceraunus despatched him with his own hand. Lysandra, the mother cf 507 Agathocles, fled with the rest of her family to Seleucus, to de- mand from him protection and vengeance : and Seleucus, induced by the hopes of success, inspired by the discontent and dissen- sions which so foul an act had excited among the subjects of Lysimachus, espoused her cause. The hostilities which ensued between him and Lysimachus were brought to a termination by the battle of Corupedion, fought near Sardis in 281, in which Lysimachus was defeated and slain. By this victory, Macedo- nia, and the whole of Alexander's empire, with the exception of Egypt, southern Syria, Cyprus, and part of PhcBnicia, fell under the sceptre of Seleucus. § 4. That monarch, who had not beheld his native land since he first joined the expedition of Alexander, now crossed the Hellespont to take possession of Macedonia. Ptolemy Ceraunus, who after the battle of Corupedion had thrown himself on the mercy of Seleucus, and had been received with forgiveness and favour, accompanied him on this journey. The murder of Aga- thocles^ had not been committed by Ptolemy merely to obhge Arsinoe. He had even then designs upon the supreme power, which he now completed by another crime. As Seleucus stopped to sacrifice at a celebrated altar near Lysimachia in Thrace, Ptolemy treacherously assassinated him by stabbing him in the back (280). After this base and cowardly act, Ptolemy Ceraunus, who gave himself out as the avenger of Lysimachus, w as, by one of those movements wholly inexplicable to our modern notions saluted king by the army ; but the Asiatic dominions of Seleucus fell to his son Antiochus, surnamed Soter. The crime of Ptole- my, however, was speedily overtaken by a just punishment. In the very same year his kingdom of Macedonia and Thrace was invaded by an immense host of Celts, and Ptolemy fell at the head of the forces which he led against them. A second inva- sion of the same barbarians compelled the Greeks to raise a force for their defence, which was entrusted to the command of the Athenian Callippus (b.c. 279). On this occasion the Celts, attracted by the report of treasures which were now perhaps little more than an empty name, penetrated as far southwards as Delphi, with the view of plundering the temple. The god, It IS said, vindicated his sanctuary on this occasion in the same supernatural manner as when it was attacked by the Persians : It IS at all events certain that the Celts were repulsed with great loss, including that of their leader Brennus. Nevertheless some of their tribes succeeded in establishing themselves near the Danube; others settled on the sea-coast of Thrace; whilst a third portion passed over into Asia, and gave their name to the country called Galatia. 568 HISTORY OF GREECE. Cdap. XLVI. f 5. After the death of Ptolemy Ceraimiis, Maceiloiiia fell for Borae time into a state of anarchy and confusion, and the crown was disputed hy several pretenders. At length, in 278, Anti- gonus Gonatas, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, succeeded in es- tablishing himself on the throne of Macedonia ; and, with the exception of two or three years (274-272) during which he was temporarily expelled by Pyrrhus, he continued to retain posses- sion of it till his death in 239. The struggle between Antigoims and Pyrrhus was brought to a close at Argos, in 272. Pyrrhus had marched into the Peloponnesus with a large force in order to make war upon Sparta, but with the collateral design of re- ducing the places which still held out for Antigonus. Pyrrhus, having failed in an attempt to take Sparta, marched against Argos, where Antigonus also arrived with liis forces. Both ar- mies entered the city by opposite gates ; and in a battle which ensued in the streets, Pyrrhus was struck from his horse by a tile hurled by a woman from a house top, and was then de- spatched by some soldiers of Antigonus. Such was the inglo- rious end of one of the bravest and most warlike monarchs of antiquity ; whose character for moral virtue, though it would not stand the test of modern scrutiny, shone out conspicuously in comparison with that of contemporary sovereigns ; but whose enterprises, undertaken rather from the love of action than from any well-directed ambition, were rendered abortive by their de- sultory nature. Antigonus Gonatas now made himself master of the greater part of Peloponnesus, which he governed by means of tyrants whom he established in various cities. He then appHed himself to the reduction of Athens, whose defence was assisted by an Egyptian fleet and a Spartan army. This war, which is some- times called the Chrcmonidean war, from the Athenian Chre- monides, who played a conspicuous part in defending the city, lasted six or seven years, and reduced the Athenians to great misery. Athens was at length taken, probably in 2G2. ^ 6. While all Greece, with the exception of Sparta, seeriied hopelessly prostrate at the feet of Macedonia, a new political power, which sheds a lustre on the declining period of Grecian history, arose in a small province in Peloponnesus, of which the very name has been hitherto rarely mentioned since the heroic age. In Achaia, a narrow slip of country upon the shores of the Corinthian gulf, a league, chiefly for religious purposes, had existed from a very early peri(xl among the twelve chief cities of the province. This league, however, had never possessed much political importance, and it had been finally suppressed by the Macedonians. At the time of which we are speaking B.C. 251. ACH.^AN LEAGUE. 569 Antigonus Gonatas was in possession of all the cities formerly belonging to the league, either by means of his garrisons or of the tyrants who were subservient to him. It was, however, this very oppression that led to a more efficient revival of the league. The Achaean towns, now only ten in number, as two had been destroyed by earthquakes, began gradually to coalesce again ; a process which was much facihtated after Antigonus had with- drawn from Greece to take up his residence at Pella, where the afliiirs of Macedonia chiefly occupied his attention. But Aratus of Sicyon, one of the most remarkable characters of this period of Grecian history, was the man who, about the year 251 b.c, first called the new league into active political existence. Aratus was one of those characters who, though not deficient in bold- ness and daring, seem incapable of exerting these qualities except in stratagems and ambuscades. He had long lived in exile at Argos, whilst his native city groaned under the dominion of a succession of tyrants. Having collected a band of exiles, Aratus surprised Sicyon in the night time, and drove out the last and most unpopular of these tyrants. Instead of seizing the tyranny for himself, as he might easily have done, Arati^ consulted only the advantage of his country, and with this view united Sicyon with the Achaian league. The accession of so important a town does not appear to have altered the con- stitution of the confederacy. The league was governed by a Strategus, or general, whose functions were both military and civil ; a Grammatcus, or secretary, and a council oi ten demiurgi. The sovereignty, however, resided in the general assembly, which met twice a year in a sacred grove near^Egium. It was com- posed of every Achaian who had attained the age of thirty, and possessed the right of electing the officers of the league, and of deciding all questions of war, peace, foreign alliances, and the like. In the year 245 b.c. Aratus was elected Strategus of the league, and again in 243. In the latter of these years he suc- ceeded in wresting Corinth from the Macedonians by another nocturnal surprise, and uniting it to the league. The confe- deracy now spread with wonderful rapidity. It was soon joined by TrcBzen, Epidaurus, Hermione, and other cities ; and uhi- mately embraced Athens, Megara, ^Egina, Salamis, and the whole Peloponnesus, with the exception of Sparta, Elis, and some of the Arcadian towns. k 7. Sparta, it is tme, still continued to retain her independ- ence, but without a shadow of her former greatness and power. The primitive simplicity of Spartan manners had been com- pletely destroyed by the collection of weahh into a few hands, and by the consequent progress of luxury. The number of S70 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XLVl I .^ I i: Spartan citizens had been reduced to 700 ; but even of these there were not above a hundred who possessed a sufficient quantity of land to maintain themselves in independence. The Spartan kin^s had ceased to be the patriotic servants and generals of their country. Like the comlottieri of more modern times, they were accustomed, since the time of Alexander the Great, to let out their services to the highest bidder ; and no longer content with the simple habits of their forefathers, they repaired to foreign courts in order to squander the wealth thus acquired in lux- uries which they could not procure at home. The young king, Agis IV., who succeeded to the crown in 244, attempted to revive the ancient Spartan virtue, by restoring the institutions of Lycurgus, by cancelling all debts, and by making a new distri- bution of lands ; and with this view he relinquished all his own property, as well as that of his family, for the public gccd. These reforms, though promoted by one ol' the Ephors, were opposed by Leonidas, the colleague of Agis in the monarchy, who rallied the majority of the more wealthy citizens around him. Agis and liis party succeeded, however, in deposing Leo- nidas, and for a time his plans promised to be successful ; but having midertaken an exjiedition to assist Aratus against the iEtolians, the opposite party took advantage of his absence to reinstate Leonidas, and when Agis returned, he was put to death (241). But a lew years afterwards, Cleomenes, the son of Leonidas, succeeded in eli'ecting the relbrms which had been contemplated by Agis ; a course which he was probably induced to take by the widow of Agis, whom he had married. It was his military successes that enabled Cleomenes to carry out his political views. Aratus, in his zeal for extending the Achaean confederacy, attempted to seize the Arcadian towns of Orcho- merms, Tegea, and Mantinea, which the JEtolians had ceded to Sparta, whereupon a war ensued (227-226) in which the forces of the league were defeated by Cleomenes. The latter then sud- denly returned home at the head of his victorious aniiy, and after putting the Ephors to death, proceeded to carry out the reforms projected by Agis, as w^ell as several others which regarded mili- tary discipline. The efiect of these new measures soon became visible in the increased success of the Spartan arms. Aratus was so hard pressed that he was compelled to solicit the assist- ance of the Macedonians. Botli Antigonus Gonatas and his son Demetrius IL — who had reigned in Macedonia from 239 to 221) were now dead, and the government was administered by B.C Antigonus Doson, as guardian of Philip, the youthful son of Demetrius II. Antigonus Doson, who obtained the latter sur- name from his readiness in making promises, was the grandson B.C. 220. ^ETOLIAN LEAGUE. 6T1 of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and the nephew of Antigonus Gonatas. The Macedonians compelled him to accept the crown ; but he remained faithful to his trust as guardian of Philip, whose mo- ther he married ; and though he had children of his own by her, yet Philip succeeded him on his death. It was to Antigonus Doson that Aratus applied for assistance ; and in 223 the Mace- donian king marched into the Peloponnesus and compelled Cleo- menes to retire into Laconia. This war between Cleomenes and Aratus, which is called the Cleomenic war, lasted altogether about six years. It broke out in 227, and was not brought to a close till two years after the intervention of Doson. After his defeat Cleomenes raised a considerable sum by allowing 6000 Helots to purchase their freedom ; and having thus recruited his army, he in the following year attacked and destroyed Mega- lopolis. He afterwards pushed his successes up to the very walls of Argos ; but in 221 he was totally defeated by Antigonus Doson in the fatal battle of Sellasia in Laconia. The army of Cleomenes was almost totally annihilated ; he himself was obliged to fly to Egypt ; and Sparta, which for many centuries had re- mained unconquered, fell into the hands of the victor. k 8. Antigonus, however, did not live long to enjoy his success. Before the end of the year he was recalled to Macedonia by an invasion of the lUyrians, which he repelled, but he shortly after- wards died of a consumption. He was succeeded by Phihp V.. the son of Demetrius 1 1., who was then about sixteen or seven- teen years of age. His youth encouraged the iEtolians to make predatory incursions into the Peloponnesus. That people were a species of freebooters, and the terror of their neighbours ; yet they were united, like the Achseans, in a confederacy or league. The JEtolian league was a confederation of tribes in- stead of cities, like the Ach^an. Its history is involved in ob- scurity ; but it must at all events have had a fixed constitution even in the time of Phihp and Alexander the Great, since Aris- totle wrote a treatise on it ; and after the death of Alexander we find the League taking a prominent part in the Lamian war. The diet or council of the league, called the Panatolicum, assem- bled every autumn, generally at Thermon, to elect the strategus and other officers ; but the details of its afTairs were conducted by a committee called Apodeti, who seem to have formed a sort of permanent council. The JEtolians had availed themselves of the disorganised state of Greece consequent upon the death of A exander to extend their power, and had gradually made them- selves masters of Locris, Phocis, Bceotia, together Avith portions of Acarnania, Thessaly, and Epinis. Thus both the Amphic- tyonic Council and the oracle of Delphi were in their power. i^t HISTORY OF GREECE. CnAP. XLVl. They had early wrested Naiipactus from the Achaeans, and had subsequently acquired several Peloponnesian cities. ^ 9. Such was the condition of the jEtolians at the time of Philip's accession. Soon after that event we find them, lu.iler the leadership of Dorimachus, engaged in a series of freebooting expeditions in Messenia, and other parts of Peloponnesus. Aratus marched to the assistance of the Messcnians at the head of the Achajan forces, but was totally defeated in a battle near Caphyae. The Achffians now saw no hope of safety except through the assistance of Philip. That young monarch was ambitious and enterprising, possessing considerable military ability, and much political sagacity. He readily listened to the application of the Acha;ans, and in 220 entered into an alliance with them. The war which ensued between the JEtolians on one side, and the Achaeans, assisted by Philip, on the other, and which lasted about three years, has been called the Social War. Philip gained several victories over the iEtolians, but he concluded a treaty of peace with them in 217, because he was anxious to turn his arms against another and more formidable power. MO. The great struggle, now going on between Rome and Carthage, attracted the attention of the whole civilized world. It was evident that Greece, distracted by intestine quarrels, must be soon swallowed up by whichever of those great states might prove successful ; and of the two, the ambition of the Romans, who had already gained a footing on the eastern shores of the Adriatic, was by far the more formidable to Greece. Philip's inchnation to take part in the great struggle in the west was increased by the news of the overthrow of the Romans at the lake of Trasimene ; and he therefore readily listened to the advice and solicitations of Demetrius of Pharos, who had been driven by the Romans from his Illyrian domin- ions, and who now appealed to him for assistance. After the conclusion of the peace with the JEtolians Philip prepared a large fleet, which he employed to watch the movements of the Romans, and in the following year (216) he concluded a treaty with Hannibal, which, among other clauses, provided that the Romans should not be allowed to retain their conquests on the eastern side of the Adriatic. He even meditated an invasion of Italy, and with that view endeavoured to make himself master of Apollonia and Oricum. But though he succeeded in taking the latter city, the Romans, under M. Valerius Lavinus, surprised his camp whilst he was besieging Apollonia ; and as they had likewise blockaded the mouth of the river Aous with their fleet, Philip was compelled to bum his ships and retire. Meanwhile Phihp had acted in a most arbitary manner in the RC. 208. PHILOP(EMEN. 578 affairs of Greece ; and when Aratus remonstrated with him re- specting his proceedings, he got rid of his former friend and comi- sellor by means of a slow and secret poison (b.c. 213). When the affairs of the Romans had begun to recover in Italy, they directed their attention more seriously towards Greece, and in the year 211 concluded an alliance with the iEtolians, who were now weary of peace, and declared war against Philip. Be- fore the end of the year, the Romans made themselves masters of Zacynthus, with the exception of the capital ; and having also wrested (Eiiiadfe and Naxos from the Acarnanians transferred these acquisitions to the iEtolians, and retained the booty for them- selves, agreeably to the treaty. In the following year the town of Anticyra and the island of ^gina were treated in a similar manner. Ml. In B.C. 209, the Achasans, being hard pressed by the JEtolians, were again induced to call in the aid of Philip. The spirit of the Achaeans was at this time revived by PhilipoBmen, one of the few noble characters of the period, and who has been styled by Plutarch " the last of the Greeks." He was a native of Megalopolis in Arcadia, and had already distinguished him- self in the Cieornenic war, and especially at the battle of Sellasia, which was mainly won by a decisive charge which he made, with- out orders, at the head of the Megalopolitan horse. In 210 he was appointed to the command of the Achaean cavalry, and in 208 he was elected Strategus of the League. In both these posts Philopcemen made great alterations and improvements in the arms and discipline of the Achaean forces, which he assimi- lated to those of the Macedonian phalanx. These reforms, as well as the public spirit with which he had inspired the Acha?ans, were attended with the most beneficial results. In 207 Philopoe- man gained at Mantinea a signal victory over the Lacedajmoni- iiis, who had joined the Roman alliance ; 4000 of them were left upon the field, and among them Machanidas, who had made himself tyrant of Sparta. This decisive battle, combined with the withdrawal of the Romans, who, being desirous of turning their undivided attention towards Carthage, had made peace with Philip (205), secured for a few years the tranquillity of Greece. It also raised the fame of Philopcemen to its highest point ; and in the next Nemean festival, being a second "time general of the league, he was hailed by the assembled Greeks as the hberator of their country. § 12. Upon the conclusion of the second Punic war, the Ro- mans renewed their enterprises in Greece, for which the conduct of Phihp, who had assisted the Carthaginians, afforded them ample pretence. . Philip's attempts in the vEgean sea, and in Attica, had also caused many complaints to be lodged against him if* HISTORY OF GREECE. Cbap. XLVL B.C. 19T. BATTLE OF CYNOSCEPHAL^ 5T5 at Rome ; aiid in b.c. 200 the Romans declared war against him. Athens, which he had besieged, was reheved by a Ro- man fleet ; but beibre he withdrew, Philip, prompted by anger and revenge, displayed his barbarism by destroying the gardens and buildings in the suburbs, including the Lyceum and the tombs of the Attic heroes ; and in a second incursion which he made with large reinforcements, he committed still greater excesses. For some time, however, the war lingered on without any de- cided success on either side. But in 198 the consul T. Quinctius Flamininus succeeded hi gaining over the Achajau league to the Roman alliance ; and as the ^tolians had previously deserted Phihp, both these powers fought for a short time on the samo side. In 197 the struggle between tlie Romans and Philip was brought to a termination by the battle of Cynoscephala?, near SScotussa, ill Thessaly, which decided the late of the Macedonian monarchy. Philip was obliged to sue for peace, and in the fol- lowing year ( 19G) a treaty was ratified by which the Macedonians were compelled to renounce their supremacy, to withdraw their garrisons from the Grecian towns, to surrender their fleet, and to pay 1 000 talents for the expenses of the Mar. At the ensuing Isthmian games, Flamininus solemnly proclaimed the freedom of the Greeks, and was received by them with overwhelming joy f and gratitude. The Romans, however, still held the fortresses of the Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, and Chalcis ; and it was not till 194 that they showed any real intention of carryhig out their promises by withdrawing their armies from Greece. H3. The -SltoUans, dissatisfied with these arrangements, en- deavoured to persuade Nabis, who had succeeded Machanidas as tyrant of Sparta, Antiochus III., king of Syria, as well as Philip, xo enter into a league against the Romans. But Anti- ochus alone, at whose court Hannibal was then residing as a refugee, ventured to listen to these overtures. He passed over into Greece with a wholly inadequate force, and was defeated by the Romans at Thermopylae (b.c. 1 9 1 ). The ^tolians were now compelled to make head against the Romans by themselves. After some ineffectual attempts at resistance, they were reduced to sue for peace, which they at length obtained, but on the most humiliating conditions (b.c. 189). These, as dictated to them in Ambracia, by M. Fulvius NobiUor, differed but little from an unconditional surrender. They were required to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, to renounce all the conquests they had recently made, to pay an indemnity of 500 talents, and to engage in future to aid the Romans in their wars. The power of the iEtolian league was thus for ever crushed, though it seems to have eiisted, in name at least, till a much later period. M4. The Achaean league still subsisted, but was destined before long to experience the same fate as its rival. At first, indeed, it enjoyed the protection of the Romans, and even ac- quired an extension of members through their influence, but this protectorate involved a state of almost absolute dependence. Philopoemen also had succeeded, in the year 192, in adding Sparta to the League, which now embraced the whole of Pelo- ponnesus. But Sparta having displayed symptoms of insubor- dination, Philopoemen marched against it in 188, and captured the city ; when he put to death eighty of the leading men, com- manded all the inhabitants who had been enfranchised by the recent tyrants to leave the place by a fixed day, razed the walls and fortiticatious, abolished the institutions of Lycurgus, and compelled the citizens to adopt the democratic constitution of the Achaeans. Meanwhile, the Romans regarded with satisfac- tion the internal dissensions of Greece, which they foresaw would only render her an easier prey, and neglected to answer the appeals of the Spartans for protection. In 183 the Mes- senians, under the leadership of Dinocrates, having revolted from the league, Philopoemen, who had now attained the age of 70, led an expedition against them ; but having fallen from his horse in a skirmish of cavalry, he was captured, and conveyed with many circumstances of ignominy to Messene, where, after a sort of mock trial, he was executed. His fate was avenged by Lycortas, the commander of the Achaian cavalry, the father of the histo- rian Polybius. In the following year, Lycortas, now Strategus, captured Messene, and having compelled those who had Iwjen concerned in the death of Philopoemen to put an end to their own lives, conveyed the ashes of that general to Megalopolis, where they were interred with heroic honours. § 15. In B.C. 179 Philip died, and was succeeded by his son Perseus, the last monarch of Macedonia. The latter years of the reign of Philip had been spent in preparations for a renewal of the war, which he foresaw to be inevitable ; and when Perseus ascended the throne, he found himself amply provided with men and money for the impending contest. But, whether from a sincere desire of peace, or from irresolution of character, he sought to avert an open rupture as long as possible, and one of the first acts of his reign was to obtain from the Romans a renewal of the treaty which they had concluded with his father. It is probable that neither party was sincere in the con- clusion of this peace, at least neither could entertain any hope of its duration ; yet a period of seven years elapsed before the mutual enmity of the two powers broke out into open hostilities. Meanwhile, Perseus was not idle ; he secured the attachment of ili HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XLVL his subjects by equitable and popular measures, and fonned alliances not only with the Greeks and the Asiatic princes, but also with the Thracian, Illyrian, and Celtic tribes which sur- rounded his dominions. The Romans naturally viewed these proceedings with jealousy and suspicion ; and at lenj^lli, in 172, Perseus was formally accused beibre the Roman senate, by Eu- menes, king of Pergamus, in person, of entertaining hostile de- signs against the Roman power. The murder of Eumenesnear Delphi, on his return homewards, of which Perseus was suspected, aggravated the feeling against him at Rome, and in the follow- ing year war was declared against him. Perseus was at the head of a numerous and well-appointed army, but of all his allies, only Cotys, king of the Odrysians, ventured to support him against so ibrmidablc a foe. Yet the war was protracted three years without any decisive result ; nay, the balance of success seemed on the whole to incline in favour of Perseus, and many states, which before were wavering, now showed a disposition to join his cause. But liis ill-timed parsi- mony restrained him from taking advantage of their otiers, and in 168 the arrival of the consul, L. ^milius Paulus, completely changed the aspect of affairs. Perseus was driven from a strong position which he had taken up on the banks of the Enipeus, forced to retreat to Pydna, and finally to accept an engagement near that town. At first the scnied ranks of the phalanx seemed to promise superiority ; but its order having been broken by the inequalities t f the ground, the Roman legionaries pene- trated into the disordered mass, and committed fearful carnage, to the extent, it is raid, of 20,000 men. Perseus fled first to Pella, then to AmphipoUs, and finally to the sanctuary of the eacred island of Samothrace, but was at length obliged to sur- render himself to a Roman squadron. He was carried to Rome to adorn the triumph of Paulus (167), and was afterwards cast into a dungeon ; from w^hence, however, he was liberated at the intercession of his conqueror, and pennitted to spend the re- mainder of his life in a sort of honourable captivity at Alba. Such was the end of the Macedonian empire, which was now divided into four districts, each under the jurisdiction of an oli- garchical council. § 16. The Roman commissioners deputed to arrange the affairs of Macedonia did not confine their attention to that pro- vince, but evinced their designs of bruiging all Greece under the Roman sway. In these views they were assisted by various despots and traitors in different Grecian cities, and especially by Calhcrates, a man of great influence among the Ach»ans, and who for many years lent liimself as the base tool of the Romans B.C. 168. CONQUEST OF MACEDONIA. 677 to effect the enslavement of his country. After the fall of Ma- cedonia, Callicrates denounced more than a thousand leading Achajans who had favoured the cause of Perseus. These, among whom was Polybius the historian, were apprehended and sent to Rome for trial. Polybius was one of the survivors, who, after a captivity of seventeen years, were permitted to return to their native country. A still harder fate was experienced by jEtolia, BcBotia, Acarnania, and Epinis. In the last-named country, especially, no fewer than seventy of the ] vincipal towns were abandoned by Paulus to his soldiers for piling ., and 150,000 persons are said to have been sold into slaver^'. $ 17. An obscure quarrel between Athens and Oropus was the remote cause which at length aflbrded the Romans a pretence for crushing the small remains of Grecian independence by the destruction of the Achaean league. For some time Athens had been reduced to a sort of political mendicancy, and was often fain to seek assistance in her distress from the bounty of the Eastern princes or of the Ptolemies of Egypt. In the year 156 the poverty of the Athenians became so urgent, that they were induced to make a piratical expedition against Oropus Ibr the purposes of plunder. On the complaint of the Oropians the Roman Senate assigned the adjudication of the matter to the Sicyonians, who condemned the Athenians to pay the large fine of 500 talents. In order to obtain a mitigation of this fine the Athenians despatched to Rome (in 151) the celebrated embassy of the three philosophers — Diogenes the Stoic, Critolaiis the Peripatetic, and Carneades, the founder of the third Academy. The ambassadors were nominally successful, since they obtained a reduction of the fine to 100 talents ; a sum, however, still iriucli greater than the Athenians were in a condition to pay. The subsequent relations between Athens and Oropus are ob- scure ; but in 1 50 we find the Oropians complaining of a fresh aggression, which consisted in an attack upon some of their citi- zens by the Athenian soldiers. On this occasion the Oropians appealed for protection to the Achajan league, which, however, at first declined to interfere. The Oropians now bribed a Spar- tan named Menalcidas, who was at that time Strategus, with a present of 10 talents ; and Menalcidas employed the corrupt in- fluence of Callicrates to procure the intervention of the league. Menalcidas having subsequently defrauded Callicrates of the sum which he had promised him, the latter accused him of having advised the Romans during liis administration to cfiect the detachment of Sparta from the league. Menalcidas escaped condemnation by bribing Diaus, his successor in the office of Strategus. But such was the obloquy incurred by Dia'us through 2C 578 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XLVL this transaction, that in order to divert public attention from himself, he incited the Acha^ans to violent measures against Sparta, which ultimately involved the league in a fatal struggle with Eome. His pretext for making war on the Spartans was, that instead of appealing to the league respecting a boundary question, as they ought to have done, they had violated its laws by sending a private embassy to Rome. H8. The Spartans, feeling themselves incompetent to resist this attack, appealed to the Romans for assistance ; and in 147 two Roman commissioners were sent to Greece to settle these disputes. These commissioners decided that not only Sparta, but Corinth, and all the other cities, except those ol" Achaia, should be restored to their independence. This decision occa- sioned serious riots at Corinth. All the Spartans in the town were seized, and even the Roman commissioners narrowly es- caped violence. On their return to Rome a fresh embassy was despatched to demand satisfaction for these outrages. But the violent and impolitic conduct of Critolaiis, then Strategus of the league, rendered all attempts at accommodation fruitless, and after the return of the ambassadors the Senate declared war against the league. The cowardice and incompetence of Crito- laiis as a general were only equalled by his previous insolence. On the approach of the Romans under Metellus from Macedonia he did not even venture to make a stand at Thermopylae ; and being overtaken by them near Scarphea in Locris, he was totally defeated, and never again heard of Diseus, who succeeded him as Strategus, displayed rather more energy and courage. But a fresh Roman force under Mummius having landed on the isth- mus, Biaeus was overthrown in a battle near Corinth ; and that city was immediately evacuated not only by the troops of the league, but also by the greater part of the inhabitants. On entering it Mummius put the few males who remained to the Bword ; sold the women and children as slaves ; and having car- ried away all its treasures, consigned it to the flames (b.c. 146). Corinth was filled with masterpieces of ancient art ; but Mum- mius was so insensible of their surpassing excellence, as to stipulate with those who contracted to convey them to Italy, that if any were lost in the passage, they should be replaced by others of equal value I Mummius then employed himself in chastising and regulating the whole of Grreece ; and ten commis- sioners were sent from Rome to settle its future condition. The whole country, to the borders of Macedonia and Epirus, was formed into a Roman province, under the name of Achaia, de- rived from that confederacy which had made the last strugglo Ibr its political existence. Group of the Laocoon. CHAPTER XLVII. HISTORY OF GRECIAN ART FROM THE END OF THE FELOPONNESIAIT WAR TO ITS DECLINE. §1. Later school of Athenian sculpture. §2. Scopas. §3. Praxiteles. § 4. Sicyonian school of sculpture. Euphranor, Lysippus. 8 5. Sicyo- iiian school of painting. Euponipus, Phaniphilus, Apelles. ^6. Archi- tecture. § 7. Period after Alexander the Great. School of Rhodes. § 8. Plunder of Greek works of art by the Romans. § 1. After the close of the Peloponnesian war, what is called the second or later school of Attic sculpture still continued to assert its pre-eminence. In style and character, however, it pre- sented a marked difference from the school of the preceding^ age. The excitement and misfortunes which had attended the war had worked a great change in the Athenians. This was communicated to their works of art, which noAV manifested an expression of stronger passion and of deeper feeling. The serene and composed majesty which had marked the gods and heroes of the earlier artists altogether vanished. The new school of sculptures preferred to take other deities for their sub- jects than those which had been selected by their predecessors ; and Jove, Hera, and Athena gave place to gods, characterized by !( I G80 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XLVH more violent feelings and passions, such as Dionysus, Aphrodite, and Eros. These formed the favorite subjects of the later Athenian school, and received from it that stamp and character of representation which they retained through the succeeding period of classic art. A change is also observable in the ma- terials employed, and in the technical handling of them. Tlic magnificently adorned chryso-deplianlifie statues almost wholly disappear ; marble becomes more frequently used, especially by the Athenian statuaries, and the whole execution is softer and more flowing. k 2. The only two artists of this school whom it will be neces- sary to mention are Scopas and Praxiteles. Scopas was a native of Paros, and flourished in the first half of the fourth century B,c. His exact date can not be ascertained, nor is there any- thing known of his life, except in connexion with his works, of which some specimens still remain. Among these are the bas- reliefs on the frieze of the perystyle which surrounded the Mau- soleum, or tomb of Mausolus, at Halicarnassus(5i^/;*w;?i), some of which are now deposited in the British Museum (Budrum Marbles). Their style is very similar to that of the sculptures on tb*? frieze of the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates, which is of the same period of art.* Both are of high excellence, but inferior to the frieze of the Parthenon. Scopas, however, was more famous for single statues and detached groups than ior architectural sculpture. His statues of Aphrodite were very celebrated in antiquity. That of the victorious Aphrodite (Venus victrixj in the Louvre at Paris is ascribed to his chisel by many competent judges. But the most esteemed of all his works was a group representing Achilles conducted by the marine deities to the island of L^uce. It consisted of figures of Poseidon, Thetis, and Achilles, surrounded by Nereids on dolphins, huge fishes and hippocampi, and attended by Tritons and sea-monsters. In the treatment of the subject heroic grandeur is said to have been combined with grace. A group better known in modern times, from a copy of it preserved in the Museum at Florence, is that of Niobe and her children slain by the hands of Artemis and Apollo.f There can be no doubt that it filled the pediment of a temple. At a later period it was preserved in the temple of Apollo Sosianus at Rome, but it was a di.sputed point among the Romans whether it was from the hands of Scopas or Praxiteles. In the noble forms of the countenances grief and despair are protrayed without distortion. Another celebrated work of Scopas was the statue of the Pythian Apollo playing on the lyre, which i 1 I ( Chap. XLVII. SCOPAS. PRAXITELES. 581 * See below, p. 584. f Sec drawing on p. 552. Augustus placed in the temple which he built to Apollo on the Palatine, in thanksgiving for his victory at Actium. The copy of this statue in the Vatican is figured on p. 551. Scopas was an architect as well as a statuary, and built the temple of Athena Alea at Tagea, in Arcadia, one of the largest and most magnificent in the Peloponnesus. § 3. Praxiteles was contemporary with Scopas, though perhaps somewhat younger. Nothing is positively known of his history, except that he was at least a citizen, if not a native, of Athens, and that his career as an artist was intimately connected with that city. He excelled in representing the softer beauties of the human Ibrm, and especially the female figure. But art had now sunk from its lofty and ideal majesty. The Cnidian Aphrodite, the master-piece of Praxiteles, expressed only sensual charms, and was avowedly modelled from the courtesan Phr}'ne. Yet such was its excellence that many made a voyage to Cnidus on purpose to behold it ; and so highly did the Cnidians prize it, that they refused to part with it to king Nicomedes, although he oflered to pay off their public debt in exchange for it. In this work Aphrodite was represented either as just entering or just quitting the bath ; and it is said to have been the first instance in which any artist had ventured to represent the goddess en- tirely divested of drapery. At the same time he made a draped statue of the goddess lor the Coans, which however never enjoyed so much reputation as the former, though Praxiteles obtained the same price for it. He also made two statues of Eros, one of which he deemed his masterpiece. It is related that in his fond- ness for Pliryne he promised to give her any statue she might choose, but was unwilling to tell her which he considered his masterpiece. In order to ascertain this point Phryne sent a message to Praxiteles that his house was on fire ; at which news he rushed out exclaiming that he was undone if the fire had touched his Satyr or his Eros. He also excelled in representing Dionysus with his fauns and satyrs. A statue of Apollo, known as Apollo Sauroctonos, or the lizard-killer, was among his most famous pieces. It was in bronze, and numerous copies of it are still extant. § 4. The later Athenian school of sculpture was succeeded by the Sicyonian school. It is characterised by representations of heroic strength and of the form of athletae, and by a striving after the colossal. Its chief artists were Euphranor and Lysippus. Euphranor was a native of the Corinthian isthmus, but practised his art at Athens. He appears to have flourished during the time of Philip of Macedon, and beyond the period of Alexander's accession. He excelled in painting as well as in statuary. He 082 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLVU Chap. XLVIL APELLES. 58S executed figures in bronze and marble of all sizes, from a drink- ing-cup to a colossal statue. One of his most celebrated works was a statue of Paris. Lysippus was a native of Sicyon, and flourished during the reign of Alexander the Great. He was originally a mere workman in bronze, but through his genius and a sedulous study of nature rose to the highest eminence as a statuary. He followed the school of Polycletus, whose Dory- phorus formed his standard model ; but by this course of study the ideal of art was sacrificed to the merely natural. Hercules, a human hero, was the favourite snbject of his chisel ; but he deviated from former models, in which Hercules was endowed with ponderous strength, and represented him as characterised by strength and agility combined. This type was adopted by subsequent artists. The celebrated Farnese Hercules in the Museum at Naples is probably a copy of one of his works. Lysippus excelled in portraits; in which department he also adhered to his principles of art, and followed nature so closely as to portray even the defects of his subjects. Thus, in his busts of Alexander, he did not omit his wry neck. Neverthe- less, that monarch was so pleased with his performances, that he forbade anybody but Lysippus and Apelles to represent him. The most renowned of Lysippus's statues of Alexander was that which represented him brandishing a lance, and which was re- garded as a companion to the picture of A]Delles, in which ho wielded a thunderbolt. It has been obsci-ved that the features of Alexander pervade most of the heroic statues of this period. Lysippus worked principally in bronze. One of his most celebrated productions was an equestrian group of the chieftains who fell at the battle of the Granicus. His works were very numerous, and are said to have amounted to 1500. ^ 5. With regard to painting, the Asiatic school of Zeuxis and Parrhasius was also succeeded by a Sicyonian school, of which Eupompus may be considered as the founder. He was excelled, however, by liis pupil Pamphilus, who was renowned as a teacher of his art, and founded a sort of academy. His period of in- struction extended over ten years, and his fee was a talent. The school of Pamphilus produced several celebrated artists, of whom Apelles was by far the greatest. Apelles seems to have been a native of Colophon, in Ionia; but, as we have said, he studied ten years luider Pamphilus at Amphipolis ; and subsequently, even after he had attained some reputation, under Melanthius at Sicyon. Thus to the grace and elegance of the Ionic school he added the scientific accuracy of the Sicyonian. The greater part of his life seems to have been i i spent at the court of Pella. He was warmly patronised by Alex- ander, who frequently visited his studio, and, as mentioned before, granted him the exclusive privilege of painting his por- trait. In one of these visits Alexander began to descant on art, but exposed his ignorance so much that Apelles gave him a polite hint to be silent, as the boys who were grinding the colours were laughing at him. He appears to have accompanied Alexander in his eastern expedition, and after the death of that monarch to have travelled through the western parts of Asia. He spent the latter part of his life at the court of king Ptolemy in Egypt. The character of Apelles presents us with traits quite the reverse of the silly vanity of Zeuxis. He was always ready to acknowledge his own faults, as well as the merits of others. In fact, there was only one point in which he asserted his supe- riority over his contemporaries, namely, grace ; and there can be no doubt that this was no vain assumption. He was not ashamed to learn from the humblest critics. With this view he was accustomed to exhibit his unfinished pictures before his house, and to conceal himself behind them in order to hear the cri- ticisms of the passers by. On one of these occasions a cobbler detected a fault in the shoes of one of his figures, which Apelles corrected. The next time he passed, the cobbler, encouraged by the success of his criticism, began to remark upon the leg ; at which the artist lost all patience, and rushing from behind his picture, commanded the cobbler to keep to his shoes. Hence the proverb, " Ne sutor ultra crepidam," — let the cobbler stick to his last. His conduct towards his contemporary Protogenes of Rhodes exhibits a generosity not always found among rival artists. On arriving at Rhodes, Apelles saw that the works of Protogenes were scarcely at all valued by his countrymen ; where- upon he offered him fifty talents for one of his pictures, at the same time spreading the report that he meant to sell it again as one of his own. Apelles studied with the greatest industry, and always went on trying to improve himself; yet he knew when to leave off correcting his pictures, and laid it down as a maxim that over care often spoiled a piece. His pictures seem to have been chiefly on moveable panels, and he was probably the first who used a sort of varnish to his pictures with an effect some- what similar to that of the modern toning or glazing. He gene- rally painted single figures, or groups of only a few. He excelled in portraits, among the most celebrated of which was that already mentioned of Alexander wielding the thunderbolt. The hand which held it seemed to stand out of the panel ; and, in order to heighten this effect of foreshortening, Alexander's com- plexion was made dark, though in reality it was light. The I 584 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XLVII price paid for this picture was twenty talents. But the most admired of aU his paintings was the "Aphrodite (Venus) Ana- dyomene ' * or Aphrodite rising from the Sea. The goddess was represented wringing her hair, whilst the falling drops formed a veil around her. It was originally painted Ihr the temple of iEsculapius at Cos, and was afterwards placed by Aucnistus in the temple which he dedicated to Julius Ca^'sar at Romc^Another figure ot Aphrodite, also painted for the Coans, Apelles left incom^ plete at his death, and nobody could be found to finish it By the general consent of the ancients Apelles was the first of paint- ers, and some of the later Latin poets use his name as a svnonvme for the art itself ^ h 6. The architecture of this periotl was marked rather by the laying out of cities in a nobler and more convenient fashion and by the increase of splendour in private residences, than bv any improvement in the style of public buildings and temples 1 he conquests of Alexander caused the foundation of new cities and introduced into the East the architecture of Greece The two finest examples of cities which arose in this manner were Alexandria in Egypt, and Antioch in Syria. The regularity of its P\^"! ^^'^'.^^^^^^^^ size of its pubhc buildings, and the beauty and solidity ot Its private houses, rendered Ale?:andria a sort of model city; yet It was probably su-passed by Autioch in the pleasincr nature oi the impression produced. The fittings and lli-niturc ol the apartments kept pace with the increased external splen- dour of private dwellings. This age was also distinguished bv Its splendid sepulchral monuments : the one to the memory of her husband Mausolus, erected at Halicamassus. by the Carian queen Artemisia, was regarded as one of the sc^ven wonders of the world. It was adorned with sculptural decorations bv the greatest artists of the later Attic school. (See p. 580 ) At the same time temple architecture was not neglected ; but the simple aiid solid grandeur of the Doric order, and the chaste grace of tlie lomc, began to give place to the more florid Corinthian One of the most graceful monuments of this period still extant is the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates. at Athens, vulgarly called the Lantern of Demosthenes, which was dedicated by Lysicrates in b.c. 335, as we learn from an inscription on the architrave, m commemoration of a victory gained by the chorus of Lysicrates m the dramatic contests. It is a small circular building on a square basement, of v/hite marble, and covered bv a cupola supported by six Corinthian columns : the summit of the cupola was formerly crowed by the tripod, which Lysicrates Chap. XLYIL ARCHITECTURR 585 had gained as the prize. The frieze of the monument, of which there are casts in the British Museum, represents the destruction of the Tyrrhenian pirates by Dionysus and his attendants. A drawing of the monument is given on p. 434, and portions of the frieze are figured on pp. 455, 456. Another extant monu- ment of this period at Athens is the Horologium of Andronicus Cyrrhestes, probably erected about u.c. 100, and vulgarly called the " Temple of the Winds," from the figures of the Winds upon its faces. It is an octagonal tower, with its eight sides facing respectively the direction of the eight wuids into which the Athenian compass was divided. The directions of the several sides are indicated by the figures and names of the eight winds, which were sculptured on the frieze of the entablature. On the summit of the building there stood originally a bronze fig- ure of a Triton, holding a wand in his right hand, and turning on a pivot, so as to serve for a weathercock. (See drawing on p. G43.) ^ 7. After the age of Alexander, Greek art began visibly to decline. The great artists that had gone before had fixed the ideal types of the ordinary subjects of the sculptor and painter, and thus in a manner exhausted invention ; whilst all the tech- nical details of handling and treatment had been brought to the highest state of perfection and development. The attempt to outdo the great masterpieces which already existed induced ar- tists to depart from the simple grace of the ancient models, and to replace it by striking and theatrical efiect. The pomp of the monarchs who had divided amongst them the empire of Alexan- der required a display of eastern magnificence, and thus also led to a meretricious style in art. Nevertheless, it was impossible that the innate excellence of the Greek schools should disappear altogether and at once. The perfect models that were always present could not fail to preserve a certain degree of taste ; and even after the time of Alexander, we find many works of great excellence produced. Art, however, began to emigrate from Greece to the coasts and islands of Asia Minor : Rhodes, espe- cially, remained an eminent school of art almost down to the Christian era. This school was an immediate ofi^shoot of that of Lysippus, and its chief founder was the Rhodian Chares, who flourished about the beginning of the third century B.C. His most noted work was the statue of the Sun, which, under the name of the Colossus of Rhodes, was esteemed one of the seven wonders of the world. It was of bronze, and 1 05 feet high. It stood at the entrance of the harbour of Rhodes ; but the state- ment that its legs extended over the mouth of the harbour dees not rest on any authentic foundation. It was twelve years in 2 c* Ill 586 HISTORY OF GREECE. CiiAP. XI^VIL erecting, at a cost of 300 talents, and was so large that there were few who could embrace its thumb. It was overthrown by an earthquake 56 years after its erection. But the most beau- tiful work of the Rhodian school at this period is the famous group of the Laocoon in the Vatican, so well known by its many copies. (See drawing on p. 579.) It was the work of three Bculptors, Agesander, Polydorus, and Athenodorus. In this group the pathos of physical suflering is expressed in the highest de- gree, but not without a certain theatrical air and straining for effect, which the best age of Greek art would have rejected. To the same school belongs the celebrated group called the Far- nesian bull, in the Museum at Naples, representing Zethus and Amphion binding Dirce to a wild bull, in order to avenge their mother. (See drawing on p. 564.) It was the work of two brothers. Apollonius and Tauriscus of Tralles. About the same time emment schools of art flourished at Pergamus and Ephesus. To the former may be referred the celebrated dying gladiator in the Capitoline Museum at Rome, and to the latter the Borghese gladiator m the Louvre. The well-known statue of Aphrodite at Florence, called the " Venus de Medici," also belongs to the same period. It was executed by an Athenian artist named Cleomenes, whose exact date is unknown, but who lived before the capture of Corinth, in b.c. 146. § 8. When Greece began to fall into the hands of the Romans, the treasures of Greek art were conveyed by degrees to Rome,* where ultnnately a new school arose. The triumphs over Phil- ip, Antiochus, the .^Etolians, and others, but, above all, the cap- ture of Corinth, and, subsequently, the victories over Mithridates and Cleopatra, filled Rome with works of art. Tlie Roman generals, the governors of provinces (as Verres), and finally, the emperors, continued the work of spoliation ;* but so prodigious was the number of works of art in Greece, that, even in the second century of the Christian era, when Pausanias visited it Its temples and other public buildings were still crowded with statuca and paintings. * K-ero alone is said to have brought 600 statues from Delphi, merel v to adorn his golden house. ^ "*cii,ij Bust of Aristotle. CHAPTER XLVIII. GRECIAN LITERATURE FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO THE LATEST PERIOD. S 1. The drama. The Middle comedy. The New comedy: Philemon, Menander. § 2. Oratory. Circumstances which favoured it at Athens. § 3. Its Sicilian origin. § 4. The ten Attic orators : Antiphon, Ando- cides,Lysia8, Isocrates, Isaeus,iEschines, Lycurgus,Demosthenes,Hype- rides, and Dinarchus. § 5. Athenian philosophy, Plato. § 6. Sketch of his philosophy. § 7. The Megarics, Cyrenaics, and Cynics. § 8. The Academicians. § 9. Aristotle and the Peripatetics. § 10. The Stoics and Epicureans. § 11. The Alexandrian school of literature. § 12. Later Greek writers: Poly bins, Dionysius of Halicarnassus.Diodorus Siculus, Arrian, Appian, Plutarch, Josephus, Strabo, Pausanias, Dion Cassius, Lucian, Galen. § 1 3. The Greek Scriptures and Fathers. Conclusion. n. In reviewing the preceding period of Greek literature, we have already had occasion to notice the decline of tragedy at Athens. It continued, indeed, still to subsist ; but after the great tragic triumvirate we have no authors who have come down to us, or whose works were at all comparable to those of their predecessors. There are, however, a few names that should be recorded ; as that of Agathon, the contemporary and friend of Euripides, whose compositions were more remarkable for their flowery elegance than for force or sublimity : of lophon, the son of Sophocles, whose undutiful conduct towards his father has been already mentioned, the author of 50 tragedies, which gained considerable reputation : of Sophocles, the grandson of the great tragic poet : and of a second Euripides, the nephew ol the celebrated one. With regard to comedy the case was dit- ferent. After the days of Aristophanes it took, indeed, a II 4' «8» HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XLVIU wholly difTerent form ; but a forni which rendered it a more perfect imitation of nature, and established it as the model of that species of composition in every civilized nation of after- tunes We have already noticed, in the plays of Aristophanes himself, a transition from the genuine Old Comedy to the Middle Comedy The latter still continued to be in some degree po- Jitical ; but persons were no longer introduced upon the sta.rc under their real names, and the office of the chorus was very much curtailed It was, in fact, the connecting link between thj Old Comedy and the New, or the Comedy of Manners Ihe most distinguished authors of the Middle Comedy besides Aristophanes, were Antiphanes and Alexis. The Now Comedv arose after Athens liad become subject to the Macedonians Pohtics were ..ow excluded from the stage, and the materials ot the dramatic poet were derived entirely from the fictitious adventures of pc^ns in private life. The two most distin- guished writers ol this school were Philemon and Menander cither a Cihcian or feyracusan, but came at an eariy a^e to Athens. He is considered as the founder of the New Comedv which was soon afterwards brought to perfection by his younger contemporary Menander. Philemon was a prohfic author, and is Baid to have written 97 plays, of which only a few fiattic orators contained in the Alexandrian canon were Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isajus, .Eschines, Lv- curgus, Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Dinarchus. Andocides who has been already mentioned as concerned with Alcibiades in \ m" "i^^^ Hermse,* was bom at Athens in b.c. 467, and died probably about 391. We have at least three genuine options rf * See p. 334. Chap. XLVIIL ATHENIAN ORATORY. 59] his, which, however, are Dot distinguished by any particular merit. Lysias, also bom at Athens in 458, was much superior to him as an orator, but being a nietic, or resident aUen, he was not allowed to speak in the assemblies or courts of justice, and therefore wrote orations for others to deUver. Of these 35 are extant, but some are incomplete, and others probably spu- rious. His style may be regarded as a model of the Attic idiom, and his orations are characterized by indescribable gracefulness, combined with energy and power. Isocrates was born in 436. After receiving the instructions of some of the most celebrated sophists of the day, he became him- self a speech writer and professor of rhetoric ; his weakly consti- tution and natural timidity preventing him from taking a part himself in public life. His style is more periodic than that of the other Attic orators, and betrays that it was meant to be read rather than spoken. Although pure and elegant it is wanting in simplicity and vigour, and becomes occasionally monotonous, through the recurrence of the same turns. Isocrates made away with himself in 338, after the fatal battle of Chaeronea, in despair, it is said, of his country's fate. Twenty-one of his speeches have come down to us. He took great pains with his compo- sitions, and is reported to have spent ten, or, according to others, fifteen years over his Panegyric oration. Isaeus, according to some, was a native of Chalcis ; others call him an Athenian ; and it is certain, at all events, that he came at a very early age to Athens. His exact date is not known, but he flourished between the end of the Peloponnesian war and the accession of Philip of Macedon. He opened a school of rhetoric at Athens, and is said to have numbered Demosthenes among his pupils. The orations of Isajus were exclusively judicial, and the whole of the eleven which have come down to us turn on the subject of inheritances. GfiEschines, the antagonist of Demosthenes, we have abeady had occasion to speak. He was born in the year 389, and was a native of Attica, but of low, if not servile, origin, and of a mother of more than equivocal reputation. This, however, is the account of Demosthenes ; and ^schines himself tells a dif- ferent story. He was successively an assistant in his father's school, a gymnastic teacher, a scribe, and an actor ; for which last profession a strong and sonorous voice peculiarly quahfied him. He afterwards entered the army, where he achieved more success ; for besides a vigorous athletic form, he was endowed with considerable courage. The reputation which he gained in the battle of Tamynae encouraged him to come forward as a pubUc it «« HISTORY OF GREECE. Ch.p. XlVUl Demosthenes ^dSirwtarrjSrl^^^^^^^ their respect ve sides and th^ v.«Ir 1' "/.^.^^^^^i^g speakers on ^schines with havms received t^\ ''"''f^f'"^''^"^^'^ second embassy; and fhJ'S. ortthrpaSt*"^ ? was not spoken— in which he hm.mJ.* . Pamphlet*_for it was answered in ai^ther btr TJw %t *'"' ''™"^'i„^ to have J*?" TJ''!- "'' *'"^ popularity of^schin'es. WehrealreadladverteSToV '^'"" '^ ment of Ctesiphon. and the celebrrd replT^^^^ his speech* CaronaA After the badshmem of IS«'"'fv" occasion (b c ^'iO\ li« e,.^«* "'iiiianiuuii 01 iiischines on this where hiTmployid hiXtf ,7^','^"'"' i" ^""^ ■""* ^aria, death of AlexCder he reLd to ^rf '^""T' ^""^ ">« school of eloquence AichcS War?, h/'' "'"^ ^^^^Wi^hed a and which hlld a ^iddL placeXti ITr •^^■^.''.^''bra.ed, one hand and the ornate aSc styTeTn fh "othe?' H Jd? /'" oamos in 314 As nn r.i.o*«« u ^ , omer. fic died in by a powerful^™" icnonr ' "'"^ '"'""''• ^'"=" ''''''^'' diunt^ couri^n tS^ hT "TT'^^'l^' '""^ *^« "«'«* ""- adversaries. re^de::Li*Svtc7iSnSL':r"^^^^ l,*"''^ of his speeches was still f.,wi, JJ .'""^^'^sistible. Thcellcct almost LSorcroScSlt"^'''"?"^ ^^ "" ^""'J''''"' «"<1 that his orftio^^ei detLd LTv^o '.''r?"'^ ^"•'P"^^'' which we now posset them tk I ^^^* '^''^"'^^ '°'« "' were carefullTr^^ fnr ™.Kr ^"^ ""^ ^ "" '^""^^ *'«»' they any trifling letostn ?orm aT"" ' * "" '^' "**'" '''""'' * Ilcpi vagairgeaCeiac. f See pp. 553, 554. Chap. XLVIII. DEMOSTHENEa 693 audience having expressed their surprise that he should have been defeated alter such an oration : " You would cease to won- der," he remarked, " if you had heard Demosthenes." Sixty-one of the orations of Demosthenes have come down to us ; though of these some are spurious, or at all events doubtful. The most celebrated of his political orations are the Philippics, the Olyn- thiacs, and the oration on the Peace ; among the private ones, the famous speech on the Crown. The remaining three Attic orators, viz., Lycurgus, Hyperides, and Dinarchus, were contemporaries of Demosthenes. Lycurgus and Hyperides both belonged to the anti-Macedonian party, and were warm supporters of the })olicy of Demosthenes. Of Ly- curgus only one oration is extant ; and of Hyperides only two, which have been recently discovered in a tomb in Egypt. Di- narchus, who is the least important of the Attic orators, survived Demosthenes, and was a friend of Demetrius Phalereus. He was an opponent of Demosthenes, against whom he delivered one of his three extant orations in relation to the ali'air of Harpalus.* ^ 5. Whilst Attic oratory was thus attaining perfection, philo- sophy was making equal progress in the new direction marked out for it by Socrates. Of all the disciples of that original and truly great philosopher, Plato was by far the most distinguished, Plato was born at Athens in 429 B.C., the year in which Pericles died. By Ariston, his iather, he was said to be descended from Codrus, the last of the Athenian kings ; whilst the family of his mother traced a relationship with Solon. His own name, which was originally Aristocles, is said to have been changed to Plato on account of the breadth of his shoulders.f He was instructed in music, grammar, and gymnastics, by the most celebrated masters of the time. His first literary attempts were in epic, lyric, and dithyrambic poetry ; but his attention was soon turned to philosophy by the teaching of Socrates, whose lectm-es he began to frequent at about the age of twenty. From that time till the death of Socrates he appears to have lived in the closest intimacy with that philosopher. After that event Plato with- drew to Megara, and subsequently undertook some extensive travels, in the course of which he visited Gyrene, Egypt, Sicily, and Magna GraBcia. His intercourse with the elder Dionysius at Syracuse has been already related.? His absence from Athens lasted about twelve years ; on his return, being then upwards of forty, he began to teach in the gymnasium of the Academy, and also in his garden at Colonus. His instructions were gratuitous, and his method, like that of his master, * See pp. 654, 555. \ frAarvf. X See p. 489. 694 mSTOEY OF GREECE Ciu,. XLVIIL Socrates, seems to have been by interrogation and dialogue His doctrines, however, were too recondite for the popular ear, and his lectures were not very numerously attended. But he had a narrower circle of devoted admirers and disciples, consistii . of about twenty-eight persons, who met in his private house; over the vestibule of which was inscribed-" Let no one enter who is gnorant of geometry." The most distinguished of this little A I. V, u? ""'"" ^P*'"«'PP»«. his "ephew and successor, and Anstotle. But even among the wider circle of his hearore, who did not properly form part of his school, were some of the most distinguished men of the age, as Chabrias, Iphicrates, Timothe- Wtr^'°"'rK*f''!'''''?- ^^"*" Demosthenes attended his lectures ,s doubtful. In these pursuits the remainder of his long hfe was spent, relieved, however, by two voyages to Sicily * rJlL^t^"" "^T ^ '"Pf ^^ principally as a moral and political philosopher, and as a dialectician : as a physical inquircVhe du no shme. ^nd the Tima^^s is his only work in thai branch of philo^phy. His dialectic method was a development of that of boo-a es ; and though he did not. like Aristofle, produce any ZT^ rf *" ""'i!*'^. '^^^J^*^*' '^ '^ exemplified in most of his works, but especially m the The^tetus, Sophistes, Parmenides cTl'nf pVrr'^KT ^^^.«r« -^^^- The fundamental pS . ciple of Plato s philosophy is the belief in an eternal and self- existent cause, the origin of all things. From this divine being emanate not only the sou s of men. which are also immortal, buf tha of the umvei^ Itself, which is supposed to be animated by a divine spirit. The material objects of our sight and other senses are mere fleeting emanations of the divme idea; it is only this Idea itself that is realhj existent ;t the objects of rv^rr-^!;''^/^"^^'^'"''^ appearances, taking their forms vKrr TV" '^' '^''^^- "^"^^ '' ^^"^^« '^^' i" Plato's birth, when it was able to contemplate real existences, and all our ideas ni this world are mere reminiscences of their true and eternal patterns. These principles, when applied to the inve^^ «iill?«i "^T^ j^""""' ^"^'^^^^S a genus-as, for instance. manktnd, comprehending all individual men--^r.., comprehend mg every species of tree, and so forth-were not r^ere ?^4o to faTtr^^'f " of thinking, but denoted ^.^Z "^Lteir^et n fact the only true existences, as being the expressions of the • Sen pp. 491, 492. f rd Svrcc 5v. t rd yiyvO/^eva. § ,,i0e^,,. CoAP, XLVIIL PLATO. 595 eternally pre-existent idea. In this matter he seems to have de- parted from Socrates ; and, indeed, the reader who should seek the philosophy of Socrates in the writings of Plato would often be led very far astray, Socrates believed in a divine cause, but the doctrine of ideas and other figments with which Plato sur- rounded it seem to have been his own. As a moral and political philosopher the views of Plato were sublime and elevated, but commonly too much tinged with his poetical and somewhat visionary cast of mind to be of much practical utility. They are speculations which may awake our admiration as we read them, but which for the most part it would be difficult or impossible to put in practice. His belief in the immortality of the soul naturally led him to establish a lofty standard of moral excellence, and like his great teacher, he constantly inculcates temperance, justice, and purity of life. His political views arc developed in the Republic and the Laws. The former of these works presents us with a sort of Utopia, such as never has existed, and never could exist. The main feature of his system is the subordination, or rather the entire sacri- fice of the individual to the state. The citizens are divided into three classes, in fanciful analogy with the faculties of the soul. Thus the general body, or working class, represents the passions and appetites ; the tvill is typified by the military order, which is to control the general mass, but which is in turn to be thoroughly subservient to the government, whose functions cor- respond with those of the intellect, or rational faculty. With such views Plato was naturally inimical to the unrestricted demo- cracy of Athens, and inclined to give a preference to the Spartan constitution. In the Laws, however, he somewhat relaxed the theory laid down in the Republic, and sought to render it of more practical operation. Thus he abandons in that work the strict separation of classes, sets some limits to the power of the goveni- m3iit, and attempts to reconcile freedom and absolutism by mingling mjuarchy with democracy. k 7. Plato, as we have said, visited Megara after the death *)f Socrate.5, wliere other pupils of that philosopher had also taken refuge. Among these the most famous was Euclides, who must not be contbunded with the great mathematician of Alexandria. Euclides founded the sect called from his residence the Me- garic, and which from the attention they paid to dialectics were also entitled Dialectici and Eristici (or the litigious). Two other otlshoots of the Socratic school were the Cyrenaics and Cynics. Tiie former of these sects were founded by Aristippus of Cyrene in Africa, the latter by Antisthenes. Aristippus, though a hearer of Socrates, wandered far from the precepts of his great master. 'fi96 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XLVIH, He was fond of luxurious living and sensual gratifications, which Jie held to be slianielul only when they obtained so uncontrolled an empire over a man as to render him their entire slave. His chief maxim was to discover the art of extracting pleasure from all the circumstances of life, and to make prosperity and ad- versity ahkc subservient to that end. 8uch tenets made him a lavourite with the clever and cultivated man of the world, and we hnd him more than once approvingly alludetl to by Horace * Antisthenes was an Athenian, and also a pupil of Socrates He taught m the Cynosarges, a gymnasium at Athens designed lor Atheman boys born ol ibreign mothers, which is said to have been his own case. It was frrom this gymnasium that the sect he iounded was called the Cynic, though some derive the name from their dog-.like habits which led them to neglect all the decent usages of society. It was one of the least important of the philosophical schools. One of its most remarkable members was Uiogenes of binope, whose interview with Alexander the Great at Corinth we have had occasion to relate.f No writings of any ol the three last-mentioned sects have survived. § 8. Such were the most celebrated miiior schools which sprancr fmm the teachnig of Socrates. The four principal schools werS tHe Academicians, who owed their origin to Plato • the Peri F^f^eto, founded by his pupil Aristotle ; the Epicureans, sonamed Irom their master Epicurus; and the Stoics, founded by Zeno bpeusippus Plato's nephew, became the head of the Academy after his uncle s death. Under him and his immediate sue cessors, as Xenocrates, Polemon, Crates, and Grantor, the doc- trines of Plato were taught with little alteration, and these professors formed what is called the old Academy. The Middle Academy begins with Arcesilaus, who flourished towards the close of the 3rd century b.c, and who succeeded to the chair on the death of Grantor. Under him the doctrines of the Academy imderwent some modification. He appears to have directed his inquiries almost exclusively to an investigation of the grounds of imowledge, and to have approached in some degree the Pyrrhon- ists or Sceptics. The Platonic doctrines suflbred a further change m the hands of Garneades, the founder of the new Aca- Aunc m Anstippi furtim praecepta relabor M milu res nou me rebus subjuiigere conor." .„ , . Hon. Ep. i. 1. la. And again: — " Omnis Aristippiim decuit color et status et res." lb. 17, 2a t See p. 627. Chap.XLVIII. ACADEMICIANa PERIPATETICS. 697 demy. Garneades flourished towards the middle of the 2nd century B.C. Under him, doubt and hesitation began still more strongly to characterise the teaching of the Platonists. His distinguished tenet was an entire suspension of assent, on the ground that truth has always a certain degree of error combined with it ; and so far did he carry this principle, that even GUto- machus, his most intimate pupil, could never discover his mas- ter's real tenets on any subject. k 9. But of all the Grecian sects, that of the Peripatetics, founded by Aristotle, had the greatest influence so far as the researches of the intellect are concerned ; and this not merely in antiquity, but even perhaps to a still greater extent in modem times, and especially during what are called the middle ages. Aristotle was bom in 384 B.C., at Staglra, a sea-port town of Ghalcidice, whence he is frequently called the Stagirite. His iather Nicomachus was physician to Amyntas II., king of Mace- donia. At the age of 17, Aristotle, who had then lost both father and mother, repaired to Athens. Here he received the instructions of Heraclides Ponticus, and other Socratics ; and when, about three years after his arrival at Athens, Plato returned to that city, Aristotle immediately attended his lectures. Plato consi- dered him his best scholar, and called him " the intellect of his school." Aristotle spent twenty years at Athens, during the last ten of which he established a school of his own ; but during the whole period he appears to have kept up his connexion with the Macedonian court. On the death of Plato in 347, Aristotle quitted Athens, and repaired to Atameus, in My si a, where he resided two or three years with Hermias, a former pupil, who had made himself dynast of that city and of Assos, and whose adopted daughter he married. Atarneus being threatened by the Persians, into whose hands Hermias had fallen, Aristotle escaped with his wife to Mytilene, and in 342 accepted the invi- tation of Philip of Macedon to undertake the instruction of his son Alexander. Philip treated the philosopher with the greatest respect, and at his request caused the city of Stagira to be re- built, which had been destroyed in the Olynthian war. It was here, in a gymnasium called the NymphsBum, that Aristotle imparted his instructions to Alexander, as well as to several other noble youths. In 335, after Alexander had ascended the throne, Aristotle quitted Macedonia, to which he never re- turned. He again took up his abode at Athens, where his friend Xenocrates was now at the head of the Academy. To Aristotle himself the Athenians assigned the gj'mnasium called the Lyceum : and from his habit of delivering his lectures whilst walking up and down in the shady walks of this place, his school 1 I «W HISTORY OF GKEECK. Cual. XLVJU a Klect class ol pupils, called esotencA and these lectures wer-. caUed «cr<«ma-tilene. The conquest of the Cirrhieans completed, and the Pythian games celebrated The beven Wise Men flourished. Death of Periander. Agrigentum (bunded. The dynasty of the Cypselida? ended. Pittacus resigns the government of Mytilene. The war between Pisa and Elis ended by the subjection of the PisKans. Pisastratus usurps the government of Athens. Ibycus of Rheeium, the Ivrie poet, flourished. o , j Cyrus begins to reign in Persia. Simonides of Ceos, the lyric poet, bora. The temple of Delphi burnt. Anaximcnes flourished. Sardis taken by Cyrus and the Lydian monarchy overthrown. Hipponax, tlM Iambic poet, nourished. Phcreeydes of Syros, the philosopher, and Theognis of Mcgara. the jwct, flourished. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 605 B.C. 539. Ibycus of Rhegium, the lyric poet, flourished. 538. Babylon taken by Cyrus. Xenophanes of Colophon, the philosopher, flourished. 635. Thespis the Athenian first exhibits tragedy. 532. Polycrates becomes tyrant of Sainos. 531 . The philosopher Pytliagoras and the poet Anacreon flourished. 529. Death of Cyrus, and accession of Canibyses as king ot Persia. 527. Death of Pisastratus, 33 years after his first usurpation. 625. Cambyses conquers ^gypt in the fifth year of his reign. Birth of^schylus. 523. ClKjeriius of Athens exhibits tragedy. 522. Polycrates of Samos put to death. Birth of Pindar. Death of Cambyses, usurpation of the Magi, and accession of Darius to the Persian throne, lle- catKus, the historian, flourished. 514. Hipparchus, tyrant of Athens, slain by Ilarmodius and Aristogiton. 611. Phrynichus, the tragic poet, flourished. 510. Expulsion of llippias and his family from Athens. The ten tribes instituted at Athens by Clisthenes. 504. Charon of Lampsacus, the historian, flourished. 501. Naxos besieged by Arislagoras and the Persians. Upon the failure of this at- tempt Aristagoras determines to revolt from the Persians. 500. Aristagoras solicits aid from Athens and Sparta. Birth of Anaxagoras the philosopher. First year of the Ionian revolt. The lonians, assisted by the Athenians, burn Sardis. jEschylus, aged 25, first exhibits tragedy. 499. Second year of the Ionian revolt. 498. Third year of the Ionian revolt. Aristagoras slain in Thrace. Death of Pythagoras. 497. Fourth year of the Ionian revolt. Histiaeus comes down to the coast. Birth o.f llellanicus of Mytilene, the historian. 496. Fifth year of the Ionian revolt. Birth of Sophocles. 495. Sixth and last year oi the Ionian revolt. The lonians defeated in a naval battle near Miletus, and Miletus taken. 493. The Persians take the islands of Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos. Miltiades flies from the Chersonesus to Athens. 492. Manloiiius, the Persian general, invades Europe, and unites Macedonia to the Persian empire. 491 . Darius sends heralds to Greece to demand earth and water. Demaratus, king of Sparta, deposed by the intrigues of his colleague Cleomenes. He flies to Darius. 490. Datis and Artaphernes, the Persian generals, invade Europe. They take Eretria in Eub(Ea and land in Attica. They are defeated at Marathon by the Athenians under the command of Miltiades. jEschylus fought at the battle of Marathon, set. 35. War between Athens and ^gina. 489. Miltiades attempts to conquer Paros, but is repulsed. He is accused, and, un- able to pay the fine in which he was condemned, is thrown into prison, where he died. 486. Revolt of Egypt from the Persians in the fourth year after the battle of Marathon. 485. Xerxes, king of Persia, succeeds Darius. Gelon becomes master of SjTacuse. 484. Egypt reconquered by the Persians. Herodotus born. jEschylus gains the prize in tragedy. 483. Ostracism of Ari'stides. 481. Theniistocles the leading man at Athens. 480. Xerxes invades Greece. He set out from Sardis at the beginning of the spring. The battles of Thermopylse and Artemisium were fought at the time of the Olympic games. The Athenians deserted their city, which was taken by Xerxes. The battle of Salamis, in which the fleet of Xerxes was destroyed, was fought in the autumn. Birth of Euripides. 479. After the return of Xerxes to Asia, Mardonius, who was left in the conrmiand of the Persian army, passed the winter in Thessaly. In the spring he marches southward and occupies Athens ten months after its occupation by Xerxes. At the battle at Platsea, fought in September, he is defeated by the Greeks under the command of Pausanias. On the same day the Persian fleet is defeated off Mycale by the Greek fleet Sestos besieged by the Greeks in the autunm, and surrendered in the following spring. 478. Sestos taken by the Greeks. The history of Herodotus terminates at the siege of Sestos. Book HI.-THE ATHENIAN SUPREMACY AND THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 478. In consequence of the haughty conduct of Pausanias, the maritime allies place themselves under the supremacy of Athens. Commencement of the Athe- 606 HISTORY OF GREECR StC« 476 471 4m. 468. 467. 4m. 465. 4A4 463. 461. 460. 458. 457. 4S6. 455. liii! 454 452, 448. 447. 445. 444 441 440; 439. 437. 436. 435. nian ascendency or empire, which lasted about 70 years— 65 before the nila 5^/ ^***«niaa aflairs in Sicily, 73 before the capture of Athens by Lysau- Cinion, commanding the forces of the Athenians and of the aUics, expels the Persians from ETon on the Strymon, and then takes the island ol Scyros. where the bones ot Theseus are discovtred. * Sinionidcs, a-l. 80, gains the prize in the dithyrambic chorus. Iheim.siocicH, biiiushed by osiriuisin, fioes to Argos. Pausanias convicted of ln?ason and put to ikalh. Thucydides the historian born. Pericles liegm.s to take part in public allairs, 40 years belore bis death MyceniB destroyed by the Argives. Heath of Anstides. Socrates born. Souh ocles gamed his hrst tragic victory. "^ Sinionides, a;t. «0, died. Naxos revolted and subdued. Great victory of Cimon over the Persians at the river Eurymedon, in Pamphylia. Theniistocles tiles to Persia. Revolt of Thasos. Ueaih of Xerxes, king of Persia, and accession of Arta- xerxes I. .«••••» Earthquake at Sparta, and revolt of the Helots and Messenians. Cimon marches to the assistance ol" the Lacedemonians. Zeno of Elea flourished Thasos subdued by Cimon. Cimon marches a second lime to the assistance of the Lacedemonians, but his oflers are declined by the latter, and the Athenian troops sent back. Ostracism ol Cimon. Pericles at the head of public aflairs at Athens. Revolt of Inaros, and first year of the Egyptian war, which lasted 6 years. The Athenians sent assistance to the Egyptians. The Oresteia of .f:8cliylus perfbrnied, BatUes in the Megarid between the Athenians and Corinthians. The Lacedaf- niomans march into Doris to assist the Dorians against the Phocians tm their return they are attacked by the Athenians a>. 'i aiia-.-a, but the latter are defeated. The Athenians commence building their long waUs, which were completed in the Ibllouing year. The Athenians, commanded by Myronides, defeat the Thebans at (Enophvia Recall of Cimon from exile. Death of ^schvlus, set. 69 " The Messenians conquered by the Laceda-monrans in the tenth year of the war lolmides, the Athenian general, settles the expelled Messenians at Naupactus" i>ee B.C. 464. Tohnides sails round Peloponnesus with an Athenian fleet and does great injury to the Peloponnesians. End of the Egyptian war in the sixth year. See b.c. 460. All Egvpt conquered by the Persians, except the Marshes, where Amyrtajus continued to hold out for some years. See b.c. 449. Euripides Kt. 25 first gains the prize in tragedy. Campaign of Pericles at Sicyon and in Acarnania. Cratinus, the comic writer, flourished. Five years* truce between the Athenians and Peloponnesians, made throueh the intervention of Cimon. »« «*« Anaxagoras lei. 50 withdraws from Athens, aaer residing there 30 years Renewal of the war with Persia. The Athenians tend assistance to Amyrtjfius. Death of Cimon and victory of the Athenians at Salamis in Cyprus. Sacred War between the Delphians and Phocians for the possession of the oracle and temple. The Lacedaemonians assisted the Delphians, and the Athenians the Phocians. The Athenians defeated at Chsronea by the Bceotians. Revolt of Eubtea and Megara trom Athens. The five years' tru'-e having Ex- pired (see B.C. 450), the Lacedemonians, led by Pleistoanax, invade Attica After the Lacedrnmonians had retired, Pericles recovers Eubcea. The 30 years' truce between Athens and Sparta. Pericles begins to have the sole direction of public affairs at Athens. Thucv- dides, the son of Milesias, the leader of the aristocratical party, ostracised ' The Athenians send a colony to Thurii in Italy. Herodotus Kt. 41, and Ly'sias aet. 15, accompany this colony to Thurii. Euripides gains the first prize in tragedy. Sarnos revolts from Athens, but is subdued by Pericles in the ninth month, hophock's Sit. 55 was one of the ten Athenian generals who fought aganst Athens at the height of its glory. Colony of Agnon to Amphipolis. Cratinus, the comic poet, gains the prize. War between the Corinthians and Corcyrapans on account of Epidamnus. Tha Connthians defeated by the Corcyrteans in a sea-fight. 1.0. 434. 433. 432. 431. 430. 429. 428. 427. 426. 425. 424. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. eo7 423. 422. 421. 490. 419. 418. The Corintltians make great preparations to carry on the war with vigour. The Corcyrieans, and Corinthians send embassies to Athens to solicit assistance. The Athenians form a defensive alliance with the Corcyraeans. The Corcyrfeans, assisted by the Athenians, defeat the Corinthians in the spring. In the same year Potida;a revolts from Athens. Congress of the Peloponne- sians in the autumn to decide upon war with Athens. Anaxagoras, prosecuted for impiety at Athens, withdraws to Lampsacus, where he died about four years afterwards. Aspasia prosecuted by the comic poet Ilermippus, but acquitted through the in- fluence of Pericles. Prosecution and death of Phidias. First year of the Peloponncsian war. The Thebans make an attempt upon Plataea two months before midsummer. Eighty days afterwards Attica is in- vaded by the Peloponnesians. Alliance between the Athenians and Sitalces, king of Thrace. Hellenicus set. 65, Herodotus aet. 53, Thucydides aet. 40, at the commencement of the Peloponncsian war. The Medea of Euripides exhibited. Second year of the Peioponnesian war. Second invasion of Attica. The plague rages at Athens. Third year of the Peioponnesian war. Potidaea surrenders to the Athenians after a siege of more than two years. Naval actions of Phormio in the Corin- thian gulph. Commencement of the siege of Plataea. Death of Pericles in the autumn. Birth of Plato, the Philosopher. Eupolis and Phrynichus, the comic poets, exhibit. Fourth year of the Peioponnesian war. Third invasion of Attica. Revolt of all Lesbos, except Methymna. Mytilene besieged towards the autumn. Death of Anaxagoras, aet. 72. Fifth year of the Peioponnesian war. Fourth invasion of Attica. Mytileno taken by the Athenians and Lesbos recovered. The demagogue Cleon begins to have great influence in public affiairs. Plataea surrendered to the Pelopon- nesians. Sedition at Corcyra. The Athenians send assistance to the Leon- tines in Sicily. Aristophanes, the comic poet, first exhibits. Gorgias ambassador from Leontim to Athens. Sixth year of the Peioponnesian war. The Peloponnesians do not invade Attica in consequence of an earthquake. Lustration of Delos. Seventh year of the Peioponnesian war. Fifth invasion of Attica. Demosthenes takes possession of Pylos. The Spartans in the island of Sphacteria surren- dered to Cleon 72 days afterwards. Accession of Darius Nothus. The Acharnians of Aristophanes. Eighth year of the Peioponnesian war. Nicias ravages the coast of Laconia and captures the island of Cythera. March of Brasidas into Thrace, who obtains possession of Acanthus and Amphipolis. The Athenians defeated by the Thebans at Delium. Socrates and Xenophon fought at the battle of Delium. Thucydides, the historian, commanded at Amphipolis. The knights of Aristophanes. Ninth year of the Peioponnesian war. Truce for a year. Thucydides banished in consequence of the loss of Amphipolis. He was 20 years in exUe. The Clouds of Aristophanes first exhibited. Tenth year of the Peioponnesian war. Hostilities in Thrace between the Lace d«nionians and Athenians. Both Brasidas and Cleon fall in battle. The Wasps of Aristophanes and second exhibition of the Clouds. Death of Cratinus. Protagoras, the sophist, comes to Athens. Eleventh year of the Peioponnesian war. Truce for 50 years between the Athenians and Lacedsemonians. Though this truce was not formally declared to be at an end till B.C. 414, there were notwithstanding frequent hostilities meantime. Twelfth year of the Peioponnesian war. Treaty between the Athenians and Ar- gives effected by means of Alcibiades. Thirteenth year of the Peioponnesian war. Alcibiades marches into Pelopon- nesus. The Peace of Aristophanes. Fourteenth year of the Peioponnesian war. The Athenians send a force into 008 HISTORY OF GREECE. I.e. 417. 416. 4ia. 414. 413. 413. 411 I 410. 409. 408. 407. 400. 405. 404. I Peloponnesus to assist the Argives against the Lacedaemonians, but are do feated at the battle ofMantineia. Alliance between Sparta and Argos. FifteentJi year of the Peloponnesian war. Sixteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Athenians conquer Melos. Seventeenth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Athenian exjiedition against Sicily. It sailed after midsummer, commanded by Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus. Mutilation of the Ilerms at Athens before the fleet sailed. The Athenians take Catana. Alcibiades is recalled home : he makes his escape, and takes refuge with the Lacedipmonians. Andocides, the orator, imprisoned on the mutilation of the IlermtB. lie escapes by turning informer. Eighteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Second campaign in Sicily. The Athenians invest Syracuse. Gylippus the Lacedajmonian comes to the assist- ance of the Syracusans. The Birds of Aristophanes. Nineteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Invasion of Attica and fortification of Decelea, on the advice of Alcibiades. Third campaign in Sicdy. Demosthenes sent with a large force to the assist- ance of the Athenians. Total destruction of the Athenian army and tlect. Nicias and Demosthenes surrender and are put to death on the 12th or 13th of September, U5 or 17 days after the eclipse of the moon, which took place on the 27th of August. Twentieth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Lesbians revolt ft-om Athens Alcibiades sent by the Laced«monians to Asia to form a treaty with the Per- sians. He succeeds in his mission and forms a treaty with Tissaphemes, and urges the Athenian allies in Asia to revolt. The Andromeda of Euripides. . Twenty-first year of the Peloponnesian war. Democracy abolished at Athens, and the government entrusted to a council of Four Hundred. This council holds the government four months. The Athenian army at Samos recalls AI- cibiai 'The last of the Greeks." 168. Defeat of Perseus. 146. Corinth destroyed. Greece a Roman province. ROME, PERSIA, ETC. Privernum taken. Colony sent to Anxus. Samnitcs defeated. The " Caudine Forks." The Etniscans defeated. Samnites defeated. Insurrection and subju- gation of the Herni- cans. 2 E War with the Marsi and Etruscans. Romans defeated by Pyr- rhus near Heracleia. Victory of Pyrrhus near Asculum. Romans triumphant in Southern Italy. Last year of the First Punic war. Sicily a Roman province. War with the Gauls. Q. Fabius Pictor and L. Cincius Alimentus, historians, flourished. Via Flarainia and Circus Flaminins. Battle of Cannae. Eighth year of the second Punic war. Hannibal fails in his attempt to raise the siege cf Capua. War against the Ligu- rians continued. Death of Scipio Africanus. Death of Hannibal. Carthage destroyed by Scipio. Cassius Hemina and C, Fannius, historians, flourished. 680 P3 p 3 . Q o s go ^? m w I— I H * O Eh O O n |H APPENDIX. LITERATURK M I- O M S =: s 3" an 1^,3 O O r* .2 3 s a M 0) O 3 '-' Q b « *-• vS •-• 00 -.2 S^ c aj a» -r; S a*-?* S o ? aa bo « -.H » V r« V J 4, g a » w €S „ o ci S^^aj o3 o » 2 B >> ei 3 93 •-3 i> •■3J3 ^ hi »» 03 an •- O vm > !r « > C3 "O o C3 * m 2 «- n o< 2 2 « a> 00 Jr V, S-5'S.a 2 ^2 "- ft) .So E o CO 33 ^i£^f SS-235' :* Q o *^ "t! ^ o o g. b . aa O 00 ee=3 8J o c o CO ■a O S3 ,.s rf S ci as o o T3 as s ••^ o 5j *-• k. o « - o 2 o o o "^ £•2 c c o ^Lh^x Sf^-f: c^ En-i o -5-02 '2 « *» 60 E * ... « g Stjm *» > ^ 2 O C8 C8 • — Q *j a)>B j:: °o 2 2 « — .2***- o So"".2-^ii 2 O 3 «, -^ - u 00 u !r J-^ 80 C i O-C > $ c.s. > o ■:: CO o e ^c 03 O "S 'S *^ ea Ou- CO O >, * 93 O i« ^ CS ,_a| *A 3 k 3 O 4*^ O " C o bCJ3 *'c o 2 2 « *» •5 00.2^2 . * 2 C tl »- > Q CO K O u CQT3 ?> 3 O — u "« c 5 i: •< 2J5 o -'"S3 o-o g.S H^ S Z^ c o 3 eC t- ^^ -S O -C T3 O ®.2 - « rt c 2 acS 2 3: 00 •Hxvaa o CO I- CO CO CO •HXHia H < as t- •^ •* I; 00 H O Q O DS m H O > o B V. 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On as called Ban i. U->JS O'C TER. In anothe linistratior InKoAaicff allias." spirited poet dale comedy, le Attic diafe Koet, and by s e new come u •4 PC ■< s u d the art dec her as a poet ' into his poe t of the actio he most dist c of the old ted pieces w Alcibiadea e maladm f Pericles, ttonous C t and most of the mi model oft tinguishcd ounder of 1 rC 3 «0*J «^ Si -C bi).- 3 5r-a <« In his han of a philosop phy so freely ife and spiri " One of 1 * old comedy **A classi most celebra was aimed he satirized after the deat the rich and "The Witt and (in Plut guage a perft The most side red as th P ^ ^ QJ C O B >»^ O-B -r^ •3 ^ ed and twen ch we have eig [ from twenty oraedies — thou are cited." af twenty come ta W a c; o is "^ SI s si « «o u -3.S ©">>« • « nc hun es, of w Author nty-five ts of fori ragment Of sixty p Of sevent only a few f j^ s: :3 6 '^ o et «> 4> u •S .*!.«* < ^ CS ** ** «j «.• ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ■Hxvaa o . 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Q. 3 W > (B f So o"^ «^ TO ■*■ ■ -- ■ cS ti 3 . ao *- O " =3 hO 5i ^ o "s ^ "2 S c o C OB oj a _ - ft* « rj 3 ao ^ C « 4» 3 oj _r"0 c S OJ *- - .S S; ** 5 *- 0) a> s >. ^ fc. ■* «e I? « Qi Z^ on Q ^ 3 ** ^ V*^ ^ 3 a> *s» — .^■^- c = i.5 •-.3 C »: cs ■ ~ O w if i? " 2 ^-^ °.£i'o S^ i^ « 2-0 o ►•* O C o « O ji •£"0 rt O OJ •£-g Sb c ♦- c c * O O M «.Si g •SCO'S o^ * Q 3 *^ S c «0 ^ 09 •-• 2 — 'S ^ S vC fee 3 es "^ cj C ■^ t* _c »< iJ e *.2-g £ ^ 8 :z: isX i$S 2 o . W V. V. rt^"2 c c a> o e tt K £ S J3 O 13 t» 'tr- ee o k« >^ . 2 « O 0*3 g'c o ** s't ^ S u" 00 2 21 3 3S « CKje 3«j c * o O U C M M 00 es o cd o 1$ 5 .52 » "3 ■«'^ 2 w 2 3 •0 o S -iixvaa s c* w H X ■4 K O »r5 o o C K 3 a o & o CO CO m CO 09 D O O o m S o a o ■a H K w ^ X p m « CO U H 99 b3 St U o o o OS GENERAL EXAMINATION aUESTIONS. 1. The original |}opulation of Greece.— Pelasgi.—Hellenea — Foreign colonies. 2. History and character of the Heroic age. — Invasion and conquest of the Dorians.— Greek colonies in Europe, Asia, and Africa.— Homer.— The Olympiads. — General character of our knowledge of these subjects. 3. History of Athens from the early traditions to the first Persian invasion.— Who formed the Athenian people ?— How were they divided ?— The Eupatrids.— Government.— The Ar- chonts.— Legislation of Draco and of Solon.— Constitution of Athens at the epoch of the Persian wars. 4. Early history of Sparta.— Who formed the Spartan peo- ple ?— The Tribes— The Spartans— Periceci and Helots. Constitution and legislation of Lycurgus. 5. State of Northern Greece and the Peloponnesus at the begmning of the Persian war. 6. Sketch of Persian history, and cause of the Persian in- vasion of Greece.— Relative strength of the two nations, and military reputation of each on the first invasion. 7. History and results of the first invasion ; — internal and external. 8. History and results of the second invasion ;— internal and external. 9. Eminent men, and chief battles of the first and second invasions. 10. Position of Greece after the second repulse of the Per- sians. 11. Causes, character, and duration of the Athenian su- premacy. 12. History of the Athenian supremacy. — Its influence upon the intellectual and artistic development of Greece. 13. Administration of Pericles. — Its alleged efiects upon the Athenian character. 14. Internal history of Greece from the Persian to the Pe- loponnesian war. 15. Causes and character of the Peloponnesian war. 16. Division of the Peloponnesian war. — ^Principal battles. —Leading men. — Chief incidents. 2e* ! i 634 APPENDIX. 17. The Sicilian expedition. 18. Close and consequences of the Peloponnesian wax. — State of Athens. — Sparta. — Other states and the colonies. 19. History, duration, and character of the Spartan su- premacy. 20. History, duration, and character of the Theban su- premacy. 21. Retreat of the Ten Thousand, and its consequences. 22. State of Greece at the accession of Phihp of Macedon. 23. Rise of the Macedonian power, and character of the opposition of Demosthenes. 24. State of Greece at the accession of Alexander. Personal history and character of Alexander. Alexander as a Greek. State of Persia at the accession of Alexander. History of the conquests of Alexander. 29. Character of Alexander after the conquest of Persia. 30. Results of his conquests. 31. The successors of Alexander. — ^DlfTerent and final dis- tribution of his empire. 32. The Acha?an and uEtolian leagues, and general history of Greece till the Roman conquest. 33. Sketch of Greek literature by divisions.— Epic poetry. Lyric poetry, Dramatic poetry, history, philosophy, &c. 34. Sketch of Greek philosophy. 35. Sketch of Greek art. 25. 26. 27. 28. THE GREEK LANGUAGE AND ITS DIALECTS. (FROM DONALDSON.) Art. 1. The Greek Language {(l)G)vrj 'EkXi]viKTJ) is that which was anciently spoken throughout the whole extent of Greece or Hellas ('EAAaf), a term which included all the Greek colonies (Herod. II, 182). But there were two countries to which this name was applied, — that which still bears the name, and which was distinguished as tj dpxciia 'E^Mg (Plut. Timol. c. 37), or Grcecia Aniiqua ; and the south-east of Italy with Sicily, which was called i] fieydh] 'E^Xdg (Strabo, p. 253), or Grcecia Magna. 2. It was in the former of these, or Greece ProjJcr, as it is sometimes designated, that this language was formed by a fusion of ditferent tribes ; and though the colonists in Asia Miiior and Magna Grcecia contributed largely to the development of Greek literature, the intellectual energies of the people, and con- sequently the living excellence of the language, were always most conspicuous in the mother-country ; and, in the end, all the scattered Greeks had learned to speak the language of Attica. 3. The ancient Greek language is a member of the great Indo-Germanic family, and is therefore intimately connected with the old languages of the Indians, Persians, Celts, Sclavo- nians, Germans, and Italians. It belongs to the science of Comparative Philology to point out the nature and extent of this connection. 4. Confining our attention to the Greek language, we find that this language, as we have it, consists of two elements — the Pelasgian and the Hellenic ; and Herodotus has informed us, that the Hellenes or Greeks owed their gi-eatness to a coalition with the Pelasgians (I, 58. Varronianus, p. 14). The Pelas- gians iJleX-aayoi, or JleXoTTeg, " swarthy Asiatics," or " dark- faced men." Varron. p. 24. Kenrick Phil. Mus. II, 353) were the original occupants and civilizers of the Peloponnese, which was catled after their name, and also of many districts in north- ern Greece. These were afterwards incorporated with the Hel- lenes {'^Ek^Tjveg, " the warriors :" comp. the name of their god 'ATreAAwv, Miiller, Dor. II, 6, ^ 6), a cognate martial tribe from the mountains in the north of Thessaly. In proportion as the Hellenic or Pelasgian element in this admixture predominated m 636 APPENDIX. in particular districts, the tribes were called Dorians (Acup^eZ^, " Highlanders," from 6a and bpo^, Kenrick, Herod, p. lxi.), or lonians ('lajvec, *' men of the coast," 'Hfov/a ; also AlyLaXei^^ *' Beach-men," or 'Axaioi, " iSea-men :" Kenrick, Phil. Mus. II, p. 367). And these appear in historical times as the two grand subdivisions of the Hellenic race (Herod. I, 56). 5. When, however, tlie Dorians or *' Highlanders" first de- scended from their mountains in the north of Thessaly, and in- corporated themselves with the Pelasgians of the Thessaliau plains, they were called j^oiians (AioAeZf, "mixed men'*), and this name was retained by the Thessalians and Boeotians lonsr after the opposition of Dorian and Ionian had established itself in other parts of Greece. The legend states this fact very distinctly, when it tells us that " Hellen left his kingdom to JEolus, his eldest son, while he sent forth Dorits, and Xutlnis, the father of Ion, to make conquests in distant lands," (Apollod. I, 7, 3, 1. Thirl wall, I, p. 101). 6. Hence we find that of the Greek colonies settled on the western coast of Asia Minor, the carhest and most northerly, which started from BcBotia, called themselves JEdians ; that those who subsequently proceeded from Attica, and occupied the central district, called themselves lonians; while those who finally sailed from Argos, and took possession of the southern coast, bore the name of Dorians. 7. The cultivation of Lyric poetry by the iEolians of Lesbos, the choral poetry of the Dorians, and the epic poetry of the lonians, gave an early and definite expression to certain ])rovin- cial varieties which were called Diulects (did^tKToi), and the energetic and intelligent branch of the Ionian race which occu- pied Attiai {'Attiktj or 'Aktiki), "the Promontory-Land"), sub- sequently gave such a distinctive character to their own idiom, that the Attic (?} 'ArOlg) was considered a fourth Dialect by the side of the Doric (rj ^ijplg), the jEoHc (?) AloXig), and the Ionic (i] la^"). 8. As every dialect or provincial variety is such with refer- ence to some standard of comparison, and as the Attic in the end became the general language, or " common Dialect" {koivtj ikaXeiCTog) of all the Greeks, Grammarians have always esti- « * The propor meaning of AaUof is "particoloured," nnd it is used especially to designate alternations of black and white in stripes: thus, the cat IS called allovpo^ {ai6A.ovpo(;) from the stripes on its tail: and for the same reason aioloc is a constant epithet of the serpent. It is the opposite of uirAovc: so Athen. XIV, 622, c. (xTrXovv pvOfidv Xiovre^ alolt,} fiilei. We do not agree therefore with Dr. Thirlwall ([, p. 102), that AioAof is a by-form of 'EXAjyv. APPENDIX. 637 mated the iEolic, Doric, and Ionic dialects by their deviations from the Attic standard. i). Considered, however, in themselves, the four Dialects may be divided into two groups, corresponding to the two main divisions of the Hellenic nation (art. 4). For there is much truth in Strabo's remark (p. 333), that the ancient Attic was identical with the Ionic, and the iEolic with the Doric. 10. The Doric and jEolic Dialects agreed in representing the Pelasgo-Hellenic language in its first rude state of juxta- position. And if, on the one hand, the Hellenic element was more strongly pronounced in its roughness and broadness of ut- terance, on the other hand, the peculiarities of the Pelasgian, which were lost in the further development of Hellenism, were still preserved in the ^olic, and to a certain extent in the Doric also. 11. Although the lonians, as such, contained the Pelasgian element in greater proportion than the ^olo-Doric tribes, their language gives less evidence of the lost Pelasgian idiom than those of the more northern tribes. The reason of this is plain. In their case there was no longer juxta-position, but fusion ; and the irreconcileable peculiarities of the Pelasgian and Hellenic idioms had been mutually resigned. The lonians, whose ear did not repudiate a concurrence of vowels, omitted the harsh consonants of the Pelasgian idiom, and the Athenians carried this a step further, by contracting into one the syllables which produced an hiatus. 12. The Attic Greek is the richest and most perfect lan- guage in the worid. It is the only language which has attained to a clear and copious syntax, without sacrificing its inflexions and power of composition. It is the language of Sophocles, Aristophanes, and Plato. It had become the language of He- rodotus ; and even Homer's Poems, as they have descended to us, are to a large extent Atticized. 13. Those who learned Attic Greek as a foreign or obsolete idiom, were said to Atticize {drTiKi^eiv), and there is a large class of later writers who are called Atticists {'ATTiKiaral). But those foreigners who spoke Greek from the ear, and with- out any careful observation of the rules of the Attic idiom, and v»^ho consequently mixed up with their Greek many words and dictions which were of foreign origin, were said to Hellenize {kXXr]vi^eLv) ; and there is a large class of writers, including the authors of the New Testament, to whom we give the name of Hellenists ('EXkrjviOTai). It is the object of the Greek scholar's •tudies to make him not a Hellenist, but an Atticist, in the high- est sense of the word. 638 APPENDIX ORIGIN AND ARRANGEMENT OF THE LETTERS. 1. Mythology attributes to the PhoBnician hero, Cadmus, th© introduction into Greece of an original alphabet of sixteen let- ters ; and the old grammarians have supposed that these six- teen were the following : — a, 0, y, (5, e, ^ «, A, /x, v, o, tt, p, a, T, V (Schd. Dion. Thr. p. 781). There can be little doubt that the Greek alphabet is of Semitic origin, and there is every reason to believe that it originally consisted of four quaternions of letters : but it is a sound theory, which has been confirmed by the independent investigations of at least lour or five dilFer- ent scholars, that for i, fc, p, and v in the above list, we must substitute 7], 6, and the two obsolete characters* F (3av) and Q (Konna), which are still retained as numerical signs after e and n respectively, and that the original arrangement of these six- teen letters was as follows : A. BPA. E. FHO. AMN. S. O. n, the lafini was used to represent the number 900. 3. The lonians in Asia Minor were the first to adopt the complete alphabet of twenty-four letters, arranged as we now have it. The Samians have the credit of being the earliest employers of this extension of the written characters, and it was from them that the Athenians derived the additional letters, although they were not used in public monuments until the Archonship of Euchdes, 01. 94, 2. B.C. 403. Hence we read of rd ypdniiara rd dif Em'Aeidov dpxovrog. Of course He- rodotus, who was an important contributor to the literary inter- course between Samos and Athens, had brought the improved alphabet into use among men of education at a much earlier period, and Euripides expressly distinguishes between 7] and € as vowels m speUing the name Orjoevg {ajmcl Athcn. p. 454 c.). 4. The earliest extant approximation to anythuig like a handwriting is the inscription on the prize vase brought from Athens by Mr. Burgon, which cannot be later than 600 b.c. The only abbreviation observable in this is the omission of e in the termination -Oev. The later Greeks used a number of con- tractions in their MSS., which were adopted in the early edi- tions, but are universally rejected by modem editors. 640 APPENDIX. '■■I it ^ P. 198. Three shipe, one Athenian, one of TroBzen, and one of ^Egina had heen stationed off Sciathus to give advice of the movements of the enemy. They fled when the Persians came in sight : and the Troezenian and JEginetan were taken. The Athenian ran ashore at the mouth of the Peneus, and abandoning their ship, made their way home overland. But what makes this afiair the more interesting, is the well attested fact that the Per- sians chose out the comehest man among the Trcezenians, and offered him as a sacrifice for victory at the prow of his ship. A collection of all the instances of human sacrifice among the more civilized nations of antiquity would form a sad chapter even in the history of superstition. ATHENIAN LOVE FOR HIGH BIRTH.— P. 322. It should be remembered that high birth among the Greeks implied a heroic or divine origin, thus connecting the individual with some object of public or private worship. Indeed nothing is more important, and perhaps, at the same time, more difTicult, in the study of history, than to keep constantly in mind the peculiar manner in which the religious belief of a country afiects its ideas upon every other subject. SOCRATES. I TRANSLATE from Constant's great work on Religion the fol- lowing admirable appreciation of Socrates : " Long before our era polytheism had reached its highest point of relative perfection ; but relative perfection, like every thing which partakes of human weakness, is transient in its na- ture. Polytheism, imperfect in ^schylus, perfect in Sophocles, began to decline at the very moment of its perfect development, for the germs of its decay are already manifest in Euripides. The gods had been multiplied to mlinity by personifications and allegories ; and hence a strange confusion in doctrines, fables and practice. Such was the state of religion in Greece. In the Iburth centiuy the sophists had neglected the method of observa- tion, and seem to have been so far from suspecting the import- ance of ethics, that they scarcely mentioned it ; devoting their lessons to abstract speculations, remoto from practical life. Soc- APPENDIX. 641 rates founded his precepts upon conscience, upon self-knowledge ; and thus created the science of morals, which he taught in his lessons and exemplified by his life. He knew nothing of rhe- torical forms : using only a simple, laconic, and close logic. The details of his doctrines are little known ; yet there is no doubt but what they taught practical morality, founded upon the inspirations of conscience and the pleasures of virtue ; the existence of a supreme governor of the universe ; and the immor- tality of the soul. Thus the necessity of M7iity was felt both in politics and in religion, and while states were preparing for cen- tralization, religion was upon the point of being purified and made one. LAWS OF DIOCLES.— P. 487-497. Although we know little more of this code than what is contained in some very unsatisfactory passages of Diodorus, yet it was evidently well adapted both to the character and the wants of the Syracusans, ibr they continued to hold to it with undiminished veneration as long as they were allowed to be governed by laws of their own. Subsequent legislators were regarded as mere expounders of the law, while the title of law- giver was reserved for Diodes. Diodorus tells us that it was severe but discriminating, proportioning the punishment to the crime, and drawn up with conciseness and precision. It has been supposed with great apparent probability that Diodes tcck for models the laws of Zaleukos, Charondes and Pythagoras. V. Wachsmuth Hellenische Alterthumskunde, v. i. pp. 741-2, k 85, 2d ed. r f III THE ART OF WAR IN GREECE. Upon this interesting subject the reader will do well to con- sult the twelfth section of Heeren's Politics of Ancient Greece, in which he will find the leading questions discussed with the characteristic precision of that admirable writer. Those who have not that work at hand, should bear in mmd that the char- acter of Grecian warfare must necessarily have partaken largely of the general characteristics of mountain warfare. If he has studied his map attentively, he will have seen that there was very little room in those narrow limits for the movement cf large masses : that a march of a few miles always led to some ut APPENDIX mountain pass or dangerous defile : that there were no strong and extensive bases of operation like those of the Adige and the Mincio in Lombardy, and consequently few occasions for the display of strategic skill. The early battles of the Greeks v. ere desperate encounters of hand-to-hand, displaying judicious tactics in the arrangement of the troops, but jMicuharly fitted to turn to account the perfect gymnastic training of the men ; a fact which will explain the suiK>riority of the Spartans dunng the early and middle periods of Grecian history. Epaminondas was the first to discover the great principle of concentrating the weight ol your own army uywn the weakest point of your enemy s, in which the secret of the art consists. The battle of Leuctra was the opening of a new era in the art of war, which was soon de- veloped u^n a vast scale by Philip and Alexander. Horologiiim of Andronicus Cyrrhestes at Athfcns. (See p. 586 > INDEX. Abdera, 158. Abrocomas, 423. Abydus, battle of, 423. Academy, the, 399, 598. Acarnania, 6. Achapans, 12, sq. Achnean league, 568, sq. Achaeus, 12. Achaia, 0, 57. , a Roman province, 578. Acharna!, 286. Achelous. 4, 9. Achilles, 22. Achradina. 344. Acrisius. 18. Acropolis, Athenian, 382. 392. Acusilaus of Argos, 234. Adimantus, 20ft Admetus, 248- I Adrastus, 22. Aeetes, 20 jEgae, 523. .(Egaleos, Mt., Xerxes at, 209. JEgeus, 19. -angina, 7 ; described, 181 ; taken by the Athenians, 287. ^ginetan scale, 59; sculpture, 149. jEginetans submit to the Spartans, 172. JCgospotami, battle of, 368. ^gyptus, 15. JEolians, 13. iEolic migration, 35. iEolus, 12 ^schines, 512; Amphictyonic deputy, 518; accuses Demosthenes, 553; re- tires to Rhodes, 554 ; account of his life, 591. jEschylus, 178 ; account of, 403, sq. j^Csymnetes, 8. JEtolia., 6. I 644 HISTORY OF GREECE. ^lolian Jeague, 571. ^tolians reduced, 574. Agamemnon, 16, 22. Agathon, 5b7. Ageiuila:^, >7. Agesilius becomes king of Sparta, 436; character, ib. ; his expedition against the Persians, 430 ; attacks IMiarnabaxus, 440: routs the Persians on tlie Pacto- lus, lb. ; his interview with Pharna- Imsus, 441 ; recalled, 442 ; homeward march, 440 ; oJlering ai Delphi, 447 ; takes Lechasum, 440 ; invades llceolia, 464 ; attacks Mantinea, 474 ; saves Sparta, 476, 485 ; expedition to Egypt, 4H6 ; death, ib. Agesipolis, 445 ; death, 459. Agis, 307, 326, 435. IV., 570. Agnon, 269. Agora, 26. , Athenian, 398. Agrigentum, 118,466. Agyrrhius, 432. Aimnestus, 224. Ajax, 22. Alaric, 396. AIf'i^ii'ti'''v 132 Alcibiaiies, character of, 322 ; deceives the Spartan ambassadors, 324 ; at Olympia, 325 ; attacks ICpidaurus, ib. ; in Sicily, 329; accused of mutilating the llerma;, 331 ; arrest and escape of, 335 ; con- demned, tb. ; goes to Sparta, 336 ; ex- cites a revolt of the Chians, 348; dis- missed by the Spartans, 349; flies to Tissaphcrnes, 350 ; intrigues of, 351 ; proceedings at Samoa, 354 ; arrested by Tissaphemes, 359 ; defeats the Pelopon- nesians at Cyaticus, 360; returns to Athens, 361 , dismissed from the com- mand of the Athenian fleet, 363; flies to Pharnabazus, 376 ; murdered, ib. Alcidas, 300, 304. Alcmypon, 88. Alcmiponidie banished, 93. Alcman, 130. Alcmena, 15. Alcuadif>, 507. Alexander, King of Macedon, 217. Alexander of Pherie, 460; defeated by Pelopidas, 482 ; subdued, 483 Alexander the Great, 522 ; education. 526 ; accession, ib.; overawes the Thebans and Athenians, 527 ; generalissimo against Persia, ib. ; interview with Diogenes, 528 ; expedition against the Thracians, &c , tb.; reduces the The- * bans to obedience, ib.; demands the Athenian orators, 529 ; crosses to Asia, 530 ; forces the passage of the Granicus, 531 ; progress through Asia NTinor, ib. ; cuts the Gordian knot, 542 , dangerous illness, 533. defeats the Persians at Issus, tb ; march through Pha-nicia. 5.1.1; besieges Tyre, 536; answer to Parmenio, 537 . proceeds to Egypt, ib. ; visits the temple ot Ammon, 538 ; defeats Darius in the battle of Arbela, 539; enters Babylon, ib. ; seizes Suxa, 540 ; marches to PersepoUs, ib.; pursuss Darius, 541; invades Hyrcania, 542; enters Bactria, 543; defeats the Scy- thians, lb. ; marries Roxana, 544 ; kills Clitus, lb. ; plot of the pages against his life, 545 ; crosses the Indus, ib. ; van- quishes Porus, lb. ; marches home- wards. 546 ; peril at Malli, ib. ; arrive* at the Indian Ocean, 547 ; march through (iedrosia, ib. ; marries Stalira, 51» , quells a mutiny at Opis, ib. ; 8olemni.se.^ the festival of Dionysus at Ecbataiia. 549 ; his ambitious projects, 550 ; death, ib. ; character, ib. ; estimate of his ex- ploits, 551 ; funeral, 553 ; portraits and statues of, 582. Alexander, son of Alexander the Great, 553, 561. Alexandria in Arachosia, 543. .\lexandna in Ariorum, 542. Alexandria ad C^aucasum, 543. Alexandria in Egypt, founded, 537 ; de- scription of, 584 ; literature at, 600. Alexandria Eschate, 543. Alpiiubet, Ionic, introduced, 379. Alpheus, 6, 7. Allis, the, 52. Ambracian Gulf, 4. Aminias, 211. Ammon, Jove, 538. Amompharelus, 223. Amphipolis, 269, 503. Aniphissians, 518. Ainphitryun, 15. Amphictyonic .council, its origin and con- stitution, 49. Amphictyons, decree of the, at the end of the second sacred war, 513. A my n las. 457 Anacharsis. K4. Anacreon, 134. Anactorium, 125. Anaxagoras, 136, charged with impiety, 279 Anaxibius, 432 ; slain, 453. Anaxicrates, 262. Anaximander, 136. Anaximenes, 136. AndocJ«les, 334, 590. Androsthenes, 3fc8. Anniceres, 490. Antalcidas, peace of, 454; mission t© Persia, 457. Antigonias, Athenian tribe. 562. Antigoiius, 553, 558; coalition against, 561 ; assumes the title of king, 562 ; slain, 563. Antigonus Doson, 570. Antigonus Gonatas, 568. Antioch founded bv Seleucus, 563. Antiochus, 363, 479. Antiochus Soter. 567. Antiochus III . 574. Antipater, defeats the Spartans, 553". defeated at the Spercheus, 555 , over- throws the allied Greeks at Crannou, 556; demands the Athenian .orators. 557 ; declared regent, 5.58 ; death, ib. Antiphon, 351, 355; executed, 356; char- acter as an orator, 590. Antisthenes, 596. Anytus, 417. INDEX. 645 Apaturia, festival of, 366. Apelles, 582. Apollo Pyihaeus, 58 ; Temnites, 337 ; Epicurius, temple of, 399. ApoUodorus, 390. ApcUonia, 125. Appian, 601. Arachosia, 543. Aralus, 569. Arbela, battle of, 539. Arcadia, 6, 57. Arcadian confederation, 474. Arcadians transfer the presidency of the Olympic games to the Pisatans, 483. Arcesilaus, 596. Archelaus. 501. Archias, 557, 460. Archidamus, 278, 284, 265, 267, 268 ; be- sieges Platsea, 293. Archilochus, 129. Architecture, 141, 584. Archon, 80 ; Athenian, 68 ; cponymus and basileus, 91. Areopagus, court of, 91 ; reformed by Peri- cles, 256 ; hill of, 382, 398. Arginusae, battle of, 365. Argives and Spartans, struggles between, 78. Argolis, 7. Argonauts, 20. Argos, 7, 13, 15, 57; progress of, 257; head of a new contiedcracy, 321. Ariadne, 19. Ariffus, 426. Ariobarzanes, 540. Arion, 131,402. Anstagoras, 1G3, sq. Anstarchus, 600, Aristides, character of, 163 ; recalled from exile, 203; defeats the Persians, 212 , organizes the confederacy of Delos, 242 , change in his views ; 245 ; death, 250 Aristippus, 595. Aristocrates, 76. Aristodemus of Messenia, 74. Aristodemus of Sparta, 226. iristogeiton (v. Harmodius). Aristophanes, his politics, 302; account of, 408, sq. Aristophanes of Byzantium, 600. .\ri8tomenes of Messenia, 75. Aristotle, 526 ; account of, 597 ; method and philosophy, 598. Arrian, 601. Arsinoe, 566. Art, Greek, 30 , 140, sq. ; Athenian, 380, sq. ; Greek, 579, sq. ; decline of, 585. Artabazus, retreat of 225 Artaphernes, 164, 173. Artaxerxes, 249, 420 Artemisia, 206 ; her prowess, 211. Artemisium, battle of, 199. Asia Minor, Greek colonies in, 35. Asopius, 299 Aspasia, 279. Assyrian empire, 15S. Astacus, 287. Asty, the. 384. Astyochus, 349. Atheas, 518. Athena, 20; statue of, 395. Athenian navy, 299. Athenians, divided into four classes, 97; assist the lonians, 166 ; war with jEgina, 181 ; abandon Athens, 202 ; reject the Persian alliance, 217 ; consti- tution more democratic, 245; form an alliance with Argos, 257 ; assist Inarus, 258 ; defeat the ^ginetans, 259 ; con- quer Boeotia, 261 ; reduce ^gina, ib. ; lose their power in Boeotia, 263 ; des- potic power of, 271 ; make peace with Persia, 262 ; conclude a thirty years* truce with Sparta, 264 ; subjugat* Samos, 271 ; lorm an alliance with Corcyra, 275 ; their allies and resources in the Peloponnesian war, 283 ; their fleet annoys the Peloponnesus, 267 ; ravage the Mcgarid, ib. ; their decree against the Mytileneans, 302 ; take Pylus, 307 ; expedition against Bceotia, 315 ; conclude a truce with Sparta, 318 ; peace of Nicias, 320 ; refuse to evacuate Pylus, 322; treaty with Argos, 324; conquer Melos, 327 ; massacre the in- habitants, 328 ; interfere in Sicilian aflairs, ib. ; expedition to Sicily, 329 ; progress of. 333 ; insult the coasts of Laconia, 340 ; send a fresh fleet to Sicily, 341 ; defeated at sea by the Sy- racusans, 342 ; retreat from Syracuse, 343 ; defeated by the Lacedaemonians off Eretria, 356 ; gain a naval victory at Cynossema, 358 ; at Abydus, 359 ; at Cyzicus, 360 ; regain possession of the Bosporus, tb. ; totally defeated at jEgos- potami, 368 ; ally themselves with Thebes, 444 ; form a league with Cor- inth and Argos against Sparta, 445 ; lose the command of the Hellespont, 454 ; head of a new confederacy, 463 ; declare war against Sparta, tb. ; peace with Sparta, 468 ; form an alliance with the Peloponnesian States, 474 ; send an embassy to Persia, 479 ; support Alex- ander of Pher«p, 460 ; their desire to seize Corinth, 481 ; reviving maritime power of, 482 ; deceived by Philip, 504 ; coalition against, 505 ; send an embassy to him, 512 ; court Phdip, 513 ; send a fleet to relieve Byzantium, 517 ; their alarm at the approach of Philip, 519 ; prostrated by the battle of Chsronea, 520 ; their piratical expedition to Oropus, 577 , condemned in 500 talents by tha Romans, ib. Athens, its origin, 15, 19 ; early consti- tution of, 90 ; taken by the Persians, 205 ; second occupation of, by the Per- sians, 218 ; rebuilding of, 244 ; long walls of, 259 ; incipient decline of^ 263 ; crowded state of, during the Pe- loponnesian war, 286 ; plague at, 268 ; dismay at, 347 ; oligarchy established at, 353 ; invested by the Peloponne- sians, 371 ; famine at, tb. ; surrender of, 372 ; Spartan garrison at, 374 ; democracy restored at, 379 ; description of the city, 382, sq. ; origin of its name, 383 ; rebuilt, 384 ; walls, ib. ; harbours, ib. ; streets, &c., 385; population, ift. ; m M 646 HISTORY OF GREECE. long walls rebuUt, 447; captured by Demetrius, 505 Athos, Mount, canal at, 187. Atiaginus, 226. Attic tribes, four, 89 ; increased to ten, 108. Auica, 5 ; early history of, 88 ; three fac- tions in, 95. B. Babylon, 153 ; taken by CyTUS, 158 ; sub- mits to Alexander, 539. Babylonians, the, 153 ; Aristophanes' comedy of, 302. BacchiadsE, oligarchy of the, 383. Bacchylides, 233. Bad, the, 85. Barbarian^ meaning of the term, 48. Barca, 124. Bards, ancient, 30. Bardylis, 502. Masiteus, what, 26. Belus, temple of, 539. Bessus, 541 ; put to death, 543. Bias, 135. Bion, 600. Boar's grave, battle at the, 76. BcBotarchs, restored, 461. BcBOtia,descriptK)n of, 5. Bceotians, inmugration of the, 32 ; their confederacy restored, 466. Boges, 243. Bosporus, Athenian toll at the, 360. Boute. 26. Brasidas, 308 ; his expedition into Thrace, 317 ; death, 319 ; honours paid to his memory, 320. Brennus, 567. Bribery among the Greeks, 199. liryas, 327. I: ucephala, founded by Alexander, 546. Byzantines, erect a statue in honour of Athens, 518. Byjtaniium, 125; taken by the Athenians, 240 ; second capture of, 272 ; third cap- ture of, 361 ; besieged by Philip, 516 ; relieved by the Athenians, 518. C « Cadmea, or Theban citadel, seized by the Spartans, 458 ; recovered, 462. Cadmus, 16. Cadmus of Miletus, 234. Calamis, 387. CaUias, peace of, 468. Callias of Chalcis, 517. Callicrates, 576. Callicratidas, 363. Callimachus, 600. Callippus, 494. Callirrhoe, fountain of, 104. Callistratus, 463. CaUixenus, 366. Cambunian mountains, 2. Cambyses, 158; conquers Egypt, 159; death, ib. Canathus, 387. Carduchi, 429. Caraeades, 596. Caryatides, 397. Carihiigimans invade Sicily, 215, 48& Caspian gales. 541. Cassander, 559 ; establishes an oligarchy at Athens, 560 , takes Pydna, ib. ; kills Roxana and her son, 5C1. Casting, art of, 148. Catana, surprised by the Atheniana, 334. Cathsei, 546. Cauconcs, 14. Cecropid*, 3b3. Cecrops, 15. Celts mvade Macedonia, 567. Cephallenia, 7, 287. Cephissus, the, 382. Ceramicus, the, 398. Ccrtjces, the, 351. Chabrias, 451, 463; defeats the Lace- daemonian fleet at Naxos, 465; slaiiu 505. Chtpreas, 354. Chterephon, 417. Charilus, 402. Chteronea, first battle battle. 520. Chalccdon, 361. of, 263; second Chalybes, the, 430. Chares, 481. 505, 517. Chares (sculptor), 585. Charicles, 340. Charidemus, 509. Clianlaus, 61, 77. Chariots of war, 30. Charon of Lampsacus, 234. Charon of Thebes, 460. Chians, revolt of the, 348. Chileos, 219. Chilo, 135. Chionides, 407. Chios, attacked by the Athenians, 505. Chirisophus, 431. Chremonidean war, 568. Chronology, Grecian, 28. Chryselephantine statuary, 395. Cimon of Cleonte, 150. Cimon, son of Miltiades, 242 ; his cha- racter, 252 ; assists the Lacedffmo- nians, 255 ; banished, 257 ; his sen- tence revoked, 261 ; expedition to Cyprus and death, 262 ; his patronage of art, 391. Cinadon. conspiracy of, 437. Cirrha;an plain, 51, 505. Cithieron, Mount, 5. Cities, independent sovereignty of, 54. Clearchus, 420, 425. Clearidas, 322. Cleippides, 296. Cleobulus. 135. Cleombrotus, 462 , assists the Phociana, 466 ; invades Ua'otia, 470 ; slain, 471. Cleomenes, 106, 111, sq. 182. Cleomenic war, 571. Cleon, 286 ; character of, 301 ; his vio- lence, 310 ; his expedition against Sphacteria, 311 ; to Thrace, 319 ; flight and death, ib. Cleopatra, Philip's wife, 522. Cleopatra, Pliilip's daughter, marrie!» Alexander of Epirus, 523. Clvophou, 360. INDEX. 647 ; relation ts the how founded. Cleruchi, 112, 268. Clisthenes of Sicyon, 83. Clisthenes, 107 ; his reforms, 108 ; their effects, 113. Clitus saves Alexander's life, 531 ; killed by Alexander, 544. Cnemus, 291. Cnidus, battle of, 442. Codrus, death of, 88. Colchians, the, 431. Colo'iies, Greek, 115, sq mother country, ib. ; 1 16 ; mostly democratic, ib. ; in Asia Minor, 117; in Sicily, 118; in Italy, 120; in Gaul and Spain, 123 ; in Africa, 124 ; in the Ionian Sea, ib. ; in Mace- donia and Thrace, 125 ; progress of, 228. Comedy, old Attic, 408 ; new, 588. Conon, supercedes Alcibiades, 363 ; de- feated by Callicratidas, 364 ; accepts th3 command of th3 Persian fleet, 439; o:;cupies Caunus, 441 ; proceeds to Babylon, 442 ; defeats the Spartan fleet at Cnidus, ib. ; reduces the Spartan colonies, 447 ; takes Cylhera, ib. ; re- builds the long walls of Athens, 448 ; seized by Tinbazus, 451. Copais, lake, 5. Corax, 5. Corcyra, 7, 121; troubles in, 304; mas- sacre at, 313 ; defended by an Athenian fleet, 467. Corcyraeans, quarrel with Corinth, 273 ; send an embassy to Athens, 274. Corinna, 231. Corinth, 57 ; despots of, 83 ; battle of, 445 ; massacre at, 449 ; congress at, 521 ; another congress at, 527 ; destroy- ed by Mummius, 578. Corinthian gulf, 5. Corinthian order, 145 ; war, 445. Corinthians assist the Epidamnians, 274 ; ally themselves with Argos, 449 ; con- clude a peace with Thebes, 461. Coronea, battle of, 446. Corupedion, battle of, 566. Cottyus,519. Coiys, 576. Cranai, 383. Crannon, battle of, 556. Grantor, 596. Craterus, 546. Crates, 596. ('ratinus, 408. Crete, 7, 38. Creusis, 470. C-rimesus, battle of, 497. Crissa, 50. Critias, 372; seizes Salamis and Eleusis, 377 ; slain, 378. Crito, 418. Critolaus, 578. CrcBsus, 150, 154; fall of, 157. Croton, 120. Cryptia, 64. Cum;B, 118. Cunaxa, battle of, 424. Cyclades, 7. Cyclic poets, 40. Cyclopean walls, 142. Cyllene, Mount, 6. Cylon, conspiracy of, 92. Cynics, the, 596. Cynosarges, the, 596. Cynoscephala;, battle of, 482. Cynuria, 78. Cypselus, 83. Cyrenaic sect, 595. Cyrene, 124. Cyrus, empire of, 155 ; captures Sardis, 156 ; takes Babylon, 158 ; death, ib. Cyrus the younger, arrives on the coast, 362 ; his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, 420 ; march, 422, sq. ; slain, 425. Cythera, 7. Cyzicus, 117, 359; recovered by the Athenians, 360. D. Da?dalus, 148. Damocles, story of, 490. Danae, 15. Danai, 15. Danaus, 15, 18. Darius, 159 ; his administration, 161 ; Thracian expedition of, ib. ; extorts the submission of the Macedonians, 162 ; death, 186. Darius Codomanus, defeated by Alexander at Issus, 533 ; overthrown by Alexander at Arbela, 539 ; murdered, 543. Datis, 173. Decarchies, Spartan, 370, 437. Decelea, 340. Delium, Athenian expedition against, 315 j battle of, 316. Delos, confederacy of, 241 ; tribute, 269; synod removed to Athens, 270 ; lustra- tion of, 307. Delphi, temple of, 50; oracle, 54; taken by the Phocians, 500 , oracle of concern- ing Philip, 523. Demades, 557. Demaratus, 182. Demes, Attic, 108. Demetrias, Athenian tribe, 562. Demetrius of Phalerus, 560 ; character of, 561 ; retires to Thebes, 562. Demetrius Poliorcetes, 561 ; besieges Salamis, 562 ; besieges Rhodes, ib. ; takes Athens, 565; king of Macedon, ib. ; death, 566. Demetrius of Pharos, 572. Demiurgi, 20. Democracy, 80; Athenian, progress of, 301. Demosthenes (general), 307, 311. Demosthenes (orator), account of, 508; Philippics, lb. ; first, 509 ; Olynthiacs, 510; embassy, 512; second Philippic, 515 ; oration on the Peace, ib. ; mission into Peloponnesus, ib. ; third Philippic, 516; oration on the Chersonese, ib^i presented with a golden crown, 517 ,• goes envoy to Thebes, 519; fights at Cha^ronca, 520; his conduct after Philip's death, 520 ; proposes religious honours for Philip's assassin, ib. ; his opinion of Alexander, 527 ; exertions « UH HISTORY OF GREECR to rouse Greece, ib. ; embassy to Alex- ander, lb ; accused by .Eschincs— speech on the Croum, 554 ; condtinned of corruption, 555; recalled from exile, 55S ; demanded by Aniipaler, 557 . escapes to (Jalaurea, tb. ; death, ib ; cliaracier as an orator, 5iJ2. DercyUidas, 438, 447. Diacria, 95. Dierides, 555, 593. Ilyphasis, the, 546, Iambic verso, 129. Ibycus, 233. Ictinus, 263, 394. llisisus, 382. Ilium, or Troy, 23. Inaros, revolt of, 358. Ion, 12. Ionia, subjugated by the Persians, 170. lonians, 12, 13; four tribes of, 89; revolt of the, 165 ; defection from Sparta, 241. Ionic migration, 36. Ionic order, 145. lophon, 587. Iphitus, 51. Iphicrates, tactics of, 450 ; successes of, 541 ; recalled, ib. ; defeats the Laceda?- monians near Abydus, 453; indicted, 503. Ipsus, battle of, 563, Ira, fortress of, 76. IsiBUS, 591. Isagoras, 107, 111, Ismenias, 479, 460. Isocrates, 591, Issus, battle of, 533. Isthmian games, 50, 51, 53. Ithaca, 7. Ithome, becomes subject to Sparta, 74-. Mount, 476. J. .lason, 20. Jason of Phera^, 472 ; assassinated, 473. Jerusalem, Alexander's reported visit to» 537. .Tocasta, 21. Josephus, 601. Jove, temple of, at Olympia, 399. K, Kings, Grecian, 25,. Knights, Athenian, 97. Knights of ArisiophanB*^ extract from, 400. \ Hi. Lacedajmonians (v. Sparta/. Lai'cdajmonius, 275. F %m HISTORY OF GREECE. r ft i Lachares, 565. Laconia, 7 ; reduced by the Spartans, < 1 ; northern frontier of, 77. Laconizers, what, 237. Lade, battle of, 1*58.^ Laivinus, M. Val., 572. Laius, 21. Lainachus, 329; advises an attack on Sj nuuse, 333 ; slain, 338. Laiiiian war, 530. Lainpsacus, 367. Laocoon, 5b6. Larissa, 429. Lasus of Hermione, 230. Laurium, 9 ; silver mines at, 183. Legends, heroic, their value, 24. Leieges, 14. Leonidas, 194 ; his death. 19C. Leonnatus, 553. Leontiades, 458. Leuiitines, 328. LeotYchides, 182, 227 ; treachery of, 254. Leostheues, 555. Lesbos, corillscation of, 303; revolt of, 348. Lesche^ at Delphi, 390. Leueas, 125. Leuctra. battle of, 47L Lichas, 349. Literature, Greek, history of, 126, 229, 400, 587 ; revival of in the West, 603 Locrians, 5 ; Epizephyrian, 121. Lorris, 6. Long walls, Athenian, 38-1 ; rebuilt, 448. Lucian, 602. Lycabettus, 382. Lycainbes, 129. Lyceum, 399, 597. Lycians, destruction of the, 158. Lycomedes, kinp, 20. Lycomenes of Mantinea, 474, 477 ; defeats the Spartans, 478, 480. Lycon, 417. Lyeophron, 84. Lycortas, 575. Lycurgus (legislator), 60. Lyeurgus (orator), 593. Lydian monarcliy, 153. Lygdamis, 103, 235. Lyric poetry, 128 ; occasions of, 129 ; de- velopment of, 229. Lysander, appointed Navarchtts, 362 ; Epistolem, 367 ; intrusted by Cyrus with his satrapy, ift. ; his proceedings after the victory of ^llgospotami, 370; blockades Pineus, ib. ; takes possession of Athens, 372 ; establishes the Thirty Tyrants, 373; triumph, ib.; honours, 377 ; re-enters Athens, 378 ; his ambi- tious schemes, 436 ; despatched to the Hellespont, 440 ; expedition into BtJEOtia, 444 ; slain, ib. Lycias, 269, 591. Lysicles, 521. Lysicraies, choragic monument j>f, 584. Lysimachus, 553, 566 ; slain, 307. Lysippus, 582. M. Macedonia, dc«cription (^, 500. Macedonian empire, partition of, 553; overthrow, 570. Macedonians, their origin, 501. Maclumidas, 573. Macroues, the, 431. Magi, 153. Magna Griecia, 120 ; causes of the declino of its cities, 123. Magon, 196, Malian Gulf, 4. Main, the, 546. Mantinea, 57 ; battle of, 326 ; taken by the Sjiartans, 385 ; rebuilt, 474 ; battle of, 485 ; third battle of, 573. Mantiiieaus, invoke tho aid of Sparta against the Thebans, 484. Marathon, battle of, 176. Mardians Hubdued by Alexander, 542. Mardontes, 227, Mardonius, 171 ; adroit llattery of, 212; negotiations with the Athenians, 217 ; marches again.st Alliens, 218 ; retreats, 219 ; death, 224. Masistius, 220. Massageta*, 158. Massalia, 123. .Mausoleum, the, 580, 584. Mausolus, 505. Mazanis, 540. Medea, 21, Medes, the, 152. Media, wall of, 427. Medon, lirst Athenian archon,8ei. Megaba/.us, 162. Megaby/us, 258. Megacles, 83, 93, 101, 103. Megalopolis (bunded, 476 ; battle of, 553. Megara, 57 ; revolutions of, 85 ; long walls at, 257 ; revolts from Athens, 264 ; complains of Athens, 277 ; Athenian expedition against, 314. Megaric sect, 595. Megaris, 5. MeUart, 539. Melesander, 292. Mih'tus, 417. Melos, 327. Menalcidas, 577. Menaiidtr. 588. Mende, 318. Menelaus, 22. M«-min, 428. Messeiic, 58. Messenc founded, 476 ; taken by Lycortas, 575. Messcnia, 7. ^ Mcssenian war, first, 73; second, /j; third, 254. Messenians conquered by the Spartans, 74 ; subjugated, 77. Mespila, 429. Methone, 507. Metellus, 578. Meton, 330. Mihrtnf|, 117; (all of, 169; revolt of, 348. Mih» the Crotoniate, 121. Milliades, 174 ; accusation and death ot, \m. Mindanis, 358. Minos, 18,20. Minotaur, 19. INDEX. 651 Minyans, 38. Mnaseas, 511. Mnasippus, 467. Morea, 6. Moschus, 600, Mosynfeci, 432. Mummius, 578; his ignorance of art, tb. Munychia, 384. Museum, 382. Mycale, battle of, 227. Mycena;, 13, 16; ruins of, 29, 141. Myron, 389. Myronides, 259. Mytilene, naval engagement at, 364. Mytiieneans, revolt of the, 298 ; embassy to Sparta, 299 ; capitulate, 300, K. Nauclides, 281. Naucrnry, 90. Naupactus, 33 ; taken by the Athenians, 261. Xavarchia, Spartan, 358. Naxos, Spartan expedition against, 164 ; revolt of, 252 ; battle of, 465. Neapolis, 337. Nearchus, voyage of, 547. Nemean games, 51, 53. Neodamodes, 64. Nic«a, founded by Alexander, 546. Nicias, 310; reduces Cythera, 314; con- cludes peace with Sparta, 320 ; appoint- ed commander in Sicdy, 329 ; his ddatory proceedings there, 335 ; desponding situation of, 340 ; indecision, 311 ; sur- render, 344 ; death, 345 ; character, ib. Nicostratus, 304. Nike Apteros, temple of, 39L Nirnroud, 429. Nineveh, 429. Nisaius, 494. Nobilior, M. Fulv., 574. Nobles, 27, 80. o. Oceanus, 30. Odeum, 267, 399. (Edipus, 21. (Enophyta, battle of, 261. (Eta, .Mount, 4. Oligarchy, 80. Olympia, 7 ; temple of, plundered by the Arcadians, 484, Olympiad, first, 12. Olympian Jove, 14. Olyntpias, 522 ; takes refuge with Alexan- der in Epirus, 522 ; whether concerned in Philip's assassination, 524 ; puts Eurydice to death, 500 ; murdered, ib. Olympic games, 51, Olympus, 4. Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes, 510. Olynlhian confederacy dissolved, 457 ; its extent, 510. Olynthus, 457 ; taken by the Spartans, 459. Onatas, 3^7. Onomarchus, 507. Opuntian Lorrians, 5. Oracles, 54. Orators, Athenian, demanded by Alex- ander, 529 ; ten Attic, Alexandrian canon of, 590. Oratory, Greek, rise and progress of, 589. Orchomenos, 326, 466, 473. Orders of architecture, 144. Oropus, 481, 577. Orthagoras, 62. Oriygia, 336. Ossa, 4. Ostracism, introduced by Clisthenes, 110. Othryades, 78. Othrys, Mount, 4. Oxyartes, 544. Ozolian mountains, 5. Paches, 300, 304. Pactolus, the, 154. Pa*onians, 502. PiKstum, 120. Painting, origin and progress of, 150 ; development of, 389; Sicyonian school of, 582. Pamisus, river, 7. Pamphilus, 582. Panathensea, 19. Pancratium, 52. Pangfeus, Mount, 253, 504. Pan-Ionic festival, 36. Parabasis, comic, 409. Parali, 95. Paris, 22. Parmenio, 537; put to death by Alex- der, 543. Parnassus, Mount, 5. Parnes, Mount, 5. Parnon, Mount, 7. Paropamisus, 543. Purrhasius, 391. Parthenia?, 123. Parthenon, 267, 394. Parysatis, queen, 427, 441. PasargadiB, 541. Paulus, L. JEm., 576. Pausanias, king of Sparta, vanity and treason of, 240; recall and impeach- ment, 247 ; conviction and death, 248. Pausanias (second), 378 ; expedition into Bceotia, 444 ; condemned to death, 583. Pausanias assassinates Philip, 523. Pausanias (historian), 602. Pcdieis, 95. Peers, Spartan, 438. Pelasgians, 14. Pelassficon, the, 266. Pel ion, 4. Pelopidas, character of, 460 ; gains a victory at Tcgyra, 466 ; subdues Alex- ander of Phera', 478 ; imprisoned by Alexander, 480 ; defeats Alexander, 482: slain, 463. Peloponnesian confederacy, meeting of, . 277 ; decides for war against Athens, 278 ; war, eommencement of, 283 ; in- vasion of Attica, 285 ; Thucydides' character of the war, 305, Peloponncsians, attempt to suriirise Pi- raeus, 298. 652 HISTORY OF GREECE. » I Feloponnosus, 6. Felops, 16. Peneus, 4. Penj-ab, the, 545. Pentacosiomedimni, 97. Peniathlum, 52. Perdiccas, 276. Perdiccas (Alexander's penem), SoS ; inarclies against Ptolemy, 558; assas- smaied, i/a ^, ..,.^. Pcriander, 83 ; his rrucUy, 64 ; abihties and power. ib. ; and Anon, 131. Perides, character of, 255; innovations of, 256; his administration, 25< ; re- duces Eubtpa, 264; plans lor adorning Athens, 267 ; his banishment dtnianded by the Laceda-monians, 279 ; pU-ails lor Aspasia, ift. ; persuades a war, 281 ; fXineral oration bv. 2bS ; accused of pec- ulation, 289 ; death aiitl character, 2\K). Pericles, age of, character of art in, 3b6. Perinthus, siege of, 516. Pcriceci, 62. Peripatetics, 596. Persepolis, taken and burnt by Alexan- der, 541. ^Perseus IB. Perseus! .'>75 ; defeated by tho Romans, 576. Persian Gates, 5U». Persians, 155; their cruelties towards the Ionic Greeks, 169 ; invade Greece, 171; demand earlh and water from the Grecian States, 172 ; second inva- sion of Greece, 173; land at Marathon, 174; third invasion of Greece, 188; their number under Xerxes, 189 ; de- struction of their Iket l»y a storm, 198 ; their progress, 203 ; attack Delphi, 204 ; lake Athens, ib.; retreat of, 214; their fleet rtiassembles at Samos, 216. Ph(r>h, Plato's, 418. Phalanx, Macedonian, 503. Phalaris of Agripentum, 119. Phalerum, 384. Phamabazus assists the Laceilirmonians, 360 ; maciianiniity of, -1 12. Pliayllus, 507, 511. Pherccy dca of Sy ros, 231 . Phidias, 267; accused of peculation, 280 ; Ms style, 3*8 ; his statue of the Olym- pian Jove, 399. Fhidon. 58. Phigalian marbles, 399. Philemon, 5i-?. _^ ^ Philip of Macedon, carried to Thebes as a hostage, 478 ; education of. 501 ; eha- racter, 502; deteats the Illyrians, 503; assumes the crown, ///.; takes Amphi- poUs and Pydna, 5(H ; takes part lu the sacred war, 507 ; loses an eye, i*. ; reduces Thessaly, 508 ; expedition into Thrace, ib.; takes Olynthus, 511; oc- cupies Delphi, 513; overruns lUyriii, 515; second expedition into Thrace, 516; manifesto to the Athenians, 517 ; compelled to evacuate the Chersonese, 518 ; expedition into .Scythia, ^ft. ; elected general in the war against Am- phissa, 519 ; seizes Elaiea, ib. ; defeats the Tbebun;* and Athenians at t'htero- nea, 520 ; his conduct after the battle, 521 ; clemency towards Athens, ib. ; appointed generalissimo against Persia, 522 ; chastises the Spartans, ib. ; lamily fuuds, lb.; omens ol his death, 523; assassinated, tb. , character, 524. Philip IV., 565. Philip v., 571 ; assists the Achfean8,572 ; forms an alliance with llaiiiiibal, ib , defeated by the Romans, 574. Philip Arrhidieus, 553. Philippi founded, 504. Philippics of Demosthenes, 508 ; first, 509 ; second, 515 ; third, 516. Philocrates, 452. Philomelus, 5i;6 ; slain, 507. Philopamien, 573 ; takes Sparta, 575 ; taken and put to death, tb. Philosophy, Greek, origin of, 136; Ionic school of, lb.; Eleaiic school, 137. Pythagorean school, ib. ; various schools, 5U6. Phocffans, 158. Phocians, 505 ; defeated by the Thehans, 507 ; reduced bv Philip, 513. Phocion, 465 ; character of, 510 ; his expedition to Eubaa, 516 ; to Byzan- tium, 517 ; his rebuke of Demosthenes, 526 ; refuses Alexander's presents, 229 ; accusation and death, 559. Phocis, 5. Phabidas, 465. Phoenicians, 16. Pliormio, victories of, 297. Phoros, the, 242. Phratriip, W. Phryne, 581. Phrynichus, 351, 355. Phrynichus (dramatist), his Fall of Mile- tus^ 169 ; account of, 402. Phyllidas, 4f>0. Pbiflo-basiUu.t. 90. Piiiacotheca. 393. Pindar, 231 ; his style, 233 ; his house Kjuired by Alexander, 529, Pindus, Mount, 4. Pineus fortified, 245, 268; re-fortified, 447 ; surprised by Teleutms, 453. Pirithous, 20. Pisa. 7. Pisaiider, 442. Pisusiratiia, usurpation of, 101 ; his strata- gem, 103; death and character of, 104. Pi.>*f-uthnes, 271. Piltacus. 135. Plague at Athens, 288. Plata-a, battle of, 221; surprised, 282; besieged by the Pelo|)onnesian8, 293 ; surrenders, 295 ; destroyed, ib. ; re- stored by the Lacedirmoniuns, 456 ; Ugain destroyed bv the Thebans, 467. Platffans join' the Athenians, 176; mas- sacre of the, 295. Plato, visits Sicilv, 489 ; sold as n slave, 490 : second visit to .Sicily, 491 ; life of. 593 ; philosophy, 594. Pleistoanax, 264. Plutarch, 601. Pnvx, tiK', 3S2. 398. Pa'r/7e Stoa, the, 392, 599. Poetry. Greek, 40. Polemarth, 91. INDEX. 653 Polemon, 596. Polus of Agrigentum, 414. Polybius, 577, 601. Poly bus, 21. Polychares, 73. Polycletus, 388. Polycraies ol Samos, 160. Polygiiotus, 389. Polynices, 22. Polysperchon, 558 ; expedition to Pelo- ponnesus, 560. Porus, 545. Potidiea, 276, 292, 457, 504. Pratinas, 402. Praxias, 388. Praxitas defeats the Corinthians, 449. Prohiili, 317, 352. Prodicus, 590. Prodicus of Ceos, 414. Prose composition, origin of, 233. Propyl^a, 268, 393. Protagoras of Abdera, 414, 590. Prytaneuin, 99. Prytanies, 109. Prytanis, 80. Psammetichus of Corinth, 65. Psyttaleia, 209. Ptolemies, patronize learning, 600. Ptolemy, 558 ; defeated at Salamis, 562. Ptolemy Ceraunus, 506, 567. Ptolemy Philadelphus, 566. Pydna, 560 ; battle of, 576. Pvlagone, 49. Pylus, 307. Pyrrhus, 565 ; king of Macedonia, 560. Pvthagoras, 121, 137. Pythagorean clubs suppressed, 139. Pythia, 54. Pythian games, 51. PythoJorus, 328. Pythonicus, 331. K Rhapsodists. 42. Rhe;:iuin. 121. Rhitra of Lycurgus, 61 . Rhodes, 7 ; siege of, 562 ; colossus at, 585 RhtEcus, 148. Romans, direct thoir attention towards (Jreece, 573; declare war against Phdip v., 574 ; proclaim the freedom of Greece, tb. ; declare war against Perseus, 576 ; spoliation of Greek works by, 5S6. Royalty, abohshed in Greece, 79; cause of Its abolition, 89. Roxana, married by Alexander, 544 ; mur- dered, 561. Saered Band, Theban, 463. Sacred war, first, 51 ; second, 505 , bar- barity of, .507 ; pro;ircss of, 511 ; termi- nation, 513 i results, 514. Sages, the seven, 134. SaliEthus, 300, 301. Salamis, 7; acquired by the Athenians, 95 ; battle of, 209. Salamis (in Cvprus). battle of, 562. Samos, revolt of. 271 ; subdued, ih ; its importance to Athens, 348 : revolutions at, 354; subdued by Lysander, 373. Sappho, 133. Sardis, 153; burnt, 166. Saronic gulf, 5. Scarphea, battle of, 578. Scione, 318. Scojias, 220. Scoi)as (sculptor), 580. Scyros, reduction of, 242. Scythini, the, 430. Sedition, Solon's law respecting, 99. Seisactheia, the, 96. Seleucus, 558 ; founds Antioch, 563 ; suc- ceeds to the greater part of the Macedo- nian empire, 567 ; assassinated, tb. Selinuntine sculptures, 149. Sellasia, battle of, 571. Selymbra, 125. Sestos, reduced by the Athenians, 5128. Seuthes, 433. Sicilian expedition, 332; termination of, 344. SicUy, dissensions m, 328. Sicyon, 7 ; despots in, 82. Silver mines, 9. Simonides ol Amorgos, 130. Simonides of Ceos, 230. Sinope, 117. Sisygambis, 534. Sitalces, 287, 292, 297. Slaves, 27. Smerdis, 159. Smilis, 148. Smyrna, 36. Social war, 504; ill effects of the, 505; second, 572. Socrates, at Delium, 316; his opinion of the Sicilian expedition, 330; opposes the condemnation of the ten generals. 366 ; refuses to obey the commands of the Thirty, 374 ; summoned before them, 375 ; sketch of his life, 415 ; his teaching and method, 416 ; how he differed from theSophists,i//.; wisdom of, 417; unpopu- larity and indictment of, ii». ; condemned, lb. ; rcfuKcs to escape, 418 ; death, ib. Sogdiana, fortress of, taken, 544. SoUium, 287. Solon, 94; legislation of, 96; supposed interview with Creesus, 100; laws of, brought down into the Agora, 256. Sophists, prohibited from teaching, 375 , description of the, 413. Soi)hocles, at Samos, 272 ; account of, 405; character as a poet, 406. Sparta, 13, 57 ; landed property in, (>9 , power of, 78 ; head of the Grecian States. 172 ; earthquake at, 253 ; allies of in the Peloponnesian war, 283 ; introduction of gold and silver at, 437 ; league against, 445 ; congress at. 467 ; rapid fall of, 474 , entered by Epaminondas, 485; taken by Antigonus Doson, 571 ; taken by Philo- pcemen, 575. Spartan constitution, 62 ; tribes, ib. ; ed- ucation, 66; women, 68: money, 70; fleet totally defeated at Cyzicus, 360, 7nora defeated by Iphicrates, 450. Spartans, make war on Arcadia, 77; alone retain their kings, 79 ; overthrow the despots. 82 ; send an embassy to Cy- rus, 157 ; conduct of, at Thermopylae, 195 ; selfish conduct of, 202 ; their apa- I 654 HISTORY OF GREECE. thy, 218; dismiss the Athenians, 255; oppose the Athenians in Bceoiia, 260 ; tequirc tlie Athenians to withdraw the decree against Megara, 280 ; invade At- tica, 2H5 , reject the advances of Alcibi- ades, 323 ; send an embassy to Athens, lb. ; invade Argos, 325 ; force the Ar- givesto an alliance, 327 ; establish them- selves at Decclea, 340 ; invade Elis, 435 ; duration of their supremacy, ib. ; assist the Phocians against the Thebans, 444 , defeated at llaliartus, ib. ; lose their col- onies, 447 ; proclaim the independence of the BtEOtian cities, 456 ; garrison ()r- chomenus and Thespia*, ift. ; assist Amyntas against the Olynthians, 457 ; height of their power, 459 ; expelled from BoBotia, 466 ; attack Corcyra, 467 ; solicit the aid of the Athenians, 477 ; de- feat the Arcadians, 478 ; send an embassy to Persia, 479 ; excluded from the Am- phictyonic council, 513 ; attempt to throw off the Macedonian yoke, 553 ; their decline and degradation, 5tJU ; call in the Romans, 578. Speusippus, 596. Sphacteria, blockaded, 309 ; captured, 312. Sphodrias, 402. Sporades, 7. Staiira, 534, 548; murdered by Roxana, 553. Statuary, 30; progress of, 148; schools of, 149, 387, 579. Stesichorus, 132. Sihenelaidas, 278. Stoics, 596. Slrabo, 601. Sirategi, Athenian, 110. Stratonice, 565. Sunium, fortified, 347. Susa, treasures at, 540. Susarion, 402. Sybaris, its luxury, 120; destroyed, 121. Sybarites, 269. Sybota, naval battle off, 275. Syennesis, 422. a^ntaxis, the, 463. Syracusans, their vigorous defence, 336. Syracuse, 118; description of, 336; naval battle at, 340; engagement in the Great Harbour of, 342 ; coustitution of, 487. Syssitta, 68, 438. " Table Companions," the, 425. Tsenarum, 7. Tanagra, battle of, 260. Taochi, the, 430. Tarentum, 123. Taygetus, Mount, 7. Tearless battle, the, 478. Tegea, 57 ; reduced by the Spartans, 78. Teleclus, 73. Teleutias, 452, 453. Temenus, 58. Tempe, 4 ; pass of, 192. Temples, Greek, description of, 143; of Diana at Ephesus. 146 ; of Juno at Sa- moa, 147 ; of Delphi, ib. ; of the Olym- pian Jove, lb. ; at Pssttun, ib. ; at Se- linus. lb. , in ^Egina, ib. " Ten Thousand," expedition and retrost of the, 419, sqq. ♦• Ten Thousand," the Arcadian, 476. Teos, revolt of, 348. Terillus, 215. Terpander, 128. Tetralogies, 403. Thais, 541. Thales of Miletus. 136. Thasos, reduced, 253. Theagf nes of Megara, 85. Thebans, surprise I'latJea, 281 ; expel king Agis trom Aulis, 440; invade Phocis, 444 ; form an alliance with Athens, ib. ; forced into Lacediemonian alliance, 459 ; rise of their ascendency, 473 ; defeated by Alexander of Phera;, 480; fit out a fleet, 482 ; their proceedings at Tegea, 484 ; ally themselves with the Athenians against Philip, 519 ; humbled by Philip, 521 ; rise against the Macedonians, 526. Thebes, Seven against, 22. Thebes, 16; reduced by Pausanias, 227; lib- erated from the Spartans, 461 ; declared head of Greece by the Persians, 479 ; de- stroyed, 529 ; restored by Cassander, 560. Themistocles proposes a fleet, 182 ; his character, 183 ; his advice to fight at Salamis, 206 ; his stratagem to bring on an engagement, 207 ; his message to Xerxes, 213 ; his rapacity, ib. ; re- warded by the Spartans, 214 ; his views, 243, sq. ; goes ambassador to Sparta, 244 ; corruption of, 246 ; ostracised, ib. ; flight, 248 ; reception in Persia, 249 ; death, ib. ; tomb, 250. Theocritus, 600. Theodorus of Samos, 148. Theognis, 85. Theopompus, 74. Theramenes, 355, 371, 373 ; his death, 375. Thermopylae, 4 ; pass of, 193 ; battle of, 195. Theron of Agrigenlum, 215. Thespis, 229', 402. Theseum, the, 392. Theseus, 18, 19, 68 ; bones of brought to Athens, 242. Thcssalians, 32. Thessaly, 4 , submits to Xerxes, 192. Thesmothetje, 91. Thessalus, 335. Thetes, 27, 97, 245. Thimbron, 433, 438 ; defeat and death, 45S. Thirty years' truce, 264. Thirty Tyrants at Athens, 373 ; pro- scription of the, 374 ; defeated by Thrasybulua, 377 ; deposed by the Spartans, 379. Thrasybulus of Miletus, M. Thrasybulus, 354 ; takes Phyle, 377 ; seizes Pirieus, 378 ; defeats the Thirty, zb. ; defeated by Pausanias, 379 ; marches into Athens, ib. ; commands an Athenian fleet, 452; restores theAthcnian power in the Hellespont, ib. ; slain, ib. Thrasyllus, 354. Thra.svmelidas, 308. Thucydides (states.), 265 ; ostracised, 267. Thucydides (the historian), in Thrace, 318 ; banished, ib. ; account of, 410 ; hin history, 411. INDEX eis£ Thurii, 236, 269. Thyrea, reduced, 314. Tigranes, 227. Timocrates, 443. Timogenidas, 226. Timolaus, 445. Timoleon, character of, 494 ; expedition to Sicily, 495 ; defeats the Cartha- ginians, 497 ; becomes a Syracusan citizen, 498. Timotheus, 463 ; his success on the west- ern coasts of Thrace, 465 ; attacks Za- cynthus, 466, successful naval expedition of, 4b2 ; indicted and condemned, 505. Tiribazus, 429, 451. Tiryns, remains of, 29, 141. Tissaphernes, 348 ; 359, 420, 428 ; attacks the Ionian cities, 438; beheaded, 441. Tithraustes, 441, 443. Tolmides, 261, 263. Torone, 318. Tragedy, Greek, origin of, 402. Trapezus, 431. "Treasury" of Atreus, 142. Triparadisus, treaty of, 558. Trilogies, 403. Triphylian cities, 474, 479. Triltys, 90. Trtt'zen, 7. Trojan expedition, 22. Trov captured, 24. Tyche, 337. Tyrant, value ot the term, 81. Tyre, besieged by Alexander, 536. TyrisBUs, 75, 130. U. Ulysses, 22. Uxians, the, 540. T. Venus de' Medicis, 586. Wolf, Homeric theory of, 44. Writing, use of, 44. Xanthian marbles, 149. Xanthippus, IbO; recovers the Thracian ('hersonese, 228. Xenocrates, 596. Xenophanes, 137. Xenophon, account of, 412; his works, ib. ; accompanies Cyrus, 422 ; his dream, 428 ; saluted General of the Ten Thousand, ib. ; returns to Athens, 433 ; joins Agesilaus, 446. Xerxes, character of, 186 ; subdues Egypt, lb. ; chastises the Ilellespont, \\S7 ; marches towards Greece, 188; reviews his troops, ib. ; crosses the Hellespont 189 ; number of hia host, 2b. ; takes Athens, 209 ; his alar::n and retreat, 212. Xuthus, 12. Zacyntlius, 7. Zaleucus, laws of, 121 ; suicide, 19S. Zea, 384. Zeno, 598. Zeugit(B, 97. Zcu.'i Eleuthenos, 226. Zeuxis, 390. Zoroaster, 153. Calliope, the Muse of Epic Poetry. QUESTIONS OH DE. WILLIAM SMITH'S HISTOEY OF GREECE Bv Rev. CHARLES BICKMORE. I INTRODUCTION. OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGKAPHY. § 1. Describe tlic three peninsulas in the South of Europe. § 2. What is the hititude, and wliat are tlie names, of the chain of Fiountains bounding Greece to the North ?— What advantages of position lirtd Greece ? § 3. Wliat are tlie extreme hititude and longitude of Greece, and what its dimensions and extent?— What do you observe of the political state of Greece in ancient times ? — Whence arose its celebrity ? § 4. How did the Greeks call themselves and their country ?— Whence liave we the names (/ree/.s and Greece ?— ^Vhat was the original extent of the name IL //as .^— What tribes were not reckoned Ilel/enes ?— What was the nortli l)(>undary of Hellas ])roper ?— In what more extended sense WIS the word Hellas used ?— What countries would thus be included in il? § 5. Below the map are the names of 22 countries ; name these, and note their i)osition.— Give a rough sketch of this mai) and its princii)al features. — What mountain chain in Greece corresponds to the Apennines in Italy?— What are the North and South Ijoundaries of Thessaly?— What are the position and height of the Eurojiean Olvmpus ?— What other 01ymi)us was there?— Wliat other mountains are' on the coast of Thessaly?- What break is there in tliesc mountains?— What gives ce- lebrity to the ojicning ?— What separates Thessaly from Epirus ?— Con- trast the two countries.— Which is the largest river in Greece ?— Where tloi's it flow? § G. Name and describe the two gulfs north of Central Greece- Name the countries of Central Greece.— Describe the [msition of Mounts Tymphrestus, Othrvs, and 0^:ra. — What names do the mountains which branch from the Sout/ieast of Pindus bear? — What mountains branch from its Southwest? § 7. Describe Doris and its ])osition. — What river rises there ?— Name and distinguish the several Locrians, stating their position. — Describe I'hocis.- Name its chief mountain, stating the height.— What arc the boundaries, character, and extent of Bajotia? — Name the river and laka of Bocotia. — D'scrib.^ Af.ica. — What separates it from the rest of 2 F * 658 QUESTIONS ON Book I. Greece? — ^What is its South promonton? — What country comes be- tween Attica and Corinth ? — Wiint gulfs does the Isthmus separate ? — Describe them. — How wide is the Isthmus, and what is its character ? § 8. AVhat countries form the west of Central Greece ? — State the chief peculiarities of these countries. § 9. Whence came the name Peloponnesus ? — What several natural objects is it conceived to resemble? — What is the central region of the Peloponnesus? — Which is the chief river of the reloponnesus, and where does it flow? — Where and of what height is Mount Cyllene? § 10. What countries besides Arcadia did the Peloponnesus contain? — Describe Achaia. — Name the states comprised in Argolis, stating their ■cveral positions. — What gulfs enter or border on this country ? — Which arc the most Southern Grecian states? — What divides them ? — What was Taniarum? — ^What its modern name? — What is the river of Laconia? — What river drains Messenia? — Describe Elis. — Whence its chief ce. lebi ii y ? § 11. What were the position, extent, and character of Eubcea?— Where were the Cyekuksy and whence their name ? — What docs Sporade* mean? — Where were the islands so callcil ? — Where were Crete and Khodes? — Name the isles W. of Greece. — Where wasCythera? — What islands occur to you as similarly situated ? § 12. What political influence had the physical features of Greece ? — Name its chief mountain-passes, and state the military advantages they allbrded. — Show by comparison the great extent of coast in Greece. — Of what advantage was this ? § 13. What effects had the several natural peculiarities of Greece on the character of its |)eo])le ? § 14. What is the nntural dejicieney of Greece? — How is this caused? What was the agricultural produce of ancient Greece ? — What were its mineral jjroducts ? § 15. Give some account of the climate of Greece. BOOK I. THE MYTHICAL AGE. CHAPTER I. THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS OF GREECE. § 1. What is the character of the earliest statements relative to Greek history ? — ^What general rule may be laid down with regard to the cred- ibility of history ? — When did the Greeks tegin to employ writing for recording events ? — ^Why should we read traditions in connection with history ? § 2. What descent did the Greeks claim for the ancestors of their tribes ? — Give the supposed genealogy of the four great divisions of the Greek race. Note.— This genealc^ would be most euily given 'oiid remembered in such & form aa foUowti : Chap. II. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. Deucalion — Pyrrha (>5'J He Dorua len Xuthus The Dorians Ion Acha>us .^Eolus The iEoIlans The lonians The Achaeana. The young student will do well to conpult Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionary, and read ihere the legends concerning the mythic cliaracters here mentioned, and trace up their genealogy to the gods of Greek worship. § 3. Where was the traditional scat of Hellen's kingdom ? — ^What does the author tell us respectiug the Cohans ? — Name some of their cities. •—What is recorded of the Acha;ans of early times? — Which became in historic ages the more important tribes ? — What were the two famous states descended from these ? § 4. AVhat is the great guide in tracing the origin of nations? — ^What are the Asiatic and what the European branches of the Indo-European race? § 5. What traces exist in legends concerning the language and coun- tries of the Pehs(/ians ? — What is known of tlie mode of life and religion of the Pelasgians ?— What account is given of the division of thePelasgi into tribes, and of the rise of the Hellenes ? § 6. On what grounds does the author discredit the traditions of an Oriental origin for Greek civilization ? § 7. Give the tradition respecting the foundation of an Eg}'ptian col- ony in Attica. — Record the story of Danaus. — In what Aarious countries are pyramids found ? § 8. Tell the stories respecting Pelops. § 9. Why docs the author assign more credit to the legends of Phoe- nician colonies? — Whence and whither is Cadmus said to have come? — From whom did the Greeks gain the art of writing ? — What proves this? CHAPTER II. THE GRECIAN HEROES. § 1. During what period and between what events is the Homeric age reckoned? — Name the three most celebrated Grecian i/e;oes, stating some distinguishing circumstance respecting each. § 2. What was the parentage of Hercules? — What goddess was op- posed to him, and whom did she set over him ?— Name the 12 labors of Hercules. — State the legend relative to his death. § 3. What was the parentage of Theseus ? — Record some of his ex- ploits. — Relate the story of his adventures in connection with Crete. — What Attic institutions are assigned to Theseus ? — Who was the great friend of Theseus? — What were their joint exploits? — Where and how is Theseus said to have })erislied ? § 4. State the origin of Minos and the legends concerning him. § 5. Which are the three most celebrated of the expeditions of the Heroic or Mythic age ? NOTK. — If the reader will conBtilt Dr. Smith's Classical Dictionary, articles Calyi>on, Meleaoe«, and Atalanta, he will find an account of another scarcely less famous joint exploit. Tub Hunt of the (Jalydonian Boab. eriod was the Mythical age earlier than the com- mon date given for the first Olynqjiad ? — Show that early Greek chro- nology can not be authentic. CHAPTER V. THE POEMS OF H03IER. § 1 . State several circumstances which show the importance of the Homeric Poems. — Name these works. § 2. Was prose or poetry earlier cultivated? — Wluit were the earliest poems ? — ^What evidence have we of the existence of poems before Homer ? § 3. AVhat events mark the beginning and end of the Eric Cycle ? — Who arranged the poems which describe the events it comprises? — How tame the term '■'■Cyclic writer'' to imply contenij)t? § 4. Recite the couplet naming the cities which claim Homer as a QUESTIONS ON Book II. native. — ^What legends are told of him? — ^What was his probable time ? —Give reasons for the belief. § 5. Contrast the condition of literature in the early times of Greece with that of our own time. — How and on what occasions were the Iliad and Odyssey first published to mankind ? — Give an account of the Rhap- sodies, and state the probable derivations of the term. § 6. When did copies of the Homeric poems bepin to be found ? — How came variations to be made in the text? — What great personages are said to have directed their attention to their collection and arrange- ment ? § 7. With what critics did the opinion arise that the Iliad and Otlyswy were not originally single jmms? — State Bestley's views. — What was Wolfe's hypothesis? § 8. What proofs show that the Homeric Poems were originally not written? — What is the proof from the digtwimaf § 9. What reasons render it probable that the poems may have been jBmembered without writing? § 10. What does Dr. Smith state to be the usual 'conclusion of the best modem scholars ? BOOK II. GKOWTH OF THE GRECLVN STATES. {B.€. TT6-500.) CHAPTER VI. OEKERAL SURVEY OF THE GREEK ^KOPLE. § I. What compass of time does Book II. embrace? — Wliat circnm- Itance materially adds to the difficulty of Grecian history ? — What great event first taught the Greeks the necessity of union ? § 2. What ties united the Greeks ?— What did th'* word fidpliapo^ mean in a Greek's mouth. § 3. What twofold origin was there to meetings ? — G*ve instances of ouch kind. §4. Give two derivations for the word d/*0iicrroi'm.'^-How did the most celebrated gain its importance ? — Where did it hold its meetings ? — What tribes were the original meml)ers of the congress ? —What were the duties of the Amphictyonic council ? — What was the date and cause o{ the First Sacred War? — State its duration nnd result. § 5. Name the^our great Grecian festivals. — Where were the Olympic Games held? — ^What is the date of the first regular Olympiad? — When was the festival established, and by whom ? — State some circumstances that show the importance in which it was held. — What exercises and faces were practiced there ? — What prize and what honors were givtn to the victors? § 6. Give an account of the constitution of the Pi/fhian Games. — Whore were they held ? — Where were the Nemean and Jsthmian Games respect- wely celebrated ? — In whose honor in each case ? § 7. What advantages arose from the great festivals and games ? § 8. What may we reckon the third bond of union among the Greek* » Chap. VII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 663 —Which was the most celebrated Grecian oracle ?— Give a detailed ac- count of it. § 9. Mention some practices inconsistent with civilization from which the Greeks were free. § 10. What remark must be carefully borne in mind respecting the political relations of the Greeks?— How 'tar did they carry tlieir patriot- ism and their divisions ?— What resulted from this? CHAPTER VII. EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS, AND LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. § 1. Name some princes with their cities famous in the Peloponnesus m the Heroic age.— How were their houses displaced ?— What states were mcluded in Elis, and from whom was the j.opulation of each de- scended ?— What were the limits and position of Achaia ?— What was the name and character of the central region of the Peloponnesus?— What its cities ? § 2. Name the Dorian states in the Peloponnesus.— Whence arosb the I)ower of Argos in early times ? § 3. At Avhat time and where did PMdon flourish?— Give an account of his exploits. — What institutions of ai)ermanent character are ascribed to him? § 4. To whom did the ancients refer the Spartan laws ?^Why can not we be certain of the truth of this ? § 5. What date does the author ascribe to LYCURGUS ?— What is the commonly received date ? Note.— In the common chronology n.c. S^ is the date for Lycunm?, which mav he remembered as three eights nearly. The date in Dr. Smith's text is also that of tlie regular Olympiad, ovncarhj three sevcm. It is twenty-three years earlier than the touiKlation of Kome, 29 yeaw before tlie a3ra of Nabonaasar and the end of the fir-*t Aa- eynan monarchy. See Comparative Tables of History and Chronology by W K Bick, more, published by Bell and Daldy. bj- ".y »». ^ jjick- —What disinterested conduct is recorded of Lvcurgus in liis early life ? --What countries is he said to have visited ?— What sanction did he gain for his laws?— Under what circumstances did he leave Sparta? § 6. What was the position of the Spartans in their country ?— What the special object of Lycurgus's laws ? § 7. How was the population of Laconia divided?— Who were the Spartans, and what their condition ?— How did inequality among them § 8. What were the condition, privileges, and employments of the Pe- rioici t § 9. What were the condition and emplovments of the Helots?— What accounts are given of the origin of these people and of their name ? —How did they dress, and what treatment did they receive ?— Give an account of the Cryptia.—ExyMii the word Neodamodes, and its appli- cation. ^* § 10. What various powers had a nominal or real share in the Spar, tan government ?— How did it happen there were two kings?— What power had the kings at various times?— What privileges did they alwavs retain?- What was the Senate called?— What power had they?— What influence had the popular assembly f—Wlmt power had the Ephors orig- inally and subsequently ?— What then was the true character of the Spar- tan government ? § 11. What was the relation between a Spartan citizen and the state? I 664 QUESTIONS ON Book II. —How were the babes treated ?— How were the i/oung boys trained ?— What literary culture had the young Spartans ?— How did the grown men live and occujjv themselves? — Describe the ASyssitia. § 12. How were'thc ."ypnrtan (/irk brought up?— Give instances of the patriotism and hardness of JS/mrtan Mothers. § 13. What regulation is erroneously ascribed to Lycurgus respecting the land?— Why is this discredited ?— When and how did the notion probably arise? § 14. What money had the Spartans ?— Show that this did not come from Lycurgus's institution.— Did it secure Itonesfy .''-State and give in- Btanees of two characteristic qualities of the Spartans. §15. Describe the position of Sparta. § 16. State the effect and results of Lycurgus's legislation. ClUPTER VIII. HISTORY OF SPAtlTA. THE 3IESSE3iIAN, ARCADIAN, AND ARGIVE WARS. § 1. Against what powere were the early wars of Sparta waged? — With wlint results?— From what sources have Ave the account of the fewo first Messcnian wars?— What dates are assigned to them? § 2. What origin is assigned to the first Messcnian war?— Give the two accounts of the story. — What jjvivate quarrel brought on the war? How did it begin?— How did Euphaes conduct the war?— What strong positions did the Messenians occupy?— What sacrifice did the oracle declare necessary? — Who succeedeil Eujihaes?— What was his fate?— How and when did the war end?— Wliat became of the Messe- nians? § 3. How long an interval was between the first and second Messcnian ^ars?— Who was the great hero of tlie second war?— How were the Peloiwnnesian states divided in the struggle ?— What weie the earliest exploits of Aristomenes ?— What leader did the Spartans obtain, and bow did he aid them?— What great battle did Aristomenes gain?— How was his subsequent defeat occasioned?— What fort did he fortify?— Re- count some of his subsequent adventures. — Where did he end his days? Note.— The end of the pecond Messenian war may l»e rcmemlwred hy 066, which is the time of Ttillu.- llostiUii-^. fourth king of Kome, and 60 years before the captivity of the Jews under NebucliadnezBar. § 4. Mention some particulars of the struggle between the Spartans and Tegea. — State its result. § 5. Relate the histoiy of the combat in which Othryades gained renown. — ^What did Sparta thereby gain? CHAPTER IX. THE AGE OF THE DESPOTS. § 1. How docs the author acconnt for the abolition of royalty in ths Greek states ? — ^What magistrates took the ])lace of kings ? § 2. Distinguish betwen Olifjarchy and Demorrary, explaining the der- iration of the words. — What "does '6'eomor»jnean ?— What rulers over- threw the oligarchies ? - t i^ § 3. How does the Greek word Tvpawoc differ in sense from the En- glish word Tyrant? — What word docs the author use to express Tvpav- yo^? — How ilid these rulers most commonly rise to power? — What wai the usnal progress of events under the despots T Chap. X. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. C65 § 4. What part did Sparta take with regard to the EM(KRACY BY CLISTHENES. § 1. Give the date of Fisistratus's usurpation.— How was he expelled ? — Bv what stratagem restored ? § *2. What caused his second expulsion ?— By what means and under what circumstances did he finally gain power ? § 3. Describe the measures he adopted to secure his rule.- Show that Itl-i goveniraent was not oppressive. — Describe some of his great public works.— Name his exertions in favor of learning.- What great liomttii has been compared to him, and on what grounds ? § 4. Who succeeded Pisistratus ?— State some instances of their taste and good government.— What occasioned the conspiracy oi' J la/modi us and Aristogeiion .''—State what then occurred.— What was the fate of the two conspirators ? § .'». What change in Jllppias did the death of his brother occasion? —What alliances did he contract?- What family nttemi)ted his over- throw?— How did they gain the aid of the Spartans? — How was Hip- pias finally expelled ?— Whither did he retire ? § G. What was the date of Hippias's cx]>ulsion ?— How nearly docs this svnchronize with the expulsion of the Tarquins from Home ? (See Bickiiiore's Tables as before.)— How was the memory of the Pisistratidie regarded, and why?- What honors were paid to the descendants of Harraodius and Aristogeiton ? § 7. Who was the rival, and who the supporters, of Clisthenes in his changes in the Athenian constitution ? § 8. What was the most important change made by Clisthenes ? — Describe it minutely.— What peculiar arrangement showed his Siigacity ? — Describe the Demes, and say how they were governed. § I). What alteration did he make in the Senate ?— What were the Prytanies ?— What divisions were there of the Attic year and senate f — W^hat was intrusted to the E})istates ? § 1©. Describe the ECCLESIA.— What power had it?— What was the nature of the constitution of Clisthenes ? § 11. What change did Clisthenes make in the judicial jtoii-cr of the jtpopk f — How did he alter tlie military arrangements of the state ? — On whrtt occasion did this svstem iirominently appear? § 12. What was the effect of the ostracism ?—\\niy was it requisite, and what its object? — What precautions were taken to guard against its abuse?— Describe the method of voting and origin of the name.— What proves its ntility ? § 13. How did Isagoras and his party strive to destroy the power of Chap. XII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 667 Clisthenes ? — What goveniment was then set up ? — How did the Athe- nian people act ? — What was the final result of these attempts ? § 14. Why did Clisthenes send envoys to Sardis? — How did the re- sult of this embassy ottend the Athenians? — What measures did Cleo- menes devise ? — How were they frustrated ? — What vengeance did the Athenians take on the Thebans and Chalcidiaus?— What increase of power did they thus gain ? § 15. Describe the third attempt of the Spartans against the Athenian democracy. — How was it frustrated ?— Quote the language of the Co- rinthian envoys. — To what places did Hippias successively go? § 16. What effect had the establishment of democracy on the Athe- nian character ? CHAPTEU XII. HISTORY OF THE GREEK COLONIES. § 1. What is the subject of Chap. XII.? — Where was Trajtezus? — Where Massalia? — Is it always so spelt in ancient writers? — Where was Cyrene? — In what sense were these places in Hellas? § 2. Give from the note the Greek terms connected with a colony. — What were the chief causes of sending out colonies among the Greeks? — What was the relation of the colony to the parent state ? — What me- morials were maintained of their connection? — What notable exception was there in Greek history to the observance of this connection ? § 3. What remarkable contrast may be drawn bet>veen Greek and modern colonies ? — How did a Greek colony choose its site for a city ? — What buildings did they at once provide? — What various relations* sub- sisted between the Greek colonists and the aboriginal inhabitants? — What effect had colonization on the development of democracy ? — Ac- count for this. — Name with their position some Greek colonies that gained great wealth. — Describe the four groups into which the Greek colonies may be divided. § 4. What three Greek tribes founded colonies on the W. coast of Asia Minor? — Which of these became most eminent? — How? — Which Ionic city was at fii*st most flourishing ? — What colonies were formed by it ? — What Ionic city was afterward fiimous ? — What were the sources of its power ?— What famous colony did the Phoca?ans plant ? — Distin- guish the Phoaeans from the Phocians. § 5. About what time were the colonics founded whose origin we can historically trace ? — With what events tlien in Roman, Jewish, and As- syrian histories would their foundation be nearly contemporarv ? (See Bickmore's Tables.) — What was the oldest Greek colony in Italy ? — Where was it placed ? — In the reign of what Hebrew king wouW this be? § 6. What tribes and settlements were in Sicily before the Greeks ? — Which were the two most powerful Greek cities in that island ? — De- scribe their position. — Name from the note some other Greek cities in Sicily. — What extent and population did S^Tacuse attain ? — At what time and under whom did its afi^iirs become known ? — Give some ac- count of agriculture. — What is known concerning Phalaris? — What celebrated modern controversy is connected with him ? — Draw a rough map of Sicily with the positions of the Greek cities. — What power subse- quently checked their ])rogress ? § 7. What name given to S. Italy shows the importance of its Greek 4m QUESTIONS ON Book II. Chap. XIV. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 669 settlements?— Which were the two most powerful Greek cities in S. Italv?— Describe their position.— For what was Sybaris remarkable ?— In what resijects was Croton famous '/—Describe, with its i)articulars and result, the war betwixt them. § 8. Name the three Greek towns in S. Italy next in importance to Sybaris and Croton, and state their position.— Whence arose the early celebrity of the Epizephyrian Locri ? — Give some account of Zaleucus and his laws. — Wluit can you state concerning Rhegium? § 9. When, by whom, and under what circumstances was Tarcntum founded? — What advantages had it? — Whtit circumstances caused tho decline of the Greek cities in S. Italy ? § 10. Where was Massalia ?— What its modern niinic ?— Wherein lay its importance? § 11. When, how, and from whom did the Greeks ol>tain permission to settle in N. Africa? — Wliat were the two most iniiK)rtant (ireek cities in N. Africa? — What advantages had Cyrcne?— How was it long gov- crned ? § 12. Name tlic chief Greek cities in and near Epirus. — What cftn you state witli regard to Corcyra ? — Which were the chitf colonics iu Iviaccdon ? — What were the most flourishing colonies in Thrace ? CHAl'TER XIII. HISTORY OF LITERATFRE. § 1. What was the character of the Greeks as respects literature?-— What two kinds of comi)osition were alone cultivated l)efore the historic ages? — Give me your idea of the nature oH JCpic and ui Lyric poetry, And of the qualities predominant in each. § 2. What were the subjects of the Homeric poems ? — On what do Jhose ascrited to Ilesiod treat?— What (lualities have the poems in com- pon? — ^Wherc wcro they respectively comimsed? § 3. What works Ixjar tlie name *of //ci/W.''— What do we learn of Hesiod's history from his own statements?— What docs the author mciin by a didactic poem? — By what classes were llcsiod's ]»oenis esteemed, and where were they despised? — ^What oj)inions have been held as to the date when Hcsiod wrote ? § 4. What causes tended to the rise and advancement of Lyric poetry? — On what occasions did the Greeks employ it? § 5. What sorts of verse did ArchiimJms invent?— What is said of his Wstor}:? § 6. What writers named Simonides require to Ikj distinguished from each other? — What remains are extant of tiie earlier of that name ? § 7. What Lyric poets did Sparta produce? — What notice have we already had of one of these ?—AVhat can you tell me of the other? § 8. What two poets greatly improved Choral poetry- ? — Tell the story oi Avion. — Look into the classical ilictionar}- for Orion, anhilosopliers iu each ?— Give some account of Thales. — Who was the most illustrious of the Ionic school ? — Who Avere among his lu'tu-ers ? — What did he teach ? § 13. What was the prevailing idea of Xenophanes? § U. Where and when was Pythagoras born?— What countries did h ' visit ? — Do you know the word M2)osiie orders complete the Five Oudkrs of Systematio Aechiteo- TUUE. The Tun-an was massive and .-simple, hearing mnch resemblance to the Doric 'llie Com])odte was even more ornamented than the Corinthian. — What additional orders are found in ancient buildings? — What ares their characteristics ? § Ti. Describe i\\Q Doric order. — What arc triqhiphs und wftope.t ? Describe the Ionic order.— What especiallv cliaracterizes the Corinthian column ?— Whence did this ornament arise? § G. Describe the famous temi)le at Ephcsns. — When was it built?-- When and how destroyed ?— In what i)art of Holy Scripture is the Epiie^ Bmn goddess noticed ?_Where had the godiless *^c?vt a famous temple? —What great structure did IMsistratus begin?— Who comjdeted it?— What great ancient (ireek temples still exist entire or in part? §7. Of what material Avere the cariiest statues ?—AVhat legendary names are assigned to the families of the earliest sculptors? — When were the first statues in marble and nK«tnI made? § 8. What inveutions in the sixth century- n.c. occasioned great im- provement in statuary?— In what cities were the cariiest schools of im- proved sculpture founded?— What statues of men were the eariiest pro- duced ? § 9 Name and describe some specimens still extant of early sculpture. — Where were they found, and where are thev now? § 10. How near does Homer come to the mention of painting?— What was tlie eariiest use of paintinf/'/— .What instances of early paint- ings and painters can you record? i IMI 670 QUESTIONS ON Book III, rHAP. XVI. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 671 BOOK III. THE PERSIAN AVARa (B.€. 500-473.) CHAPTER XV. THE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. § 1. What is the subject of Book III. ?— What space of time does it embrace ?— What change appears in Grecian history at this time ? § 2. What was the cai)ital of tlie Assyrian monarchy ?— How far did that empire extend?— What strong evidence have we of its advance- ment?— What monarchies succeeded it? § 3. Where was Alcdia, and what its capital ?— What was the lan- guage and religion oi* the Medes?— How far did their dominions ex- tend ?— At what date did they take Nineveh ?— What event in Sacred History does this date mark ?— According to Herodotus, who were kmgs of Media? ^ , , » . ^^ i § 4. Where was Babylon, and what the limits of Babylonia f— Describe the city of Babylon.— VVhat authority is there for this ?— What conquests did Nehtehadnezzar make ? § 5. What third kingdom rose on the ruins of the j^rcat Assyrian empire ?— Where was it, and what its ca[)ital ?— How many dynasties of Lydian kings do the traditions reckon ?— AVhom may we call the liret historic king, and when did his reign begin?— What was the char- acter of the Lydians ?— What invention is attributed to them ?— What advantages did the lonians in Asia derive from the Lydian kingdom? § 6. Who wa-s the last king of Lydia?— For what is his name pro- verbial ?— Describe his success against the Ionic cities.— How did he rule them ?— State the extent of his dominions.— What connection had he with Greeks?— What kings were his allies? ^ . . . , . , § 7. Describe the usual rise, progress, and foil of Asiatic kingdoms. — State from a classical dictionarv the leading points of the legends con- cerning the elder Cyrus.— Name the limits of his empire.— Describe the Persians nnder Cyras the Great.— What combination of hgures makes his time easily remembered? § 8. What were the motives of CRCEsrs in going to war with Cyrus ? —What advice and prophecv did the oracles give him?— Where and with what result took place the first engagement ?— What was Croesus's tiubscquent plan?— How was it frustrated ?— Under what circumstances did the Persians take Sardis?- How did Crcesus end his days ? § 9. What conversation occurred between Cyrus the elder and Iho Spartan envovs?— Who was general for Cyrus in the conquest of the Asiatic Greeks?— Statci some particulars of the fall of their cities.— What other conquests did Harpagus make for Cyrus?— How did Cvtus lake Bnln-lon?— Whiit was his own end?— In what proplictical books is he mentioned ?— How did he act to the Jews?— Who succeeded Cvrtis ? '8 10 Who were the two last in the succession of the native kings of Egypt?— How did Camhijses act in Egypt?— What revolution occurred in Persia while Cambyses was in Egypt ?— How aid Cambyses meet his death?— How long did the reign of the false Smerdis last?— Who then became king of Persia, and at what date? § 11. Wluit remarkable man was despot in Samos in the time of Cambyses? — Give some instances of his power and good fortune. Re- late the story told by Herodotus of his correspondence with Amasis, and its results. —Conclude the history of Polycrates.— What poets did he patronize ? — What great works did he have constructed ? § 12. What revolts had Darius Hystaspes to quell in the commence- ment of his reign ?— What expressive comparison did the Persians in- stitute of their first three kings?— State some important institutions of Darius Hystaspes. § 13. What was the firet great expedition and conquest which Darius Hystaspes projected ?— How was his naval force supplied, and what its amount?— By wliat route did he enter Scythia ?— What orders did he leave with the Greeks under his command? — What success had he in his invasion of Scjthia? — Who urged the Greeks to destroy the bridge?— How was this advice deprived of effect? § U. What general was left by Darius in Europe ?—A\Tiat conquests did he effect ? — What reward was given to Histiaius ? — How were his plans of acquiring power subsequently defeated ? CHAPTER XVI. THE IONIC REVOLT. § 1. Whom did Darius leave to govern Asia Minor, and what was its ca])ital? — Who represented llistiacus at Miletus? § 2. How was Aristagoras induced to interfere in the affairs of Naxos ? — How did he obtain aid for his enterprise ? § 3. What was his plan against Naxos, and how was it defeated? What then was the result of the undertaking? § 4. What troubles pressed on Aristagoras after his return from Naxos ? — What method did he devise to extricate himself? — In what remark- able way did he receive a message from Histia?us? — How did he effect liis i)ui-j)ose ? — What remarkable person opposed his views ? Note.— Dr. Smith and Dishdp Thirlwall ppeak of letters being branded by IliPtlajus on the head of tlie slave; Mitford of the writing beinjjr trcu-cd in an imielible atain. I doubt if eitlier of these modes would be effectual. Herodotus mcs the word eVrtf e from which I conclude that the 8kiu was punctured^ and colorinfr-matter introduced into the openings. This would be a ppecies of tattooing. The noble Thracians used to tattoo themselves, as we leam from Herodotus. § 5. To what state and to what king of it did Aristagoras apply for aid ? — What arguments did he use to ])ei-suade him ? — Detail the remain- ing incidents of his stay at Sparta.— Whither did he next resort? — What Kl)ecial motives had the Athenians to aid the lonians ? § G. What aid from European Greece joined tlic revolted lonians? Describe the progress and result of the expedition of the allied troojjs into the interior. — Give the date at which Sardis was thus bunied. — Wherein consisted the importance of the event ? — How did Darius display hij anger? — To what cities did the revolt extend? § 7. How and where did Aristagoras perish? — On what pretext did Histi«us gain permission to visit Ionia? — AVhat observation did Arta- phemes make ? — Relate his sul)seqTient adventures and death. § 8. What was the object of Artaphernes in the siege of Miletus?— What plan of resistance did the lonians adopt ? — What was the strength IJ m2 QUESTIONS ON Book IIL Chap. XVIII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 673 I Wl ©ftlie opposini? fleets?— What skillful commander was placed oyer the lonians? — ^Whiit were his measures, and what their result? — Who be- trayed the Greeks? — What portion of the tlect fou^dit with courage? — Where did the action take place ?— What geograpliical change occurred there ? § U. In what singular way did the Atlienians show their distress on the cai)turc of Miletus? — ^\Vhat treatment did the subdued Greeks re- ceive from the Persians? CHAl^ER XVII. THE BATTLE OF MAKATJIOX. § 1. Whom did Darius appoint to avenge him on the Athenians? — hat route did this general pursue? — What disasters befidl his forces? § 2. What demand did Darius make from the Greek cities while lire- paring to renew his attempts? — What were his jirobable motives ? — How were his envoys received at the several states? §3. Whom did Darius set over his second Grecian expedition? — What fom composed it ? — What instructions were given to the com- manders? — 11. )w fiir was the expedition successful? — On whiU part of Attica di I they land ? § 4. What 'illustrious Athenians were among the generals at the time of the Persian invasion ? — Relate the previous history of MILTI- § 5. Why did not the Spartans come to aid Athens?— -What dififer- ence of opinion prevailed among the Athenian generals ? — How was a preponderance gained by tlie more s})irited of them ? §6. What state alone sent help? — How many did this make the Greeks? — ^>Vhat was the probable number of the Persians? — Describe the plain of MARATHON.— What was the arrangement of the Per- sians? — By what dis|K)sition did Miltiadcs remedy his inferiority of numbers?— What feelings may we suppose to have prevailed among the Greeks, and why? — Uescriba the commencement of the battle. — How was the repulse of th* Athenian centre remedied ? — How far did the Athenians pursue? — Alention the losses on each side. — Give the date of the battle. § 7. What attempt did the Persians make ? — On what did thoy ground their hopes of snccess? — How were they frustrated? § 8. With what feeling \vas the victor}' at Marathon regarded !\v the Athenians? — ^What wrnild have been the ])robablo result of a victory gained by the Persia*? — What honor was paid to those who fell at Marathon ? NoTTE.— The yoiinjx student would Tend with Iwth ploa?iirc nnd «e his country ? — Describe tho chief erections raised in the Acropolis of Athens during Pericles' ad- ministration. — What otlier great sacred buildings did he commence ? — What defensive work was built by his direction? — Was his political scheme equally successful ? § 4. Distinguish the two kinds of settlements made by the Athenians. — Describe the nature of a KXijpovxia. — What territories were chiefly thus occupied ? — What were the two chief colonies settled by Pericles ? ^Where were these respectively ? § 5. What increase had been made in the contribution of the Athe- nian allies? — To what purposes was it applied? — Of what otlier wrongs had the subject states to complain ? — Which of the islands for some time retained a nominal independence ? — Can any thing be said in extenua- tion of the conduct of Athens? § G. How did the quarrel between Athens and Samos arise ? — Detail the chief events and the final result of the contest thus produced. — Why did not the Peloponnesians interfere to aid Samos ? — What other city was subjugated at the same time ? CHAPTER XXV. CAUSES OF THE TELOPONNESIAN WAR. § 1. Describe the position of Epidamnus. — How did its affairs pro- duce a disi)ute between Corinth and Corcyra? — Where is Corcyra?-^ What now called, and to what power subject? — Which state gained tho first decisive advantages? § 2. What preparations did Corinth make to regain her power ?-^ To whom did the Corcyraians apply ? — Describe the debate on the sub- ject before the Athenian assembly. — What resolution did that assembly adoi)t ? § 3. Show the superiority of the naval tactics of the Athenians. — De- scribe the action between the Corey ra^an and Corinthian fleets. — How were the Corinthians prevented from renewiug their attacks ? — How did the Corinthians treat their prisoners ? § 4. What offense had Perdiccas of Macedon received from the Athe- nians? — What measures did he take to obtain revenge? — What success had the Athenians against the Potida;ans and Corinthians ? § 5. What complaints did the Megarians and the ^ginetans make in the congress of Peloponnesians against Athens ? — Describe the lan- guage of the Corinthian envoy. — By what arguments did the embassa- dor from Athens defend his country's conduct? — Describe what followed in the Lacedemonian assembly. § 6. What support did the Peloponnesians gain from religion ? — ^At what date did these events take place ? § 7. What was the firet demand of the Peloponnesians on the Athe. nians ? — What was its object, and what the expectations of those who made it ? § 8. For what was Aspasia celebrated? — What charge was brought •jsainst her, and who else was included in the charge ? — How did Peri- i;i 1: «80 QUESTIONS ON Boo^rV I cles act?— What various faults were alleged against Phidias?— How did the Athenians meet the charge of impiety made by the Peloponnesians ? § a. What was the second demand of the 8partans ?— What was their ultimatum?— What was the object of this ?— How did the Athenians an- swer it ? § 10. What treacherous act preceded the declaration of war?— De- icribe the particulars of this.— What was its success?— How did the The- ban re-entbrcements and the Platieans respectively act ? §11. When the Athenians heard of the attempt on Platffia what measures did tliey adopt?— What was the state of men's minds at this ejjoch? — ^What unusual prodigy occurred? § 12. Enumerate the allies and forces on the side of Sparta.— State what powers were under Athenian influence.— What resources had Athens already collected ? § 13. What Spartan was inclined to peace just prior to the Pelopon- nesian war?— What messenger was sent to Athens?— What resolution had the Athenians made ? CHAPTER XXVI. PELOPONNESIAN WAR. — FBOM THE COSIMENCEMENT OP THE WAR TO THE CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF PLAT^A. 1 1. Describe the conduct of Archidamus in the invasion of Attica — What pohcy had Pericles recommended ?— How was it carried out?— What famous j)opular leader was just rising ? § 2- Bescribe the successes of the larger naval armament of the Athe- nians.— What operations did their smaller squadron earn- out? ^1 ^u ^T ^''^ '**® Megarians fare in the war ?— What remote alliance did the Athenians form?— What measures of reserve did they adopt?— What remarkable ceremony took place at Athens toward the end of the year? §4. What formidable disaster befell the Athenians in the second year of the war?— Describe the ctfect of this on men's bodies and on their conduct— Mention some circumstances that show the severity of the visitation. "^ § 5. In what way did Pericles strive to divert the minds of the people ttom their despair ?— How was he treated on his return ? § 6. What domestic losses did Pericles sustain ?— What feeling did ho gbow?— From what cause did he die?— What remark did he make on his death-bed?— Draw the character of Pericles, stating his great mental qualities. § 7. How far were the Lacedaemonians successful with their ships ?— What cruel proceedings disgraced the Peloponnesians ?— What retalia- tion did the Athenians make ? § 8. How did the siege of Potidaea terminate ?— What terms were gramed ?— How did the Athenians regard this ? § D. On what measure did Archidamus resolve ?— What negotiations preceded the commencement of the siege ?— How were they rendered unavailable ?— What force occupied Plataea ?— Describe the first meas- ures of the besiegers.— What etlectual plans of resistance did the Pla- taeans adopt? § 10. Describe the besiegers' walls.- Give a minute account of the e» cape made by a portion of the garrison. § 11. What promise did the Spartans make to the survivors of the Chap. XXVIII. SMITH'S HISTOBY OF GREECE. 681 Plataean garrison ?— Describe what was called the trial.— State how the garrison and the buildings were disposed of. CHAPTER XXVII. PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. — FROM THE SIEGE OP PLATiEA TO THE SEDITION AT CORCTRA. § 1. What remarks may be made on the general character of the events of the first ten years of the Peloponnesian war ? § 2. How does the great power of Sitalces appear evident ? — Against what power did he make attempts, and with what success ? — Describe the exploits of Phormio in the third year. — Give an account of the Pe- loponnesians' attempt to surprise the Piraeus, and its consequences. § 3. What event menacing to the Athenian power occurred in the fourth year of the war ? — Why were the Athenians unable to take Mity- lene by surprise? — What promise did the Peloponnesians make the Mit- ylenaeans ? — What was the condition of Athens at this time ? — How did they contrive to equip a fleet ? * § 4. Who was placed in command of the Peloponnesian squadron in- tended to relieve Mitylene ? — How was his aid rendered ineffectual ? — Who was the Lacediemonian envoy in Mitylene ? — ^What measure did he advise, and with what result? — On what conditions did Mitylene sur- render ? § 5. Name some of the persons of low origin and pursuits who had become speakers in the Athenian assembly. — Describe particularly the character and conduct of Cleon. — Discriminate the authorities on which this account rests. — State the particulars of the cruel decree passed against the Mitylenaeans by Cleon's influence. § 6. Mention some cruel acts which took place in the Peloponnesian war. — How was an assembly called to reverse the Mitylenaean decree ? § 7. What arguments did Cleon and Diodotus respectively put forth for and against the reversal of the decree ? — How was the sentence of the Athenian assembly conveyed in time ? — How were the people and the town of Mitylene treated ? — What were the cause and manner of the death of Paches ? § 8. How did the dissensions in Corcyra begin, and what were the opposing parties?— What attempts did the Oligarchs make, and how were they frustrated ? — Describe the conduct of the rival naval com- manders. — Give some account of the cruelties of the triumphant Demo- crats. § 9. Give some account of the reflections of Thucydides on the state of the times of the Peloponnesian war. CHAPTER XXVIII. PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED.— FROM THE SEDITION AT CORCTRA TO THE PEACE OP NICIAS. § 1. What prevented the invasion of Attica by the Peloponnesians in the sixth year of the war ? — Name and describe the religious proceedings pursued by the Athenians. § 2. Who became commander of the Spartans in the seventh year?— What obliged him to leave Attica ? — Describe the circumstances under which the Athenians fortified a post at Pylos. — Who commanded it, and what force had he ? 2 G* 683 QUESTIONS ON Book IV. § 3. Give a rongb sketch of the plan on p. 309, and indicate the more important positions on it. — State the measures adopted by the various portions of the Peloponnesian armaments to drive the Atlienians from JPylos. — Describe the measures of the Athenian commanders for defense. — Relate the particulars and result of the first Spartan attack. § 4. Of what omission had the Spartans been guilty? — Describe, with its result, the naval engagement. — What extreme measures were adopted by the Spartans to save their men on Sphacteria ? § 5. What terms did Cleon cause the Athenians to demand of the Spartan envoys from Fylos? — ^What was the result thereof? § 6. Under what circumstances did Demosthenes send from Pylos to Athens for new assistance ? — What measures had he himself adopted? § 7. Describe what occurred at Athens on the arrival of Demosthenes* message. — What force had Cleon, and what did he undertake ? § 8. What circumstances, intentional and accidental, favored Cleon's enterprise ? — What force did Demosthenes employ against the Spartans in Sp[;iacteria ? — Describe the circumstances which resulted in their sur- render. § 9. What advantages might the Athenians have derived from their capture at Sphacteria? § 10. What was the conduct of Eurvmcdon at Corcyra? — What new cruelties took place there ? — To what acts have they been compared ? § 11. What successes did Nicias gain in the eighth year? — What very crnel act of treachery and ingratitude did the Spartans commit at this time? § 12. How far were the Athenians successful against Megara ? — ^By whom was their complete success prevented ? — Relate the adventures which preceded the battle of Delium. — Describe the position of Delium. — ^What were the forces and arrangements on each side in that battle ? —Give the particulars and result of the engagement — Name two distin- guished Athenians who fought there. — How did these two act? § 13. How were the Spartans induced to send Brasidas to Thrace? — What force had he? — Describe his march thither. — What excellent qualities had Brasidas? — What towns in Thrace did he successively take? — Wliat great Greek writer had a share in these events? — De- scribe what happened to this writer. § 14. How was the truce of the ninth year prevented from ending in a general pacification? § 15. Describe the events which resulted in the deaths of Cleon and Brasidas. § 16. What statesmen negotiated the truce between Sparta and Ath- ens? — How long was the truce to last? — At what date was it made? — What were its terms ? — In what light did the Peloponnesian allies view it? CHAPTER XXIX. PELOPONXESIAN WAR CONTINUED. — FROM THE PEACE OF MCIAS TO THE EXPEDITION OF THE ATII£NI.iNS TO SICILY. § 1. What State did the disappointed allies of Sparta attempt to raise to the head of Greece ? § 2. What causes of difference arose between Athens and Sparta just after the truce of Nicias ? § 8. Give some account of the origin and family of Alcibiades.-^ Chap. XXX. SMITIPS HISTORY OF GREECE. 688 Describe his character. — Give some anecdotes of his capricious con- duct. § 4. What offense had the Spartan government given Alcibiades? — What plan of jjolicy did he adopt to thwart Sparta ? — What embassies resulted from this? — What treacherous and dishonorable trick did Al- cibiades devise to embroil Athens and Sparta? — Describe some subse- quent events connected with the alliances of the Greek states. § 5. Describe the ap|)earance made by the Athenians, and the suc- cesses of Alcibiades at the Olympic festival. — Why did this sui-prise the Peloponnesians ? — How may it have been accomplished ? § 6. What alliances and successes did Alcibiades gain in the Pelo- I>onnesu8 ? § 7. How was the Argive army saved from destruction in b.c. 418? — In what way did Alcibiades prevent a permanent peace between Argos and Sparta ? — Describe the first battle of Mantinea. — State the result. Note.— 7Vj« most important battle of Mantinea toas fought in b.c. 362 : an account of it will be found in chap. xl. of Dr. Smith's History. § 8. What revolutions occurred at Argos at this time ? — How were they occasioned ? — What were the relations of Sparta and Athens after the truce of Nicias ? § 9. Which were the last islands added by Athens to her empire ? — How did the conquerors treat their new acquisitions ? § 10. What cities in Sicily were combined in opposing alliances early in the time of the Peloponnesian war ? — Which of these had applied to Athens, and when ? — What expeditions had Athens in the early years of the Peloponnesian war sent to Sicily ? — What had resulted from these ? § 11. What Sicilian state asked aid from Athens in 416 B.C. ? — What arguments did the envoys use ? — Who supported them, and from what motives ? — How were the Athenians misled as to the wealth of Egesta ? § 12. W^hat generals were fii-st appointed to command the Great Sicilian Expedition of Athens ? — Wliat views had Nicias relative to the enterprise ? — How were his attempts to stop it baffled ? § 13. Describe the feelings and exertions with which the Athenians prepared for their Sicilian expedition. — Who disapproved the under^ taking ? § 14. What outrage produced alarm at Athens just prior to the Sicil- ian expedition ? — How may we account for the ten-or it occasioned ? — How did the Athenians act to Alcibiades on the occasion ? — What ad- vantage did his enemies thus gain ? § 15. Describe the state of the armament intended against Syracuse. —Also the scene that marked its departure. CHAPTER XXX. PELOPOSNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. — THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION CON- TINUED. § 1 . Specify the force of the Sicilian armament, and its several kinds of ships and troops. § 2. What reception did it meet with in the several towns of Italy? — With what impressions did the Syracusans receive the news of the ex- pedition ? § 3. Wliat news did the swift vessels bring back from Egesta ? — WTii^ several proposals did each of the Athenian generals make ? § 4. Which of these plans was followed? — With what success? QUESTIONS ON Book IV. Chap. XXXU. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 685 § 5. What measures were taken against Alcibiades after his departure for Syracuse ?— In what state of feeling was Athens? § 6. What was the principal charge alleged against Alcibiades ?— In what way was he taken ?— How did he escape ? § T. What were the first proceedings and achievements of Nicias aftei the departure of Alcibiades ?— How did he gain a landing at Syracuse, and where did he winter ? § 8. What preparations did the Syracusans make during the wintef of B.C. 415? — What was the conduct of Alcibiades at Sparta? I 9. Describe the city, the harbors, and the principal positions at Syr. acuse, constructing a rough map similar to the one on p. 337.— Tract on the map lines showinj; the principal fortifications. § 10. What important position did Nicias occupy ?— What works did he plan and execute ?— What were the first attempts of the Syracusans to counteract these ?— How did Lamachus fall, and what eflfect had liis loss? § 11. What Spartan commander was sent into Ttalv, and with what foix-e ?— Describe his progress till he had reached SjTacuse.— What message did he send Nicias ?— What defensive works did he construct? — What additional force did he receive ? —What course did Nicias adopt, and what was the posture of his affairs ? § 12. How did the Athenians act on the receipt of Nicias' dispatches from Syracuse ?— What injurious and annoying plan did the Spanans adopt in Attica on their actively renewing the war? — What was then the position of affairs in Athens ?— What marks of extraordinary spirit did the Athenians notwithstanding display ? § 13. What were the results of the first naval engagement at Syra- cuse?— What improvements did the Syracusans make in their ships?— With what result was the second sea-battle fought ? § 14. Describe the force brought by Demosthenes.— What measures did he attempt ?— What plans did he recommend ?— Why were they severally rejected ?— What efforts were made on each side for a final naval encounter ? § 15. Give a particular description of the last naval battle, stating the force on each side, and the issue of the combat. § 16. What was the plan formed by the Athenian generals for their ^cape ?— By what artifice was it delaved ?— Describe the departure of the Athenian army from its encampment.— Relate Uie incidents of their march for the first five days. J § 17- Describe, with the circumstances which preceded it, the surren- der of Nicias.— How were the prisonera treated ?— What was the fate of the generals ? §18. Give an account of the character of Nicias.— Describe the merit* of Demosthenes as a general.— Do you remember a great exploit of his m the former part of this history ? or CHAPTER XXXI. IIOM THE END OF THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION TO THE OVERTHBOW OP THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS. § 1. How is intelligence of the Athenian defeat at Svracuse said to have reached Athens?— How was the news received ?— Describe the condition of Athens at that time.— What event most depressed the Athemans ? ^ § 2. What measures were adopted for defense ? § 3. What various states began to rise against Athens?— How was the revolt at Chios effected ?— What other states followed the example? § 4. How did the Athenians find funds for a fleet ?— What were the terms of the bargain between the Spartans and Persians ?— Relate the particulars of the revolution at Samos. § 5. What successes cheered the Athenians ?— How did Tissaphemes act toward tho Spartans ? § 6. Describe the conduct of Alcibiades at this juncture, and his ad- vice to the Persian satraps. § 7. What proposals did Alcibiades make in order to obtain his return to Athens? — What measures were taken to carry out his views? § 8. Who opposed and who supported the establishment of an oligarchy at Athens ? — How was it effected ? § 9. How did Alcibiades hide his deception in promising Persian help? — What new bargain was made between Sparta and the Persian satraps ? § 10. How was the oligarchical movement defeated at Samos? — In what way did the oligarchs at Athens assail the democracy ? § 11. Where was the meeting convened to change the cuustitution ?-^ Enumerate and describe the changes. § 12. Describe the conduct of the new government at Athens. — Re- cord its negotiations with the Spartans, and their success. § 13. What communications took place between the Four Hundred and the fleet at Samos ? — Who were the leaders of the counter-revolution there ? — How was Alcibiades restored, and what were his first proceed- ings? § 14. How were the envoys of the Four Hundred received by the fleet at Samos ? — What message was sent back ? § 15. What leaders among the Four Hundred were opposed to each other ?— In what policy ?— What was the fate of Phrynichus ? § 16. Describe the circumstances under which the Athenians lort Euboea. § 17. Wherein lay the great importance of the loss of Euboea?— In the restoration of democracy, what modification was made in the old constitution ? — What vengeance was inflicted on the Four Hundred? CHAPTER XXXII. FROM THE FALL OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS TO THE BATTLE OF iEGOSPOTAMI. § 1. How was it that the contest was now altogether maritime? — What was the respective naval power of the two confederacies? — ^In what quarters was the war successfully carried on ? § 2. Who were the Athenian and Spartan commanders in the battle off Cynossema? — What remarkable structure was erected by the Eu- bo^ans ? § 3. Where was the next engagement ?— Describe it.— How was it decided ? § 4. How did Tissaphemes treat Alcibiades? — Relate the particulars of the action in which Mindarns was slain. § 5. By what measures did the Athenians follow up their victory?— What proposals of peace were made ? — How was a treaty prevented ? § 6. What help did Pharnabazus render the Spartans ? il 886 QUESTIONS ON Book IV § 7. What towns successively fell before the arms of Alcibiades ? § 8. Describe the reception of Alcibiades.— What measures were taken m his favor ? § 9. What several wounds had Alcibiades previously inflicted on his country's power ?~What measure did he take to conciliate the priests? § 10. What two important historic personages at this time came into notice ? — ^What was the character of Cyrus, and what his command ? What were the office, origin, and character of Lysander ? § 11. What occurred at the banquet where Cyrus entertained Ly- •ander ? •' § 12. What conduct of Alcibiades excited dissatisfaction ? § 13. What change was made in the command of the Athenian forces ? I 14. Who succeeded Lysander in command ?— Describe the new leader's conduct. § 15. Describe the events which placed Conon in a perilous position. § 16. State the efforts made to relieve him, and the numbers of the opposing fleets. — ^Where did the great action take place ? § 17. In what different ways were the fleets drawn up for battle?— What was the result and what the respective losses in the battle ?— How did Eteonicus eftect his escape ? § 18. What charge was brought against the Athenian commanders at Argmusm f^What did they allege in defense ?— What circumstances ex- cited the people against them ?— What was their fate ?--Who refused to condemn them ? § 19. How did Lysander again obtain the direction of the Spartan fleet? — What extraordinary aid and power did Cyrus give him? Where did he station his fleet? § 20. Where did the Athenian fleet take its station ?—Wliat disad- vantages had this place ?— What was the respective conduct of the Athe- nians and Spartans ?— What advice did Alcibiades give ?— Describe the BATTLE OF ^GOSPOTAMI. — At what date was it fought ? CHAPTER XXXin. mOM THE BATTLE OP iGGOSFOTAMI TO THE OVEBTHROW OF THE THIRTY TYRANTS AND THE RE>E8TABLISHM£KT OP DEMOCRACY AT ATHENS. § 1. How was intelligence of the defeat at -^gospotami brought to Athens ? — How was the news received ? § 2. How did Lysander follow up his victory ?— What was his plan for subduing the city of Athens ?— What form of government did he set Bp in the towns he took ? I 8. What measures did the Athenians take for their defense?— De- scribe the first measures of Lysander against Athens.— How did the people show their spirit ? I 4. How did Theramenes act?— What may have been his view in ^s?— What proposals were made in the assembly of the Peloponnesian confederacy as to the fate of Athens ?— What terms were allowed to the city? § 5. At what date did Lysander take possession of Athens?— How long then had the war lasted ?—DeHcribe the wav the terms of the capit- ulation were carried out?— How long had Athens maintained her pow- er? — ^What reflections are made on her possession and use of it? § 6. Give some account of the origin and character of CW/ia5.— De- Chap. XXXIV. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 687 scribe his proceedings for setting up an oligarchy.— What name was given to this government ? ^ »» § 7. Describe the return of Lysander to Sparta. § 8. Give some account of the cruel tyrannies of The Thirtu —Ex- plain the particulars of the noble conduct of Socrates, showing how the occasion arose. §9. How did the name Cothurnus apply to Theramenes ?— What measure was taken by his advice ? § 10. Describe the fate of Theramenes, with the circumstances pre- ceding and accompanying it. ftrV* ^^^ ™^"^ persons arc said to have perished under The Thirty ? —What measures did they take to suppress mental culture ? § 12. Where did Alcibiades close his days ?— Describe his death — Give your opinion of his character. § 13. Show the great supremacy assumed by the Spartans.— What honors were heaped on Lysander ? § U. What illustrious Athenian began the deliverance of his country from The Thirty?— What post did he occupy, and what were his first successes ? § 15. By what measures did Critias strive to secure his power? § 16. Describe the success of Thrasybdlus at the Piraus. rrJ a'^'u-^" *^® ^^^^^ ^^ Critias what new tyranny succeeded that of The Ihirty ?— How did the freedom of the Athenians find indirect aid even among the Spartan authorities ? § 18. How was an opportunity given to re-establish the democracy at § 19. Describe the restoration of the Athenian democracy.— How was this event rendered memorable in a literary point of view ? § 20. How did the newly-established democracy act ?— ^What was the subsequent position of Athens ? CHAPTER XXXIV. ATHENS, AND ATHENIAN AND GRECIAN ART DURING THE PERIOD OP HER EMPIRE. § 1. How is Athens situated ?— Name and describe the chief emi- nences in its position.— What streams supply it with water?— Quote Milton s description.— Draw a rough plan 6f Athens, indicating the most important positions. § 2. Whence had Athens its name?-What were the old names of Its people?— What building was begun by the Pisistratidae ? § 3 What portion of the structure of Athens was due to Themis- tocles?--Describe the nature and extent of his erections.— Describe the various long walls. v^a^^nuc mu § 4 Give some idea of the appearance of Athens and of the structure of its houses —What was its population, and how composed ? o.f Ko i^*^J^^;ime should the period of highest excellence of Athenian emiLncrdispT/y^edt'' """"" "'^ '"' '^""^'^^ of literature was this and pecuH^rkier^ '^ '^' ''''"''' sculptors. -State their country, time, .f! ^'i91l^ ^T account of the history of PHIDIAS, stating the time hL wori^? "'^''''^' death—What are the characteristics of I 68S QUESTIONS ON Book IV. Chap. XXXV. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 689 t I 8. What is known of Polycletus ?~What was his most famous work ? — What were the excellences and the works of Myron ? § 9. What painter was contemporary with Phidias ? — What works did he execute ? — What excellences and deficiencies marked his works ? § 10. Name the other great painters of the period. — Mention some circumstances indicating the great fame of Zecxis. — Tell the story of the contest between Zeuxis and Parrhasius. § 11. What public buildings were erected at Athens under the ad- ministration of Cimon ? — Describe the temple of NiV?/ dwrtpos, stating its position. — Mention the dimensions, style, and ornaments of the The- 8£UM. § 12. Give a rough plan of the Acropolis, showing the site of the principal buildings. —Describe the appearance of the Acropolis.— When and at what cost were the Propyljea erected ? — Describe the Propylaea. I 13. What names had the Parthenon ?— Who were its architects? — ^What its dimensions ? — Describe its sculptures. § 14. Mention the chief circumstances in the description of the Chrys- elephantine statue of Athene.— Describe the position, appearance, and proportions of the statue of Athene Promachos. § 15. Describe the Erechtheum.— Give the legends respecting Erech- theus. — ^What objects of legendary interest were contained in the Erech- theum ? § 16. Describe, with their positions and uses, the Dionysiac theatre; the Odeum of Pericles; the Areopagus; the Pnyx; the Agora; the Ceramicus ; the Lyceum. § 17. What great architectural works in the Peloponnesus are de- scribed? — Give an account of the statue of Jupiter at Olympia. § 18. What remarks are to be made on the temple at Phigalia? CHAPTER XXXV. HISTORY OF ATHENIAN LITERATITRE DOWN TO THE END OP THE peloponnesian war. § 1. Among which portion of the Greek race did literature first begin? — At what time did the Athenians become literar}- ? § 2. Among what tribe and from what source did dramatic literature begin ?— Give the derivation of the words Tragedy and Comedy. — What ig known of Epicharmus and his works? § 3. Who is named as the earliest introducer of Comedy at Athens ? — ^What peculiarly shows the Dorian origin of the Drama ? — Who is said to have first introduced an actor into Tragedy ?— At what date ? — What tragic authors were before -^Eschylcs ? — What remarkable anec- dote is recorded of one of Phrynichus's dramas ? — Explain what is meant hj a trifofjy and a tetralogy. § 4. What writers are respectively regarded as Fathers of Epic Poet- ry, of Tragedy y and of History ?— Where and when was iEiSCHYLUS bom ?— Mention the chief events of his life.— What improvements did he introduce into tragedy ?— What are the characteristics of his style ? —How many tragedies is iEschylus said to have written?— How many Mre extant ?— (Note *, p. 405.) § 5. Who succeeded and rivaled JEschylus ?— When and where wai he bom ? — Describe the peculiar circumstances under which he gained Ms first Tragic prize. — On what political occasions did he hold office ? —Record the closing events of his life. — What improvements are due t« him ? — What are the excellences of his style ? — How many tragedies did SOPHOCLES write?— How many remain ?— (Note *, p. 406.) § 6. Where and when was EURIPIDES born ?— What are the chief events of his life and the manner of his death ?— What marks of dramat- ic decline do his plays exhibit?— What are his merits?- How many plays of Euripides are extant?— Why is one peculiarly interesting? § 7. Who are the writers of the Old Attic Comedy ? — When was ARISTOPHANES born?— How many of his plays exist?— What was thwsprobable time of his death ? — What was the nature of the Old At- tic Comedy ?— Illustrate this by some accounts of the plots of plays.— What was the nature of the Middle Comedy ? Note.— An account of the nature of the New Comedy and its authors wiU be found at the beginning of chap. xlviiL, p. 588. § 8. Name the three great classical Historians of Greece.— When where, and in what rank was THUCYDIDES the historian born?— How may he be conveniently distinguished from the rival of Pericles ? {See note in these Questions on Chap. XXIV., § 1.)— State what is known of the historian's life. — Give an account of the subject of his work.— What are the merits and faults of his style ? § 9. About what time was XENOPHON bora?— Who were his sev- eral instructors ?— Give a brief sketch of his life.— Name his chief works. —What merits has his style ?— What period does his history describe ? —Give an account of The Cyropsedia ; The Anabasis ; The Memora- bilia. § 10. Give a brief account of the course of education in the Greek states. § 11. What circumstance rendered the lessons of the Rhetor and Soi)hist so important? — Name some eminent men who taught in the most glorious time of Greek History.— Distinguish the original from the more recent acceptation of the word Sophist. § 12. Name the various members of the family of SOCRATES. Recortl some of his personal habits and peculiarities. — What events of his life are known ?— How did Socrates teach ? — What erroneous view does Aristophanes give of the pursuits of Socrates ? § 13. In what two respects did Socrates differ from the Sophists? — What philosophers arose from among his hearers ? § 14. What did the oracle say of Socrates, and what proof did he ob- tain? § 15. At what date, by whom, and on what charge was Socrates ac- cused ?— How might he possibly have escaped death ?— How was his lifo prolonged for some days ? — Describe the close of his life. hi 090 QUESTIONS ON Book V. BOOK V. THE SPARTAN AND THEBAN SUPREMACIES. (B.C. 403-3T3.) CHAPTER XXXVI. THIS EXPEDITION OF THE GREEKS UNDER CYRUS AND RETREAT OP THE TEN THOUSAND. § 1. What period of time does Book V. embrace ? — What states ^vere supreme daring this time ? — Distinguish by their parentage the two most celebrated characters named CYRUS. — In what work of Xenophon is the expedition of the younger Cyrus related? — Wherein consisted the importance of this expedition? — ^Recount the particulars of the provoca- tion Cyrus received. § 2. On what species of force did Cyrus chiefly rely ? — What circum- stances in Greece favored its collection ? — Who was the chief leader of the Greeks, and what haH been his previous position ? — What other cel- ebrated Greek was among them ? § 3. What was the total amount of Greeks aiding Cyrus ?— Describe their route through Asia Minor. — What occurred near* and in Cilicia? § 4. What did Cyrus profess to be his intention when in Cilicia ? — How did he prevail on the Greeks to proceed ? — Where did the fleet meet them? — What additional force did it bring? — ^Vhat proceedings at Myriandrus gained for Cyrus the love of the Greeks ? § 5. Where was the first notice of the real purpose of the expedition given? — How did they cross the Euphrates ?~What amused them in the desert? § 6. What was the probable strength of the army of Artaxerxes ? — What was the purport of Cyrus's address prior to the battle ?— Describe the battle of Cunaxa.— At what date was it fought?— Give the partic- ulars of the death of Cyrus. § 7. What proposals did the Greeks make after the battle of Cunaxa? —What difficulties encompassed them ? — Describe the events previous to their departure. §8. For how long did they march with Tissaphemcs ?— What was the fate of Clearchus ? — Who perished with him ?— Describe the con- duct of Ariaeus. I 9. Describe the condition and state of mind of the Greeks after the loss of their officers. — Recount what occurred to Xenophon. — State how he acted, with the result. § 10. Who were the two principal leaders in the retreat ?— Which had the greater influence, and how ? — What arrangement was made to keep in check the hostile cavalry ? — Describe their march to the mount- ains of the Carduchi. § 11. Why were they obliged to make their way across the mount- ains?— How long did this portion of their journey take? — What diffi- culties had they to overcome ? § 12. What river did they next cross, and how ? — Into what country did this bring them ?— Whence arose their chief sufferings here ?— What sort of villages did they find ? Chap. XXXVII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 691 § 13. What circumstances first filled the army with extreme joy? — How was it testified ? — What nations had they still to traverse ? — What was the first Greek city they reached ? § 14. How did they try to gain the means of return by sea? — Name the chief towns and tribes they had to pass ere they reached Chiysopo- lis. — Where were they mustered, and what number'remained ? § 1 5. What occasioned their crossing from Asia to Europe ? — How were they about to revenge the deceit practiced on them, and what pre- vented their doing so? — What barbarian king did they serve? — With whose army was the remnant of the Ten Thousand finally incorporated ? CHAPTER XXXVII. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE SPARTAN EMPIRE TO THE BATTLE OF CNIDUS. § 1. How long had Sparta the entire lead, and how long only partial superiority ? — What events and dates mark out these divisions of time ? — What affronts and dislike provoked the invasion of Elis by the Spartans? — How many campaigns were carried on, and with what final result ? — Explain the word theory as used on p. 435 of Dr. Smith's History. § 2. What schemes had Lysandcr formed ? — Describe the position held by the Spartan kings. § 3. How did Agesilaus obtain the throne of Sparta ? § 4. What excellences did Agesilaus possess? — What was Lysander's view in the elevation of Agesilaus ? — What defects had Agesilaus ? — How were their ill consequences obviated ? — ^What conspiracy was sup- pressed at the beginning of the reign of Agesilaus ? § 5. By what arrangements did Sparta govern her dependent states ? — Compare the treatment thus resulting with the rule of Athens? — What effect had the Spartan conquests on the pecuniary condition of the citizens ? — Did all the Lacedaimohians liecome equal gainei*s ? § 6. How did the war in Asia Minor begin ? — Who was the first Spartan general there ? — What force had he ? — Who succeeded him ? — What were the achievements of Dercyllidas ? — What were the demands of the opposing powers ? — Who now took command of the Persian fleet ? § 7. Who were the projectors of the invasion of Asia Minor by Agesi- laus ? — How did he try to give a legendary interest to his expedition ? — How was this part of his plan frustrated ? §8, At what date did Af/esilaus invade Asia? — IIow did Lysander act, and what was the result ? § 9. What did Agesilaus accomplish in his first campaign? — Where and in what occupation did he pass the winter ? — What was his metho4 of action and success at tlie beginning of the second campaign ? § 10. What was the fate of Tissaphernes ? — By whom procured ? — From what motive ? — Who succeeded him ? — What arrangement did he make with Agesilaus ? § 11. What remarkable instance of their confidence did the Spartans show Agesilaus ? — What island did the Spartans lose ? § 12. Describe the inteniew between Agesilaus and Pharnabazus. — State the conversation that occurred betwixt them. § 13. Why did Agesilaus leave Asia? — Give the particulars of the battle of Cnldus. — Who was the victorious and who the defeated com- mander ? — At what date and season of the year was it fought ? NoTK.— The battle of Cnidus, being fought oflf the coast of Asia, is with propriety r* II «1 H em QUESTIONS ON Book V. «(Mrd«d to this chapter. Chapter xxxviiL reanmea the nmrative of events in Gr«ece : the battle of CoritUh there mentioned waa, perhaps, a little before that of Cnidiin, while that of Coronea was a little kiter. This note is added lest the reader should suppose tlM order qf nttrration to be precisely the order of time. THB COBDrrHIAN WAR. CHAPTER XXXVIII. FROM THE BATTLE OF CNIDUS TO THE PEACB OF AMTALCIDAS. § 1. By what Satrap and through whose agency was the Corinthian war excited against Sparta? — What money did he take? — What states did he prevail upon ? § 2. How did hostilities begin between Sparta and the Thebans? — What was the plan for invading Boeotia ? § 3. What fourth power joined the Corinthian allies ? — How and where was Lysander slain? — ^What were the farther results of this en- gagement ? § 4. What farther accession did the Corinthian allies gain ? — ^What name did the war bear? — Whom did the Ephors summon to conduct it? — Give an account of the battle of Corinth, and its results. § 5. Who joined Agesilaus on his journey from Asia Minor ? — De- scribe his march. — What countries and mountains had he to pass? — How did he conceal the bad news which reached him ? § 6. Describe the battle of Coronea in its first operations. — Detail the conduct of the Thebans. — ^What was the result of the battle ? — How was the great success of Agesilaus in Asia made evident ? § 7. What were the consequences of the battle of Cnidus? — What town and what peninsula were retained by the Spartans, and through whose agency? § 8. What were the exploits of the fleet under Conon in the beginning of the year 393 b.c. ? — What very important benefit did he confer on his country ? — By what means ? § 9. What mountains cross the isthmus of Corinth ? — What passes cross them? — What advantages for defense do these passes aflford? — Wliat political changes took place at Corinth in 392 B.C. ? — What ad- vantages did these obtain for the Spartans ? § 10. What successes against the Corinthian allies did Agesilaus pain in the summer of 391 b.c. ? — What ettect had these on the The- bans ? — How did Agesilaus treat the Theban envoys ? § 11. What changes did Iphicrates introduce in the arming of light troops ? — With what object ? — What were the first succeases of his tor- ffeteers or peitastsf — What circumstances gave him the opportunity of a more important success? — Give the particulars of this exploit. — State its effect on Agesilaus and the Theban envoys. — Describe the subse- quent conquests of Iphicrates. — Why was Iphicrates superseded? § 12. To what were the first attempts of Antalcidas in negotiation di- rected ? — How far were they successful ? — How did Conon's public ca- reer end ? — ^What was his probable fate ? — ^What success did Struthas gain? § 13. What circumstances induced the Athenians to send out Thrasyb- ulus? — ^What successes had he? — How did he perish? — What other eminent Athenian went afterward to the Hellespont ? — What successes had this new commander? § 14. Record the particulars of the enterprise ofTelentais against the Pineus. Chap. XXXIX. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 693 § 15. From what various sources did the Spartans obtain increasea force ? — What circumstances now disposed the Athenians to peace ? — What Satrap declared the J^eace of Antalcidas f— Cite its precise terms. — What state made a temporary opposition? § 16. What was the date of the peace of Antalcidas ?— Wherein con- sisted its disgrace to Greece? — What states are most blamable for it? — What remarks were made on it? CHAPTER XXXIX. from THE PEACB OF ANTALCIDAS TO THE PEACE OP CALLIAS. § 1. What measures hostile to Thebes did the Spartana adopt imme- tliiitely after the peace of Antalcidas ? § 2. How did they treat the town of Mantinea? § 3. Describe the position of Olynthus. — What towns had joined and which towns had opposed the Olynthian confederacy? — Which party did Sparta support, and with what force? § 4. Describe the circumstances under which the Spartans seized the Cadmea. — What was the Cadmea, and why so called? — What great advantage did they thus gain ? — How was this act viewed ? — In what way did the Spartan government proceed with regard to it ? § 5. How long did the Olynthians resist the power of Sparta ? — Who concluded this war, and how ? — Wherein was this disadvantageous to Grecian interests ? — What other state yielded to Sparta about the same time? § 6. What was at this time the position of Sparta ? § 7. Who were the two great leaders of Thebes during the time of its greatest glory? — Give some account of the character and conduct of each. — Detail the particulars of the conspiracy by which Thebes was freed from the rule of the Spartan party. — What part did Epaminondas § 8. Under what circumstances and terms was the Cadmea evacuated by the Spartans ? § 9. With what feelings did the Spartans receive the intelligence of the revolution at Thebes?— How were the Athenians induced to ally themselves with Thebes ? § 10. Give an account of the new confederacy formed in Greece after the liberation of the Cadmea. — State some of the measures adopted in forming it. — What pereons were most active in its formation ? § 11. What was the force of the new league? — Describe the compo- sition and purpose of the Sacred Band at Thebes. § 12. Give a full account of the excellences of Epaminondas's char- acter, and the means by which they were attained. § 13. Describe the attempts of the Spartans in their invasions of Thebes during the first three campaigns, with their result. § 14. Give an account of the exploits of the Athenian fleet in the year 376 B.C. § 15. What circumstances caused the jealousy of Athens against Thebes ?— Describe the exploit of Pelopidas at Tegyra.— What successee and attempts of the Thebans followed this victory ? § 16. In what manner was the peace made between Athens and Sparta broken ? — Describe the adventures and fate of Mnesippus in Coi^ cyra. — What farther advantages did the Athenians gain ? § 17. Wliere were the deputies to be assembled fur negotiating the treaty called the l^eaee of GuUias t iM QUESTIONS ON BookV § 18. At what date was the peace of Callias made?— What were the terras of it ? — Describe the dispute between Epaminondas and Agesilaus on the occasion* CHAFIER XL. THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES. 1 1. What were the expectations of the Greeks as to the issue of the gtniptglc between Sparta and Thebes? — Describe the march of Cleom- brotus into Boeotia. § 2. What advantage had Cleombrotus secured in his march ? — What circumstances discouraged the Thebans ? — What was the manoeuvre of Epaminondas to secure the victory ? — Describe the battle of Leuctra and its results. — Give its date. § 3. How did the Spartan government show its courage after the bat- tle of Leuctra? § 4. What were the position and aims of Jason of Pherae ? — What course did he advise the Thebans to adopt after the battle of Leuctra ? § 5. What states joined Thebes after the battle of Leuctra ? — What conditions respectively were granted by Thebes to Orchomenes and to Thespiae ? § G. What intentions had Jason of Pheras declared just prior to his death ? — How did he fall ? § 7. What policy did Athens adopt after the battle of Leuctra? — What Peloponnesian states were raised up by Thebes against Sparta ? — Who was the most active Areadian statesman at the time? § 8. How long had the Messenians lived in exile ? — With what force did Epaminondas invade Laconia in B.C. 370? — What extraordinary measure did the Spartans adopt for their defense ? — To whose exertions was the defense of Sparta owing? § 9. What town was built to form the capital of Arcadia? — Find it on the map, and describe its position. — What was the new constitution of Arcadia ? — Describe the position and strength of the new town of Messene. — On what charge was Epaminondas arraigned ? — What was his reply, and what the result ? § 10. On what terms were Athens and Sparta allied against Thebes ? — What was their plan of defense? — What were the results of the cam- paign of B.C. 369 ? §11. What ambitious views did Lycomedes and the Arcadians form? — What successes did they gain ? § 12. In what battle were the Arcadians subsequently defeated? — How did the Thebans regard this defeat? — What was the object and what the result of Pelopidas's expedition to Thessaly in B.C. 368 ? — Who was among the Macedonian hostages ? § 13, What was the object of the third expedition made by Epami- nondas into the Peloponnesus? — How did he display his moderation?—. How did the Thebans regard it, and what consequences followed their proceedings ? § 14. What was the object and what the result of the Theban em- bassy to Persia? — What representations did Antiochus make of the state of the Persian monarchy ? — How was the Persian mandate in favor of 1?hebes received by the Greeks ? § 15. Of what outrage was Alexander of Pherae guilty ? — ^What ad mntage did he gain by it ? — How was the prisoner rescued ? Chap. XLI. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 695 § 16. Where was Oropus?— Under what circumstances did the The- bans gain it ? — What alliance unfiivorable to Thebes soon followed ? § 17. What treacherous attempt in Corinth did the Athenians plan f — With what result ? — What peace was made in consequence ? § 18. What maritime conquests were made for Athens by Timotheus ? —What success attended Epaminondas at sea ? § 19. Describe the circumstances under which Pelopidas fell.— How was his death avenged ? § 20. What occasioned the difference between Arcadia and Elis ? What powers supported each ?— What occurred at the time of the cele- bration of the 104rth Olympiad ? § 21. What proceedings estranged Mantinea from the Arcadian league ? — What towns in Arcadia were respectively at the head of the Theban and Spartan parties?— What circumstances led to the fourth expedition of Epaminondas into the Peloponnesus ? § 22. At what date did Epaminondas lead his last expedition into the Peloponnesus? — What two bold attempts did he then unsuccessfuUv make? ^ § 23. Describe the battle-field of Mantinea. — Detail the occurrences at the commencement of the battle. — What was the plan of Epaminon- das ?— What was the result of the battle ?— Give the particulars of the last hours of Epaminondas's life. — On what terms was peace made? § 24. Give an account of the close of the life of King Agesilaus. CHAPTER XLL HISTORY OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS FROM THE DESTRUCTION OP THB ATHENIAN ARMAMENT TO THE DEATH OF TIMOLEON. § 1. What is the subject of Chap. XLI. ?— What period of time dooi it embrace ?— Notice briefly the events in Syracusan history from the de- feat of the Athenians to the time of the seizure of power by Dionvsiuf the elder. — What event gave Dionysius the opportunity of gaining pow- er ? — How and at what date did he become tyrant of Syracuse ? § 2. What Sicilian towns did he successively conquer ? — What state was his most formidable opponent ? — How was he rescued from immi- nent danger B.C. 394 ? — What other country besides Sicily submitted to his sway ? — In what condition was Syracuse under him ? — What great Grecian state profited by his alliance ? § 3. What proofs may be cited of the taste of Dionysius for literature? —How is he said to have treated Plato ? § 4. What were the merits and defects in the character of Dionysius? —How long did he hold power? — Tell the stoiy of Damocles. — Cite Horace's allusion to it. § 5. Who succeeded Dionysius the elder ? — Name the several mem- bers of the family. — How was Dion connected with it ? — What plans did he recommend to Dionysius II. ?— How did Dion fall into disfavor?— What were the first measures taken against him ? § 6. What farther outrage of Dionysius II. stimulated Dion to re- venge ? — What circumstances ftivored his enteqirise ? — With what force did he land in Sicily? — Describe his entrance into Syracuse. — Where was Dionysius II. at this time ? — What attempts did he make, and witl> what success ? § 7. How did Dion lose his popularity ? — What was his fate? § 8. Into what state did Sicily now fall ? — What danger caused the appeal to Corinth ? QUESTIONS ON Book VI § 9. Describe the character of Timoleon. — Recount his history while at Corinth. § 10. What circumstances tended to dishearten and what to encour- age Timoleon in his attempt to deliver Syracuse ? — What various ene- mies had he to encounter ? — What force accompanied him ?— In what hands were the various parts of Syracuse? — How did he gain Ortvpia? — Where and how did Dionysius II. pass the cloec of his life ? — What great force did Uicctas summon to his aid ? — How were these rendered useless to him? § 11. What were the first measures of Timoleon when master of Syr- acuse?^ — What farther steps were taken to promote the freedom and welfare of the Syracusans ? § 12. What circumstances preceded the battle of the Crimesus? — What were the opposing forces in that battle ? — What were the result of the battle and the loss of the Carthaginians ? § 13. What farther successes attended the arms of Timoleon? § 14. Describe the close of Timoleon's life. BOOK VI. THE MACEDONIAlSr SUPREMACY. (B.a 359-146.) CHAPTER XLII. WROM THE ACCESSION OP PHILIP TO THE END OP THE SACKED WAR. § 1. Give a brief view of the changes which took place successively as to the possession of the leading power among the states of Greece. § 2. What are the boundaries of Macedon Proper, and from what countries do they separate it ?r- What are its principal rivers? — ^What Wiis the probable origin of its people ? § 3. From what race did the Royal family of Macedon claim descent? — ^What king was contemporary with the Pisistratidse ? — At what time was Macedon subject to Persia? — What advantages did Archelaus con- fer on Macedon? — What towns were successively the capitals? — Of whom was the famons Philip son ? Nora.— For the part taken by Alexander of Macedon in the great Persian war •gainst Athens, see chap, xx., $9 3 and 7. § 4. What advantages did Philip gain by his residence at Thebes?— What were the principal features of Philip's cliaracter? § 5. At what age and at what date did PHILIP take on him the gov- ernment of Macedon ?— In what capacity did he first act ?— Who were rival claimants?— What support had each?— How did Philip rid him- self of them?— What nations did he then subdue, and how? — How did he treat his nephew ? § 6. By what military measures did Philip strengthen his power?— Show the strictness of his dicipline. § 7. "Where was Amphipolis ?— Wherein lay its importance ?— What powers wished to possess it ?— How did Philip keep them quiet?— What towns did he successively gain?— What fortunate events happened to Philip in B.C. 366 ?— What advantages did he gain cast of the Stry- mon? CuAi-. XLIU. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. (197 § 8. What states opposed Athens in the Social War ? — What causes produced it? — What generals commanded the Athenians? — What re- sult liad the war? § y. Between what powers did the Sacked War begin ? — How was it occasioned ? — Who was the first leader of the Phociaus ? — What wero his first measures and successes ? § 10. What states joined the Phocians? — ^What prevented their giving efficient help ? — Whence did Philomelas get means to carry on war ?— Who succeeded Philomelus? — What conquests did he make? § II. Where did Philip lose his eye?— What pretext had he for in- vading Thessaly? — What was his ultimate success in that country? — How was he induced to withdraw from before Thermoj ,iai? § 1 2. By what pei-sons was public si)eaking first practiced at Athens ? — What occasioned a change in that respect? — At what time was De- mosthenes THE Orator bom? — In what cause did he first use his ora- torical skill? — Who had been his instructor? — What was his success in his first attempts at public speaking ? — What natural defects had he ? — How did he remedy these? § 13. In what light did Demosthenes regard Philip? — What were the object and success of the Jirst PhUytjnc f — What gave occasion to the Olynthiac orations ? Note.— The young student should remark that, from the forca and excellence of the I'Hiuppics delivered by Demosthenes, that Avord was afterward applied to the speeches of the great lionian orator Cicero against Marcus Antonius, and that it is oficn used to signify "a vehement apccck rnaae against any person" § U. AVho was the most celebrated opponent of the policy of Demos- thenes at Athens ?— Give the character of Phocion.— State his probable motives. — Relate some anecdotes of him.— At what date did Philip take Olynthus? — How did he treat his conquest ? ^ § 15. Why was Philip's conquest of Olynthus alarming to the Athe- niaiis? — Who succeeded Onomarchus in the command of the Phocians? — What success had he ? — What two leaders successively commanded them ?— What negotiations took place between Philip and the Athenians just before the close of the Sacred War?— Show his great art and du- plicity in treating. § IG. What charge did Demosthenes bring against ^schines and his party ?— Describe the way in which Philip terminated the Phocian or Sacred War.— To what treatment wore the Phocians subjected? — What advantages did Philip gain by his termination of this war? CHAPTER XLIII. FR03I THE END OF THE SACRED WAR TO THE DEATH OF PHILIP. § 1. What were the results of the Sacred War?— How was the speech of Demosthenes " On the Peace'' occasioned? — What was his line of ar- gument in that oration ? § 2. In what way did Philip interfere in the aff'airs of the Pelopon- nesus? — ^Vhat occasioned the second Philippic of Demosthenes? — What were the occasion and result of the sijceches Uepl TrapairpiafttiaQ ? § 3. To what countries did Philip next send expeditions ? — What hos- tile acts against Macedon were done by Diopithes ? § 4. What were the occasion and nature of Demosthenes' speech " On the Chersonese f — At what date did Philip attack the Greek cities N. of the lIellesj>ont? — What difficulties did the siege of Perinihus present? 2H tM QUESTIONS ON Book VI. § 5. Describe the exploits of Phocion in Eiiboea. § G. What is the purport of the extant letter of Philip to the Athe- nians? — What was the result of the expedition of Chares to Byzantium? — Describe the conduct and tlic success of Phocion. — Give an accouni of the expedition of Philip into Srythia. — What events followed it? § 7. Dcscril)C the dif*pute whicii arose in the Amjihictyonic council between vEschines and the Ainpliissian deputies. — What decree resulted from this ? § 8. What may have been the motive of iEschines? — How did Philip l)ecomc general of the Ainphietifmts f § 9. By what act did Pliilij* disi)lay his dcf^igns ajrainst Attica and Bce. otia? — licscrilKJ wliat then occurred at Athens. — What was the advicQ of Demosthenes ? — Record the proceedings at Thebes. § 10. Where and at what date was fuujiht the decisive Imttle which humbled Greece under Macodon? — Describe this battle. — What monu- ment remains of it ? — ^What charge is mode against Demosthenes as to the battle? — ^What shows it unjust? § 11. How did l*hilip l)ehavc on his victory? — What reproof was given him?— AVhat terms did he grant Athens? — How did he treat Thebes? § 13. What grand object had Philip in view? — Where did the con- gress assemble? — What city sent no deputies? — Describe Philii)'s next ex- pedition to the Peloponnesus. — What other states now submitted to him ? § 13. How did the ill-will between Phiiii> and his son Alexander arise ? — Give the particulars of the lirst quarrel. — How was a partial rec- onciliation brought aljout ? § 14. What were the date and purpose of the expedition sent by Philip into Asia? — Where and how did Philip celebrate the marriage of his daughter Cleopatra? — What dreams are said to have portended his fall ? § 15. Descrilie the murder of Philip. — What motive caused it ?— Who have been suspected as privy to it? — With what probability in each case ?— At what date did Philip fall ? — What remarks are to be made on his achievements ? CHAPTER XLIV. ALEXANDER THE GREAT. § 1. How old was ALEXANDER at the time of Philip's death ?— Who were the earl}' instructors of Alexander?— With what sentiments did they till him ?-'During what time was he probably under Aristotle ? § 2. How did Demosthenes act when informed of Philip's death ?— What did Phocion remark resi)ccting it?— What measures did Demos- thenes take to insure success ?— What states were disposed to aid him? § 3. By what means did Alexander disconcert the views of Demos- thenes?— What dignities held by his father did he gain ?— Describe his interview with Diogenes, and record the conversation which occuiTcd. § 4. Against what nations had Alexander next to march ? — Describe his operations in each case. § 5. What induced the Thebans and Athenians again to attempt to shake off Alexander's yoke ?— Describe Alexander's conduct and suc- ceis against Thebes.— What loss of Thebans ensued? — By whom was Thebes sentenced, and how was it treated?— On what pretenses?— * What demand did Alexander make from Athens? — How was he ap- reaiod?- Tell the anecdote of Phocion's self-denial. Chap. XLIV. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 69S> § 6. Whom did Alexander leave as regent in Macedonia, and with what force ? — What was the amount and composition of his own army ? Describe the circumstances which occasioned the weakness of the Per- sian empire ? — What events had previously shown this weakness ? Note.— la addition to the expedition of Cyrus, the exploits of Agesilaus in Asia, and the observation of Antiochud the Arcadian, might both liave been quoted aa shov- ing the weakness of Persia. See Dr. Smith's History, pp. 440-442, and end of p. 479. § 7. Describe Alexander's passage into Asia. — Also hi» visit to the plain of Troy. § 8. Where was fought Alexander's first great battle against the Per- sians ? — What forces opposed him ? — What difficulties had he to sur- mount ? — Dcscriba the battle. — Give its date. — How did he act when it was ended ? §9. Name the towns which successively yielded to Alexander after the battle of the Granieus. — What anangemeuts did he make for win- ter? — Name tlie countries, towns, moimtains, and rivers which ho passed at the end of b.c. 334. — What remarkable event occurred at Gordium? § 10. Describe the route by which he entered Cilicia. — ^What circum- stances endangered his lite in that country ? — lielate the anecdote rela- tive to Alexander and his physician. — What force did Darius in person bring against him? — Describe the route of Darius. — What was now the position of Alexander? — Wherein was the great disadvantage of the po- sition of Darius ? — Describe the disposition of his army. — Who com- manded the wings of the Macedonians ? — Describe Alexander's conduct in the battle. — How did Darius act, and what werc the consequences ? — What loss did the Persians sustain ? — Descrilxi the tent of Darius. — Who were inmates of it? — How did Alexander treat them? Note.— The battle of Isaua is minutely and graphically described in Professor Creasy's work before quoted. In a (juotation tliere made from Napoleon the river is erroneously called the Imus instead of the Pindarus. § 11. What was tlic date of the battle of Issus ?— What operations did Alexander next contemplate, and from what motive ?— What means had Darius still left for carrying on the war?— What proposals did he make to Alexander ?— How were tlicy received ?— Describe Alexander's conversation with the envoys from TYRE.— Describe the difficulties pre- sented by the position and state of Tyre.— Recount the first attempts of Alexander in besieging Tyre, and the successful rcsistance of the Tvt- ians. — Describe the subsequent efforts of both sides. — How was the city taken ?— How long had it resisted ?— How were the town and its people treated? — State the second offers of Darius. — How were they received? § 12. Wiiat town resisted Alexander on his march to Egypt? — What is the tradition given by Jose])hus as to Alexander's visit to Jerusalem ? —How did Alexander's treatment of the Egyptians form a contrast to that of the Persians? — Where did he found the fiimous Alexandria? For what did that city become renowned ?— Describe Alexander's visit to the temjde of Jupiter Amnion. § 13. At what date did Alexander return to Asia from Egvpt? Where were Arbela and Gaugamela ?— From which of these places is Alexander's great battle named ? — What was the cliaracter of Darius's position? — Describe the arrangement of his army. — Give a proof of Alexander's remarkable self-possession. — What forces had he at Gauga- mela ? — How did he arrange them ?— What mistake weakened the Per- fiians ?— How was the battle decided ?— Where did the pursuit of the army end ? — What wtis taken at Arbela ? 700 QUESTIONS ON Book VI § 14. "Whither did Alexander march after the battlu of Arbela?— How did the Babylonians receive him ?-— Why was this ? — Describe his entry into the city. — What measures did he adopt there ? — Whom did he place in the various offices? — What large city next received him? — What amount of treasure did he gain, what interesting six)ils did he find, and how did he dispose of them ? — What re-enforcements joined him at Susa? — What difficulties retarded his advance to Persepolis? — How were they overcome? — What cities were the various ca|)itals and residences of the Persian kings? — What amount of treasure was found at Persepolis? — ^What foolish act at that place is laid to Alexander's charge ? § 15. Whither did Darius flee from Arbela?— When did Alexander resume the j)ursnit of him ? — What measures did Alexander adopt at Ecbatana? — Describe his pursuit of Darius from thence. — How was Da- rius treated by Bessus ? — Describe his death, and Alexander's treatment of his body. § 10. What is the position of Hyrcania? — Wh.it town was its capi- tal? — State the position and ancient name of Herat. — Why was Phi- lotas put to death ? — Who was slain at the same time, and how? § 17. What cities did Alexander found in u.c. 330? — What was tho fate of Bessus? — What was the ancient name of Samarcandf — Of what country was it the cajiital ? — Describe Alexander's exploits in Sogdiana. — What was the country and parentage of Koxana ? § 1 8. Describe the circumstances preceding and attending the death ©f Citus. — How did Alexander show his grief for the act? § 19. What was the plot ofllermolaus? — Who were put to death for it? — Where and with what force did Aiexaudor cross the Indus? — What country did he thus enter? — Descril»e the battle against Porup. — How did that king show his spirit? — How did Alexander treat him ? — What cities did he found in India ? — Why did he discontinue his prog- ress eastward? — What river was the limit' of his advance? § 20. What division did Alexander make of his army in retnminR from the Panj-ab? — How does the ancient ignorance of geography ap- pear ? — Descril)c the perilous position of Alexander in the town of the Malli. — Give an account of the rest of the voyage down the Indus. — What orders were given to Nearchns ? §21. Describe the march through Gedrosia. — How did Alexander show the equity of his government ? § 22. What measures were taken by Alexander to unite the various races subject to him? — ^What innovations caused discontent? — How did lie suppress the mutiny ? — What measures followed the reconciliation? § 23. What great festival was held at Ecbatana ? — What honors were shown to Hephaistion's memory? — What proofs of Alexander's great- ness were displayed just before his end at Babylon ? — What vast designs was he projecting? — What occasioned Alexander's death? — Give its precise date. — How long were his life and his reign? § 24. Do you consider Alexander properly desen-cs to be called Great? — ^\Vherein consisted the main difficulty of his exploits? — What Aas the nature of his motives ? — What benefits did mankind derive froni Alexander'a conqacsts? Chat. XLV. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 701 CHAPTER XLV. FROM THE DEATH OP ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS. § 1. What was the last act of Alexander? — What proceeding was taken to arrange for the government of the empire ?— To whom was the sovereignty to belong ?— State the names of the chief generals, and the provinces originally assigned them.— What did Perdiccas retain?— Where was Alexander buried ? § 2. What state in Greece attempted to throw off Alexander's yoke three years after his departure for Asia ?— What was the result of this ? —Describe the dispute at Athens " On the Crown,'' stating the various persons concerned, and the result. § 3. Who was Harpalus ?— How did he become a favorite with Alex- ander? — What employments were successively intrusted to him ? — Why did he leave Asia ? — How was he received at Athens ? — What eflect had this on Demosthenes ? — Whither did he retire ? § 4. What orator led the Anti-Macedonian party after the exile of Demosthenes ? — What states joined Athens on the death of Alexander ? — Who became the general ?— Record the discussion with Phocion. — What was the war called, and why ? § 5. Under what circumstances did Demosthenes return ? — What was the fate of Leosthenes, and who succeeded him ? — What victory did An- tiphilus gain ? — Where and when was fought the deciding battle in the Lamian war ? — How did Antipater first weaken Athens ? — What terms did he at last grant ? § 6. Describe the death of Ilyperides and that of Demosthenes. — Where did it occur ? § 7. What position did Perdiccas hold ? — What ambitious project had he formed? — What stejis did he take for its accomplishment? — Who conspired against him? — How did Perdiccas perish? § 8. What re-distribution of poAver was made at Triparadisus ? — Who succeeded Antipater as regent ? — Who took offense at this ? — How did Polysperchon attempt to conciliate the Greek states ? — Why and to whom did Phocion flee ? — Describe his subsequent fate. § 9. What ill successes did Polysperchon suffer? — Whom did Cas- sander make ruler of Athens? — Who was Eurydice? — With whom did she ally herself? — How did she and Philip Arrhidaits perish? — What was the fate of Olympias ? — Who rebuilt Thebes ? § 10. What generals combined against Antigonus? — What success attended the war which resulted ? — What became of Roxana and her son ? §11. Who was Demetrius Poliorceies ? — How long did Demetrius cf Phalerus rule Athens? — To what did he owe his elevation? — For what was he distinguished? — How did he at first rule? — How did he lose his popularity? — Who deprived him of the government? — How did Deme- trius Poliorcetes please the Athenians? — What honors did they bestow on him and on Antigonus? § 12. Where did Demetrius Poliorcetes defeat Ptolemy ? — What made this battle remarkable ? — What title did the generals now assume? — De- scribe the attempts of Demetrius on Rhodes. § 13. What success meantime attended Cassander? — ^Where and fm QUESTIONS ON Book VI. Chap. XL VII. SMITH'S HISTORY OF GREECE. 703 wben did his opponents defeat Antigonns? — What became of the capital of So eucus ? — What possessions did Lysimachus gain ? CHAPTER XLVI. rEOM THE BATTLE OF IP8U8 TO THE CONQUEST OP GREECE BY THE BOMANS. § 1. What faihires did Demetrius Poliorcetes successively meet with? —What circumstances increased his power?— At what date did he take Athens? — How did he treat the city? § 2. Who succeeded Cassander on the throne of Macedon ? — What two claimants next disputed the throne ? — What princes did they sum- mon to their aid? — How did Demetrius Poliorcetes gain Madedon ? — How lonjj did he reign there ? — When, where, and how did his life end ? § 3. What extent of dominion did Lysimachus ultimately gain ? — Why did Ptolemy Cerannus leave Ej^pt ? — What crime did he commit at the court of Lysimachus? — Where, when, and how did Lysimachus fall? — Who then divided Alexander's empire between them? § 4. What was the fate of Selencus? — Who divided his dominions? — W^ho slew Ptolemy Cerannus ?— Where did the invading Celts establish themselves ? § 5. Who established himself on the throne of Macedon in b.c. 278? — Describa the death of PyiThus. — About what date did Antigonus Go- maim take Athens ? § 6. What had been the objects of the old Achaian League ?— What statesman raised the new league into importance ? — At what date ? — What was the constitution of the Achaian league ?^What states suc- cessively joined it ? . § 7. Into what condition did Sparta come, and through what means ? ^What king attempted a reformation? — What was his fate?— Who was subsequently more successful ?— What occasioned the C/eomenic War r— After Antigonus Gonatas what two kings successively ruled Macedon ? — Who were coramandera on the two sides in the battle op Bellasia ? — At what date and with what result was that battle fought ? § 8. How do we nsnally distinguish that Philip of Macedon who fought against the Romans ?— What is known of the iEtolian league in early times?— What extent of power did this league gain after the death of Alexander the Great ? § y. What occasioned the alliance between Philip and the Achieans? —Why and when did he make jjcace with the ^tolians? § 10. What were the terms of the treaty between Philip and Han- nibal ?— What towns did Philip attempt to take ?— With what object ? —With what success ?— How and when did Aratus perish?— What con- quests did the Romans make for the jEtolians ? § II. Who is called the last of the Greeks ?— Where was he born?— What offices did he successively gain ? — ^What improvements did he in- troduce ?— What victory did he gain ? I 12. At what date did the Macedonian war with Home begin ? — When and where was fought the great battle which humbled Philip ?— Who was the Roman commander ? — ^Vhat tenns did the Romans pro- fess to grant to Philip and to the Greek states ? § 13. What states did the ^tolians strive to fipitc against the Ro- mans?— Where was Antiochus defeated by them?— What terms were allowed the jEtolians? § U. How did Philopoemen treat Sparta?— How and at what date and age did Philopcemen die ?— Who avenged his death ? Note.— It may help the young student's memory to observe that Hannibai- his an- tagonist the elder Sroduced the group of the Laoroonf — Do you know in what poet the legend represented is narrated ?— Name some other famous extant works of the period. § 8. What conquests caused the removal of Greek works to Rome ?— Show how vast their number was. I im QUESTIONS, ETC. Book Vt CHAPTER XLVIII. OBECIAII LITERATURE FROM THE END OP THE PELOFONNE8IAN WAR TO THE LATEST PERIO0. § 1. Name some trajjic writers later than the three most renoM'ncd. •—Who were the most distinguished writera of the MuiUle Cmnedy f — When did the New Comedy begin ? — What were its iHJculiarities ? — Who were its most famous writers? — Give an account of the origin of ME- NANDER. — How did ho die ? — How many plays did he write? — How may wc form a knowledge of their merits ? § 2. What circumstances made eloquence so important at Athens ?— —What want of equity and legality is evident in the Atlienian courts? § 3. Name with their countries the first famous teachere of Rhetoric. § 4. Who are the ten oratore of the Alexandrian canon ? — What is known of Antiphmi's history and works? — What is told of Andocides f — For what is the style of Ltfsias famous? — When and how did Isocrates die? — What is the subject of the speeches of Isnus? — Give an account of the life and works of uEsciiines. — What have you farther to remark of DEMOiSTHIiNES?^ — Which arc his most famous public and private speeches ? §5. Who was the most distinguished disciple of Socrates? — What was his descent ? — What countries did he visit ? — Where did he teach ? — Wlio were among his hearers ? § 6. Can you explain what is meant when PLATO is called a realist f —What works contain his political views ? § 7. What were the minor schools founded by the hearers of Socrates? —What were the notions of Aris^/^ms and the Cyrenaic sect ? — Who founded the Cynic sect? — What different derivations have been given for the name ? § 8. Name with their founders the four principal schools of Greek Philosophers. — Who succeeded Plato? — What division is made of the AcAOEMiCL%HS ? — To what did their teaching at last tend ? §9. Where was ARISTOTLE l>om? — Give some particulars of his earlier histoiT. — Where did he teach at Athens? — Wliat distinction was made in his lectures? — What is related of his ixjrsonal appearance? — ■ On what subjects did he write ? § 10. Wlience was the Stoic sect named? — What Roman writers of the Stoic sect have left works still extant.' — Where was EncuRis born? — What did he teach ? — What Latin ;»oe/« sets forth his notions ? § 11. After the death of Alexander what city became famous for lit- erature? — Name some of the cXntf critics of the Alexandrine schools. — What were invented there ? — Name also some jtoets of that age and place. § 12. Name with th«ir works some of the more recent Greek his- torians. § 13. 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