MASTER NEGATIVE NO. 92-80627-15 MICROFILMED 1992 COLUMBiA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project 55 Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material... Columbia University Library reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: EYRE LIEUT.VINCENT TITLE: JOURNAL OF IMPRISONMENT PLACE: LONDON DA TE : 1843 Restrictions on Use: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRAlvlES PKLiSIiRVATION DEPARTMENT iJiiJLlUGKAriilC MICRUFORM TA K G ET Master Negative # Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record I [^T^ Eyre, Lt. «.gen. Sir Vincent. 1811-81 ^1 Journal of imprisonment in Afghanistan (con- tinued and concluded). London 1843. D. I5y± p.31.V426. Printed to take the place of p. 315-219 in the original voluse. o No. 15 of a vol. of pamphlets. FILM SIZE: 3^ /^^ TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO: ' ^ ^ IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA [UAJ IB IIB DATE FILMED:__S:_?^_f/j^ INITIALS___tLjr__ HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOODDRIDGE. cf c Association for Information and image {Management 1 1 00 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1 1 00 Silver Spring, Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter 1 2 3 Mill !■■ ■ !'" "f ' iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii 12 13 14 15 mm I I I I I Inches I I I I I I I I i 1 1 I I I 1.0 I.I 1.25 2.8 3.2 36 40 1.4 2.5 2.2 2.0 1.8 1.6 MflNUFfiCTURED TO RUM STfiNDRRDS BY fiPPLIED IMAGE. INC. Iij}-J'^ X Q JOURNAL OF IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. (continued and concluded.) BY LIEUT. VINCENT EYEE, BENGAIi ARTILLEEY; ' ' ' LATE DEPUTY C03I3IISSABY AT CABUL. I >\\ f^tU.r^ JOURNAL OF IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. (continued and concluded.) BT LIEUT. VINCENT EYRE, BENGAL ARTILLERY ; LATE DEPUTY COMMISSARY OF ORDNANCE AT CABUL. 4 ^.^dtumMi/ LONDON: JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 1843. i* f f* ■'*! 1 'I DIRECTIONS FOR BINDING LIEUT. EYRE'S AFFGHAN JOURNAL, Edition 1st, 2d, or 3d. The Binder will cancel from page 313. inclusive, in the original Volume, to the End, and then add this Sup- plementary Part, of which the first page is num- bered 313. He may also cancel the *' Editor's Notice " at page 237. London : Printed by A. Spottiswoode, New-Street- Squara. A 2 ERRATA IN THE FIRST EDITION. Page XX., for « St/nd'' read " Syud;' a priest. 209., line 15., for a semicolon substitute a full stop after Lieut. St. George, 37th N. I. line 1 7., for a full stop substitute a comma after " force." 213., note, for" Brigadier-Major" read " Brigade- Major." 317. Add to the list of prisoners released the following names : — Capt. Johnson. Mrs. Trevor, 8 children. Capt. Anderson. Mrs. Anderson, 3 children. Capt. Troup. Capt. Bygrave, Dr. Campbell. 325., note, for " pp. 95. 97." read " pp. 216. 220. NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. The manuscript of the following pages, forming the conclusion of Lieut. Eyre's Journal, reached me only a short time since, having been lost — irretrievably as he thought — from his pocket, on the march towards India. It is issued in the present shape, as most considerate towards the purchasers of the original volume ; who, by re- moving the last eight pages — from 313 to 319 inclusive — and substituting this Supplement, may have their book complete. The communication by Capt. Mackenzie (re- ferred to in pp. 25. and 44.), will now be found in the Appendix) ; to which I have also added Lieut. Crawford's account of the imprisonment of himself and his brother-officers at Ghuz- nee. They were eventually transferred to Ma- homed Akber, and released with the prisoners of Cabul. I should have hesitated thus to ap- propriate what is so deserving of separate pub- lication, but that, as it has appeared in an Indian paper, it seems not to have been destined for an- A 3 H H i w VI NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. Other shape ; in which case, its adoption here may afFord many friends of those officers a gratification, which they might not otherwise obtain. The other additions to the Appendix, and the few notes, are such only as have been considered strictly illustrative of the Journal. They might even have been usefully increased, but for an un- willingness to swell the work with matter not original. Among these the despatch of Major- Gen. Elphinstone, and some extracts from a me- morandum of that officer, deserve attention. The interest attached to the events, which are the subject of this narrative, has drawn to it much attention, and, of course, some criticism. The author has, on the whole, very much to gratify him in the result of such an ordeal : but there have been a few qualifications of the ge- neral praise, which, with this opportunity, should perhaps be noticed. On the question which has arisen, whether the particulars narrated have been allowed publicity too soon, there may be a fair difference of opinion. For this, as has been before stated, the author is not strictly answerable : but I may be allowed also to say that / consulted, and had the sanction of high military judgment on the point; and I knew besides that the MS. had, in transitu, been seen by individuals of professional discretion i NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. vn and experience, none of whom suggested that it should be, even for a time, withheld. The only doubt I ever entertained had respect to its publi- cation in India, pending <* the Inquiry." This, however, was to open soon after Christmas, at Ferozepore, whither no copy of the book can arrive before the middle of April. The danger, then, of '* prejudicing the Inquiry" is but small. ** But," say a few, ** is it nothing to prejudice the minds of those at home ? The minds of those at home had been, in reality, prejudiced, as much as could be done, many months ago. Every one at all interested in these events was possessed of the outline, which Mr. Eyre's history fills up ; and both the responsible personages and their acts had been long since dealt with by those at home, in an undis- criminating spirit of condemnation, which his work tends rather to correct. An erroneous analogy, as I think, is resorted to, when *' those at home" are likened to a court or a jury, or the author to " di juryman prematurely delivering his verdict." He cannot be more than a witness; and those at home will carefully compare his testimony with that of others, and with the issue. If he be correct, no one is injured; if not, it can only recoil upon himself; but to state at any time what he knows, though he may have to give it after- wards in evidence, is no offence in a witness. it Vlll NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. V either morally or judicially ; while to suppose of the real court and jury, who must investigate the disasters of Cabul, looking at the constitution of such a court, that their decision could be influenced by this history, is quite impossible. It is, however, very satisfactory to those who have given it to the world, to see how every day proves more and more, as the real truth creeps out, that, had not Lieut. Eyre been restrained by a spirit admitted by a distinguished reviewer to be, " under the circumstances, indeed extraor- dinary," he might have revealed much more, which he has had the good taste and feeling to withhold.* It is further satisfactory to see al- ready so many of his statements confirmed, as are so, both by the Papers just presented to Parliament, and from private sources; among these may be particularised the Journal of the Retreat, by Capt. Johnson, another of the pri- soners, which has appeared in the Bombay Times. I should, too, in justice to my brother, state that, on finding that his MS. had been sent to me, he hastened to request that, as it had been *« written under every sort of disadvantage," I would not hesitate to omit any passage which might by possibility give pain to others. This letter arrived * See particularly a letter from Ferozepore, in the N. & M. Gazette of 18th inst. NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. IX * s * I < too late for the first edition ; but, though I had myself kept this in view, it was quite impracticable to omit all that any party might wish omitted ; nor would it have been fair, either to the public or the author, so to mutilate a work of so much historic interest. In scenes too, in which all the actors cannot be blameless, blame will often appear to be imputed by the most meagre recital of what was done or left undone; and so the case is here ; the bare facts are the severest part of all ; but they are such facts as, with the public characters whom they implicate, have ever been the legitime .e subjects both of history and cri- ticism ; and the idea, that silence for any time was incumbent on any actor in them, is as new to me, as the circumstances are, happily, new and unprecedented in British annals. One apology, which is found for Lieut. Eyre's ** partiality and prejudice," his friends must needs deny him — the suggestion that he writes under the influence of ^'frustrated hopes and blighted prospects." These terms in no way apply to him. He is in the same service as before ; and nothing that occurred at Cabul can have diminished, at any rate, his professional hopes and prospects. In the brief remarks which I have to add, I shall confine myself to the few instances in which ^i r A, J X NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. Lieut. Eyre's veracity , or consistency , is called in question. The following critique appears to me unfair.* ** Asserting his correctness, the author tells us — * In these notes I have been careful to state only what I know to be unde- niable facts. I have set down nothing on mere hearsay evidence, nor any thing which cannot be attested by living witnesses, or by existing docu- mentary evidence.' Yet, in the face of this declaration, he acknowledges hearsay evidence (certainly of eminent men), from Major Pottinger, Capts. Mackenzie, Lawrence, and Troup ; and, after his departure from the retreating army as a prisoner, describes all the motions and casualties of the force with as much minuteness, as if he had continued to be an eye-witness." This is surely an unusual apprehension of what is mere hearsay evidence — information, which he acknowledges as '^ valuable aid," given by some of the '* living witnesses," expressly for historical purposes. Again ; — among these living witnesses were some, his fellow prisoners, captured towards the end of the retreat, Major Griffiths, Capts. Johnson and Bygrave, &:c. — How can particulars supplied by them be termed " mere hearsay evidence"? On one other point the author's consistency * Literary Gazette. 1 M ' I i( (^: NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. XI has been impugned, with no more reason, as I humbly think. — Discrediting the existence of a conspiracy throughout Affghanistan and at Cabul against the British, the Edinburgh Review^con- siders that Mr. Eyre on this point contradicts himself. Now, first, as to the conspiracy:— the reviewer does not account in any other way for the simultaneous risings against, and massacres of, our men and ofi5cers in widely distant provinces. At Cabul, Charekar, and Ghuznee, no two of which are less than 90 miles from each other, the flame burst forth at the same time ; and, on the 26. of November, Sir A. Burnes was murdered, the Ghoorka regiment assailed, and shortly anni- hilated, Capt. Woodburn and his escort cut ofi; and Ghuznee surrounded. The reviewer does not dispose of the warnings of Major Pottinger, nor attempt to get over that of Taj-Mahomed,' nor notice (he may not have seen it) the con- current testimony of Mohun Lall.* This individual, to whom we owe so much, says, *' In October last, the chiefs entered into the so- lemn agreement with each other, and thus the Eastern Giljyes stood up against our arms." But he also agrees with Lieutenant Eyre, in saying that the outbreak at Cabul commenced by an at- * See his letter, App. E. II 'J t ( % :y - *j »« imr "ii Am N *i Xll NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. tack of an insignificant force on Sir A. Burnes's house ; commenced, not originated, ** Yet," ob- serves Mohun Lall, " not a battalion was sent to our protection." — Mr. Eyre terras the same com- mencement *'an insignificant ebullition, which mi- litary energy and promptitude ought to have crushed in the bud ;" — that is to say, — the train being laid, a spark set fire to it, which spark might and ought to have been trodden upon at once. These statements are surely reconcilable. — Ano- ther alleged inconsistency is the following : ** In the whole AlFghan nation," it is said in one place, ** we could not reckon on a single friend ; " in another place, that some chiefs, especially the Kuzzilbashes, '* remained neutral^ until our want of energy, and the booty of the commissariat fort, determined them to join in the general combina- tion to drive us from the country." " This," ob- serves the reviewer, ** proves that the other pas- sage is idle talk ; we had friends in plenty." Now the friendship of these friends is thus illustrated by Mohun Lall : — ** Notwithstanding the Giljye, Caboolee, Kohistanee, and the Persian (Kuzzil- bash) chiefs made solemn oaths with us, — wrote the agreement on the Holy Koran to take our cause, — received abundant money from us, — but every body cheated us like devils. Khan Shereen, the Persian chief, promised to give every assist- NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. XUl h '.] ance, which he never did," &c. These Kuzzil- bashes, then, were scarcely friends who could be ** reckoned on ; " — they may have been the best, and better than none, in our distress : but, both in our reverses and our late prosperity, they have verified the poet's comment on the friendship of the world : — " Donee eris felix, multos numerabis amicos; Tempora si fiierint nubila, solus eris. » Lieut. Eyre is consistent enough, but he does not mean Ajfghan friendship. Having attempted in these few observations to show that he has not been either inconsiderate or inconsistent, I have lastly to admit that on two or three points he must have been misinformed. They personally concern a distinguished indivi- dual, who himself liberally allows that such slight inaccuracies are quite reconcilable with a *' desire to state the truth, and nothing but the truth."* The reader will please to receive the following, stated fi-om, of course, the only satisfactory autho- rity, to be the more strictly correct version on the points referred to : — " P. 5. As to the alleged neglect to send a mi- * A note to this effect was hastily annexed to the 2d and 3d Editions. It is now repeated here, to insure more general circulation. a i %n XIV NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. NOTICE BY THE EDITOR. XV litary force against the Nijrow chiefs, Lord Auckland had nothing to do with it. The Envoy pressed this measure upon Major-Gen. Elphin- stone ; but he, for prudential reasons, partly on account of the advanced season of the year, ob- jected to this employment of the troops." *^P. 16. As to the reduction of the payments to the Giljye chiefs. — This measure did not ori- ginate with Lord Auckland, but was one * to which the narrowness of the king's finances led him, under Sir William Macnaghten's advice, to have recourse.'* Lord Auckland was not aware of it, until after the outbreak at Cabul. Sir William Macnaghtcn saysf , * the necessities of his Majesty, and the frequent prohibitions I have received against further reliance on the resources of the British government, appeared to admit of no alternative.'" **P. 28. This passage relates to the supposed delay in accepting the resignation by Major- Gen. Elphinstone of his command. It was, in fact, accepted by Lord Auckhmd as soon as it was sent in officially. The poor General did, however, indisputably ivish to resign before ; but seems to have had doubts whether he could do * Pari. Pap. on AfTghanistan. No. 1. f Ibid. No. 2. SO without discredit. The inaccuracy in the text on such a point might easily have originated, and most probably did, in some equivocal expressions of his own." E. Eyre. Athenaeum Ckib, 1st March 1843. "— ' - '"' "" "«i I — —wmww— ^wwiiBw ft t.if IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 3\S where they were going, Mahomed Akber replied, '' I am going to slay all the Feringhee dogs, to be' sure." Again: on the passage of our troops through the Khoord-Cabul pass on the 8th, he followed with some chiefs in the rear, and in 'the same breath called to the Giljyes in Persian to desist from, and in Pushtoo to continue, firing. This explains the whole mystery of the massacre, and clears up every doubt regarding Mahomed Akber 's treachery. June 26th. — We were somewhat surprised this day by the arrival of the European soldiers, whom we had left behind at the fort at Buddeeabad, and of whom we had been told that they had been ransomed by Gen. Pollock. They all looked miserably thin and weak, and were delighted, poor fellows, to join fortunes with us once more. The tale of their treatment and sufferings after our departure was a doleful one. It would seem that we had scarcely left the place, ere Mrs. Wade, wife of Sergeant Wade, declared her intention to forsake her husband, and turn Mahomedan ! Every argument was used to dissuade her from carrying her disgraceful purpose into effect; but the devil seemed to have established absolute sway over her mind, and that same night she be- took herself to Mahomed Shah Khan's nazir (steward), who was in charge of the prisoners. p 'I n > 314 ROUGH NOTES DURING Next morning she appeared in AfTghan costume, and thenceforward took every opportunity to use her newly acquired influence to destroy and per- secute her unhappy countrymen, whom she ac- cused of having entered into a conspiracy to seize the fort and murder the guard. This was imme- diately made a pretext for stripping them of the few clothes and necessaries they possessed. A few rupees, which the oflicers had sub- scribed before starting, for their messing, they were made to give up ; and Mrs. Wade having informed the nazir of three gold pieces, which she herself had sewn up some time previously in her husband's boot, the poor man was obliged to pro- duce them. Treachery worse than this has pro- bably never been recorded of a woman ; English ladies w^ill, therefore, learn with some satisfaction that she was born of an Indian mother, and had passed the years of her childhood almost entirely among low-born natives, from whom she could imbibe nothing but vice and cunning. Shortly after this, about 1200 rupees were offered by Gen. Pollock as a ransom, and would have been ac- cepted, but for a mischievous hint from Mrs. Wade, that a much larger sum would be given, if demanded. The consequence was that. Gen. Pollock refusing to raise his terms, the negoti- ation was dropped ; and the poor soldiers, after I :| % \ IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 315 having had their hopes raised high of a speedy deliverance, were again cast into the depth of despondency. Their allowance of food was now shamefully reduced, their lives were not unfre- quently threatened, and, to crown their misery, a virulent fever broke out, and would have proba- bly proved fatal to them all, had not Mr. Blewit, a quondam apothecary, administered a copious bleeding, with a common pen-knife, to each pa- tient on the first appearance of the symptoms. This, and starvation, providentially did the work of physic, and all gradually recovered. Mahomed Akber's order arriving for their removal to Cabul rescued them from the hands of the brutal nazir, who, it was now discovered, had been defraudinsr the prisoners of the greater part of the provi- sions for which he had all the time been charg- ing exorbitantly on their account. Mahomed Akber either was, or professed to be, very much astonished to hear of the shabby treatment they had experienced; but w^e never heard that any punishment was inflicted on the rascally nazir. Mrs. W. having accompanied the latter to Cabul, the story of her apostacy and profligacy became notorious throughout the whole city, and was spoken of in a tone of evident triumph by the chiefs in Durbar. The effect was mischievous in the extreme. Loose jests at the expense of p 2 k X i 'm.Tv.^.flr»-.™rfW«»www?WW"WW«i 81(1 ROUGH NOTES DURING Englishwomen were sported with malicious intent by men, who, from the intense hatred which they bore us, would gladly have made all the prisoners the victims of their brutality. July 1st. About this time Capt. Mackenzie was taken alarmingly ill, and Mahomed Akber, now called the TFuzeer, made choice of Capt! Troup as his agent to negotiate with Gen. Pol- lock, warning him to be ready for a trip to Jellalabad at an early date. The advance of our army from that quarter was now confidently expected; and it was be- lieved that Mahomed Akber had actually made every preparation for a flight to Toorkistan. It was also privately intimated to Capt. Troup by a friendly chief that, in the event of the Wuzeer bending his course thither, he would not be per- mitted to take us with him. July 10th. We were agreeably surprised by a visit from Capt. John Conoliy, who, as we now learned for the first time, had, with the other five hostages, been purchased by the fVuzeer from the Meer Waiz for four hundred sequins. In delivering them up for so paltry a sum, the high priest of Cabul proved himself a fool as well as a villain. On first receiving charge of them from Newab Zeman Khan, he swore by all that was holy that he would never give them up i f i "■ '■ r-m 1 ^^Bm 1 ■■1 1 ^■' ^ ll IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 317 to their enemies. Had he been disposed to keep his word, so great is the iniSuenee attached to his sacred office, that not all the threats or attempts of Akber could have wrested them from him ; and he would have eventually secured for himself a splendid reward from the British government. By selling them to Akber he not only cast an inde- lible stain of infamy on the faith of Islam, but made a very wretched bargain for himself in a mere mercenary view. The Wuzeer lost no time in removing his new purchases to the Bala Hissar, whither he was also obliged to betake himself a few days ago, at the pressing solicitations of the chiefs. There he allowed Futty Jung to retain the empty title of king within the precincts of his palace, whilst he himself, as Wuzeer, wielded the power, and enjoyed all the solid advantages of a real monarch. Capt. Conoliy informed us that Akber lately held a Council of Chiefs, when Major Pottinger, who was (unknown to most of them) in an ad- joining room, overheard a Kohistanee chief pro- pose that all the English prisoners should be slain, on hearing which Akber immediately got up in a rage, and turned the man out of the assembly. July ISth, — Major Pottinger came in last night from the Bala Hissar, and informed us that p 3 i\ i ,r *'*»ii. 1 iiiiiiM«B. --mn- Sfc*-.- i 318 ROUGH NOTES DURING Capt. Troup, with Hajee Buktyar, started on a mission to Jellalabad on the night of the 10th; also that on the same date the Wuzeer had wed- ded a daughter of Ameenoolah Khan. Within the last few days sickness had increased to an alarming extent amongst us. Capt. Mackenzie's life was in imminent danger from typhus fever ; and Capt. Waller, Dr. M'Grath, and several la- dies, were attacked by the same disease in a somewhat modified form : several of the private soldiers also suflfered. At our earnest request, the Wuzeer sent out Dr. Campbell to afford us medical aid, but our supply of medicines was lamentably scanty in proportion to the extensive demand. The fever probably originated in the malaria of the rice- fields, which surrounded the fort up to the very walls, and presented a wide surface of stagnant water, sufficient to poison the air for miles around. Our sedentary life, and confined space, and poor diet, no doubt, had each its share in predisposing us to disease. Juli/ 15th, — Capt. Conolly again came to see us, and brought with him a letter he had lately received privately from Gen. Pollock, in which the General stated that he had written to Ma- homed Shah Khan, offering an exchange of pri- soners without reserve (including of course the I ij IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 3 ID Dost). He had also demanded that all our guns should be restored. He added that his own force at Jellalabad now amounted to 20,000 men ; that of Gen. Nott, at Candahar, to 15,000; in ad- dition to which an army of reserve, amounting to 25,000 men, were soon to assemble at Ferozepore, and that 10,000 European troops were on their way from England. Jul?/ I8th. — To-day we were honoured by a visit from the Wuzeer himself, accompanied by Mahomed Shah Khan, Sultan Jan, and a few other chiefs. His object seems to have been to make us acquainted with the proposal of Gen. Pollock for an exchange of prisoners, and to ascertain from us what would be the probable result to himself of his acceding to it. On this subject, however, we could not enlighten him, and he left us in the dark as to the course he intended to pursue ; but we derived no small encouragement from Ma- homed Shah Khan declaring his intention to restore to Lady Macnaghten all her jewels. lull/ 19^A. — Mahomed Shah Khan was as good as his word, and actually brought back the jewels. We had good reason to believe that he had several times tried, without success, to raise money by them in the city ; but finding nobody to appreciate their value, and hoping to establish a claim to the favourable consideration of our government, he p 4 - --".y-1?^^- - ■ "'■■;■■ mm^mm 320 ROUGH NOTES DURING made a merit of their restitution to the right owner. In a private conversation with Capt. Conolly, he declared himself favourable to the proposed exchange of prisoners. Jul?/ 22d. — Dost Mahomed Khan, Giljye, came to-day, and stated that we .should all be released in twenty-six days, provided Gen. Pollock should agree to evacuate the country. We derived very little comfort from this, feeling persuaded that our armies could not, with honour, return to India, without first having redeemed the credit of our arms by marching boldly up to Cabul, and avenging the fate of their comrades. Our guard was changed in the afternoon, and increased to fifty men. A man named Ahmed Khan was at the same time substituted as our keeper, in place of Mahomed Ali Khan. The object of these fre- quent changes was of course to prevent our form- ing any plots to escape. July 24th, — A note from Major Pottinger in- formed us that Gen. Pollock had entered into a truce with the AiFghans, until the reply of Lord Ellenborough should be received regarding an alliance with the existing AfTghan government, and an exchange of prisoners. Major Pottinger had likewise received an intimation from Jellala- bad that, his political functions having ceased, he was on no account to interfere with the future • toj IxMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 321 arrangements that might be entered into regard- ing us. Julf/ 27th, — Capt. Troup returned from Jella- labad. His news was not very consolatory. It seems that, just when Gen. Pollock was on the very point of settling with the Cabul govern- ment for our exchange, and the withdrawal of our troops from this country, he received an order to push on to Cabul simultaneously with the force from Candahar under Gen. Nott. It would seem that, previous to this, the intention had been that our armies should return to India without strik- ing a blow ! Gen. Pollock, although delighted at the prospect of earning fresh laurels, found him- self in an awkward predicament with regard to the pending negotiations ; and Capt. Troup was sent back without any definite reply. He was evidently much puzzled as to what he should find to say to the Wuzeer, who would expect a favour- able result to his mission. We were much vexed to learn that several boxes, filled with letters and necessaries for the prisoners, had been plundered on the road from Jellalabad. After an hour's rest, Capt. Troup went on to the Bala Hissar, having travelled forty-five miles since morning. July 28th, — Capt. Troup came in from the Bala Hissar, to prepare Capt. Lawrence to accom- p 5 i K i^WftHSKSr*'*''-'' 322 ROUGH NOTES DURING pany him on a second trip to Jellalabad. He told us that Akber was, as might have been expected, much disappointed at Gen. Pollock's refusal to conclude the treaty in writing; and so anxious was Akber to bring the matter to a favourable close, that he offered to release us all at once, if Capt. Troup would only guarantee that Gen. Pollock should act up to his word, and forthwith return to India. This offer Capt. Troup could not, of course, accept, knowing, as he did full well, the intention of the General to advance. The sole object of this mission seemed to be, to reiterate Akber's acceptance of the proffered terms, and his desire that Gen. Pollock should at once sign a written document, to prevent any misunderstanding, immediately on receipt of which the prisoners would be set at liberty.* * Lord Ellenborough's views would appear to be explained by the following extract from the letter of Gen. Pollock, dated, 29th July 1842. Pari. Pap. No. 435. " These cir- cumstances (the collecting of all the prisoners into Mahomed Akber's individual keeping) afford better hopes of the ulti- mate recovery of all the prisoners : but I must impress upon you, that no trust whatever is to be placed in any Afghan ; and tliat allmilitari/ operations must proceed as if no negotiation was in progress. " When every gun, and colour, and military trophy, and every prisoner within the reach and power of the de facto government of Cabool, has been surrendered to you, then, and not till then, you may give orders suited to a state of re- turning peace.'* IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 323 July 29th, — Capts. Lawrence and Troup had an interview with Akber. He had just heard that Gen. Nott was preparing to advance on Cabul, and declared in great wrath before the whole durbar that the first movement of either army towards Cabul should be the signal for our removal to Toorkistan, where he would distribute us as slaves to the different chiefs. He was loud in his condemnation of Gen. Pollock, whom he sus- pected of deceiving him. To show, however, his determination to leave the General no handle against him, he released Mohun Lall, and restored to him 18,000 rupees that had been taken from him. This he did in consequence of Gen. Pol- lock having expressed great displeasure at the seizure of that individual. Having received their final instructions, the two officers departed at night for Jellalabad. This negotiation, although commenced by Gen, Pollock in the humane desire to accomplish our liberation by peaceable means, seemed now, by the sudden turn that had taken place, likely to plunge us into a dangerous dilemma, — Mahomet Akber being notorious for stopping at no atrocity, when his angry passions were once aroused, as we There seems to have been a mutual unwillingness to sign and seal. For some interesting illustrations of this subject, see App. C. — Editor. p 6 h S22 ROUGH NOTES DURING IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 323 pany him on a second trip to Jellalabad. He told us that Akber was, as might have been expected, much disappointed at Gen. Pollock's refusal to conclude the treaty in writing; and so anxious was Akber to bring the matter to a favourable close, that he offered to release us all at once, if Capt. Troup would only guarantee that Gen. Pollock should act up to his word, and forthwith return to India. This offer Capt. Troup could not, of course, accept, knowing, as he did full well, the intention of the General to advance. The sole object of this mission seemed to be, to reiterate Akber's acceptance of the proffered terms, and his desire that Gen. Pollock should at once sign a written document, to prevent any misunderstanding, immediately on receipt of which the prisoners would be set at liberty.* ♦ Lord Ellenborough's views would appear to be explained by the following extract from the letter of Gen. Pollock, dated, 29th July 1842. Pari. Pap. No. 435. " These cir- cumstances (the collecting of all the prisoners into Mahomed Akber's individual keeping) afford better hopes of the ulti- mate recovery of all the prisoners : but I must impress upon you, that no trust whatever is to be placed in any Afghan ; and that all military operations must proceed as if no negotiation teas in progress. *' When every gun, and colour, and military trophy, and every prisoner within the reach and power of the de facto government of Cabool, has been surrendered to you, then, and not till then, you may give orders suited to a state of re- turning peace.'* Jult/ 29^/j. — Capts. Lawrence and Troup had an interview with Akber. He had just heard that Gen. Nott was preparing to advance on Cabul, and declared in great wrath before the whole durbar that the first movement of either army towards Cabul should be the signal for our removal to Toorkistan, where he would distribute us as slaves to the different chiefs. He was loud in his condemnation of Gen. Pollock, whom he sus- pected of deceiving him. To show, however, his determination to leave the General no handle against him, he released Mohun Lall, and restored to him 18,000 rupees that had been taken from him. This he did in consequence of Gen. Pol- lock having expressed great displeasure at the seizure of that individual. Having received their final instructions, the two officers departed at night for Jellalabad. This negotiation, although commenced by Gen. Pollock in the humane desire to accomplish our liberation by peaceable means, seemed now, by the sudden turn that had taken place, likely to plunge us into a dangerous dilemma,— Mahomet Akber being notorious for stopping at no atrocity, when his angry passions were once aroused, as we There seems to have been a midual unwillingness to sign and seal. For some interesting illustrations of this subject, see App. C — Editor. p 6 y 324 ROUGH NOTES DURING knew they soon would be, when he should hear of the advance of both generals, with their over- whelming forces. In fact, we now fully made up our minds that death or slavery would soon be our probable lot, unless Providence should interfere to prevent it ; which, indeed, was our best and only spring of hope. August 2cZ. — A shock of earthquake at 3 P.M., accompanied by a loud rumbling noise. The flies by day and the musquitoes by night swarmed to such a degree, as to banish all rest and enjoyment. Capt. Conolly was this day taken seriously ill. We were informed that Gen. Pollock had ad- dressed a letter to Khan Shereen Khan, Kuzzil- bash, and other chiefs, promising them a free pardon on condition of their preventing our re- moval from Cabul, and threatening, on the other hand, to raze the city to the ground, in case of our being carried off by Akber. August ^ith, — Voox Conolly breathed his last at half-past twelve this morning, sincerely la- mented by us all. His amiable character had speedily converted those, who formerly had only been slight acquaintances, into warm friends ; and his°merits as a public officer gave early promise of a distinguished and useful career. By the Affghans he was universally respected ; and. IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 325 ( with the abundant information he possessed on all matters connected with the late deplorable events, his death at this crisis may be deemed a public loss. But for his influence and exertions, the detachment of sick Europeans, left behind at Cabul under Lieut. Evans, would long ago have been starved to death, or destroyed by violence. Large sums were advanced for their support and protection by various individuals, on the security of his bare word ; and both he and the other hostages had refused to avail themselves of se- veral opportunities to escape to India, out of consideration to the above-mentioned detach- ment, who would then have been exposed to the cruelty of the merciless mob. Capt. John Co- nolly, with his two elder brothers, Arthur and Edward, accompanied Sir John Keane's army into Affghanistan in 1839, and all three were speedily advanced to political employment by their distinguished relative. Sir WilHam Mac- . naghten. A bright prospect of wealth and dis- tinction lay before them. In the course of three years, one was shot through the heart at the assault of a fort in Kohistan-one died in an Affghan prison-and the eldest, the celebrated traveller, is supposed to have experienced a si- milar fate in a prison at Bokhara, to which city he had been enticed by the king, and, being II S26 ROUGH NOTES DURING IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 327 lured into the trap, was immediately shut up in a loathsome dungeon, in company with Col. S tod- dart. The latter officer, it will be remembered, was sent on a mission to Bokhara, in 1838, by the British Envoy at the court of Persia. Having innocently excited the displeasure of the king, than whom a more execrable tyrant never ex- isted, he was shut up for several months in a well, full of disgusting vermin and noxious rep- tiles, and would eventually have been buried alive, had he not at length so far given way to human weakness, as to make an outward pro- fession of Mahomedanism. After this he was restored to liberty, and became a great favourite at court, until the news of our fatal disasters at Cabul reached the ears of the king, who, sup- posing that God had given over all infidels to destruction, again doomed poor Stoddart to be immured in a dungeon, where he was soon joined, as has been seen, by his countryman, Arthur Conolly. In a letter, which the latter managed soon afterwards to write to his brother John, it was stated that himself and his fellow prisoner had been without change of raiment for upwards of eighty days, — that poor Stoddart was reduced to a skeleton, and eaten up with vermin; and that, unless they should be released soon, a mise- rable death must be their inevitable fate. Au- il I «" thentic intelligence has since been received of the death of Conolly, but of his companion in misery nothing has been heard.* It may not be ge- nerally known that Col. Stoddart was one of the most able, patriotic, and noble-minded soldiers that the British army ever produced; an ornament to his profession, and an honour to his country. All who knew him will readily acknowledge the justice of this encomium, and will join in lament- ing that such a man should be sacrificed with impunity to the savage whim of a petty Oriental despot. August 9th. — Mahomed Akber having pro- mised to send Capt. Conolly 's body for burial to Jellalabad, Major Pottinger sent to inquire this morning when it was to start, and received for answer from Akber that, ** until Pollock should make peace, neither living nor dead should be suffered to go." The body was, therefore, buried this evening in the garden adjoining the fort. Capts. Troup and Lawrence returned from Jel- lalabad, and spent the night in the Bala Hissar. August IQth, — The above-named ofiicers re- joined us this morning, and informed us that their mission had led to no useful result. Gen. Pol- lock still demanded that all the prisoners should ♦ The death of both these unfortunate officers is now beyond reasonable doubt — Ed. 328 ROUGH NOTES DURING be sent down immediately, which Akber as posi- tively refused to do without a written agreement. The crisis of our fate was consequently nigh at hand. About this time Mahomed Akber, having made several fruitless attempts to collect revenue in the Zoormut valley, at last sent the Meer Waiz, or high priest, thither for the purpose ; but '^ his holiness" met with so little respect on this un- popular mission, that his horse was stolen, and he was obliged to return to Cabul on foot. Akber, demanding that the animal should be restored, was told that the owner must " come and fetch him:' Such is royalty in Affghanistan. If Ak- ber's merits as a ruler may be judged by the fol- lowing anecdote, the future prospect of Affghan- istan under his sway are poor indeed. Shortly after his last assumption of power, under the title of Wuzeer, some Lohannee merchants, whose trade had been entirely stopped by the late anarchy, ventured to Cabul with a few goods, to feel their way. Akber no sooner heard of their arrival, than he sent for them to his house, — bought up all their stock-- paid them honestly— gave them dresses of honour— and, having urged them to return shortly with their richest wares, dismissed them to their homes rejoicing. Of course they gave out every where that such a first-rate fellow as Akber had never before appeared in any age IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 329 or country. No time was lost in despatching a valuable cafila from Dera Ishmael Khun to Cabul, which was accompanied by many of the richest Lohannees in person. Akber's eager eye was on the look-out for their coming ; and scarcely had they set foot within the city, before he pounced upon them like a hawk upon his prey, despoiled them of all their merchandize, and levied a heavy fine upon the chiefs of the party. August ll^A. — We were thrown into no slight dismay this morning by the sudden stoppage of our supplies. No time was lost in sending in- formation to Akber, when it was discovered that the nazir, or steward, employed to supply us, being desirous to obtain payment for past ex- penses, had adopted this method of reminding Akber of his claims. The matter was soon set- tled, and our minds, as well as bodies, relieved. It was reported to us that an English officer had been seized in the disguise of a butcher in the Cabul bazar. This afterwards turned out to be a hajee, whom a thirst for adventure had brought from Arabia, via India, and being very fair, he was mistaken for an European. Some would have it that he was a Russian spy. This morning Mahomed Akber placed the sacred person ^ of Futty Jung, his royal master, in durance vile, having intercepted a letter from him to Gen. 330 ROUGH NOTES DURING Pollock, urging the latter to march up at once, when all would be well ; but warning him that, if he delayed much longer, an army would be col- lected to oppose him. August 12th, — Major Pottinger, together with the five hostages, joined us, bag and baggage, from the Bala Hissar, by command of Abker, who rudely told his people to ** take those dogs away" This we supposed to be preliminary to our removal to Bameean or elsewhere. Mrs. An- derson was pronounced in imminent danger to- night. August ISth. — Lawrence waited on Akber to ask him to give us two days' warning before taking us off ; but he was told that we must be content with one hours notice. Akber also de- clared that all further negotiation with Gen. Pollock for our release being at an end, he should permit no more correspondence to take place be- tween us and our friends. He intended, however, as a last resource, to write a letter to Lord Ellen- borough direct. He mentioned having heard that Gen, Nott was positively en route from Candahar by the road of Dera Ishmael Khan; but whether he would turn off to Cabul, or pursue that road to India, was at present a mysterj^ Should his destination prove to be Cabul, we must be pre- IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 331 pared to be hurried off to some far distant country. Such was the information brought^ us by Capt. Lawrence. August 16^A. — Futty Jung, of whose death by violence we had been hourly expecting to hear, was so fortunate as to effect his escape last night from Mahomed Akber's clutches. The latter, it was said, immediately despoiled the prince's wife and sisters of all their jewels. August n^A.-Mrs. Smith, a poor European widow, servant to Mrs. Trevor, died of fever. Scarcely a single lady, officer, soldier, or child, had now escaped the disease, and we began to resemble a company of ghosts on a visit from the other world. August mil.— Om stock of medicines being by this time almost entirely exhausted, Capt. Troup went to urge Akber to send a list of our wants to Jellalabad, which, however, he positively refused to do. so long as Gen. Pollock con- tinued to treat him as an enemy ; but he pro- mised that sufficient carriage should be provided for us all, in case of a march. Our servants were now strictly prohibited from going to the city, in consequence of their spreading reports to Akber's detriment, and there is no doubt that the inha- bitants were by this time perfectly sick of their SS2 ROUGH NOTES DURING IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 333 new ruler, and were longing for the re-establish- ment of British influence. At midnight there was a thunder-clap in the hill above us, which so shook the house as to be at first mistaken for an earthquake ; and the rain fell so suddenly, that Captain Boyd, who happened to be sleeping on the roof, had no time to escape, and was drenched to the skin in his bed. August 23d. — The report was prevalent of an action having taken place near Gundamuck, from which several Aflglums were said to have returned to Cabul wounded. Mahomed Akber, we learned, was at last preparing in earnest to meet Gen. Pollock in the field. Great was our surprise this morning, and un- feigned our delight, at the unlooked-for arrival amongst us of the nine officers taken prisoners at Ghuznee on the capitulation of the garrison of that fortress. They were. Col. Palmer, Capts. Alston and Poett, Lieuts. Harris, Nicholson, and Williams, of the 27th N. I., and Capt. Burnet and Lieut. Crawford, of the Shah's ser- vice. The joy of the meeting was mutual, as they had heard most extravagant accounts of our ill treatment, as had we of theirs ; and it was a satisfaction to find that matters had not been quite so bad as represented. On comparing notes, however, we found that their treatment had been I much more harsh than our own, inasmuch as they had been kept closely shut up in a small room, without the advantage of air and exercise ; Col. Palmer, too, had once been subjected to torture, to force from him a disclosure as to the treasure, which he was suspected to have buried in the citadel. They were hurried off hither on the 20th, during the absence of Shumshoodeen Khan, the governor, who had marched towards Candahar, to oppose Gen. Nott ; and it was supposed that Mahomed Akber had taken advan- tage of that chiefs absence, to carry them away by stealth, through the agency of his own friends. They arrived in the Bala Hissar last night, and were received with great courtesy by Akber, who inquired closely into the treatment which they had experienced. Akber and Shumshoodeen had not been on good terms for some time past. It will be remembered that Ghuznee was in- vested by the insurgents early in November, 1841. The city was defended for several weeks with great spirit, but the enemy gained admittance through the treachery of the Aff*ghan inhabitants, by a hole made through the wall of a house ad- joining the rampart. The enemy once in the town,°the garrison was obliged, after several in- effectual endeavours to dislodge the overwhelming 834 ROUGH NOTES DURING foe from the posts of vantage they occupied, to retire within the citadel. There they held out bravely, until their water failed ; when, being hemmed in by snow, and with no possibility of retreating, they had no other course left but to capitulate or perish. Gen. Elphinstone had sent a written order to Col. Palmer to evacuate the place, in compliance with the treaty concluded at Cabul. To this order Col. Palmer attended only when he had no other course left, and by so doing he saved the greater portion of his garrison. No blame can possibly attach to him; and though, as a matter of form, he must be tried, his honourable acquittal is certain: Affghan treachery was as conspicuous at Ghuznee as at Cabul. On an appointed day the garrison marched out to a quarter of the city allotted for their reception, Shumshoodeen Khan standing pledged to regard their lives and liberty. Lieut. Lumsden re- mained behind the rest with the rear guard, and v^as in a house with his wife awaiting the moment to march, when the murderous mob burst into the place and put the whole party to death. The regiment, too, after being separated from its officers, was called upon to surrender its arms, which several sepoys refusing to do, they were slaughtered and the rest made captives. Sucli IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 335 was the melancholy tale to which we now listened for the first time.* August ^!Sth. — lrv the morning we were told that we should probably march at night. We therefore packed up our few necessaries, and got ready for a start. In vain we indulged in glim- mering hopes of a rescue. Too well we knew that no one had sufficient energy to attempt it. In the evening Captain Troup came from Akber, to see us off. Major Pottinger, being no favourite with the Wuzeer, was sent back to us ; and Capt. Bygrave w^as ordered to remain with him in the Major s stead. At dusk our cattle arrived, and kujawurs (ca- mel-litters) for the sick. Mrs. Anderson and Mrs. Trevor, being too seriously ill to undertake a journey, without incurring certain death, were, with the utmost difficulty, allowed to remain be- hind with their families, and with Dr. Campbell as their medical attendant. All the rest, sick and otherwise, were forced to be on the alert ; and at half-past ten p.m., the moon being well risen, we started, — some in kujawurs, some on horseback. Our escort consisted of between 300 and 400 men, armed with muskets, and formed into a regiment, under the command of one Saleh Mahomed Khan, formerly a subadar in Capt. Hopkins's Affghan * See Appendix for Lieut. Crawford's own account.— Ed. 336 ROUGH NOTES DURING levy, who had rendered himself famous, or rather infamous, by deserting with all his men to Dost Mahomed at Bameean, in 1840. About half-a- dozen Hindoostanees, with bugles, fifes, and drums, formed a rude soit of band, and marched off in state at the head of the regiment. At another time we might have indulged in merriment at their expense ; but now we were too sick in heart and frame to exercise our sense of the ludicrous. Passing through the Logur gorge we crossed the Logur river by a bridge, and, pursuing a westerly course, reached the rich valley of Chardeh. August 2Gth. — At 9 a.m. we came to a halt at KiUa Kazee on the Ghuznee road, after a journey of about sixteen miles. Part of our way was through narrow lanes, overhung by mulberry trees, under which the camels could not find a passage without subjecting the luckless inmates of the kujawurs to very rough treatment from the branches. Mrs. Main waring had the skin of her arm rubbed off in this manner, and some of the other ladies got severe knocks on the head ; the heed- less surwan, or camel-driver, meanwhile pursuing his course most philosophically, taking no notice whatever of the accidents in his rear, except now and then to give a malicious grin of satisfaction. I should have mentioned that most of the ladies now, for the first time, adopted in part the Affghan IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 337 dress, the outer garment of which consists of a large and white sheet completely shrouding the body, to which is attached the bourkha, or veil, of white muslin, with only a small open space of net- work opposite the eyes, to peep through. Hitherto they had all preferred adhering to their own costume, but now that they were going into unknown regions, where it would be desirable to attract as httle notice as possible, the adoption of the national dress, when travelling, became a matter of expediency. At Killa Kazee we found Sultan Jan halting to breakfast, en route to Ghuz- nee with about 50 followers, with full purpose to annihilate Gen. Nott. He having possession of the serai, our whole party were obliged to seek shelter under the scanty shade of three or four mulberry trees. Soon after Sultan Jan's depar- ture one of the officers went to the serai to beg 'for a room for the ladies and children, but was repelled with scorn, and asked, " what he an infidel, meant by entering the place with his shoes on » " At noon we were joined by Dr. Berwick, with about thirty European soldiers of the sick deuchment, under Lieut. Evans, H. M. 44th Foot That oflacer, with Lieut. Haughton of the late Goorkha regiment, came up a few hours after- wards, both in a very sickly state. It will be re- membered that poor Haughton lost his right arm 338 ROUGH NOTES DURING IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN 339 from a wound received at Charekar, during the gallant defence of that place, in November, 1841. He had suffered the torture of a second amputa- tion, the first having been too hastily performed, and his subsequent sufferings had been severe. It is to be sincerely hoped that his unfortunate case will meet with the generous consideration of the Indian government. Major Pottinger received a letter to-day, by stealth, from Major Rawlinson, political agent at Candahar, informing him of Gen. Nott's advance on Cabul. No provisions were served out the whole day to man or beast. In the evening Saleh Maho- med's band committed deliberate murder on some old regimental tunes. August 27th, — We set out again at about 2 a. m. The road lay over the hill pass of Suffed KhaJc, into the small but beautiful valley of Maidan. We halted for a few minutes under a splendid grove of spreading poplars. About a mile be- yond this we encamped at Kat Jshroo, near the banks of a clear crystal stream, shaded by lofty poplars. Lower down the declivity, about the middle of the valley (which was here about a mile wide), there ran a small river carrying fertility along its banks. Picturesque clumps of poplars and willows here and there broke the view, the intervening space being filled up with green and yellow fields of cultivation. Bare and rugged mountains every where bounded the landscape. Here, as we reclined our wearied limbs, and looked around on the smiling scene which every where charmed the eye, we wondered that the inhabitants of so favoured a spot should be in- sensible to the blessings of peace ; — that the loveliness of nature, and the quiet occupations of husbandry, should have so little power to soften the heart, and subdue the fierce passions of sa- vage men, who here, as elsewhere throughout Affghanistan, have, like the untameable descend- ants of Esau, " their hand against every man, and every man's hand against them." We were told that the whole of this seemingly peaceful valley was so distracted by blood feuds, that the inhabitants scarcely dared to venture a few Imn- dred yards from their own dwelling. August 2StL — We moved on again at 2 a. m. The road continued up the valley, which, if pos- sible, improved in beauty as we proceeded. We halted within 4 miles of Sur Chusma, at Tak Khana, in a field bounded on one side by shady poplars, and on the other by a fine clear stream. This being the high road to Balk, we constantly met groups of asses laden with merchandise for the Cabul market, among which we could not be unconscious of the presence of assafcEtida, Q 2 \ 340 ROUGH NOTES DURING IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 311 which diiFused its powerful and oppressive odour far and wide. Grapes, apples, pears, and apri- cots, were brouglit to us in great plenty for sale from the villages, and furnished a seasonable re- freshment after our journey of about 14 miles. No tents were pitched, and the fever patients suffered greatly from the damp air at night. August 29th, — We started at daybreak. A short march of nine miles to Oonaiy within two miles of which place we passed a well-built fort, belonging to a Kuzzilbash chief, who, having heard of our approach, had kindly prepared a quantity of small cakes, which were distributed to us as we passed along. The road had a gradual ascent the whole way. We had now entered the country of the Huzarehs, a hardy independent race of people inhabiting the extensive mountain- ous tracts, which extend from that spur of the Hindoo Koosh which forms the western barrier of Kohistan, to within a few miles of Herat. They are divided into sects, one professing the Soonee, the other the Sheeah tenets. The Kuz- zilbashes of Cabul, being Sheeahs, exercise con- siderable influence over the Huzarehs of that persuasion, who hold the best parts of the Bameean valley and its neighbourhood. The knowledge of this fact gave us some hopes of a rise in our favour, in the event of Akber sustaining any i i signal defeat, the Kuzzilbashes having all along been our secret friends. August SOth* — We pursued our march at 3 A. M., and after the fii*st mile we commenced ascending the Oonai pass, consisting of several steep ascents and descents for ^ve miles. Here we came in sight of the Koh-i-haha, a lofty snow- clad mountain of the Indian Caucasus. The lattei part of the road was more level, descending gradually to the bed of the Helmund river, on the right bank of which we encamped at Gurduii- dewal. The Helmund was here about twenty-five yards broad, at this season, and about two feet deep. Some of the guard had a skirmish with a few Huzareh thieves, one of whom was killed, and two taken prisoners. The march to-day was about twelve miles, but very tedious. A beautiful species of Salvia was very abundant. August Slst, — We started about 4 p. m. The road lay for six miles up the stony bed of a large stream, one of the tributaries of the Helmund. Here we passed a chalybeate spring, the water of which was greatly discoloured, and sparkled like soda water, which it very much resembled in taste. For the rest of the way we had gentle ascents. We passed much barley cultivation stil green in the ear, and encamped in the narrow valley of Kar-zar^ where we found a fort in a Q 3 342 ROUGH NOTES DURING State of siege, and the hill-sides covered with Huzarehs. It seems that the Chief of Gurdun- dewal demanded the toll of the road as his right, and was enforcing his claims with his armed retainers. September Ut. — We ascended the pass of Hajeeguk, the summit of which is 12,400 feet above the sea. The ascent was gradual and easy enough, but the descent very steep and long. About three miles led us into the valley of Kaloo, studded with a few poor-looking forts, and toler- ably well cultivated with wheat and barley ; but the crops seemed very backward, being still green in the ear. In these cold regions winter sometimes treads on the heels of summer, pushing autumn out of the way altogether ; and a severe frost will destroy the fruits of the husbandman's industry, before the grain is yet ripe for the sickle. We crossed two broad and foaming torrents, the last a tributary of the Oxus. Boulders of granite were of frequent occurrence. The Koh-i-baba was now within a few miles on our left, and is probably composed of that rock. About the tenth mile brought us to the foot of the Kaloo pass, where the camp was pitched close to a small fort. A Hindoo servant of Col. Palmer, having offended some of our guard, was with difficulty rescued from a violent death. IMPRISONMENT IN AFFGHANISTAN. 343 September 2d. --M daybreak we commenced the ascent of the Kaloo mountain, forming part of the principal chain of the Indian Caucasus. The road being unsafe for camels, all the Kujawurs were filled with baggage, that the ladies and sick might ride on the ponies. The length of the as- cent was about two miles, and the road very narrow and precipitous in many places. The summit is 13,400 feet above the sea. The view to the north presented a boundless chaos of barren mountains, probably unequalled in wild terrific grandeur. Bameean and its caves were dimly discernible in the distance. Some of the sick soldiers, who were forced to walk, were quite exhausted; and one poor fellow, who was too weak even to sit on a horse, it was found necessary to bind on a camel. The descent was very tedious and steep, and almost four miles in length. At the foot of the hill we enjoyed a few minutes' rest, under the shade of some old willows by the side of a de- licious stream. These willows had straight spreading branches, and were totally unlike any others I had ever seen. We now entered a small cultivated valley with two small forts. En- camped at Killa Topchee. September Sd. — Saleh Mahomed Khan made his appearance this morning in a European officer's Q 4 »i£4i«SSi4 and my acting Quarter-Master-General Capt. Paton. both of whom were severely wounded, as also Capt. Grant, Assist.- Adj.-Gen., and my Aide-de- Camp Capt. Airey. I had inadvertently omitted Capt. Bellew, Assist-Quarter-Master-General, who, at the storm of the Rika-bashee and Mahomed Sherreef's fort, evinced the greatest gallantry, and volunteered to carry the powder-bags. From Brigadier Anquetil, commanding the Shah's force, and Col. Chambers, commanding the cavalry, I on all occasions received the most cordial assistance ; • and I take this opportunity to record the ever-ready zeal and gallant conduct of Capt. Troup, Major of Brigade, Shah Shooja's force. Throughout the whole siege the utmost zeal was manifested by Lieut. Sturt, Engineers, and by Lieut. V. Eyre, Commissary of Ordnance, who, in conse- quence of the paucity of artillery officers, on all occa- sions volunteered his services, and was unfortunately wounded. Capt. Colin M'Kenzie, Assist. Political Agent, Pe- shawur, volunteered to take charge of a body of Ju- zailchees, and was engaged in every affair, his and their conduct being most conspicuous. The manner in which the soldiers, European and Native, bore up without a murmur against all privations and very harassing duty, at a most inclement season, was highly creditable to them, and more particularly the horse-artillery, who on all occasions upheld the character of that distinguished corps. Among the many valuable and promising officers s 2 388 APPENDIX. who have fallen in the recent retreat, I would espe- cially mention Captains Skinner and Hay, 61st and 35th N. I. ; Lieut. Le Geyt, Shah's 2d Cavalry ; and Lieut. Bird, Shah's 6th Infantry ; the latter officer dis- tinguished himself in the assault and capture of the Rika-bashee Fort. Of the surviving officers, my thanks are due to Major Eldred Pottinger, C.B., Political Agent, and Capt. George St. P. Lawrence, Military Secretary to the late Envoy and Minister, for their cordial assist- ance and co-operation till the death of their lamented chief; and to Capt. Anderson, Shah's 2d Cavalry, and Capt. Bygrave, Paymaster, for their zeal and alacrity in the performance of their duty, amid trials and diffi- culties almost unprecedented. I have the honour, &c. W. K. Elphinstone. To the Secretary to Government. B. No. 2. The following extracts from a memorandum of Major-Gen. Elphinstone deserve attention, both as supporting some of the Author's statements, and ex- hibiting in some degree the unfortunate General's dis- advantages, as enumerated by himself. — Editor. # * # # * " I was unlucky in the state of my health ; as, during the whole siege, I was not able to move without diffi- culty, except on horseback, and then not easily. On APPENDIX. 389 the evening of the 2d, going round the guards, I had a very severe fall, the horse falling on me. I was obliged to return home therefore. I then asked Cap- tains Paton and Grant if they thought all had been done, and told them to see that Brigadier Anquetil made the arrangements in the mission compound ; and it was a great loss to me that, shortly after his coming into cantonments, he was taken ill, by which I was de- prived of his assistance, which he would cordially have afforded me. The extent of the cantonment — the unfinished state of every thing in it — its indefensible position, commanded as it was on every side — par- ticularly the facilities afforded for the approach of matchlocks — added much to our difficulties* The troops were on half rations, and the whole of them on duty every night, and often all day, from threatened attacks. The want of artillery officers, notwithstand- ing Capt. (Lieut.) Eyre's volunteering, Capt. Waller being wounded early in the business.— On the 9th, not finding myself equal to the duties, particularly at night, when I could not get about on horseback, I recalled Brigadier Shelton from the Bala Hissar. * * * * I was unlucky, also, in not understanding the state of things, and being wholly dependent on the Envoy and others for information." * * * * B. No. 3. The passage next quoted clearly shows that it was in obedience to the General's order that the married s 3 390 APPENDIX. officers, as well as their wives and children, resigned themselves to Mahomed Akbar. This is, of course, a point of peculiar interest to those officers, especially as misrepresentation upon it has gone forth. — Editor. Extract from a Memorandum by Mojor-General W. K, Elphinstone, C, B., of the Events preceding and during the Insurrection at Cahul, " On the 9th (January) the march was ordered at 10 A. M., but, consequent on a message from the Sir- dar, requesting us to halt till he could organize an escort for us, and promising supplies and firewood, it was countermanded. But a similar scene of confusion to that of the day before had taken place, and it was past mid-day before any thing like order was restored. " Captain Skinner returned to the Sirdar, by whom he was again sent back with a proposal that the married people and their families should be made over to him, promising honourable treatment to the ladies. / com- plied with his wish, being desirous to remove the ladies and children, after the horrors they had already wit- nessed, from the further dangers of a camp, and hoping that, as from the very commencement of negotiations the Sirdar had shoivn the greatest anxiety to have the quarried people as hostages, this mark of trust might elicit a corresponding feeling in him. *« (Signed) W. K. Elphinstone, Major-General." APPENDIX, 391 C. No. 1. Parliamentary Papers, No. 322. Translation of a Paper from Mahomed Akbar Khan, received by Gen, Pollock on the 8th of May, 1842, by the hands of Capt. Mackenzie. My Friend, — In the letter for Pottinger Saheb, which Mackenzie has brought, there is nothing to give me confidence. I have, therefore, thought it necessary to send Mackenzie Saheb to you a second time. When first Secunder Burnes came, I did all in my power that the wishes of the English Government might be realized ; but the English Government would not agree to give assistance, if a foreign enemy invaded this country, and nothing was settled. After that, when an English army entered my country, I was compelled to be your enemy, and was three years a wanderer, and returned at the end of the confusion (Cabul insurrection). In the time when Pottinger, Lawrence, and Mackenzie Sahebs came, at the stage of Bootkak, I agreed to their wishes, and did all in my power to protect the army, as is well known to the above-mentioned Sahebs : but I could not save them from the hands of the multitude*, as all the army was disorganized, and the British soldiers could not protect themselves on account of the frost, and, moreover, the gentlemen did not attend to my advice. 2dly. If I allow the English, who are my guests, to depart according to your suggestion, or, according to Pottinger Saheb's advice, if I allow the English ladies * The xvord alludes to the mob of Affghans, whom the Sirdar means to say he coiild not govern. s 4 392 APPENDIX. to depart before the gentlemen, in either case all Ma- homedans will look upon me as their enemy, and the whole multitude will be opposed to me. Under these circumstances, I beg you to reflect that, not having come to an understanding with you, and having made enemies of them (Mahomedans), how can I exist ? At present my friends and allies have possessed them- selves of the government of Cabul, and all of them send daily to me three or four men with oaths and protestations, requesting me to come and be their king, and Mahomed Zeeman, Wuzeer. All the Ghd- zies are my friends ; and I, from the friendship I bear you, do not consent to be King of Cabul, since to be so must involve the necessity of being your enemy. I prefer your friendship to the throne (of Cabul), because, if I was to go to Cabul now, the men of Ca- bul would push me forward, and then it would be dif- ficult to release my guests, and to be on friendly terms with you. On this account I have written, to show my friendship to your government. Please God, my services shall exceed the injuries I have done you. On condition that we are friends, let the terms of friendship between me and my friends, such as Ma- homed Shah Khan and others, be written out, and be sent before the receipt of my guests in your camp, that I may feel confidence. The other matters have been explained to Capt. Mackenzie verbally, and he will make them known to you. I hope you will write down every article in a treaty signed * and sealed. (There is no seal f to this document.) * « The Sirdar has not signed it, as he fears it may be used against him, in case of your not closing with his terms. —Major Fott'mqer to Gen. Pollock, Pari Papers, 320. \ "The circumstance of receiving a Persian memorandum APPENDIX. 393 C. No. 2. From the Papers presented to Parliament on THE Military Operations in Affghanistan. No. 461. Conversation between Sirdar Mahomed Ahbar Khan, Major Pottinger, and Capt, Troup, on the Morning of the 29th of July, 1842. Mahomed Akbar opened the conversation by stating that it was recommended that great men should ask advice of each other, and related the fable of the besieged king. He then told us he wanted advice as to what he should do ; and, in answer to the question what his own wishes were, declared he required only our promise of friendship. Major Pottinger then — premising that he must bear in mind that, though the Vizier had his own authority in full, we were servants, and could, therefore, not give advice if our opmions were contrary to our kings interests— said, however, that, as far as did not clash with our duty, we would be happy to do so, and therefore advised that the prisoners should be at once sent down ; for if a delay took place, it would come within the declaration of Gen Pollock, " that the business was off, if any delay took place;" however, as the Chief stated he agreed to the General's proposition, it might pass, if he wrote down " that he agreed to the proposition ; but, as the Affghans considered the statement confused and a little doubtful, he sent a memorandum of what they without seal or signature does not evince that confidence and loodfa th thLhT^^^^^^^ be shown when a good understandmg between Vrties is^desired." - Gen. Pollock to Major Pottrnger, Pari. Papers, 323. S 5 394 APPENDIX. thought was the meaning, and begged, if it were correct, that the General would kindly inform him of it, by affixing his seal to such a writing." Under these circumstances, the General might not consider the stipulation broken ; but, as it would virtually be so, we thought it most advisable for him at once to send down the prisoners, if he really wished to make terms. The Vizier said that he would not give up the prisoners without a written promise, and that the people were all determined to support him ; that we must put it out of our thoughts that we could release the prisoners by force ; that, as soon as he heard that our troops had reached Charbagh, he would send the ladies, &c. off to Toorkistan, and fight here so long as he could ; and that, if obliged to flee, he would take care not one of the prisoners should return to the English, for he would scatter them by twos and threes through Toorkistan with all the chiefs. C. No. 3. Parliamentary Papers, No. 460. Major- Gen. Pollock to Mr. Maddock. Jellalabad, August 6. 1842. SiRj — * * * I take this opportunity of stating that it is my opinion that Mahomed Akbar's chief object in desiring me to give a sealed paper, specifying that I will withdraw all troops from Affghanistan, is to strengthen himself by the publication of such a docu- appendix. 395 ment at Cabul, the effect of which would be to thoroughly dishearten such chiefs as look to cur assist- ance for the means of freeing themselves from his tyranny. Were I to say that I should leave this valley in October, the reply would be that the prisoners would be sent then ; but such a promise would so strengthen Mahomed Akbar, that I think it pro- bable that he, when the time arrived, finding that our advance on Cabul was impossible for the next seven months, might be tempted to procrastinate, under the idea that we had determined to withdraw our troops, and that, after our departure, he might obtain a large sum as ransom for the prisoners. Apart from this, it is impossible for me to pledge myself to withdraw on a certain date ; and I, of course, could not take upon myself to issue any order to General Nott. The advance of a brigade to Futteeabad will tend to alarm Mahomed Akbar, and make him the more anxious to induce us to quit the country. Capt. Troup has expressed a doubt on this subject, and fears that this step may induce Mahomed Akbar to send the prisoners to Toorkistan ; but I cannot think this will occur, as I have reason to suppose there is a strong party at Cabul, which has determined not to allow the removal of our prisoners ; and I also believe that the Wallee of Khooloom has written refusing to receive Mahomed Akbar if accompanied by the prisoners. I have, &c. G. Pollock. s 6 G96 APPENDIX. D. The following account by Lieut. Crawford, of the 3d Bombay N. I., of the loss of Ghuznee, and the imprisonment of himself and his brother officers, is taken from the Bombay Courier. — Editor. " In my letter of the 8th instant, I promised that at my earliest convenience I would send you a full, true, and particular account of all my adventures during the past year, and I now take up my pen to fulfil my promise, and, without further preamble, commence my narra- tive at once from the period of my quitting Candahar. " I left that city on the SOth October last year, hav- ing under my charge three state prisoners and seven hostages to be escorted to Cabool ; and, for the safe- guard of the same, I was accompanied by a troop from my own corps, and about forty Affghan horse under a chief called Guddoo Khan. It was on the 7th November we reached Oha ; we had marched rapidly, but in perfect peace, and as little expected to be attacked on the road as I do at this moment. You may imagine, therefore, how thunderstruck I was, when Guddoo Khan entered my tent, bringing with him a native official of that part of the country, styled the Urz Beggie, who gave me an account of the dis- asters in Cabool on the second of the month, and, as I afterwards found, bad as matters really were at the capital, he made them out to be much more so. He strongly pressed my returning to Khelat-i-Ghilzie, saying that there were 20,000 men round Ghuznee, and to go on would be to certain death. I considered, however, it would never do for an officer to turn back APPENDIX. 397 on a mere rumour of danger, and that, should the man's story really be true, still I had a better chance of reaching Ghuznee, which was only fifty-four mdes off than Khelat, which was ninety. Tired though my horses were, they might make Ghuznee in one forced march, but they would not be able to get to the other station under a couple of days ; the road lay through the barren and hostile country of the Ghiljies, and, as I subsequently discovered, it proved that Urz Beggie was a traitor; he wished to get me back through the Ghiliie districts, as he himself was a man of that tribe, and would have raised the whole country about my ears ; not a man of us would have escaped to tell the tale. After duly considering all the pros and cons of the case, I mounted my detachment at 8 p. m. and moved on toward Ghuznee. We marched rapidly the whole night, and by daylight had reached Nanee, about thirteen miles from Ghuznee ; but the first streak of dawn showed us that the people were on the alert ; there were videttes on every hill ; and m a very short time word was passed from fort to fort, and their inhabitants turned out, hanging on my flanks and rear, and firing with their rifies at us. Their horse- men were bolder ; they swarmed round us like wasps, riding up, firing their pieces into our troop, and gai- loping off to re-load. We were nearly helpless aganist such a foe ; twice we charged and cut up a few, but the rascals always sought shelter near the nu- merous forts that covered the plain, and then laughed at us In addition to not being able to catch the villains, we found that every time we charged or halted to show a front, it only gave the enemy 1.me to circle round our flanks and head us ; and their 398 APPENDIX. footmen also came up from the rear. Accordingly we left the high road altogether, and turned out into the plain, where the foot would scarcely dare to follow us ; and indeed by proceeding at the trot we pretty well shook off these gentry, but the horsemen still fol- lowed ; and, to add to our troubles, I found that the ponies, on which the prisoners were mounted, were exhausted, and could proceed no further. As they knocked up, I doubled the riders on the other animals ; but, one after another, they gave in. One prisoner was cut down by a horseman of the enemy (plainly show- ing there was no collusion between them); two others rolled over in a ditch, where, with their horse a-top of them, and their legs chained under his belly, I left them ; indeed, I now found it was impossible I could ever get my charge into Ghuznee alive, and I had only to decide on putting them to death or setting them at liberty. My instructions would have justified my pursuing the former course, but the poor wretches had clearly made no attempt to escape; they were in no manner answerable for the attack made on my party, as was evident from one of their number falling by the sword of our adversaries ; and I con- ceived then, and do now conceive, that, in letting these men go with their lives, I was not only acting accord- ing to the strict letter of my instructions, but that justice and humanity required I should not slay them in cold blood. Had I put them to death, then Shum- soodeen or Mahomed Akbar would have been equally justified in taking our lives (the lives of all their pri- soners) on the advance of Pollock and Nott on Cabul. I may add, that the court of inquiry, which I called for, after investigating all the circumstances, decided that APPENDIX, 399 I had acted perfectly right. But to return to my story. After following and harassing us for miles, the enemy drew off when we got near Ghuznee, and I reached that place about 10 a.m. on the 8th, with the loss of all my baggage and prisoners, and fifteen men and twenty horses killed, and several wounded, out of my little party. Every day now brought us bad ac- counts from Cabul ; and the infatuation, that appears to have seized the chief authorities there, not only hurried them on to ruin at the capital, but also para- lysed us at Ghuznee. Can you imagine that the ne- cessary repairs and alterations in the citadel were not sanctioned, nor was Palmer permitted to lay in pro- visions? At the eleventh hour, the Colonel took the responsibility upon himself, and set to work ; but most invaluable time had been suffered to pass unimproved, and, when the enemy made their appearance under our walls, they found us but ill prepared for a siege, especially when it was not man alone we had to com- bat with, but the rigours of a winter as intense as that of Canada. The enemy and the snow made their appearance together: on the 20th of November the town was surrounded with the one, and the ground covered with the other; but in a week afterwards the insurgents broke up their investment of the place, on report of M'Laren's brigade advancing to our rehef. This permitted our destroying the villages and build- ings within musket shot of the walls, and also afforded us a week's skating on the ditch ; but on the 7th of December the enemy returned in increased numbers, and we were then closely confined to the walls. The necessity and advantage of turning the inhabitants out of the town was not lost sight of; but, unfortu- 400 APPENDIX. nately for us, an idea had got abroad that the towns- people were strongly attached to us, and that the sending out so many poor people to perish in the snow was an act of cruelty too great to be dreamt of. The consequence was, that the townsmen entered into a correspondence with their countrymen on the out- side; and on the night of the 16th of December, having dug a hole through the town, they admitted their friends, who poured in by thousands, and compelled us, after fighting all that night and the next day, to retire into the citadel. It so happened that from this day the winter set in with increased severity, and its effects soon told fearfully upon the men. The whole garrison, officers and men, were told off into three watches, one of which was constantly on duty ; so that every one in the place was eight hours on duty out of the twenty-four, and you may imagine that such constant work and exposure to the intense cold very soon rendered the sepoys useless. The snow lay deep, very deep, and often in the course of a single night would fall to the depth of a couple of feet ! The thermometer sunk to ten, twelve^ and even four- teen degrees below zero I and to such weather were the natives of India exposed day and night, with no pros- pect of relief, and with no comforts to enable them to support their sufferings ! We were reduced to half rations of bad flour and raw grain on alternate days, and a seer of wood per man each day was all that could be allowed either for cooking or warmth. The sepoys, constantly soaked and unable to dry themselves, got sickly, and the hospital was crowded with men, whose feet had ulcerated from frost bites. I do think, that if the enemy had had pluck enough to have made APPENDIX. 401 a rush upon us, they could at any time, after Christ- mas-day, have carried the works with very little diffi- culty ; as it was, however, they contented themselves with keeping up a smart fire with their rifles, and not a man could show his head above the walls for a mo- ment. Up to the 1 5th of January this work continued, and we lost three or four men daily from the fire of their marksmen ; but on the day mentioned some sort of a truce was entered into, and active hostilities ceased, it being understood we were to evacuate the place on the arrival of Shumsoodeen Khan. This worthy did not arrive till the middle of the following month, and even then the Colonel managed to keep him in play till the beginning of March ; but at last he and his chiefs would stand it no longer, and said that, if we did not give up the place immediately, they would recommence hostilities ; and we, being utterly helpless, having no water in the citadel, and the snow (on which we had depended for a supply) having all vanished, our provisions being exhausted, and there being no prospect of the arrival of succour, had no resource but to make the best terms we could, and trust to Providence that the enemy would abide by them. On the 6th of March we marched out from the citadel, under a treaty signed and solemnly sworn to by all the chiefs, that we should be escorted in safety and honour to Peshawur, with our colours, arms, and baggage, and fifty rounds of ammunition per man. There was still some snow in the passes between Ghuznee and Cabul ; and till that should melt, and the necessary carriage could be procured for us, we were quartered in a portion of the town immediately below the citadel. Scarcely had we entered our new 402 APPENDIX. abode, when our enemies flung off the mask, and showed how much they valued oaths made to infidels. At noon on the 7th, whilst nearly every man of ours was cooking, and we were totally unprepared for an outbreak, the Ghazees rushed upon our lines, and suc- ceeded in carrying the houses in which my squadron had been placed. I was in the next house, with Burnett of the 51rth, and Nicholson of the 27th, there being no decent room for me in my own proper quarters. On hearing the uproar, I ran to the roof to see what was the matter; and finding what had taken place among my men, and that balls were flying thick, I called up Burnett. He had scarcely joined me, when he was struck down by a rifle ball, which knocked his eye out ; and, as he was then rendered hors de combat, I assumed command of the two com- panies of the 27th that had been under him, and Nicholson and myself proceeded to defend ourselves as well as circumstances would permit. We were on the left of the mass of houses occupied by our troops, and the first and sharpest attacks were directed at us: the enemy fired our house, and gradually, as room after room caught fire, we were forced to retreat to the others, till at last by midnight of the 9th our house was nearly burnt in halves. We were exhausted with hunger and thirst, having had nothing to eat or drink since the morning of the 7th. Our ammunition was expended, the place was filled with dead and dying men, and our position was no longer tenable ; but the only entrance, in front of the house, was surrounded by the enemy, and we scarcely knew how to get out, and endeavour to join Col. Palmer. At last we dug a hole through the wall of the back of the house : we APPENDIX. 403 had only bayonets' to work with, and it cost us much labour to make a hole sufficiently large to admit of one man at a time dropping from it into the street below ; but we were fortunate enough to get clear out of our ruined quarters in this way, and join the Colonel un- perceived by the savages round us. As soon as day broke on the 9th, they occupied our abandoned post, and shortly afterwards attacked and carried the next house, in which were poor Lumsden and his wife, and thirty sepoys, every one of whom, and their servants, were put to death. On the morning of the 10th, Poett and Davis were obliged to retire from their posts, and the survivors here now assembled in the two houses, held by Col. Palmer and the head-quarters of the corps. You cannot picture to yourself the scene these two houses presented ; every room was crammed, not only with sepoys, but camp followers, men, women, and children; and it is astonishing the slaughter among them was not greater, seeing that the guns of the citadel sent round-shot crashing through and through the walls. I saw high-caste men groping in the mud, endeavouring to discover pieces of unmelted ice, that, by sucking them, they might relieve the thirst that tormented them I Certainly, when that morning dawned, I thought it was the last I should see on this earth ; and so did we all, and proceeded to make a few little arrangements, ere the final attack on us took place. The regimental colours were burnt, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, and I destroyed my watch, and flung it, and what money I had, over the wall into the ditch. I also burnt my poor wife's miniature, first cramming the gold frame of it into a musket, being determined that one 404 APPENDI?t. of the Ghazees should have his belly full of gold ere I died. Hour after hour passed on, and still we sat expecting every minute to hear the shout of the final attack ; but it came not. From our loopholes we saw the enemy swarming all around us in every lane and house, and on the hill of the citadel. The place was black with their masses ; and, as they themselves after- wards told us, there were not less than 10,000 men there thirsting for our blood. But it appears that Shum- soodeen had been affected with some qualms of con- science, and had held a council of his chiefs on the sub- ject of admitting us to quarter. I should tell you that during the three previous days' fighting, Shumsoodeeq had repeatedly offered us terms, but they were such as we could not accede to ; inasmuch as they com- menced by desiring we would surrender ourselves to him, and abandon the sepoys to the fury of the Ghazees. The sepoys, it appears, had held a con- sultation among themselves, and, believing they had no chance of their lives, determined on forcing their way out of the town, and endeavouring to get to Peshawur. When we first heard of this mad design, and spoke to the men about it, they denied it; but on the 10th two native officers came forward, and told us they had made up their minds to go off that night ; that, if we chose to accompany them, they would be exceedingly glad, but if otherwise, they would go alone. It was in vain we pointed out the utter impracticability of their plan ; they had got an idea among them, that Pe- shawur was not above fifty or sixty miles off across country, and that there was a short cut to it, through the mountains : they immediately commenced digging a hole through the outer wall of the town, by which, APPENDIX. 405 as soon as it got dark, they might march out into the country. Seeing that our men had now flung off all authority, and were about to desert us, we had nothing further to do but to make the best bargain we could for our lives. Shumsoodeen and all the Ghazee chiefs again swore by all that was holy, that if we laid down our arms we should be honourably treated, and sent to Cabul to the Shah as soon as possible. At 10 p. m. we surrendered. The chief sent and begged the officers to come into the citadel immediately, as the Ghazees were yelling for the blood of the Feringee Kaffirs, and he could not answer for our safety, if we delayed till daylight ; and accordingly we went up to the cita- del and gave up our swords, the chief placing bodies of his men round our late quarters, to keep the Gha- zees from molesting the sepoys. A large party of these latter, however, during the night, endeavoured to put their ridiculous plan of flight into execution, and made their way about two or three miles from the town: it came on to snow heavily ; they got bewildered in the fields, and in the morning were all cut to pieces or made prisoners. For the first few days after we had surrendered, we were treated pretty tolerably; the chief and his brother used to visit and condole with us on the change of fortune we had experienced, and expressed their sorrow at the violence of their fanati- cal followers not having permitted their strict observ- ance of the treaty, on which we had yielded up the citadel to them ; but gradually they discontinued their visits ; every little thing we had managed to secure, such as watches, penknives, money, &c., was taken from us, and we were strictly confined to a small 406 APPENDIX. APPENDIX. 407 room eighteen feet by thirteen. In it there were ten of us, so you may imagine we had not much room to spare ; indeed, when we lay down at night we exactly occupied the whole floor, and when we wanted to take a little exercise we were obliged to walk up and down (six paces) in turns. Few of us had a change of linen, and the consequence was we were soon swarm- in'g with vermin, the catching of which afforded an hour's employment every morning. I wore my soli- tary shirt for five weeks, till it became literally black and rotten ; and I am really surprised none of us con- tracted any loathsome disease, from the state of filth we were compelled to live in. On the 7th April we heard of Shah Soojah's murder, and from that date the severities of our confinement were redoubled ; they shut and darkened the solitary window from which we had hitherto derived light and air; and they also kept the door of our room constantly closed, so that the air we breathed became perfectly pestiferous. On the 21st of the month they tortured Col. Palmer with a tent-peg and rope, in such a manner that it is wonderful he ever recovered the use of his foot. I cannot, in a letter, explain the process of the torture, but we all witnessed it, and it was something on the principle of the Scotch boot described in " Old Mor- tality." We were told we should each be tortured in our turn, unless we gave up four lacs of rupees, which the rascals swore we had buried ; and, in case we con- tinued obstinate, they told us we should be blown from guns, beginning M'ith the junior. This was a pleasant sort of a life to lead, never being certain of that life for twenty-four hours together. I think a little similar experience would do some of the news- .n paper editors a deal of good, and render them not quite so prone to lavish their criticisms on the con- duct of unfortunates like ourselves. They sit under their punkahs, drink lall shrub, and write leading arti- cles, laying down the law and talking as familiarly on military matters " as maids " do '' of puppy dogs," — the self-elected, self-constituted judges of mankind. In the end of April, our guards suddenly became par- ticularly civil to us for a few days, and we found out they had a report of the advance of our troops : in- deed, on to the period of our actual release, we could always form a pretty shrewd guess of what our troops were about by the treatment we experienced at the hands of our captors : if there was any forward move- ment among our people, any arrival of reinforcements at Jellalabad or Candahar, &c., then we were treated well for a few days, and we got better food ; but if our people appeared to be idle, and things remained in statu quo for a week, then our guards taunted us on the unwarlike spirit of Feringee armies, and boasted how they would exterminate them, if they advanced. Gool Mahomed Khan, the brother of Shumshoodeen, who had always behaved more civilly towards us than the big chief, was, unfortunately for us, despatched to Cabul on business about the middle of April ; but I believe it was owing to the receipt of a letter from him, that on the 12th May we were permitted to quit our prison room, and walk on the terrace of the citadel for one hour, and we were told that similar kindness would be shown us once a week ! ! ! — namely, on Friday, when Shumshoodeen was wont to make a kind of religious nic nic to a neighbouring shrine. Even this we thought a great blessing, and used to count the 408 APPENDIX. APPENDIX. 409 days and hours to each succeeding Friday, anxiously expecting the moment when our guard would tell us we might breathe God's fresh air, and look out on the green fields for the allotted period. I thought I had always been an admirer of the beauties of nature, but I had never imagined that the time would have come, when the sight of a few ordinary fields of clover and wheat would have caused me such delight in their contemplation ! On the 15th of June, Gool Mahomed returned from Cabul, bringing with him some of the ladies of his brothers family. On their account we were told we Bhould be removed to other quarters, and of course we expected a change for the worse ; but, as it eventually proved, we were agreeably disappointed. Just at this period one of our number, Lieut. Davies, 27th N. I., had sickened with typhus fever ; we had no medicines, no comforts for him, and he lay on the ground delirious, raving about home and his family, and every hour proving worse, till, on the 19th, death put an end to his sufferings. We read the burial ser- vice over him, and then made his body over to the guard to bury; but I am afraid they merely flung the poor fellow into a ditch outside the gate. It was a melancholy ceremony that burial service: few among us, I imagine, but thought it might be his turn next, especially now that sickness had broken out in such a shape ; however, on the following day, we were re- moved to another building, where we had three or four rooms to ourselves, and a court-yard to walk about in, and our guard was replaced by a more civil set. This was a delightful change ; and being greedy of fresh air after so long a deprivation of it, we made the most of our new berth by always sleeping in the open air in the court-yard. It is true, it was utterly impos- sible to get a minute's rest in any of the rooms allotted to us, as they were swarming with the foulest vermin, so we thought it no hardship to have the stars for a canopy, and for three months we never slept under a roof, or with any other covering beyond our sheepskin cloaks. From this date the conduct of Shumshoodeen towards us improved greatly ; he came to see us frequently, and chatted in a kind manner, always telling us we should shortly be set at liberty in exchange for Dost Mahomed, who was returning to Cabul, having been freed by our Government. This gave us renewed hopes of soon again becoming free agents ; and, as our circumstances were improved, and our guards more friendly toward us, our captivity was more easily borne ; but still as time wore on, and no- thing definite was learnt regarding our release, we again began to despair, especially when the middle of August arrived, and we seemed as far as ever from the attainment of our wishes. It was on the 19th of August we had, as usual, wrapped ourselves up in our cloaks, and taken lodgings on the cold ground for the night, when the chief suddenly entered the yard, and told us we were to march immediately for Cabul ; and, sure enough, in half an hour afterwards we found our- selves slung in pairs in kujawurs, on each side of camels, and moving towards the capital. How de- lighted we were to bid adieu to the walls of Ghuznee ! I do believe, if we had known we were going to exe- cution, the change would nevertheless have gladdened us. We reached Cabul in three days, without meeting any adventure on the road ; but we were abused most 111 410 APPENDIX. APPENDIX. 411 grossly by the populace as we proceeded through the streets of the city : fortunately it was in the dusk of the evening, and but few people witnessed our arrival ; otherwise they might not have confined their ill treat- ment to words. We were taken direct to Mahomed Akbar's quarters in the Bala Hissar, and from him we met with the kindest reception. I could not bring myself to believe that the stout, good-humoured, open-hearted-looking young man, who was making such kind inquiries after our health, and how we had borne the fatigues of the journey, could be the mur- derer of M'Naghten, and the leader of the massacre of our troops. He told us we had come most un- expectedly ; that, though he had written repeatedly to have us sent to him (as he had heard we were ill treated by Shumshoodeen), yet no attention had been paid to his orders ; and now that we had come, it was without any intimation of our approach : he bade us be of good cheer, as our future comfort would be his care, and we should find ourselves treated like officers and gentlemen. After many similarly civil speeches, he ordered dinner, and sent for Troup and Pottinger to see us. When they arrived, the whole of us, Mahomed Akbar, his chiefs, and ourselves, all sat down to the best meal I had had for many a month. The Wuzeer (3,8 he always styled himself) chatted and joked away on indifferent subjects during the meal, and shortly after its conclusion dismissed us, saying he would make us over to the care of Pottinger and Troup for the night, and we might go and have a chat with them in private, as doubtless we were anxious to do so. On the following morning the archfiend sent us an excellent breakfast, and horses to carry us out a / few miles to the fort where the other British prisoners were living, and he desired a list of our wants re- garding clothes, &c. might be made out, and they should be furnished. We found our countrymen living in what appeared to us a small paradise ; they had comfortable quarters, servants, money, and no little baggage, and a beautiful garden to walk about in. To our great regret, we had only been four or five days in this Elysium, when we were sent off to Bameean. Being thus away from the immediate care of Mahomed Akbar, we soon found ourselves called on to rousrh it once more. Tents had been sent for the use of the ladies, but our guards would only pitch them when it suited their convenience, and consequently the poor women and children had frequently to bivouac with us men, and that, too, in the nipping night air of the mountains; none of them, however, I am happy to say, suffered in the least, and they one and all bore their privations most admirably. I see that Johnson and one or two others have already given very good accounts in the public prints of our doings at Ba- meean, and our return from thence to the blessings of freedom, so I will not inflict a second edition of the tale upon you. The public papers will also, long ere this reaches you, have given you some information about our doings at Istaliff", and our retrogade march from Cabul, during which there was a good deal more fighting than on the advance," T S 4)2 APPENDIX. 413 APPENDIX. E. Letter from Mohun Lal. (Prom the Calcutta Englishman.) Having been favoured with the perusal of a late letter from Mohun Lal to a friend in Calcutta, and been permitted to give the substance of it to the public, we have decided that it will do best in the writer's own language, as he expresses himself with perfect clearness and intelligibility in English, though not with very idiomatic correctness. His summary account of the events from the 2d of November 1841 down to the liberation of the prisoners, cannot be ex- pected to contain much that is actually new to our readers ; but still it is both interesting and historically valuable. Mohun LaFs brief and unassuming ac- count of his own exertions, intrepidity, risks, and sufferings, is very little calculated to do him full justice ; but his great merits are well known to, and will be amply appreciated and rewarded by, the Go- vernment of India. But now let Mohun Lal speak : — " Since the year of 1838, I have been in regular correspondence with my patron, Mr. Trevelyan, in London, and had repeatedly written to him, that if we do not rectify our conduct in the policy of Aifghan- istan, we will excite the whole country against us. These communications I believe have always been shown to the chairman of the Court of Directors, and it is great pity notwithstanding the late lamented Sir William M'Naghten and Sir Alexander Burnes were aware of the impendijig dangers which threatened the I British authority, hut they 7iever took steps either to prepare to meet the evils or to conciliate the chiefs. Their pay was reduced, and the manner of our pro- ceedings had convinced them that they shall be all banished. In October last the chiefs entered into the solemn agreement with each other, and thus the Eastern Ghiljies stood up against our arms. General Sale bravely defeated the enemy, and forced his road through the different passes down to Jellal- abad. While these discontented chiefs were intriguing, we bore every thing silently till the fatal day of the 2d of November arrived, and the houses of Sir Alexander Burnes and myself were surrounded by the rebels. They were not accompanied with more than fifty men, but not a battalion was sent to our protection. After poor Sir Alexander Burnes was murdered and his house set on fire, I made a hole through the neighbouring house and was nearly cut to pieces, had I not been protected by the good-natured Nuwab Mohammed Zeman Khan,, and kept secretly a whole day in his house. All my property saved during the last twelve years was plundered, one of my servants murdered, and the house destroyed. For three days not many people had assembled under the flag of the rebels, and the Persians were not joined the enemy. ** From the house of Nuwab Mohammed Zeman Khan, I was conducted by our old friend Nayab Mah- med Sherif Khan to the house of the Persian chief, named Khan Shereen Khan, where I lived most clan- destinely. Agreeably to the request of the late Envoy, I was daily in correspondence with him, and dis- charged my duties at the risk of my life- Nayab Shereef was employed by the Envoy and myself in T 3 414 APPENDIX. several negotiations with the Ghiljies and the Persians. Every thing bid fair of our success formerly, and not- withstanding the Ghiljie, Cabulee, Kohistanee, and the Persian chiefs made solemn oaths with us, wrote the agreements on the Holy Koran to take our cause, received abundant money from us, but every body cheated us like a devil. Khan Shereen, the Persian chief, promised to give every assistance, which he never did. In short, every one of us was deceived. " Mahomed Akbar Khan opened the negotiation with the Envoy, and promised to be useful to us, if we were to appoint him as a minister in AfFghanistan ; but I always cautioned the Envoy against Akbar, though I wrote him at the request of Nayab Shereef on part of Mahomed Shah Khan, that the latter will persuade Akbar to attach himself to the British Government. On the 23d of December, about 6 a. m., ivroie to the Envoy not to meet Akbar so often, as he will catch and bring him into the city ; but that gentleman, consi- dering the treacherous Akbar as honest as himself, trusted him in every thing, while he became a victim to the pistol of that villain, "Before the departure of General Elphinstone's force from Cabul^ I wrote to Major Pottinger, that if any of us were to move from the cantonment, he will either be murdered or taken prisoner by Akbar ; and so it happened : all the force was destroyed, the ladies and the officers taken prisoners. I was brought again by a friend in the house of Khan Shereen Khan, where I lived all the time corresponding with General Pollock, and was a channel of his communications with the Prince Futeh Jung and the chiefs, under a very great personal risk. APPENDIX* 415 " When Mahomed Akbar gained an ascendancy, / was caught, closely confined, ill-treated, bastinadoed, threatened to be murdered, and forced to raise and pay him the money. While I was under such suffer- ing, I neither left writing to Gen. Pollock nor relaxed in my exertions to cause the liberty of the pri- soners. Finding that my endeavours to induce the chiefs in the city, as well as the letters of Gen, Pollock to their address, availed nothing in behalf of the prisoners, I took the most dangerous step with the full belief either to lose my life or gain my object. To effect this cau^e I supplicated, and asked Mahomed Akbar Khan to allow me to remain in the house near himself, under the pretence that my visiting him occa- sionally will show his kindness to me in future. It was agreed, and I was placed under a guard as before, but not sent out of the city ; after this I sent for my ac- quaintance Moortza Shah in the confinement, on the pretence of selling some cloth to me, and told him if he goes to Damoean and speak to Saleh Mahomed on my part to restore the prisoners, I shall give the latter a reward of 20,000 rupees, and to himself of 5000, and besides this they will have some pension from Go- vernment for life. Saleh Mahomed was an officer of infantry under Mahomed Akbar, and then proceeding with our prisoners to Toorkistan. Moortza Shah reached Bameean, an d Saleh Mahomed happily accepted my offers. In the mean time I stole my escape from confinement, and induced the Persian chiefs to desert Mahomed Akbar Khan. I was joined with about 2000 horsemen in the Afshar Fort; and as soon as Mahomed Akbar was defeated by General Pollock, I forced a party of them to go and meet the prisoners, T 4 416 APPENDIX. who, in charge of Saleh Mahomed and my agent Moortza Shah, were returning from Bameean. Sir R. Shakespear also accompanied this party. <' If I would fear [had feared for] my life, there was not a single man to send intelligence to Government at such a crisis; and it is the most wonderful thing that I managed the despatch of letters so regularly and safely, that none of them was ever intercepted by the enemy, while the roads to Jellalabad were watched on every step. If I were not to run the personal risk while myself in confinement^ and not induce Saleh Mahomed to restore our prisoners, they would never be released until we were to meet the wishes of Maho- med Akbar Khan, and would by this time be wan- dering and suffering on the deserts of Toorkistan. If Government take these my humble services into their just, impartial, and favourable view, I hope I shall be highly rewarded, because I have saved the British name, which, if the English ladies and officers were taken into Toorkistan, would deeply suffer. I have not only done this, but spent not the fourth of the money which was offered by General Pollock for re- covering the prisoners, and thus saved the Company's cash. I am very proud indeed of what I have done." APPENDIX. 417 F. Letter from the released Prisoners to Sir Richard Shakespear, and his Reply. Sir Richard Shakespear, Military Secretary, H^c. Dear Sir, •— Rescued as we have so lately been from a state of prolonged and cheerless captivity, which threatened soon to terminate in hopeless slavery, in a land where the laws of humanity are unknown or unacknowledged ; restored by a wonderful interposi- tion of Providence to country, friends, and all that renders life desirable ; it would ill become us, in the midst of our rejoicings, to forget those friends, through whose agency this happy change in our prospects has been effected. To you we are bound to express our heartfelt thanks, for the promptitude, with which you led a body of Kuzzilbash horsemen to our assistance at a most critical period, to whose timely arrival amongst us at Kaloo it may be chiefly attributed that our flight from Bameean was not intercepted. To thank you adequately in words for so signal a service would be impossible, but we trust you will accept of this, as a token of the gratitude we feel, and, with every good wish for your happiness and prosperity, we subscribe ourselves. Yours very faithfully, Fanny Macnaghtenj Florentia Sale, Alexandrina Sturt, Jean Boyd, F. Boyd, T 5 A. Waller, R. Waller, G. Mein, Emily Eyre, Vincent Eyre, 418 APPENDIX. APPENDIX, 419 C. Mackenzie, Eldred Pottinger, Edward Webb, B. Melville, Georgiana Mainwaring, H. Johnson, G. St. P. Lawrence, C. Harris, C. Griffiths, T. Palmer, J. S. Alston, T. Thomson, J. M'Grath, Camp Cabul, Sept. 24. 1842. J. Nicholson, — Airey, — Souter, John Shelton, — Evans, T. P. Walsh, II. Warburton, H. Drummond, R. L. Burnett, H. M. Williams, A. Crawford, — Haughton. Answer. To Lady 3Iacnaghten, Lady Sale, S^c. General Shelton and Major Pottinger, Dear Ladies and Gentlemen, — I was this morning greatly gratified by receiving a very kind and flattering letter, signed by the ladies and officers, who were lately prisoners at Bameean, and I hasten to request that you will express to them my sincere thanks for the very handsome terms, in which they have spoken of my poor services. I shall ever consider it one of the happiest events of my life, that I should have had the good fortune to have been in any way instrumental in eft'ecting your escape from AfFghanistan. I remain, dear Ladies and Gentlemen, Your most obedient servant, R. C. Shakespear. Camp Jellalabad, Oct. 26. 1842. G. List of Civil and Military Officers killed during THE Rebellion, at and near Cabul, Between \2th October 1841, and 6th January 1842, the day of leaving Cabul, Political. Sir W. H. Macnaghten, Bart. Murdered at a conference on 23d Dec. Sir Alexander Burnes Ditto in his own house m the city on . - 2d Nov. Capt.Broadfoot,lst Eng. Regt. Ditto in Sir A. B.'s house in ^^ the city on - - Ja Lieut. Burnes, Bombay Infty. Ditto in Sir A. B.'s house in ^^ the city on - - JQ. Lieut. Rattray - - Ditto at a conference at ^^ Lughmanee m Kohistan - 3a H. M. 44th. Lieut Col. Mackrell - Capt. Swayne - Capt. M'Crea Capt. Robinson - ^ Lieut. Raban - 5th N. I. Lieut. Col. Oliver Capt. Mackintosh 37 th N. /. Capt. Westmacott Ensign Gordon 35th N. I. Lieut. Jenkins Capt. Wyndham H. M. \Sth Light Infantry. Lieut. King - Local Horse. Capt. Walker, 1st N. I. Killed in Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto action at Cabul Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto - lOth Nov. - 4th " - lOth " - 4th " - 6th " Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto - 23d Nov. - 23d " Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto - loth Nov. - 4th " Ditto Ditto at Khoord- Cabul at Jugdulluk - 12th Oct. - 12th " Killed at Tezeen - 1 2th Oct. Ditto at Cabul - 23d Nov. r m APPENDIX, f 27th N. I. Lieut. Laing - Shah's i^ervice. Capt. Woodburn, 44th N. I. • Capt. Codrington, 49th N. I. Ensign Salisbury, 1st V. Rcgt. Ensign Rose, 54th N. I. Doctor Grant, Bombay Estab. Lieut. Maule, Artillery Capt. Trevor, 3d Light Cav. Local Lieut. Wheeler Killed at Cabul . 2Sd Nov. Ditto Ditto - 23d Nov. Ditto at Chareeker - 23d " Ditto Ditto - 23d " Ditto Ditto - 23d " Ditto Ditto - 23d " Ditto in his camp at Kah- darrah - - 3d Ditto at a conference - 23d Dec. Ditto in his camp at Kah- darrah - - 3d Nov. From 6th January up to the \2th January 1842 on the retreat. Staff. inclusive Dr. Duff, Superin. -Surgeon Capt. Skinner, 61st N. I. Capt. Paton •, 58th N. I. Lieut. Sturt *, Engineers Horse Artillery. Dr. Bryce 5th Light Cavalnj. Lieut. Hardyman H. M. 44th. Major Scott Capt. Leigh ton Lieut. White Lieut. Fortye* 5th N. I. Major Swayne* Capt. Miles - Lieut. Deas • Lieut. Alexander Lieut. Warren Killed between Tezeen and Sell Baba Ditto at Jugdulluk Ditto Khoord- Cabul pass Ditto Ditto 1 0th Jan. 12th " 8th " 8th " Ditto on march to Tezeen 10th Jan. Ditto outside the canton- ment Ditto on march to Tezeen Ditto Ditto Ditto Junga Fareekee Ditto Jugdulluk 6th Jan. 10th Jan. 10th " 10th " 10th " Killed at Junga Fareekee - Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto 10th Jan. 10th " 10th " 10th " 10th " * These officers had been previously wounded at Cabul. Captain Faton's left arm had been amputated. I APPENDIX, 421 54th N. I. Major Ewart Capt. Shaw* Lieut. Kiiby 37 ^A N. I. Lieut. St. George //. M. 44th. Lieut. Wade 21th N. L Dr. Cardew* Killed on march to Tezeen 10th Jan. Ditto Ditto - 10th " Ditto Ditto - 10th Ditto Khoord- Cabul pass 8th Jan. Ditto Jugdulluk Ditto Tezeen 12th Jan. 10th Jan. After leaving Jugdulluk on the \2th to the final massacre. Staff. Major Thain* H. M. 21st Ft.A.D.c. Jugdulluk Pass Capt. Bellew, 56th N. L - Futtehabad Capt. Grant, 27th N. I. - ^^""^^^f^ Capt. Mackay, Assist. P. M.f - Doubtful. Horse Artillery. Capt. Nicholl Lieut. Stewart 5th Light Cavalry. Lieut. -Col. Chambers - Capt. Blair Capt. Bott Capt. Hamilton Capt. Collyer Lieut. Bazett - Dr. Harpur - 7 Veterinary Surgeon Willis H. M, 44th. CaptDodgin - Capt. Collins - Lieut. Hogg - Lieut. Cumberland - Jugdulluk Pass - Gundamuk Jugdulluk Pass Ditto Ditto Gundamuk near Jellalabad Jugdulluk Pass near Jellalabad Doubtful. Jugdulluk pass Gundamuk Ditto Ditto 12th Jan. 13th " 13th " 12th Jan. 13th " 12th Jan. 12th ", 12th " 13th " 14th " 12th " 14th " . 12th Jan . 13th » . 13th " . 13th " . These officers had ^^YtttLr^'^-t^^-^^--' '" "•« list. — Editor. 422 APPENDIX, Lieut Cadett - - - Lieut. Swinton Ensign Gray - - " Paymaster Bourke Qr. -Master Ualahan* - Surgeon Harcourt Assist. Surgeon Balfour Assist. Surgeon Primrose 5th N. I. Capt. Haig - - " Lieut. Horsbrough Lieut. Tombs - - - Ensign Potenger Lieut. Burkinyoung - Dr. Metcalfe - 37/A N. I. Capt. Rind Lieut. Steer Lieut. Vanrcnen Lieut. Hawtrey Lieut. Carlyon 5Ath N. I. Capt. Anstruther Capt. Corrie - Capt. Palmer - Lieut. Weaver - Lieut. Cunningham Lieut. Pottinger Lieut. Morrison H. M. I3th Lt. Inf. Major Kershaw Lieut. Hobhouse Shah's Service. Brigadier Anquetil Capt. Hay, 35th N. I. - Capt. Hopkins, 27th N. I. Capt. Marshall, 61st N. I. Lieut. Le Geyt, Bombay Cav. Lieut. Green,' Artillery Lieut. Bird, Madras Estab. Lieut. Macartney Soorkab Gundamuk Doubtful. Jugdulluk - JuiiduUuk pass Ditto Doubtful. Gundamuk Doubtful. Gundamuk Doubtful. Ditto. Ditto. Gundamuk Gundamuk Jugdulluk pass near Soorkab Gundamuk Doubtful. Doubtful. Ditto. Ditto. Gundamuk Ditto Neemla Gundamuk Doubtful. Gundamuk - Jugdulluk pass - Gundamuk - near Jellalabad - Jugdulluk pass Neemla - Gundamuk Futtehabad - Gundamuk 12th Jan. 13th " 12th " 12th " 12th •• 13th " 13th Jan. 13th Jan. 13th Jan. 12th " 12th " 13th " 13th Jan. 13th '• 13th " 13th ' 13th Jan. 12th Jan. 13th " 13th " 12th Jan. 13th " 13th " 13th " 13th >» This officer had been previously wounded at Cabul. APPENDIX. 423 List of Officers saved of the Cabul Force. In imprisonment in Afghanistan, Tolitical. Major Pottinger, C.B. Capt. Lawrence. Capt. Mackenzie, Madras Estab. Staff. Major- Gen. Elphinstone, C.B. Brigadier Shelton. Capt. Boyd, At. Cy. Gl. Lieut. Eyre, Arty. D. C. O. Horse Artillery. Lieut. Waller H. M. 44th. Capt. Souter - H.M. 13M. Lieut. ]Mein - S7th N. I. ISIajor Griffiths Dr. Magrath. Shah's Service. Capt. Troup - Capt. Johnson. Capt. Anderson. Wounded at Charekar on - 6th Nov. Ditto in action at Cabul on 23d Ditto on retreat at Jugdulluk 12th Jan. (Died atTezeen on April 23d.) Wounded in action at Cabul 22d Nov. Ditto Ditto 4th " Ditto on retreat at Gundamuk 13th Jan. - Ditto in action under Gen. Sale at Khoord- Cabul pass Oct. Ditto on retreat in Khoord- Cabul pass Ditto on retreat in Khoord- Cabul pass 8 th Jan. 8th Paymaster. Capt. Bygrave . The toes of one foot nipped off by frost on retreat. Mr. Ryley, conductor of Ordnance. 424 54th N. 1. Lieut. Melville Shah's Service. Dr. Brydon APPENDIX. Wounded on retreat near Huft Kotul - - 10th Jan. 425 Escaped to Jellalabad. H. List of Prisoners released on the arrival OF Generals Pollock and Nott at Cabul IN September 1842. Major-Gen. Shelton, Her Majesty's 44th foot. Lieut. -Col. Palmer*, 27th Bengal native infantry. Major Griffiths, 37th Bengal native infantry. Capt. Troup, Shah's service. — Anderson, ditto. — Bygrave, paymaster. — Boyd, commissariat. — Johnson, ditto S. S. F., 26th native infantry. — Burnett, 54th native infantry. — Souter, Her Majesty's 44th foot. — Waller, Bengal horse artillery. — Alston*, 27th native infantry. — Poett*, ditto. — Walsh, 52d Madras native infantry. — Drummond, 3d Bengal light cavalry. Lieut. Eyre, Bengal artillery. — Airey, Her Majesty's 3d buffs. — Warburton, Bengal artillery, S. S.F. — Webb, 38th Madras native infantry, S. S.F. — Crawford, Bengal 3d native infantry, S. S.F. — Mein, Her Majesty's 13th light infantry. ♦ Those marked thus • were of the Ghuznee garrison. APPENDIX. Lieut. Harris*, 27th Bengal native infantry. — Melville, 54th Bengal native infantry. — Evans, Her Majesty's 44th foot. Ensign Haughton, 31st Bengal native infantry. — ° Williams, 37th Bengal native infantry. Nicholson, ditto. Conductor Ryley, ordnance commissariat. Doctor Campbell. Surgeon Magrath. Assistant-Surgeon Berwick, left in charge. Thomson. Ladies. Lady Macnaghten. — Sale. Mrs. Trevor, 8 children. — Anderson, 3 ditto. — Sturt and 1 child. — Mainvvaring, ditto. — Boyd, 3 children. — Eyre, 1 child. Waller, 2 children. Conductor Ryley's wife, Mrs. Ryley, 3 children. Private Bourne's (13th light infantry) wife, Mrs. Bourne. Mrs. Wade, wife of Sergeant Wade. Major Pottinger, Bombay artillery. Captain Lawrence, 11th light cavalry. Mackenzie, 48th Madras native infantry. Mr. Fallon, clerk "j^ ^^^^^ ^^ie service. — Blewitt, , clerk "I t, do. J Sergeant Wedlock — Weir. — Fair. Corporal Sumpter Her Majesty's 44tii Foot. 1 Corporal Bevan. Drummer Higgins. — Lovell. — Branagan. /»-' ^26 APPENDIX. Private ; Burns. Private Tongue. ... Cresliam, — Wilson. .1. Cronin. — Durant. mmm Driscoll. — Arch. — Deroney. — Stott. — Duffy. Moore. _i_ Matthews. Miller. — M'Dade. — Murphy. >— Marron. ISIarshall. -— McCarthy. — Cox. .. M'Cabe.* Robinson. Nowlan. — Brady. .— Robson. M'Glyn. — Seyburne. Boys Grier. Shean. Milwood. Her Majesty's 13th Light Infantry. Private Binding. Private Maccullar — Murray. — M'Connell. — Magary. — Cuir. — Monks. Bengal Hor SE Arti LLERY. Sergeant M*Nee. Gunner Dalton. — Cleland. Sergeant Wade, baggage-ser- Gunner A. Hearn. geant to the Cabul mis- Keane. sion . MK. MURRAY HAS JUST READY THE FOLLOWING WORKS. THE END. London : Printed by A. Spottiswoode, New- Ptrect-Square. I. THE CAMPAIGN of 1812 in RUSSIA. Translated from the German of General Carl Von Clausewitz. With a Map. 8vo., 105. ed. (^ReaJy.) II. 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