//i C ' a '-v^'=' r Ta ^ ' £■ 'v^ THE CONSTITUTION OF TJIE Empire of Japan a^. ' I T Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Columbia University Libraries https://archive.org/details/constitutionofjaOOjapa_0 THE CONSTITUTION OF The Empire of Japan WITH THE ADDRESSED TO STUDENTS OF POLITICAL SCIENCE IN THE Johns Hopkins University BALTIMORE, APRIL 17, 1889 N*./’ > 5 aHT ; ■•14:' ^■ •Mm I' ■' MOlTtJTlTaMOS • ' r , ♦ f: '9^ Ev ^ n i\ %0 WAHAl "10 aHH-MS HHT;";' dun- *TLW aiH:i3:oc£iH;'=3:B k -.V. ', w 5. 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On the evening of April 17, 1889, members of the Johns Hopkins University interested in the study of political science assembled in Hopkins Hall to commemorate the formal pro- mulgation of the Constitution of Japan, in accordance with the following invitation : “You are respectfully invited to be present at an assembly of members of this University interested in Political Science, which will be held in Hopkins Hall, Wednesday evening, April 17th, 1889, at eight o’clock, to commemorate the pro- mulgation of the written Constitution of the Empire of Japan. “D. C. Gilman, President.” The flags of the United States and of Japan were hung above the shield of the Johns Hopkins University. Branches of cherry blossoms, pyrus japonica, and of flowering trees were tastefully arranged in front of screens. The President of the University, Dr. Gilman, called the assembly to order and invited to preside the Hon. T. M. Cooley, LL. D., late Chief Justice of Michigan, now of the Interstate Commerce Commission, and author of a “ Treatise on Constitutional Limitations.” Upon the right of the Chair sat the Minister from Japan to the United States, Mr. M. Metsu ; the Secretary of Legation, Mr. Sato ; and the J apanese students of the University. Upon the left sat the President and other officers of the University. Mr. Saigo, by request, then read the names of the Japanese students who have here been enrolled, and the positions to which they have been called, as given on a previous page. 6 THE PKOCEEDINGS. Judge Cooley made an introductory address, which is printed on a subsequent page. The proclamation of the Emperor was then read, in Eng- lish, by the Secretary of Legation ; after which the more im- portant sections of the new Constitution were read by Profes- sor Small, of Colby University. Dr. Adams next read portions of a paper on the origin of the Japanese Constitution by Professor Woodrow Wilson, Ph. D., LL. D., of Wesleyan University, and an extract from a letter from Hon. John W. Andrews, LL. D., of Ohio, and he added some comments of his own. The changes in the political life of Japan, which led up to the new Constitution, were then explained by Mr. T. Iyenaga, of Yanagawa, Japan, a Bachelor of Philosophy of Oberlin College, and a candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Johns Hopkins University. Parts of letters were then read from Dr. David Murray, formerly Superintendent of Educational Affairs in Japan; Rev. Dr. W. E. Grieeis, author of “The Mikado’s Empire;” President Gates, of Rutgers College; Charles Lanman, Esq. (on the Life of Arinori Mori) ; and from Rear-Admiral Balch, who accompanied the Perry Expedition to Japan. At the close of the exercises, cups of Japanese Tea were served in the Library. IMPERIAL SPEECH ON THE Promulgation of the Constitution Retortiary ii, 1889. Whereas, We make it the joy and glory of Our heart to behold the prosperity of Our country, and the welfare of Our subjects, we do hereby, in virtue of the supreme power We inherit from our Imperial Ancestors, promulgate the present immutable fundamental law, for the sake of Our present sub- jects and their descendants. The Imperial Founder of Our House and Our other Impe- rial Ancestors, by the help and support of the forefathers of Our subjects, laid the foundation of Our Empire upon a basis, which is to last forever. That this brilliant achievement embellishes the annals of Our country, is due to the glorious virtues of Our Sacred Imperial Ancestors, and to the loyalty and bravery of Our subjects, their love of their country, and their public spirit. Considering that Our subjects are the descendants of the loyal and good subjects of Our Imperial Ancestors, We doubt not but that our subjects will be guided by Our views, and will sympathize with all Our endeavours, and that, harmoniously cooperating together, they will share with Us Our hope of making manifest the glory of our country, both at home and abroad, and of securing forever the stability of the work bequeathed to Us by Our Imperial Ancestors. 7 ■ I f, * f ’ '•n. ^.4^:'J*-'‘'*. .:^- ^W*i^ u • » • r- . v^. t.-VR* / 1^ ^ .'ilX T i^a)uJjS>o aii» \^iii ^_**f7 ,IX '0»jt» — (»- -■% ■•^V ' -fi' ' “ - ^ oJ^fAtti'lWtVU ytnf;;’ W^* ^oO^io •ill UoK ,«nUM<«?) liiiiiw-Vf '*»** Is jisrP >» ^*^8^ ' .ja»,rLtWOtljfl til^ •? xd TSTjnJftsk!^ •>‘•<>.‘'0 W*l , 0 . h- . k «M C<:^f^'/ ''‘# 1) TVUwi li»Tr^^a 0 ^O T8vbf»- «0 n» dlM «rfdJoqtcX« T’,]^ W»r.<^ (!l»r ! ..l4^>|H!lM>»q-***>^ •^!..!>.lBWn^(rte« J » Tyi.'n<» ON 1/' '!,-»cb) ‘jUJ lo -ictcrf '-*>0 <«^ xiiSfc'NtV^di V>fctH! .l-rV-Ki^ I,/Ilf^^ le A teiiM4lftiP*t»( > »«) i»''rt)x)4f.r«* » THE CONSTITUTION OF THE KMPIRK OK JAPAN. Having, by virtue of the glories of Our Ancestors, ascended the throne of a lineal succession unbroken for ages eternal ; desiring to promote the welfare of, and to give development to the moral and intellectual faculties of Our beloved subjects, the very same that have been favoured with the benevolent care and affectionate vigilance of Our Ancestors ; and hoping to maintain the prosperity of the State, in concert with Our people and with their support. We hereby promulgate, in pursuance of Our Imperial Rescript of the 14th day of the 10th month of the 14th year of Meiji, a fundamental law of State, to exhibit the principles, by which We are to be guided in Our conduct, and to point out to what Our descendants and Our subjects and their descendants are forever to conform. The rights of sovereignty of the State, We have inherited from Our Ancestors, and We shall bequeath them to Our descendants. Neither We nor they shall in future fail to wield them, in accordance with the provisions of the Consti- tution hereby granted. We now declare to respect and protect the security of the rights and of the property of Our people, and to secure to them the complete enjoyment of the same, within the extent of the provisions of the present Constitution and of the law. The Imperial Diet shall first be convoked for the 23d year of Meiji, and the time of its opening shall be the date, when the present Constitution comes into force. When in the future it may become necessary to amend any of the provisions of the present Constitution, We or Our suc- cessors shall assume the initiative right, and submit a project 9 10 coNSTmrrioN. for the same to the Imperial Diet. The Imperial Diet shall pass its vote upon it, according to the conditions imposed by the present Constitution, and in no otherwise shall Our de- scendants or Our subjects be permitted to attempt any altera- tion thereof. Our Ministers of State, on Our behalf, shall be held respon- sible for the carrying out of the present Constitution, and Our present and future subjects shall forever assume the duty ol allegiance to the present Constitution. [His Impeeial Majesty’s Sign-Manual.] [Privy Seal.] The 11 : .-..■* w ..■ »■ , ♦• «,-<*'■ •- .•* PV»» ■ •^Uk9* t^'X ' ■''k* ■■- ‘», .,■ " ' r''Vl»< >>1 » )' f‘"~ W k-v- Uwtfi w {^‘hj&Aot rfij >f1 .'iMi-.^w .i.-v^' . ■ .p / »r ■ ■‘’''■■'it V iu . I ti»,r^. ., ’' ■' '' ■ .ya -'^C ^ , '-J-t- , '■w'4j!^»-lA4?»^i>^-^>'V’ !.•"'• rr *iv’' > -.i;4‘ ■,-’ /ir'u-'K. 'Tl^Vr- ^ mXi*^ ra JAPAN^S PREPARATION FOR HER Present Constitution. AN ADDRESS BY TOYOKICHI lYENAGA. Mr. Chairman, Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen: The last half of the present century has been a memorable era for Japan.* Extraordinary events have followed one another in quick succession, and have powerfully influenced *The writer makes no specific mention of Japanese authorities which he has read with profit, such as original works of history, official documents and native newspapers, for they are inaccessible to American readers. The following are perhaps the more important sources of infor- mation in English, all of which the writer has examined, and to many of which he acknowledges his indebtedness. Griffis’ “The Mikado’s Empire” ; Reed’s Japan ; Rein’s Japan, Part II. Chap. I. ; Mossman’s New Japan ; Mounsey’s Satsuma Rebellion ; “ The Japanese in America” and “Leading Men of Japan,” by Charles Lan- man ; Education in Japan. — Introduction by Arinori Mori ; Miss Bird’s Unbeaten Tracks in Japan ; Chapters in History of Japan, by F. O. Adams ; K. Mitsukuri’s “ Recent Changes in Japan,” in Intern. Rev. V. X., 1881; Articles on Japan, in Edin. Rev., V. 136 and V. 154; Quart. Rev., V. 137 and 150; N. Am. Rev., V. 127 ; Blackw. Mag., V. 101 ; Brit. Quar. Rev., V. 76; Fortn. Rev., N. S. V. 23 ; Conterap. Rev. V. 38 ; Fortn. Rev., May, 1887 ; 19th Cent. Dec. 1888; And. Rev., Feb. 1887 ; Our Day, 2:1; Nation, 46 : 129, 364, 468 ; Science, 7 : 450 ; Sat. Rev., 67 : 79 ; Atlan., 60 : 406 ; and a few other magazine articles, which are mentioned in another place. 31 32 ADDKESSES. her national life. But as yet Japan has achieved nothing more important in its direct bearing, nothing fraught with mightier consequences, than the great work in whose com- memoration we are here assembled. Nor is the interest of the event limited to the Island Em- pire. This is the first birth of Liberty on Asiatic soil. Oriental annals record nothing of greater political significance for the cause of humanity and civilization than this birth of freedom. Well may Japan rejoice over her good fortune to be the first-born of Liberty in the East ! Well may His Im- perial Majesty, the present enlightened and judicious ruler of Japan, beglad ! Among the long line of monarchs who have sat on imperial thrones he is the solitary example, who, without being forced by arms or pecuniary necessity, but “ desiring to promote the welfare of, and give development to the moral and intellectual faculties of Our beloved subjects, and hoping to maintain the prosperity of the State in concert with Our people and with their support” (as the opening sentences of the New Constitution read), has granted to his people their rights and privileges. Well may he console his sovereign heart by the fruits of his assiduous labor, and by the glad- dened voices of gratitude and praise, which arise and shall continue to arise from his subjects and their descendants, and from those who are interested in the advance of civilization ! Mr. Chairman, a constitution of a people, it is said, is a growth, “ a subtle organism,” not to be manufactured in a day. A nation, which has lived for ages under one form of institutions, must undergo a long process of training before it can adapt itself to another form totally diflPerent. How can such an ancient country as Japan, nursed by “Asiatic des- potism, based on paganism, and propped on a fiction,”* * Griffis’ “ The Mikado’s Empire,” p. 678. ADDRESSES. 33 regenerate itself, and develop in a day into a free and constitu- tional monarchy ? How can the Constitution just issued, which was apparently “ struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man,”* replace in a year the constitution which bears the stamp of ages? These are the inquiries which naturally suggest themselves to foreigners. To answer these questions, to trace the political changes of Japan which led up to the promulgation of the New Constitution, is my present duty. And, as the annals of New Japan are crowded with events, which can hardly be told in a brief space of time, I cannot better discharge my duty than by alluding to the most prominent facts which bear special reference to the growth of constitutional ideas. I shall aim to follow the main course of thought among the leaders of New Japan. For it is ideas that make worlds, that occasion revolutions, that form the codes, policy and institutions of the people, and make change a possibility. The Constitution of Japan was moulded into its present form by the hand of the present Government, after a careful study of the Japanese situation, and of the political systems of Germany, Great Britain, France and the United States. But it is not a piece of constitutional patch-work put together in a few years. It is the outcome of the national growth. The Constitution just born was conceived more than a quarter of a century ago, amid the turmoil of the civil war, that broke out after the coming of Commodore Perry, whose memorable expedition to the then hermit nation of Asia is embodied in these great volumes before you, the account of Perry’s ex- pedition to Japan. The Constitution first took a definite form. * “ The Nation,” March 21, 1889. 34 ADDKESSES. when the royal party upholding the Emperor had earried its victorious arms over the battle fields of Fushimi and Toba, and had succeeded in abolishing the Shogunate and establish- ing the present government. On the 6th of April, 1868, in the castle of Nijo, the Emperor, in the presence of the assem- bled court nobles and the territorial princes, took an oath, by which he promised that a deliberative Assembly should be formed, and all measures be decided by public opinion ; that the uncivilized customs of former times should be broken through, and the impartiality and justice displayed in the workings of nature be adopted as a basis of action ; and that intellect and learning should be sought for throughout the world, in order to establish the foundations of the Empire. Here was the constitutional seed which, after years of growth, was to blossom into the flower which we behold to-day. The Emperor’s promise henceforth became the watch-word of the nation. The moment when it was uttered was full of diflSculty and danger. The civil war was not yet ended. The ex-Shogun had escaped to Yedo, and northern Daimios were mustering their forces to aid him in resuming the ancient rdgime. Within the new government, which was formed by a combination of five prominent clans, each clan tried to assert its supremacy and to advance its own interests. From outside they were confronted by aggressive foreigners “ who studied the country through the spectacles of dollars and cents,” whose diplomatists too often made the principles of Shylock the root of their system, and who, backed by their squadrons, were too ready to incite their envoys to repeat the work of Kagoshima and Shimonosheki, and thus extort a large sum of money, calling it by a euphemism “indemnities,” for the least cause, which many of the bigoted Daimios and fanatical ronins were not slow to provide by assassinating or insulting some of ADDBESSES. 35 the foreigners.* To meet such a crisis, to allay the jealousies existing between different clans, and “ to ensure a solid and lasting union of conflicting interests,”! tiie leaders of the gov- ernment felt convinced that nothing but public opirdon and justice and real merit could succeed. The men who now came to surround the council-board of the Emperor were of entirely different type from the court nobles of former days. They were, with a few exceptions, men of humble origin. They had raised themselves from obscurity to the highest places of the State by sheer force of native ability. They had studied much and travelled far. Their experiences were diverse ; they had seen almost every phase of society. If they were now drinking the cup of glory, most of them had also tasted the bitterness of exile, imprison- ment, and fear of death. Patriotic, sagacious, and daring, they combined the rare qualities of magnanimity and urban- ity. If they looked with indifference upon private morality, they were keenly sensitive to the sense of honor, and to public morals. If they have made mistakes, and have not escaped the charge of inconsistency in their policy, these venial faults were for the most part due to the rapidly changing conditions of the country. No other set of statesmen of Japan, or of any other country, ancient or modern, have witnessed within their life-time so many social and political transformations. They saw the days when Feudalism flourished, — the grandeur *On tlie Tariff and Treaty questions of Japan see two articles of E. H. House, in New Princeton Review, January and March, 1888, and his “ Martyrdom of Empire,” in Atlantic Monthly, 47 ; GIO ; Pres. Angell’s Article in Bib. Sac. 42 ; 101 ; and Prof. J. K. Newton’s article in Bib. Sac., Jan. ’87, and Reed’s Japan. — Introduction. T. Twiss on Consular Juris- diction in Japan. Nation, 46 : 254 ; Andover Rev. 9 : 605. t Adams, F. O., History of Japan, vol. I, p. 128. 36 ADDRESSES. of its rulers, its antique chivalry, its stately etiquette, its ceremonial costumes, its codes of honor, its rigid social order, its formal politeness, its measured courtesies.* They also saw the days when all these were swept away, and replaced hy the simplicity and stir of modern life. They accordingly “ have had to cast away every tradition, every habit and every prin- ciple and mode of action with which even the youngest of them had to begin official life.” f The task they were to perform was of a peculiar nature. They were to destroy and create, to preserve and reform. To them is due the saying of Edmund Burke : “ When the useful parts of an old establishment are kept, and what is super- added is to be fitted to what is retained, a vigorous mind, steady persevering attention, various powers of comparison and com- bination, and the resources of an understanding fruitful in expedients, are to be exercised ; they are to be exercised in a continued conflict with the combined force of opposite vices, with the obstinacy that rejects all improvement, and the levity which is disgusted with everything of which it is in possession.” J The ranks of this noble body of statesmen and reformers are now, alas ! gradually breaking. Saigo, the elder, is no more. Kido and Iwakura have been borne to their graves. Okubo and Mori have fallen under the sword of fanatics. But, thanks to God, many of them yet remain, and bear the bur- dens of the day. Remarkable works soon followed the establishment of the new government and attest its capacity and energy. Within a few years the new government suppressed the rebellion, * Miss Bird’s “ Unbeaten Tracks in .Japan, ” vol. I, p. 8. t The CoTitemp. Rev., vol. 38, p. 828. “Burke’s Reflections,’’ etc.: Works, vol. V, pp. 303-4. ADDEESSES. 37 shifted its seat from Kioto to Tokio, entered into amicable relations with foreign powers, abolished Feudalism, broke up the country into prefectures, and sent out an embassy to for- eign countries. The overthrow of the Feudal System, which for eight cen- turies had formed the fabric of the Japanese society, by an imperial edict, without bloodshed, seemed at the time to the experienced West like a political miracle, and has since been the subject of much comment. Without doubt it was a wonderful performance, but when we examine closely the circumstances which led to it, and the influences which acted upon it, we cannot but regard it as the natural terminus of the political flood, which was sweeping over the country. When such a revolution of thought as that expressed in the pro- clamation of 1868 had taken place in the mind of the leaders of society; when contact with foreigners had fostered the necessity of national union ; when the spirit of loyalty of the Samurai had changed to loyalty to his Emperor, when his patriotic devotion to his province had changed to patriotic devotion to his country, then it was quite apparent that the petty social organization, which was antagonistic to these national principles, would soon be crushed. If there is any form of society, which is diametrically op- posed to the spirit of national union, of liberal thought, of free intercourse, it is feudal society. Monarchical or demo- cratic society encourages the spirit of union, but feudal society must, from its very nature, smother it. Seclusion is the parent of feudalism. In our enlightened and progressive century seclusion is no longer possible. Steam and electricity would alone have been sufficient to destroy the Japanese feudalism. But long before its fall the Japanese feudalism “ was an empty shell.” Its leaders, the Daimios of provinces. 38 ADDRESSES. were, with a few exceptions, men of no commanding impor- tance. “ The real power in each clan lay in the hands of able men of inferior rank, who ruled their masters.”* From these men came the present advisers of the Emperor. Their chief object at that time was the thorough unification of Japan. Why should they longer trouble themselves to uphold Feu- dalism, this mother of sectionalism, this colossal sham ! If such were the causes of the overthrow of Feudalism, its immediate effect on the nation in unifying their thoughts, customs and habits, was most remarkable. From this time we see the marked growth of common sentiment, common manners, common interest among the people, together with a love of peace and order. While the government at home was thus tearing down the old framework of state, the Iwakura Embassy in foreign lands was gathering materials for the new. This was signifi- cant, inasmuch as five of the best statesmen of the time, with their staff of forty-four able men, came into association for over a year with western peoples, and beheld in operation their social, political, and religious institutions. These men became fully convinced that “ the wealth, the power, and the happiness of a people,” as President Grant told them, “ are advanced by the encouragement of trade and commercial intercourse with other powers, by the elevation and dignity of labor, by the practical adaptation of science to the manu- factures and the arts, by increased facilities of frequent and rapid communication between different parts of the country, by the encouragement of immigration, which brings with it the varied habits and diverse genius and industry of other lands, hy a free press, by freedom of thought and of conscience, and a liberal toleration in matters of religion^ * Griffis’ “ The Mikado’s Empire,” p. 322. t C. Lauman, “ The Japanese in America,” p. 33. ADDRESSES. 39 Tlie impressions and opinions of these men on the import- ance of a free and liberal policy can be gleaned from the speeches they made during the western tour, and some of their writings and utterances on other occasions. The Chief Ambassador, Iwakura, in reply to a toast made to him in England, said: “Having now become more inti- mately acquainted with her (English) many institutions, we have discovered that their success is due to the liberal and energetic spirit by which they are animated.” * Count Ito, the present President of the Privy Council, in his speech at San Francisco, said: “ While held in absolute obedience by despotic sovereigns through many thousand years, our people knew no freedom or liberty of thought. With our material improvement they learned to understand their rightful privileges, which, for ages, have been denied them.” f Count Inouye, the present Minister of State for Agricul- ture and Commerce, in his memorial to the government in 1873, said : “The people of European and American countries are for the most part rich in intelligence and knowledge, and they preserve the spirit of independence. And owing to the nature of their polity they share in the counsels of their gov- ernment. Government and people thus mutually aid and support each other, as hand and foot protect the head and eye. The merits of each question that arises are distinctly comprehended by the nation at home, and the government is merely its outward representative. But our people are difi’erent. Accustomed for ages to despotic rule, they have remained content with their prejudices and ignorance. Their knowledge and intelligence are undeveloped, and their spirit ♦Mossman’a New Japan, p. 442. tC. Lanman, “The Japanese in America,” p. 14. 40 ADDRESSES. is feeble. In every movement of their being they submit to the will of the government, and have not the shadow of an idea of what “ a right ” is. If the government makes an order, the whole country obeys it as one man. If the government takes a certain view, the whole nation adopts ii unanimously. . . . The people must be recalled to life, and the Empire be made to comprehend with clearness that the objects which the government has in view are widely different from those of former times.” * If the passages thus quoted illustrate their zeal to introduce western civilization, and to educate the people gradually to political freedom and privileges, their actions speak more eloquently than their words. In order to crush that social evil — tlie class system — which for ages had been a curse, the government declared all classes of men equal before the law, delivered the eta — the class of outcasts — from its position of contempt, abolished the marriage limitations existing between different classes of society, prohibited the wearing of swords, which was the peculiar privilege of the nobles and the Samurai, while to facilitate means of communication and to open the eyes of the people to the wonders of mechanical art, they incessantly applied themselves to the construction of railroads, docks, light-houses, mining, iron, and copper fac- tories, and to the establishment of telegraphic and postal systems. They also codified the laws, abolished the use of torture in obtaining testimony, revoked the edict against Christianity, sanctioned the publication of newspapers, estab- lished by the decree of 1875 the “ Genro-in (a kind of Senate) to enact laws for the Empire, and the Daishin-in to consolidate *The translation of the whole memorial is given in C. Lanman’s “Lead- ing Men of Japan,” p. 87. ADDEESSES. 41 the judicial authority of the courts,” and called an assembly of the prefects, which, however, held but one session in Tokio. While the current of thought among the official circles was thus flowing, there was also a stream, in the lower region of the social life, soon to swell into a mighty river. Social inequality, that barrier which prevents the flow of popular feeling, being already levelled, merchants, agriculturists, tradesmen, artisans, and laborers were now set at liberty to assert their rights and to use their talents. They were no longer debarred from places of high honor. The great colleges and schools, both public and private, which were hitherto established and carried on exclusively for the benefit of the nobles and the Samurai, were now open to all. And in this democracy of letters, where there is no rank nor honor but that of talent and industry, a sentiment was fast growing that the son of a Daimio is not necessarily wiser than the son of a peasant. Teachers of these institutions were not slow to infuse the spirit of independence and liberty into their pupils and to instruct the people in their natural and political rights. Mr. Fukuzawa, a school-master, a statesman, an author, and a lec- turer, the man who exercised an immense influence in shaping the mind of young Japan, gave a death blow to the old ideas of despotic government and of the blind obedience of the people, when he declared that government exists for the people and not the people for the government, that the govern- ment officials are the servants of the people, and the people their employei's. He also struck a heavy blow at the arro- gance and extreme love of military glory of the Samurai class, with whom to die for the cause of his sovereign, what- * The Imperial decree of 1875. 42 ADDRESSES. ever that cause might be, was the highest act of patriotism, by advocating that “ Death is a democrat and that the Samurai who died fighting for his country, and the servant who was slain while caught stealing from his master, were alike dead and useless.” In a letter to one of his disciples, Mr. Fukuzawa said : “ The liberty of which I have spoken, is of such great impor- tance, that everything should be done to secure its blessings in the family and the nation, without any respect to persons. When every individual, every family, and every province shall obtain this liberty, then, and not till then, can we expect to witness the true independence of the nation ; then the military, the farming, the mechanical and the mercantile classes will not live in hostility to each other ; then peace will reign throughout the land, and all men will be respected according to their conduct and real character.”* The extent of the influence exercised with pen and tongue by these teachers upon the nation, showed that the reign of sword and brutal force was over and the day of peace and reason had dawned. The press has at last become a power. The increase during that period of publications, both original and translations, and of newspapers, both in their number and circulation, is marvelous. To give an illustration, the num- ber of newspapers transmitted in the mails increased from 514,610 in the year 1873 to 2,629,648 in the year 1874 — an increase of 411 per cent, in one year — “a fact which speaks volumes for the progress of civilization.”t These newspapers were soon to become the organs of political parties, which were in the process of formation. The most prominent among these political societies was the *The translation given in C. Lanman, “Leading Men of Japan,” p. 47. t See the Appendix of Griffis’ “ The Mikado’s Empire.” ADDKESSES. 43 Ri-shi-sha, which finally developed into the present liberal party. At the head of this party was Count Itagaki, a man of noble character and of marked ability, who had rendered many useful services to the countiy in the time of the Eestor- ation and had for some years been a member of the cabinet, but who in 1875 resigned his office and became “the man of the people.” He and his party contributed greatly to the development of constitutional ideas. Whatever may be said as to the extreme radicalism and childish freaks of the rude elements of this party, the presence of its sober members, who sincerely longed to see the adoption of a constitutional form of government and used only proper and peaceful means for the furtherance of their aim, and boldly and frankly told \7hat they deemed the defects of the government ; — the pres- ence of such a party in the country, whose masses knew nothing but slavish obedience to every act of the government, was certainly a source of great benefit to the country at large. In 1873, Count Itagaki with his friends had sent in a mem- orial to the government praying for the establishment of a representative assembly, but they had not been heeded by the government. In July, 1877, Count Itagaki with his Ei-shi- sha again addressed a memorial to the Emperor, “praying for a change in the form of government, and setting forth the reasons which, in the opinion of the members of the society, rendered such a change necessary.”* These reasons were nine in number, and were developed at great length. Eight of them formed a direct impeachment of the present government, and the ninth was a reminder that the solemn promise of 1868 had never been fulfilled. “Nothing,” they concluded, “could more tend to the well * Mouusey’s Satsuma Rebellion, p. 258. 44 ADDRESSES. being of the country, than for your Majesty to put an end to all despotic and oppressive measures, and to consult public opinion in the conduct of the government. To this end a representative assembly should be established, so that the government may become constitutional in form. The people would then become more interested and zealous in looking after the affairs of the country; public opinion would find expression, and despotism and confusion cease. The nation would advance in civilization ; wealth would accumulate in the country ; troubles from within and contempt from with- out would cease, and the hapiness of your Imperial Majesty and of your Majesty’s subjects would be secured.” But again the government heeded not, its attention at the time being fully occupied with the suppression of the Satsuma Rebellion. The civil war being ended, in 1878, the year wliich marked a decade from the establishment of the new regime, the government, persuaded that the time for pop- ular institutions was fast approaching, not alone through representations of the Tosa memorialists, hut through many other signs of the times, decided to take a step in the direction of establishing a national assembly. But the government acted cautiously. Thinking that to bring together hundreds of members unaccustomed to parliamentary debate and its excite- ment and to allow them a hand in the administration of affairs of the state might be attended with serious dangers, as a pre- paration for the national assembly, the government estab- lished first local assemblies. Certainly this was a wise course. These local assemblies have not only been good training schools for popular government, but also proved reasonably successful. They hold their sessions every year, in the month of March, in their respective electoral districts, and there ADDRESSES. 45 discuss all questions of local taxation. They may also petition the central government on other matters of local interest. The members must be males of the full age of twenty-five years, who have been resident for three years in the district, and pay the sum of $10, as a land tax within their district. The qualifications for electors (males only) are : an age of twenty years, registration, and payment of a land tax of $5. Voting is by ballot, but the names of the voters are to be written by themselves on the voting papers. There are now 2,172 mem- bers who sit in these local assemblies, and it is highly probable that the majority of the members of the House of Eepresenta- tives of the Imperial Diet, to be convened next year, will be made up from the more experienced members of the local assemblies. The gulf between absolute government and popular govern- ment was thus widened more and more by the institution of local government. The popular tide raised by these local assemblies, was swelling in volume year by year. New waves were set in motion by the younger generation of thinkers. Toward the close of the year 1881 the flood rose so high that the government thought it wise not to resist longer. His Imperial Majesty, hearing the petitions of the people, gra- ciously confirmed and expanded his promise of 1868 by the famous proclamation of Oct. 12, 1881 ; “ We have long had it in view to gradually establish a constitutional form of government. ... It was with this object in view that in the eighth year of Meiji (1875) we estab- lished the Senate, and in the eleventh year of Meiji (1878) authorized the formation of local assemblies. . . . We there- fore hereby declare that we shall, in the twenty-third year of Meiji (1890), establish a parliament in order to carry into full effect the determination we have announced ; and we charge 46 ADDEESSES. our faithful subjects bearing our commissions to make, in the meantime, all necessary preparations to that end.” Since that proclamation neither the ministers bearing the commissions of the Emperor nor the people have neglected “ to make all necessary preparations to that end.” Govern- ment activity and the popular movement during the period of preparation were among the most remarkable phenomena Japan has ever witnessed. The formation of a responsible ministry, of a privy council, the organization of the Constitutional Reform party, which is destined to play a grand role in the future politics of Japan, the rise of other political clubs and debating societies — all these points I am obliged to pass over and hasten to my conclusion. On the 11th of last February, His Imperial Majesty promul- gated the long-expected Constitution of the country, amid the universal rejoicing of the people. Such is a brief review of the political changes which led up to the formation of a Constitutional Monarchy in Japan, viewed from the standpoint of a student of history and politics, who has no connection with either the government or any party. That the Japan of to-day, with her commerce, her press, her railroads and telegraphs, her universities and colleges, her science and nascent Christianity, should be again ruled by the absolute power of any one man, is just as impossible as that modern England should again be ruled by the despotism of the Tudors or the Stuarts. But it is yet to be seen whether the new Constitution and the present ministry will be able to meet the demands of the people, whether the people are advanced enough to really prize political liberty, and to harmonize it with public order (for without order no liberty can live), whether the old feudal spirit of feud and sedition, a spirit tolerating neither men nor opinion differing ADDRESSES. 47 from its own, is forever extinct, whether the Imperial Diet is capable of sustaining and enhancing the dignity and power of the country, and thus fulfilling the gracious will of His Imperial Majesty. For my own part, I firmly believe that all these patriotic hopes will be fulfilled. I have firm faith in the good, honest, common sense of the Japanese people, and in the wisdom and ability of the present government. But the present is not a time for Japan to flatter herself, or to glory over what she has already accomplished. Great work lies still before her. All Christendom is gazing upon her with curious eyes and no little suspense. The destiny of Asia hangs over her ! If she succeeds in this experiment of representative government, the conquest of Liberty in the Orient is secured. If she fails, the reign of law and freedom in the East will long be delayed. May .Japan prove worthy of her noble aims, to be ranked among the proudest nations of the world, and to form a van- guard in the march of civilization ! It only remains for me, as I have the privilege of sharing in the commemoration of this great and memorable event, and as memory recalls my fellow countrymen and fellow students, who once studied within these academic walls, and, graduating with honor, have already done work in their native land worthy of themselves and their Alma Mater, to express my heartfelt joy that I was born a citizen of such a rising and hopeful country as Japan, and am counted as a student in such an institution as the Johns Hopkins University, whose fame, encircling the earth, long ago reached “ The Land of the Rising Sun.” Issued by the PuBLicATiOH Agency of the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland. • i 5 j '■ ^ -'av ■ ^ ^•.' *. i-' i .-'-rf' ' '# ' i, ^ -* ■ ••■,*^ ; ;v-. ^ .’v .^Vvfi V'"< ' V ' ■- '.'^^i-''--'-^'-'^- >•' ''■’ '*■ ' * ■ ''-^ • - y '■ - t’. •.•■'- ' ■■ : ^ ■ ^ ,' . -t • ,' -. '■; r' ‘, '. V '' ■ ? ; - ■ ,,’ v''fr 4i ♦j .' ^ '••'■. ': ■' . •■ ' ’ . .. 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