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This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: RAUMER, FRIEDRICH VON TITLE: THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND ... PLA CE: LONDON DA TE: 1837 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET Master Negative # no.^ -i3'eQdi Restrictions on Use; Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record 1. 942.06 R191 H3 R191 1 1^7 J Raumer, Friedricii Ludw-ig Georg von, 17S1 Till* jMjIiiieal history of Eiiglana, during- the I^Ah. IJth nnd iMh ceiituries. By FrGderie!: von Kaumer ... v. 1-2. London, A. Richtor & ^o. ; :otc., olc.i 1S37. 2 \'. 22 '", No more pui)lishcd^ A translation, bv IT K. I ".">> f *,,:<* ri"". r rl. o! I..; tion of \'oii Rai'.nicr's "C jC- schichte Fnro])a5 bcit (Iliw ciidc dc^ idnizdmicn jahrlauulcrts whicn re- lates to England. CoNr-NTS - V. 1. VTijm I'nc icceasinn of Henry vii, to the trcuMcs in Scotland,* 1637.— v. 2. From Ore hrcakir.g out of the Scotch U-oubIe3, to llic restoration of Cnarles i;., 1637-1660. 1. Gl Rrit,^~~IIist.~--Ti.d.:'r5, 1485~ie^3. 2. Gt. Brit,^---Hist.--~17th cent. Another copy. Library of Cur,i^ic;>s V_^ 2-21056 Da;(XJ.R24 TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO: LLK. FILM SIZE: ^SlM/t^ IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA ,IIA DATE FILMED: j ii'dJjC^ INITIALS FILMED BY: RESEARCH PUBLIC AnONS. INC WOODBRIDGR. CT ,. IB HB J-te- 1 I ri 1 i 1 r1 Ulllli Association lor Inforrnation and Image? Management i iuu v'vayne Avenue, Suite 1 luu^ Silver Spring, Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter 1 I ' ! ■ ! 4 ! >'tti\iMimiiww 7 ■II i I 8 "fUMf ill 10 11 12 13 i4 I I ■ I ■ I I I I ■PWifMBP 15 mm I I i I Inches 1^ 1 5.0 1 6.3 |7< 1 2.8 II 3.2 m ■ 4.0 VUU 2.5 2.2 2.0 1.8 1.4 1.6 MRNUFflCTURED to PIIM STPNDRRDS BY APPLIED IMOGE. INC. I iil t' fl 1*1 THE POLITICAL HISTORY, Sfc, \ ^ - > 1-4,' i* ^. . r \ t.' / /> tm f < ■->L.COT.n. THE V POLITICAL HISTORY V*c-, ■ I'trxm^ . •«.. -..^r*. .^, / OF EKGLAXI), DURING THE ]m. 17th, AiXD l^th CENTURIES. BY FREDKRH K VOX KAUMER, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE VM\Eli ^T {^ U ^7 VI. CONTENTS. i UNTENTS. Vll. the Protestants. Reading of the Bible permitted. Doctrine of the Church. Henry again excommunicated by the Pope. Six articles of faith proposed by the King to Parliament and agreed to. Death f <]ueen Jane Seymour. Servility of the Parliament. Henry marries Ann of Cleves, but immediately divorces her, and marries Catharine Howard. Disgrace of Thomas Cromwell. The Queen accused and beheaded. Henry marries Catharine Parr. Religious books published by the King's order. Wars with France and Scotland. The Duke of Norfolk, and his son the Earl of Surrey, accused of High Treason, and the latter executed. Death of Henry VI IT. Accession of Edward VJ. Council of Regency. The Duke ut Somerset chosen Protector. Religious Affairs. War with Scotland. Proposed marriage between Edward VJ and Mary daughter of James V. of Scotland. Mary sent to France by the party averse to the marriage. Cranmer publishes a Catechism and Book of Common Prayer in the English language. 1. r 1 Tliomas Seymour the Protector's brother — His intrigues— 11' is impeached, and executed. Religious intolerance and persecution. Disturbances and financial embarrassments. The Earl of Warwick. The fiill of the Protector Somerset. Peace with France. Somerset again ac- cused, and executed. The Earl of Warwick created Duke of Northumberland, and placed at the head of the government. riie succession to the throne. King Edward prevailed upon to declare Jane Grey, daughter of the Duke of Suffolk, his successor. Death of Edward VI. Jane Grey refuses to accept the throne, but yields to the importunities of her parents. Fall of the Duke of Northumberland. Jane Grey and her husband imprisoned. Queen Mary ascends the throne — Her character. The subserviency of the Parliament. Rigorous proceedings against the Protestant religion. Proposed marriage of Mary with Philip T! King of Spain. Cruel persecution of the Protestants. Jane Grey executed. The Princess Elizabeth arrested, but set at liberty. Philip arrives in England, and is married to the Queen. The Roman Catholic Church restored Reli- gious persecution. Bonner, Bishop of London. Bishop of Gloucester burnt. Cranmer accused — His recantation — He is condemned to be burnt at the stake ; revokes his recantation. Further persecutions. Death of Queen Mary. Notes. — Page I — 220. tllAlTER ii. From the Accession of Queen Elizabeth to the conclusion of the Treaty with France. 1558—1572. The Constitution of Scotland. Cardinal Beatoim. The Earl .>f Arran. Edward VI. and Mary Stuart. Cardinal Beatoun murdered. Mary sent to France to be educated, ami to be married to Francis the Dauphin. Mary Guise, Queen dowager, concludes peace with England — Is appointed Regent of Scotland. ^leraorial of the Pro- testants, demanding various privileges — Tin Queen gives an unsatis- factory answer. Princess Mary married to Francis the Dauphin, and on the death of Henry II. declared reigning Queen of France ; and at the instigation of her uncles, assumes the titles and arms of Queen of England. Character of Mary — Her claims of succession to the English throne. Reply of the advocates of Elizabeth. Cha- racter of Elizabeth — Her Counsellors. Character of Bacon, W alsing- ham, Cecil, &c. Rejoicings at the accession of Elizabeth. Philip proposes marriage to Elizabeth, which she declines. Elizabeth's right of succession to the throne recognized by Parliament. Elizabeth restores the Protestant religion. The moderation of Elizabeth — ■ Declines the wish of the Parliament that she w^ould marry. Peace of Cateau Cambresis. Conduct of the Queen Regent of Scotland. John Knox — His character Fanatic excesses of the people. Des- truction of Churches, Monasteries, &c. The Prior of St. Andrew's. Troops from France arrive in Scotland. The Queen Regent deposed. Opinion of John Knox. The Scotch Confederates apply to Elizabeth. Prudent conduct of Elizabeth — Convention with the Scotch Con- federates. Death of the Queen Regent of Scotland — Her character. Convention of Edinburgh. The Roman Catholic worship abolished in Scotland. The constitution of the Church of Scotland. Reso- lution to destroy Abbeys, Convents, Libraries. &c. Death of Kuig Francis 11. Mary's letters tu Elizabeth. Her ubjections lu tlie treaty of Edinburgh. Mary leaves France and lands in Scothiud, where she is received with great rejoicings and respect. Religious differences. Knox prearhes against the Catholics. Mary's conver- sation with hiui — His austerity — He is accused of high treason, but acquitted. Disputes for the possession of Church property. Nego- ciations with France and England. Elizabeth's declaration respecting i * ":' .4 VI. CONTENTS. the Protestants. Reading of the Bible permitted. Doctrine of the Church. Henry again excommunicated by the Pope. Six articles of faith proposed by the King to Parliament and agreed to. Death of Queen Jane Seymour. Servility of the Parliament. Henry marries Ann of Cleves, but immediately divorces her, and marries Catharine Howard. Disgrace of Thomas Cromwell. The Queen accused and beheaded. Henry marries Catharine Parr. Religious books published by the King's order. Wars with France and Scotland. The Duke of Norfolk, and his son the Earl of Surrey, accused of High Treason, and the latter executed. Death of Henry Vni. Accession of Edward Vf Council of Regency. The Duke of Somerset chosen Protector. Religious Affairs. War with Scotland. Proposed marriage between Edwarl VI. and Mary daughter ' f James V. of Scotland. Mary sent to France by the party averse to the marriage. Cranmer publishes a Catechism and Book of Common Prayer in the English language. Lor I 1 liomas Seymour the Protector's brother — His intrigues — He is impeached, and executed. Religious intolerance and persecution. Disturbances and financial embarrassments. The Earl of \\ ar\' ick. The tall of the Protector Somerset. Peace with France. Somerset again ac- cused, and executed. The Earl of Warwick created Duke of Northumberland, and placed at the head of the government. The succession to the throne. King Edward prevailed upon to declare Jane Grey, daughter of the Duke of Suffolk, his successor. Death of Edward VI Janr Grey refuses to accept the throne, but yields to the importunities of her parents. Fall of the Duke of Northumberland. Jane Grey and her husband imprisoned. Queen Mary ascends the throne — Her character. The subserviency of the Parliament. Rigorous proceedings against the Protestant religion. Proposed marriage of Mary with Philip 1 ! King of Spain. Cruel persecution of the Protestants. Jane Grey executed Hi Pincess Elizabeth arrested, but set at liberty. Philip arrives in England, and is married to the Queen. The Roman Catholic Church restored, Kcli- gious persecution. Bonner, Bishop of London. Bishop of Gloucester burnt. Cranmer accused — His recantation — II< is condemned to be burnt at the stake ; revokes his recantation. Further persecutions. Death of Queen Mary. Notes.— Page 1—220. CONTENTS. vn. ClIAini-IH, if. From the Accession of Queen Elizabeth to the conclusion of the Treaty with France. 1558—1572. The Constitution of Scotland. Cardinal Beatoun. The Earl of Arran. Edward VI. and Mary Stuart. Cardinal Beatoun murdered. Mary sent to France to be educated, and to be married to Francis the Dauphin. Mary Guise, Queen dowager, concludes peace w^ith England — Is appointed Regent of Scotland Memorial of the Pro- testants, demanding various privileges — The Queen gives an unsatis- factory answer. Princess Mary married to Francis the Dauphin, and on the death of Henry II. declared reigning Queen of France ; and at the instigation of her uncles, assumes the titles and ariiijj of Queen of England. Character of Mary — Her claims of succession to the English throne. Reply of the advocates of Elizabeth. Cha- racter of Elizabeth — Her Counsellors. Character of Bacon, Walsing- ham, Cecil. &:r. Rejoicings at the accession of Elizabeth. Philip proposes marriage to Elizabeth, which she declines. Elizabeth's right of succession to the throne recognized by Parliament. Elizabeth restores the Protestant religion. Tin' moderation of Elizabeth — • Declines the wish of the Parliament that she would marry. Peace of Cateau Cambresis. Conduct of the Queen Regent of Scotland. John Knox — His character Fanatic excesses of the people. Des- truction of Churches, Monasteries, &c. The Prior of St. Andrew's. Troops from France arrive in Scotland. The Queen Regent deposed. Opinion of Juhii Knox. The Scotch Confederates apply to Elizabeth. Prudent conduct of Elizabeth — Convention with the Scotch Con- federates. Death ui the Queen Regent of Scotland — Her charaeter. Convention of Edinburgh. The Roman Catholic worship abolished in Scotland. The constitution of the Church of Scotland. Reso- lution to destroy Abbeys, Convents, Libraries, &c. Death of King Francis II. Mary's letters to Elizabeth. Her objections to the treaty of Edinburgh. Mary leaves France and lands in Scotland, where she is received wiili great rejoicings and respect Keligious differences. Knox preaches against the Catholics. Mary s conver- sation with him — His austerity — He is accused of high treason, but acquitted. Disputes for the possession of Church property. Nego- ciations with France and England. Elizabeth's declaration respecting i S ?. Vlll. CONTENTS. CONTENTS. IX. the succession. The state of England. Elizabeth assists the French Hucruenots. Offers of marriage to the two Queens. Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester- H's character. Chastelar and Mary Queen of Scots. Proposed marriage between Queen Mary and the Earl of Leicester. Mary marries the Earl (f l^.rnley. Character of Darnley. David Rizzio — He is murijred. Birth of James I. Elizabeth declines to name a successor. The Earl of Bothwell — His character — His influence wit] >! Darnley's illness — His recon- ciliation with the Queen. A !- rder of Darnley. Mary's remissness in proceeding against Bothwell. The Earl of Lennox, Darnley's father, accuses Bothwell of the murder. Elizabeth's letter on the subject. Bothwell tried and acquitted — He obtains a declaration in his favour — Carries off the Queen, and is pardoned by her. Craig refuses to publish the banns of marriage between Mary and Bothwell. — Mary marries Bothwell — Attempts to justify herself. Confederacy against Mary — She is taken prisoner, and confined in Lochleven castle — Signs her renunciation to the throne, and recommends Murray as Regent for James, who is crowned King. Bothwell flies to the Orkney Islands. Elizabeth disapproves of the conduct of the Scotch Confederates. Mary escapes from Lochleven castle — Assembles an army, but is defeated at the battle of Langside, and flies to England discussions respecting the treatment of Mary — Mary's complaints to Elizabeth. Negociations with her respecting a media- tion between her and her subjects. Embarrassment of Murray. Conferences at York and Westminster. Mary's letters and sonnets lu Duthwell produced. Elizabeth's proposals. Mary complains of Elizabeth's partiality. Question of Mary's guilt or innocence dis- cussed. — Her sonnets, i'rojects of the Duke of Norfolk. Rebellion of the Earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland. The dangerous situation of Elizabeth. The Pope's Bull of excommunication affixed by Felton to the Bishop of London's Palace. Elizabeth's instructions to Norris her Ambassador at Paris. Proceedings in Scotland. The Earl of Murrav assassinated — His character. The Earl of Lennox appointed Regent. New negociations for the release of Mary. Arrest and execution of the Duke of Norfolk. Treaty with France. Notes— Page 221—290. 1 : 1 ciiAPi'i'jj in From the Peace with France to the Death of Elizabeth. 1572—1603. Religious differences. The Puritans. Archbishops Parker, Grindal, and Whitgift. Parliamentary discussions. Debates in the Commons on changes in the Liturgy. The Queen offended — Differences between her and the Parliament— The massacre of St. Jiartholomew. Sir Frnnris Drake. Negociation for a marriage with the Duke of Alencon— it is broken off. The affairs of Scotland. Tlie death of John Knox. The Earl of Morton succeeds to the Regency — He is accused by the Earl of Arran and executed. Discontent of the nobles. Arran arrested and the King placed under confinement. Debates respecting the property of the church. Severe laws against the Papists. Negociations with Elizabeth for the restoration of Mary — ^Vehemently opposed by the Scotch T nsurrections in England and Ireland excited by Philip of Spain. Cardinal Allen. Con- spiracies against Elizabeth. Laws against the Jesuits. Association for the protection of the Queen. Mary's proposals to Elizabeth. Treaty between King James and Elizabeth. Elizabeth assists the Netherlands against Spain. Babington's conspiracy. Proceedings against Mary. Commissioners sent to Fotheringay. Mary declared guilty of participating in Babington's conspiracy. The Parliament calls on Elizabeth to have the -sentence executed. Elizabeth declines, and requests the Parliament to think of some other means. The two Houses persist in their opinion that the execution of ]NTnry is necessary. Public notice given of the sentence passed ou Mary. Intercession of France in her favour. Elizabeth's letter to Henry 111. Intercession of James. Arguments for and against Mary. The warrant for ^I ny's execution drawn up and sealed, and intrusted to Davison. He communicates it to the Priv) Council, which resolves, without applying to Elizabeth, to send the warrant to be executed. Mary's firmness. Her execution. Elizabeth's agitation on receiving the news. Her justification. Her letters to King James and to the Kincr of Denmark. Letter from the French Ambassador to Henry III. The Author's observations. Warlike preparations of Spain. The Invincible Armada. Armaments in England. Elizabeth visits the ramp at Tilbury. The Invincible Armada defeated. The death of Burghley. The Earl of Essex— His favour with the Queen— His arrogant behaviour to her— Her resentment— Their reconciliation. X. COX'TFXTS. LUInTEiNTS. XI. The affairs of Ireland. The Earl of Tyrone. Great insurrection in Ireland Earl of Essex sent there with an army-- I L is unsuc- cessful and concludes an unfavorable treaty with IN rone, and returns to England contrary to the Queen's orders. She refuses to ratify the treaty, and sends Li'il ^fountjoy tu Irtlaiii. iVoceedino's against the Earl of Essex— His iniprudencL-- ffis attempt to overturn the Queen's government — He is taken, tried, and condemned for conspiring against the Queen— His confession— The Queen reluc- tantly signs the sentence of death. The Parliaments during the reign of Elizabeth. Monopolies. Prosperity of trade and navigation. The Hanse towns. Elizabeth's financial measures — Her economy. The administration of justice. The royal navy. Elizabeth's learning - tier poems. The general improvement of the kingdom. Bacon — Shakspeare. The death of Elizabeth. The character of Elizabeth. Notes.— Page 291—416. tllAi'TKlt i\\ From the Death of Elizabeth to the Accession of Charles I. 1603—1625. Accession and coronation oath of James I. The Scotch and the English — Discontent of the latter. James conceives a plan for a union of the two kingdoms — It is rejected by both. James's person and manners — His mean appearance — His learning — His works and opinions. Henry Prince of VVales. Cecil, Earl of Salisbury. Sir Francis Bacon accused and condemned. Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset, marries the Countess of Essex — The King's lavish bounty to bim. Murder of Sir Thomas Overbury. The Duke of Buckingham — His character. James's love of peace. The Spanish Ambassador Gondomar — His influence at the English court. Marriage of the Princess Elizabeth to Frederick Count Palatine, who accepts the crown of Bohemia. Wavering and equivocal conduct o! J inics. Proposed marriage of the Prince of Wales with the sister of Philip IV. Buckingham persuades Prince Charles to go to Madrid. The neo-o- ciation fails. Buckingham and Charles return to England ! > oinestic affairs, Janies's notions of unlimited power. I>i^|nitfs iHtutin him and his Parliament. Unsatisfactory state oi tlir tlmicii. The gunpowder plot. The court of high commission. Ecclesiastical affairs. Conferences at Hampton Court. Complaints of the Puritans. Sir Walter Raleigh executed at the instigation of Gondomar^ Beaumont, the French ambassador, on the state of England. Death of James. Notes. — Paire 417 — 464. I I rTT\PTERV. From the Accession of Charles I. to the breaking out of the Scotch Troubles. 1625—1637. Accession of Charles 1.— His character— His love of learning and of the arts— His marriage with Henrietta Maria, sister of Louis XIII. Conduct of the Queen's French household— The whole of them dismissed by the King. Charles's first Parliament. Differences of opinion. Plague in London. The Parliament resolves to investigate the grievances before granting the supplies. Parliament dissolved. The second Parliament. Pym. The King's chaplain, Montague. The King writes to the Speaker, urging the necessity of granting the supplies. Parliament dissatisfied with the Duke of Buckingham. The King supports him. The differences between the King and the Parliament increase. Articles of impeachment against ^Buckingham drawn up. Buckingham defends himself. Parliament dissolved. War with France. Charles levies taxes by his own authority— Imposes a forced loan. Hampden. Dr. Mainwaring s Sermon. Third Parliament summoned. The King's speech. Debates in Parliament. Committees appointed to discuss the wants of the government and the grievances. Five subsidies gnnited. The Parliament persists in enquiring into and discussing the grievances. The Petition of Right— Presented to the King; who returns an unsatisfactory answer, and announces his intention to dissolve the Parliament. Vehement debates. The King gives his sanction to the Petition of Right. The House finally grants the five subsidies; but persists in enquiring into the grievances. Dr. Mainwairing prosecuted and condemned. Representation of the Commons to the King, complaining of the Duke of Buckingham. The King justifies the minister, and prorogues the Parliament. A fleet ordered to the relief of Rochelle. The Duke of Buckingham assassinated. Parliament again assembled, but soon prorogued and dissolved 1'he King's declaration. Ten members arrested— Fm ceedings against them— They are sentenced to be fined and imprisoned. Diversity of opinion on the conduct of the King. Lord ( larcudon's character of the ministers. The Earl of Strafford. Archbishop Laud. Peace with France and Spain. Charles's financial measures. ^ <1 % \ h' Xll. CONTENTS !! arbitrary proceedings of the Star-Chamber. Ship-money demanded — John Hampden refuses to pay his quota — Proceedings against him in the Exchequer — Seven of the twelve Judges declare him guilty. Public discontent. Clarendon's opinion of the measures of the government. The affairs of the church. Rigorous measures of Archbishop Laud. The Puritans. Prynne and Bastwick — Prynne prosecuted — Severe sentence on him. Bastwick and Burton. General observations. Notes — Page — 465 — 545. PREFACE Ttte name of the .iuthor of the History of the House of Hohenstaufen, prefixed to an historical worlv. ought to ensure to it the favorable aitciition of tht piiblir; Init there are some circumstances attending the ])iihlication ui these volumes, which render it necessary to introduce them by some preliminnrv observations. The II i^ttrv of Europe since the end f the fifteenth rentar\ wns oriuniilly announced to be completed in six volumes: considering such a \vf)rlv as n dr'^idrrainm in Kuglish literature, a translation of it was contemplated, not to be com- menrtMl liowovor till thc^ publication of thr t»rm-inal biiuuid IjL somewhat advanced ; Lut when the fifth volume was found to liring the hi'^^torv f ulv in 1 GIjU, ii became evident that the whole would 1h iaf much greater extent than originally proposed. Tf we consider the events of the last hundred and fifty years, we shall see reason to liolieve that it ■m ( i i^ I, Xll. CONTENTS arbitrary proceedings of the Star-Chamber. Ship-money demanded — John Hampden refuses to pay his quota — Proceedings against him in the Exchequer — Seven of the twelve Judges declare him guilty. Public discontent. Clarendon's opinion of the measures of the government. The affairs of the church. Rigorous measures of Archbishop Laud. The Puritans. Prynne and Bastwick — Prynne prosecuted — Severe sentence on him. Bastwick and Burton. General observations. Notes — Page — 465 — 545. iMi>4P*l ■a •i l ^i ll ,|t,|t-j i,|W »i ' PREFACE. I : I Tttf name of the Author ui the History of the House of Hohenstaufen, prefixed to an historical work, ought to ensure to it the favorable attention of the pubhc; but tliere are some circumstances attending the ])uJi!ic.it!fni ui lucbc voiumcs, whicii render it necessary to introduce them by some prelimiTinr\ observations. The History of Europe since the end of the fifteenth century, wns originally announced to be completed m six volumes: considering such a work a^ a desidenu uin ni KiiG-li^^li literature, a translation of it was contemplated, not to be com- menced liowever till ttie publication of he ongmai should be somewhat advanced; bin vhin the fifth volume was found to bring thr bistorv onlv tr, I bt^O, it became evident llial the whole would bi ni much greater extent than oriirinallv proposed. II we consider the events of the last hundred and fifty years, we shall see reason to beheve titat -i 'If i /j XIV. PREFACE. u will scarcely be possible to compress them in less tliari five or six volumes more; for tlicy embrace the Eiigiisli revolutiuu; Liiu war^ uf Wiiliam HI. and Louis XTV.; the war of tlif Spanish succession; that winch vviL^ cudud by the peace u[ \ix iu Chapelle; the seven years' war; the American war; the partition oi^ Fnlciiicl: the French Revolution, and the rise and progress of the Russian power; \Mtii i hubt ui di^itmguished characters. Williani 111. and Louis XIV ; ^lailborough, Eugene, Charles XII., the house of Hanover, Maria Theresa, Frederick II., !\trr tia Great, Catharine L, Catharino II., Nnpoleon, &c. Under tla se circumstances, it was resolved to translate into English that portion only of the original which relates to the history of our own cmmtry. la thn persuasion that such a work by an enlightened foreigner, already so ad\ autageously known as an historian, could not fail to be acceptable. Some persons may, however, imagine that, not being designer! hv tiie author as a historv of Eimlaad, properly speaking, but as that of a part ui Europe, it rnmii. if taken separately, a])pear rather as a fragment than as a complete wurk, whua Fruiubbur Von rlaumer was latel} in England, he liimself expressed an appreheubiun that it might he so considered, and requested that it might be men- tioned ill the Preface that this was oni) a put laai! of his great work, I am convinced that tins \\K PREFACE. XV. apprc hen^ion is merely the result of tiie author's own modesty, and in biip})ort of the opinion that it is i]] fonnded. it seems sufficient to qnote his ow]i w ( aiU. in tiie Preface to his second vokime he says, that he had judged it the best, and necessary to re- prc:5ciii the North of Europe, France, and England, as three great characteristic pictures complete in th'inscl\es: ' Drei grosse mehi J ar ^ick abge" ^i'lil(),s,scii(' und ei^^enfhumUchr Gemdlde.^'' It bhoukl .^euiri. therufure, liial there can be no soUd objection to taking one of these complete pictures, a nil leaving the others. In liis Prefaec to the first volume, the author says, therr max bo differences of opinion respecting what is worthy of being recorded in history, but as far IN hr himself is concerned, he agrees with Menzel m considering every thing that does not indicate the progress of loinian improvement, the predominance of ideas, the distinguishing cha- racteristics of eniiiH ril men, as hadast, which ought ts5 hie reserved for special civil and military his- tories?, o]' tla" annals of cities and provinces. It is piuhahly ou this account that he has touched but Nhuhilv on the militarv events dnrino* the civil troubles in England, ni ordtr to have sufficient space for otln r matters, which he considers more im])(alaiii. It is also for thi^ reason that it has boen jndged more appropriate to call the work "The Political iii^toiy of Eugkind/" Of \\w trans- h i#. XVI. PREFACE. N lotion no more need be said than that care has been taken to make it, in the first instance, faithful ; and tliat the extracts from important documents have been for the mosi part given from the origir;!! Enghsh^ and, in many instances, more at length thnii in the nprman. H i'^ Ll.nVI), London; Nov, 1836. 1 • 1 1 cnvFrEi'v 1 Hisf^rv nf Kiiirlan'l. in thr beq;iniiiMcr of the Reiirii of Queen Elizabelh. I fl (To 1558.) "riiE (lauls iind l^elgse arc mentionccl as the oldest inlinhitaiits of EiiLcland, I)ut nothing is known either of tlif jK^nod i)Y the causc^ of their arrival, or whenee they eanie. The island was probal)!}' visited by Phcrnieian, as well as Greek navigators, l)iit they estalilislu'd no fixed colonics^ and did but little to polish the rude manners of the natives. The consequences of tlic landing of Julius Ctiesar were equally transient; and it was not till ninety vears afterwards^ (about a.d. 55^) that the Roman do- minion was established in the south-eastern part of the island, by Plautius, and, chiefly through the ability and activity of Agricola, gradually extended to Ccdedonia, and, during the period of 400 years, exercised a v{?ry great influence on the law^s, man- ru'n's, customs, and civilisation of the nihabitants. In the year 44H, thc^ Romans were compelled, hy VOL. !. B il fii I I' I XVI. PREFACE. * i lation no more need be said than that care has been taken to make it, in the first instance, faithful ; and that the extracts from important documents have been for the most part given from the original English, and, in many instances, more at length than in the German. ii. E. Lloyd. London; Nov, 1836. CiiAiTER i. History of England, to the beginning of tin Reiun of iVaeen (To 1558.) f TfiK lianls and Beigae are mentitnicc! as the oldest iidialjitants of En_2^1and, 1>ut notbing i> knoxMi either ut'tha pt'i'iod or thtM/ausr' iif tlit'ir arrival, orwlirnce they came. Tiiv isiaaid w;ts iiroLaihh' visited ])y Pha^nician, as well a_s (jfcck iiavirrators, but they estah'lished la* lexrd t'oloiiiias, and did tiTit little to poii>!! tlie rud«" niaiiiu'Ts of tlie natives. The consequences {)t the landing of Juhus Caesar were equally transient: and it wa'^ ii nt fill ninety years afterwards^ (alxnit aa'k 55,) liial the Roman lio- n tin ion was establiNiircl in the south-eastern part of the islara!, \)y Vliiutiu^, and. ehicdiv tlirouo'ii the abiUty ainlactixatv of Aixrieola, trrachaallv oxtended to ( 'alodoina. ands, diiriim' the period of d(K) years, exercasod a \-ory ureat iiitiiu'iiei' on the hiws. inan- ner^, taastoius, jvnd {a\ah>aAioi,i tif t.ho iidialjitants. In tlie year -4 i"^, the- Ruinaiis wrre ecan/peiled^ In' \aiL, I. B .V i,. M E N 11 ^ \^ 1 1 . [Chap. I. ) i; t"he weakness of thvir ilecliiiing Em})ire, to witli- dfciw nil tlunr miiltary forcrs froiii the island and the iMlial)itants callr-d in the Saxon^, nndrr llrnirist and iiorsa, wiio a,l lir^l aided them m repeilmg tlie incursions of tlio Plcts and Scots, but afterwards (|iiarreriiiio: with the Eritons^ establishtd seven small kiim-tlnnis, whicli werf^ unitcnl nnder one govern- ment, l)y Egbert, in 827. Kino: Alfred (b7 1 -- 9U I ,) was the most celel)ratetl sovereign of this new monarcliv: it was, liu\vu\er^ frta|uentiy and criiclly oppressed by the Danes, and conquered 1)\ William the Norman, in 1066. Under hu,n maiiv oif the Saxon Laws wc^re aholisfied ^iiid the fendal system introduced Eighty-eiudit years after the eon(|uest tlie male l)rancli (^f the Norman line becann^ ex- tinct, and Henry Count of Anjou, son of MatHda, crand-dauirhter of the (V)n(|ucror, ascended tlie throne iii !lo4. Hi^ fruitless eontc^sts with the popes, and the perpetual wars of his successors, were far less important m their iiiiiuenee on suc- ceeding times, than the Magna Charta, granted by King John, in 1215, and the sirrnmoninu' to petrlia- ment of deputies from the lioroughs, whieli has continued, withont interruption, since the time of Edward I., 1295. It was most fortunate for both countries that, notwithstandmu- many brilliant victo ries, the attempt to concpu^r IVanee was linaliy un- successful: cm the other hand It was a great cala- mity for England that questions, difiicult to 1>C! solved, \M i I 1485.] HENRY Vli. arose on tln^ riLdit of succession, wliicli Ic^i to civil war^ be twee It the nearly related houses of York and Lancaster, wliieh continued, with scarcely an v inter- ruption^ fur sixty -four years^ and were icrminated only by the death of Richard ITT. in 1485. Henry ME. tlic \ietur^ was pruelaimed King on tlie l)attle-lield of Bosworth, though liis claims were by no iiieans free irom all objections. 'rhouiiEi the new dynasty received the name of Tudor, he de- n\ cd no right whatever from Ins fatlier, Edmurni Tudor, Earl of Richmond; and lus mother ^Vlariraret, altliouaii ii di'scendant of ,b)hn of Gaunt, Dake of Lancaster, was not so l)y a h^uril marriage; besides winch, Rn-liard IL on the outlawry of his grandfather John Dukr of Somerset, had entirelv excluded his descendants from the succession to the crown. Ilenrv Ml., however. I'hieflv founded his claim on his liomu' 'i momlH'r of the house of Lancaster, and made use of hi^ right as derived from conquest, merely as an argument when the former was in- suihcnmt. Under such circumstances the recouau- tion of his riirht hy the parliament was doublv im- portant to lunn and it was not till tins recognition had l)een made, and the coronation performed, that he married Elizal)etli of York, tlie daugliter of Edward TV. F(U' had lie recoirnised her as the real iieiresb to the thromn she would haxe lic^-en in fad the Sovc^rcucrn, and he might, aftcu* lier death, ha\-e been compelled to retire into a private statioij. B 2 IIKXRY VII [Cii.\f\ !. 1500.] HENRY VII. I IndlfFerent, however, to the oriLriii or measure of !us riirht. the iiatinii rt^ioic^t^l nt the reconeiliatioriof the conten(h!iLr faniLlie^- !'T ihis luiirriage. and that, aftt^r thfir Iniiir clesolatiiig wars, order and traii- quilUtv were at h..^n^th restored, under an ahii-and powertid monarch, lla'^r ih^astrnii^ times laicL m truths greatly diminished the po|iiihitioh: tiocksnow crrazed amonir the fc^rmer ha,bitatinn^ of nn-n, ^ind only eight and twenty temporal Lords were sum- moned to the first parliament of tho new MonaF'cli, so much had their ririrnbiaN and thioir pnwci* hassened. Jndieiou'^; laws wero enaeted for tlir preser\'ation of farms, and |)ermission wa> gi'antod to the No-hh's to divide and sell tha-ir estates, wlm'fi had htvm hitherto malienable. Tlie iixing the price of hd)our, of clotln and hats; the prohibition to export wool, &e.. were measures, far less eileeuve and euliglit- ened. No Kinu' had for ages governed with siicli unli- mited powtT iias Henry YTIa a consequence partly of has person;il mtiiunice, and partly of the cir- cumstances of tin:: times. This was manifested eliietlv in tlie severitv. na}\ arbitrary riirour ami injustice, witli whieli taxes were imposcMJ ami exacted. Ho wfiD is |)rodic*a1, said tlie Cliaiiccllor Morton, proves that he lias much and nan afford to give; so also tin.' miser. Uncha* the subsc^Ciiiont Ministers of Finance, Empson and Dudley, the Kmi^ did not mdood onh/r anv ireneral hn-y of H taxos l)v his own aiitliority, but he violatcni the securitv of pn^perty by various other blameable iiH'asuix's. H( nry YTL, nevertheless, displayed so much cou- rage, skilL aaid sagncitv, hi th,e conduct of pm!)- Hc a^ffairs, tliat the nation submitted to such (nals for the sakc^ of tliose greater advantages. Freo from vain ambition, ha? careful] v souirht to niaenitaiii pnaeo: h(^ was, at the same tniun well cic~ ipiaintcd with foreign affairs, and l)y Ids engaging atlahaiity aiu'l ea,l!n duinitv. krn.'W how to aoquire tlic goodwill both of foreigners and his own country- men. His judLnnent was less quick than ma-ture, and his penetration, and energy of mind increased in j)roportion to the approach of the crisis and tlie ui'goney of the danger.— Neither sym|)athy, friend- ship, nor passion, determined Ins line of con- duct; but the consideration u£ what Ins uwii interest ami the welfare of the country required. He did not, like Louis XL, shun men uf talent, but knew liow to make use of their services and render tiiem dependent on !unn With all Ins suspieicm and love of power, he displaced only one iiigh Ullicer of State, ami tins witli great reason, during his reign of fnnr tuid twenty years. He was respected by all; feared by many, cOid belovi^d by few: he, Louis XL, aiml Ftu'dinand the Catholic, were significaaitlv ca,llod the three wise men of their age. i^i ^H I n 15 ..I £ MPS UN AND UL'DLhY. [Chap. I. 1510.] MARRIAGE OF HENRY VI IT. h Uvnrv ML duHi uu the 22(1 uf Apni. IfHJlK iii tlie j2d vear uf Im age, leaving to liis son a peaceful, well-ordered kingdom, and a sum of 1,^00.000 pounds m ready money in the Treasury. The ac- cession of tlie new KinG' dittused univc^rsal joy, and tlie |)eople congratulated tiiemselves that, nistead nf an old, suspicious, and avaricious master, they had now a. youtlifid monarch of eighteen^, handsome, polislKMl, and ehivah'ous. whose superabundant spirit woidd easily subside in tunt^ nito ^nmuuie, cheerful activity. Henry VI if. was well educated accord- ing to tlie notitin uf those times; he knew Latin, understood tht^ system of Theolorry, and was so great a lo\-fi' njid eoniioissour of nuisu*, that he often juHied ni ttu.^ smu*nm' in his mvii cliapeL and even composed t\\^t» masses. Under tlu^ juduaous iruidanee of his o:rand!i:!other. tin' CVM.nitess of Rielunond, he retnined the able counsclloi's of Ihn fallna': witli tiie exception of Kmpsou and Dudley, wlio were ar- restiMl and brouii'lir to trial Thev \iolated, says an author, ai! the forms of htw, in (irdcr to extort monev. and were tame bird^ of irrev for tliuir mas- ter's interest and wild ones for their own. However, as they had in tins respoct onlv executed the er)m- mands of Henrv \'1L, or at least had, h)r the most part, acted according to his intentions, the investi- gation into their extortions was passed over very slightlv, and thev were- accused of arrogant as- suiiiptiuii of power, inordinate influence, and a plan I 6 for makmo; tfiemselves masters of the kingdom and of the new Monarch. The jury pronounced them u-uiltv of treason, and after the sentence had been ratified l)v tlie parliament, they were executed on the 2^1 h of August, 1510, rather as an offering to the liatrcai of tlie people than because they had bcnm duly convicted. It was also ])elieved that jifter this satisfaction liad l)een given, a direction \n the wdl of Henrv VH. mii>*ht lie dispensed with, whicli e»rdered that if tlie ExchtxpuT liad wi'onii-fullv extorted anything it should be made good. Another sn.l)iect which (^xcited inu,cli discussion immediatelv upon the King's accession, was his marriaixe. Arthur, the elder deceased brother of Henrv, had left a vounijwidow, Catharine of Arraeron, dauirhter of l^erdinand tlieCatliolic. who liad brouolit liiiii a \'ery ample dowry, and the majority of the counsellors advised tlie King to marry her, that they might rcUun her large portion, prevent the princess marr}dng into a family liostile to England, manitam the advantageous alhance with Spain, and fuHil the washes of Henry VH.: only Warham, arclibishop of Canterl'uiry, disapproved of the inarriaure, l)ecause he was of opinion that it was at variance with the divine Law. Immediatelv on rc^eeiving tlie Papa! dispensation, in which it was assum^ed that the lirsi marriage with, Arth,ur had iR'ver lieeii consumnnitcaj, Henry gave his WAR WITH FRANCE. [Chap. I. consent, and althongli he did nut entertain any irroat affection for Catherine, was married to tier on tlie 7th of JunOj loUli. To gratify his hive of maprnificence and pleasnre there was a successiun esf hunting parties, tonrna- ments, masquerades, and festivities of every descrip- tion; for the King, says a writer, iiad tis httle ineh- nation to trouhle hiniscdf witli hnsiness, as a wild ox to be }okeci to tin* plouu-li.i') The treasrires which he had irnherited were still more redneod when he >uiF(:'red linn self to be h:M.l uito a war uilh France^ by Ins own aml)ition, and the mstiiration of las fatfier-iri-law herdnianiL who ale>n,r derived nearlv the whcvh- advantaire from it. To tins war another with Scotiand was added, a,nd hrsth \\M*re not ended till the vear 1514; the last when Kmo: Janu:'s 1\'., brotlier-ni-law t»f KinLr'n,enrv Mil., had Ijcen totally defeated and slmn iit Floddenfield^ tai the' !lth. uf Si'pir-inber, aftrr ?i brave* resistnnce: the first when Louis XI!. eonsented to erch* Tonr- nay. and tn nnirrv Marv the sister of H('!n'\\(^) About tiuv tune Thomas Wolsey beu-an dailv te) acMTinre nau'e faA'eiiir juhI nilluence with the Kino*. He wasborFi m the year 1471, and thon^h ot' nwan extraeticHi, ituv hi> fatht'r wa*^ probaJilv a bnteher. at IpswicliJ had enjoyed the advantages of a good ' The Notes will be found at the end of each Chapter. . I 1514.] WOLSEY. education, obtained a Batcheior's degree at Oxford in tin Mtli V( ar nt his age, and was subsequently tutor to the sons of the Marcjuis of Dorset, a j)reacher at Lvmington, Chaphain to Henry YTI. and altei'hnxuig conducted himself witli irreat al)iht v ni anEmbr'tsvy totheEmperor,he was promoted in 1 508 to th-r diirnity of Dean of Lincoln. Fox, bisho]) of Wnu'hester. introduced liim to the new Kino\ m ord'.-r t') oppose the n.ier'easini>: favour of the Earl of Surrey: bnt Wolsey soon became more powerful than cither nf tliein. Tliouuh he was tAvcnty year'^^ older than Iliiny, he behaved with mnch gaiety and tiirT-rfulness m his parties of pleasure, ate and drank, sang and danced, witliout any strict regard to his rlerirnl profession, and talked to the King as well im afi'airs of gallantry as on Thomas d'Aqumas. Thns lie rontribnted to make himself, first, agreeable, tlirn useful, and at last indispensable. For, great knowledu'c of domestic and foreign affairs, indef a™ tigable activity, and extraordinary understanding in the manairernent of all business, are not denied liim even by his eneinies. Ibnry. fond of pleasure, easily persuaded him- self, thai he could do no better than transfer the burden of business to some person wliosi^ views and mtenlions entirely eoineided witli loiS own, and wlio was at tlie same time wholly dc^pendent npon him. Thougii Ibau'v was in inanv things self- wi]]( (1^ positive, and arbitrary, yet, from the vear ii, i ill CARDINAL WOLbEY [Chap. T 1515.] CARDINAL WOLSEY 11 M 1515, Woisev was. in Triany respects, alrn^)st as mucii at the head of thee Government as the Kni^ liimseif. Hoiiours and riches, to which lie l)y no means shewed himself indifterent, accriKHl to hiin in rapid succession and in great a!)undance: m 1514 he became Archbislinp uf York; in 1515 (5irdinal; in 1516 the Pope's Letrate: and his revenues from so manv jiiaees^ ecclesiasticai prehnanents, ])resents and |)ensions('*') from foreicrn powers, rosc^ to an amount till tlien unknown. Out of this revenue he defrayed Ids extraordinary large expe!iditurt\ maintained a splendid retinue, W2ts charital)le to tlie poor, encouraged the sciences, and fomidiMi (ajlieges in l[)swich and Oxford; he was tniid of havinir men of learning about him, a.nd tlie al)lest among thcjse who afterwards became Officers of State were trained l)y him. He proved himself ta]!ial to tlie Office of Chancellor, wdiich lie also received from the hands of the Kum. and exercised strict pistice airuinst tliieves and roblxTs, and no less aixainst the- arbitrary conduct of the ncli and u'reat. By tins he became at first odious to the latter, and afterwards, 'by favouring the Kini^^'s moclt- of taxation, to the people; and it was said of hmi^— lie is affable only to his inferiors, proud and arrogant to e(|uals and superiors, pre- possessed m favour of ins own opinions, equivocal in words, not to be depended upon in his promises. hberai from vanaty, blaineablc in his connections with I lie other sex. He every wtiere displays his natural superiority wdth such ostentation, that one is c(Hn])eiied tr* tlinik of the meanness of liis origin; aiul iiotwitlistandingr the agreealileness of his man- ners, the last polish is Avanting. These complaints wt re even new not entirely C(mcealed from the kuii!', but It was a matter of importance in his eyes to maintain a favourite who was entirely devoted to him. Besidc^s, there was not among Wolseys adversaries any one capable of filling his place as a Statesman. The measures which were adopted even m Ins tim.e ^\lth respect to tlie foreign relations of the knigdom, have indeed been severely blamed: but, on the one hand, they cannot be ascribed exclu- sively to Wolsey; and, on the other, they may be more easily justified than much that was done afti rwards, wlien vanity, passion, predilection, and liatrr-d, often inihienced the Kiiur. For instance, at the lime when England took |)art m tlie first war uf diaries V. against l^Tancis, the latter np- peai'ed to many to lie tlie aizgTcssor, and the more daimerous; while others were of opinion that it wouJd bt' more easy to obtain son'u* concessions from him; thus conflicting views confirmed the avaneious mona.rch m tlie ])lan of assisting Charles. Vc(M)r(liuii- to tlie treaty concluded between thenn it was sti|)ulat«/-d tliat neither party should make peace withoui the consent of the other, and that ,* is ui ■A i > :■ il : i / l/. * ^' r i 12 WARS. — TAKES. [Chap 1 anv dispute" between t!tr Allies sliouhl be bcttied b) Wolsey, as Pcipal l.iAi'ate. All the Scotch and French who were in Knu-laiid at tlie- breaking uut of tiie war were deprived of their pr()|)ei'tv, a wlilte cross T\-as affixed to their eh)thes, and thuy were banished the- country. The war might have been carried on with. L^'ate-r bpirit and success, had not the extravagance of tlie Kmii- exhcie>ted tiie treasures acciimnlp.ted tiy rns father. A tax which he imposed^ under the palhatinfr name of a loan, gave rise to so manv (M:)iri|)hiirits. enid brought in so Httle ruoney, tliat he was oblinial to call a Parliament, and lay hi^ want'^ "bidnre it. It wu^ rcbolved tliat (wa-ry per-en whose property exceeded aO/, slaaihl pnv, by lived mstuhneiits, and in an increasnig propartitm, ac- eerdlni? to his }u-c»perty, so nuicli |)er ctait. Hut as even thais \v iM-npha the Kinir was nevertheless so mueri dissatisiied. with it, thai he dui not assemble anothia' Parliament for sevcai vears. Many complaimal tliat tlie (airdiiud Legate urged such viulent measures, iii relianca.' (ai the protection of Id^ ecclesiastical diirnatv: but as liic whole Privy lountal hud bunctiuniai lliem, 1521.] TREATISE AGAINST LI TIIER. 13 It would be unjust to throw rdl tlie lilanic^ upon him. lv\i II tiie- Clcri^'v, after a veiv enery:etic reprimand, were now likcwi'^e induced to vote a graut^ aiul as they |)oliteiy expressed themselves, for tlie very learned and never to be too highly praascal liook by which he had overthrown the laitheran lu'^resv. This w^ork^ on the Seven Sacraments^ the Km had presented to the Pope on the lOth of October, 1521. As ci reward fur this service, and |)erluips lu) less because in the Treaty with Charles V. he iuid got the cuiithliun inserted, " That the rights c^f flic Pope should in no way be abridged," the King received frum Leo X. liie title uf Defender of the Faith, and Wolsey, in conformity to the Papal directions, (^) adopted the most rigorous measures against the followers of Luther and the diifusioii of his writings. Sucli ready coni|iIiance, |m)l)abha induced Clement VIL in 1524, to consent to tlie suppression of eortain Monasteries, the in- c(ane e^f wliicn, altogether^ w^as 3000 ducats. The Monks were placed in other Monasteries, and Wnlsay conscientiously employed the money for ecclcsinstical |)nrposes, particad^arlv for tiie foun- dation of nistitutions for tlie education of learned Divines, who micht snccessfullv enconnter the mnovators, DanuauTais plans into wdiieh the Duke of Buck- iiigiiam had sulfered lumself to be misled, bv I' :■ I. I i ) ' i II ' h 1 ? '^ J 14 W" Ali WITH (-IIAIU.es V. --TAXES. [CilAiv i soothsayintj-, were discovered. ;ind he himself ex- ecuted on the 17th of May, 1521, havmir been declared o:uiltv hv four arul twiTity Lord-.C') Far more irn})c)rtant e()iise(|UiTiees arose irum the ciiaug'C of the foreiirii relations. Wolsey found luniself twice disappointed in his hope(^) of benm- eievateii to the Pa|)al chan\ iianielv, after tlie (h,^atl! of ha) X. find Adrian XL, and lani the blame, tlioui^h erroneously, chietiv u|)t)n the Emperor. Their friendship, ah'en.dy >o dnmiusiied on thjs account, was entirelv !in)keii by the bcitth? of Pavia; but the Endish w<-re dissati>ii(a.l withi llie new alliance watli France, (ind with the wp'- 1^'^' iissuraiice thathe would atjsolutely ratitv tlie decision of his Commi=;sioners. Instead of !hi<. ( leinesit scat to CarcUnals Campeggio and Woisey new instructions, and it wn* not till nei- ther the King could be persuaded lu give up his project of a divorce, nor the Queen to retire into a eonvent, that the Conunissioners really opemd the 1529.] FROPOSEIl niVORCE. 17 t.: Hi. iiivt\sUgaUuii. ainl (aiiipeggiu shewed lu Hciiry, wiiu was incensed at so many delays, a Bull. ])y which liic niaiTiagc was declared invalid, and wiucli he woiihl prtKluce as soon as every thing was pre- |)an-cL On t!u ills! day nf the trial, the King stated hiis vf 1 iipics; the Queen, on the other hand, fell at Ins and made an impressive speedi, ti* tlie effect two siirli ^vise Kings as Ferdinand and Henry \ 11. would never have favoured the conclusion of an illoiral marriage, and tliat her marriage v^ith Ai'ihai' had never been consummated. With respect to hn hdameless lifr. she appealed to tlio King's own tf stimony, and should have recourse to the Pope at Homo a^jainst t1iis partial tribunal. The King, here- upon, ga\i lici indeed the testimony of having been an f'xcallcmt wife, but alleged his scruples, and ( xpectcd a iuily favorable decision from the Papal Commissioners. Now, though these were of opinion thai liic CiLiLtii, for many reasons, should be declared Lenity, yet Campeggio, after the appeal had been Hiadc, would liul gi\e a iiiial sentence: accordingly th( \\liole matte., without consideration of the possible consequences, was referred to Rome, uii tht ]!')i]\ of July, 1529, — a proceeding which was umdouhicdly conforniahh," to the ecclesiastical law, hiut no! In pnidence at this moment. Witli this un- expected roMih, 1 1 (ill' V (hd not know whet han' he shonld hna-ak with Home, or endeavour at anv rate \a)i.. I, c P H i f a is; WOLS^EY S FAT..L [Chap. I I to gam xhv Emperor, tor the present he resolved to leave the Pcirhamentmorehbertvin it^ rom|)!aints iif thr lloiuaii Court, and to humble Wolsey. The hitler had. atfirst, seriously cmi^idered the mar- riage as invahiL ami thereby offended Uiieeu Catha- rine. Aiuit Boleyn was no less displeased when he caused some bouks, favorable to the new doe- trine, wlueh belonged to lier, to be taken awnyfroin one of her liube^. which he retained with insinnations of blame. Finally, the King was enraged tiecause ^Vol^ev wmdd not (unmindful of his eeclesiastieal positiun,) absolutely yield to his will but kept up a connection with Home (^), and. (so at iea^^t il was aflarmed,) wrote to the lh)pG that he Inad better mA consent to the divoree. because, iu thai case, a frieiid of the Reformers would become dueen. Wolsey either did not suspect tiu* dano-er whu'h tlirealraied hnn, or, fruui pride, manifested rio h-ana When he wiait in full state, on the 18th of ()etol)er, 15:29, to the Cuurt of Chancery, he was required to give n|) the Great Seal; and thi^ wa^ followed not eailv Ijy such a rigorous sequestration of his property that he was often destitute of necessaries, t)ut also. (lU the ist uf December, by an impeachment bv the Farhament. Tliis impeachment says— he has accepted the office of Legale, to tlie pnaudiee of the roval and ecclesiastical rights, ro I )bed elmrches, suppressed monasteries, ami h^vuai taxes. He has done many miproper things during his Embassies, 1530.] WOL^^EY S FAnL 19 and placed himself on a level with the Kinir. l>v snyinir and writing "The King and 1 believe." He r( (jiiired an oath of allegiance from his servants, without at the same time making them take an oath to the King. He presumed, at a time when he was labouring under a bad disease, to speak to the Kirig, not considering the danger of infection. He was proud and covetous, endeavoured to sow dis- sension among the Jiarons, hindered free discussion ill the (Councils, and decided many things without the King, &c. These and similar points were of such a na- tiiit tlait Woiscy was able to allege, in re|)ly to tfiem, either the tacit consent of the Parliament, or th(* express permission of the King, or that Ins eon- duct liad been conformable to the established reu'uhitions. Other accusations were either quite iiHh'iittitta oi* were not at all calculated for pu1)Hc examnaition and enrniiry. Hence his friend and pupii, Tfuanas Croniweil, his private secretary, suc- ceeded in defendinii' him in the Lowor Ibiuse with such powerful eloquence and coinincing arguments, that the accusation hi! to the ground: nav. on the 12th of I'V'bruary, 1530, the King pronounced his entire pardon, confirmed him in tlie |)ossession of the Archbishopric of York, and sent hmi money and household furniture. Wolsey, by his very hum- ble befiavionia might probably liave regained the entire favour of Henry and Anne: but. as 1ic^ was c 2 lb } a (I a/ll ! ( \ i 20 ^VULSEY S FALI-. fCn xv. T. U II iinwillm£r to prononiicr an uiicuriciitiuiiHl iipprubatioii of Heiirv's divorce, this, as^vfiiri> ihr old auiino^ity of lii^ enoiiiie-. indiic(M:l ihr IhikiMif Nurtlnuiibciiaiid, tliuugliWithoutany new proofs, to ivntw the charges of liiirli treason against liim. Tins unexpected hluw broke die spirit of the Cardinal, who was l)esides labouring under illness. H^ dwd on the oUth of November, IjJU, and declared on his death-btd, that hi: liad served the King more faithfnllv than God, and that lie had often in vain knelt for hours together to the former, to move him from hi^ purpose. Wolsey was certainly not a inaii of the greatest elevation of mind and strength of character, nor superior to external intluence and court favour; yet it cannot be denied, that after his fall every tliiiio- went on iiiiiclt worse than before; and tins fall was caused more by Henry's ingratitude and despotism than bv any sufficient reasons. Nur docs llie con- duct of the parliament appear less free from blame; for while it accused the Cardinal of havinu r irri* d the kmo;doni, It extolled, in another Bill tlie happiness and prosperity of England: made a present i^ the Kmg of ah the money which he had borrowed from his subjects; and declared the pledges and securities o-iven for it to be nidi and \a)id. In tlie meantime the proceedings for the divorce, at Rome, miidv the less progress, as Clement Imd now beconu^ fully reconciled to the Emperor: for wlncli reasom lliiiry, ])robabiy by the advice of PI' 1532.] 1)I\ URtE. 21 Thomas Cranmer, consultia! a irreat mimbcr of Universities, Bishops, and Divines, on the legality of liis marriage. Every thing depended on the question wlictlicr the Mosaic Law was still in force without exception, or whether the Pope could dis- pense With the observance of it. Among the ])eO" pie, the men mostly declared for the King, and the v,-ear!(ai h^r tiic Uucen. Among persons m higher situations, many judged with regard to what might happen if Anne and Cranmer obtanicd the greatest inlltience. Tt seems uncertain whether some Uni- versities were not induced, by the miiucnce of Henry and Francis, to decide according to the wishes of tlie former; (^^) certainly by far the greater mim- ber of the opinions were against the marriage; for instance, those of seventeen Universities, (?!) among wiiich were those of IJologna. Padua, Ferrara, Orleans, Paris, Anjou, Bourges, Toulouse, &c. Bologna said "such a marriage is dreadful, abomi- nable, damnable, and to be rejected by every Chris- tian, nay, by every heathen ;" and several others made use of similar expressions. Henry, being thus very strongly confirmed in his \ It \vs. thought that it was not necessary to defer a second nianaage till tlic dissolution of tlic first, whicli was invalid: on the 14th of November, 1532, hi married Anne Bole}m, and hereupon, by his own authorhv. c a\rM d Cranmer, whom he made arcli- bisluip (.f C'antta'hurv m ^blrcll i j33, to recomnicnce ii 1 90 DIVORCE. [Chap. I. 1634.] HENRY EXCOMMUNICATED. 23 i : Ml the proceedings for a divorce. Tlir crnirt dn^lared Catliarine cridltv, on licr rMiii-iippeurance, and uii the 23d of Mav. lo3:.k pronouiieeil the dissolution of the marriaLa-; four months aftrr this, on thu 7th of September, Anne gave birth to a dau-hter, after- wards Queen Elizalieth. Thesc^ t^wnts madt; very different nnprcb^iuns, — some lilauual (.'alhannc^'s r(> mar- ,^j^^e,— ahovo all, those inclined tuProtebtaui^ii oou- ceived runv hopes. At lloiuia on the contrary, the course of the pro-^ ceedm^s, and tlm appeal made hv tho Kinir^cm the 29th of June, to a general eonncd uf tin- (Imreh, were considered as highly objectionahh . and the Pnpc> wnuld have clreiared against hini nmre speedily ami more severely had In^ not at that tune quarreUad with thn Emperor, on aeeount of a dis- advantageous sentence respecting Reggio and ]VIodena,avul had no! Francib i. zuulously urged the renewal of negociations with England. Clement re- fjiihT'dJn the first place, that iienry bhouid >.uhnut, witlim a certain tune, to the papal Consistorv. with the exclusion of the (/ardmah devuted to the Em- peror, but, instead iA' tlu^ expected reasons which gave an \m\ni\^c tu the reformation in othi r countries, existed for the most part in Enghoni also; dnrino- the pruceeduigs for tlie dixurce, the King, however, that his or- thodoxy mio-ht not be called in qnestion, caused all deviations from the estabhshed doctrine of the Chuich tn he so severely investigated by eccle- siastical and temporal Courts, that many persons were, with base cruelty, branded on the cheeks, or burn.t on that account. (^^) Tyndal's translation of the New Testament had the same fate in 3ia\, 1530. It was alleged that it was not faithful, and that the introduction, with the additions, was heretical, and offensive to Bishops and Clergy. Notwithstanding these commands and mra^nrrs, loud (MHiipJanits were made in the Lower House, as early as October, 1529, of the morals of the Clerny, exorbitant law expenses, penances, and taxes, the crradual exclusion of the people from the cultivation of ( inu ell lands, the commercial dealings and absence of tiie Clergy, plurality of hcnefices, &c. Some \n\h roforrinc to tliese subjects having been here- upon presented to the Upper House, some prelates \\oind ht';ir onh' oi the reform of a few ithuses;, but 1530.] THE REFORMATION. 25 most of the points were rejected with nnn.-h warmth. In particular, Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, said, ''The House of Commons daily goes farther, it auns at the total overthrow of the Church. lio^v can it venture to stigmatize all Clergymen as ne- gligent, rapacious, and ignorant? And are there rot laws to remedy such evils if thov really exist? Arc tlicre not ecclesiastical authorities against ecclesiastical evils? Or has an infalhble remedy been discovered tutaUy tu extirpate at once all the evils in the world? But, indeed, wdien I hear that the Monasteries ought tu be transferred to the Kirm, it appears to me that it is not so much the gaud us the goods of the Church that are cared foi : for as soon as the Clergy are brought into ooittempt, and the Church openly declared tu be an impious institution, every one is ready to fall upon the easy prey. Let us therefore investigate the real grounds of the evil, proceed with moderation, and acknow li^dgc that, as witii tiic Bohemians, want of faith In ihe cause of the greater part of what is iciisured." This speech made different niij)ressions on tht iiearers, but was not answered by any, only the niikr of Norfolk said, "You migiit liave spared manv ot \()ur words, but the greatest divnnes are not nlwux^ the wisest men." "My Lord/' rephed the BiNliop, *• 1 know of no great fools who [)ass for uTcat divines." The Lowrr llrnisr took np the matter more seriously, and w^armly coniplaiiu d to t I ! ' 26 TllH REFORMATiON. [Ch A V . li \ \' \ I the Kinir tliat Fisher liad desiixnated thcaii as in- iidels and h,(Tetics; whm-eab the latter ailirnual tliat he had only said, cir meant to say. that the \m^- reedincTs i^f tlie BcHieniians had arisen fruiu want of faith. Several bills werc^ drawn u|) relative to tlie points complained of, !)ut wen^ not passed till they had uuderixnne soim,^ idtcn'atiuns aaid mo- difications. On tlie other liand, a Proclamation of Henry VIll. was issnod on the :>tHli nf September, 1530, against those who should obtain Orders at Rome, to the prejudice and m eontriichetion of Royal Ordinances. At the same tune many prelates and barons wrote to the Pope, the.t if he did not fuliil the Kind's reijuest, ur deiavt-d doing so, some utlun- means wordd be ^onirht and fonnd. They, however, reeenid only a pohte, admonitory, evasive answer: on w!ue!i account Henrv wonid probably have proccHHU'd more rapidly, had not several, at ttii^ head of whom vcvn^ Fisher, and lliomas More the Clianeellor, atfirnied that the King wt.uld sooner attanii Iris laid by concession t() Kome. and rigour against tht^ heretics; and, m fact, both these men exercised at tluit time extreme severity against the Pr()testajit>: manv of them were banished, nay, not a few liurnt. merely because they possessed or read Tvnclal's translation i\^ the Bible. Tyndal himst'lh NubMa|Uoniiy, experienced the same Mv m thr- Netherlands. (^^) li 1532.] THE REFORMATION. 27 When tin- proceedings for tbic divorce, for all tin* reasons that have been here pointed ont, had nnidr' no progress in Rome in two years, tlie Parlaiment, in Fehiruary, 1532, pass(Hl a Bill liy which all a])peais to the Pope were prohibited, and the annats and tirst-frndts given to the King. Henry hesit;:i.te(l for sonic tune to Lnve his sanction to tins bUh in order to see wliat cfi'eet this would have in Rome: tlien, losinor all patience, he went furtlier than the Parliament, f the Kingdom was dnideii into two Houses, the Fpper 1: ■1i v\ 2R rn\-vr)(-\TlON. {^\RLl \ MKNT. [CiiAF. i. ' \- and Lower: in the first sat the spiritual and tein^ poral Lnrds, and among tla^ former were reckoned the Archbishops and Bishops, hnt onir between twentv and tliirty Ahhnts. In the Lower House sat the depnties of tlii> Towns, the Counties, and infcanor Clergy. Among ilie latter were generally reckoned the Priors, Deans, Archdeacons, 40. Yet already, at the commencement of Hm ^ixta ( lith century, it was said that the right \)hico in the iiift liur Clergy was in the Convocation, and wliat they resolved there, in their n^^n sphere, wns ol.liua- torv on the whole kmgdom, but that tiiere was no reason for a second rr^]iresentation. in t]i,> Lowor House of Pai-lianient. If tlie sanio argnnients were not canployed with respect to the Spiritnal M^anhar^ of tiia Cin^*'^' House, it wa>, because they possessed greater ecclesiastical influence, and rlaimod the ritrht al^fa as landowaier^ and vassals. Secondha- 11a (Convocation formed a kind of ecclesiastical Parhanaait. and was likewi>e dividod into two ibmses. la thr Cppor House wfTc the Archbishopv. Bishops, and Abbots; in the Lowi a u 1530.] CONVOCATION PARLIAMENT. 0(1 House tlio Deacons, Arelideaeoiis, and elected deputies of the Catliedral Churches, ami uIno two deputiua chosen f)\' ffa- wLiule of tfie Clergy of caeli diocese. They were all to be worthy, learned men. An Arehbishc!}) |)rcsidcd m the Upper House; a Spojiker, who was elected, in the Lower House of the Coiivocation. They usually met in the after- noon: thr Parliament in the forenoon, from eight to eleven. In the present state of affairs the Convocation was apprehensive that the verv great legislative power wliidi belonged to it, by custom and eccle- siastical lawa would be either limited or entirt ly cli^iaiited; for wliich reason its Upper House, fore- seeinu" th^ lir.vt attack, voluntarily drclarod that it won hi lu future publish no law^ without the Royal consent. Tla- Lowa >^ House of Convocation, and the Synod of the Diocese of Canterbury, on the contrary, opposed ^nch submission to tlie teni]^oral pouti', andadirmod, that ''the Clergy have receivtd from CuhI the right of promulgating laws respecting iaitli and murals. Tliij^ the King," they say, "has not only acknowledged in his book against Luther, but has pro\ cd by irrefragable arguments aiaJ tes- timonies. Fra- the sake of his lionoar lie cannot, ami of his goodness he will not rocall this book, !)ut wo urr' reaclv to a>k liis eonsent in all thino's that do !H.it ca:)ncor!i failli and morals. " :m) the 1' ARLIAMENT. HENRY DECLARED [Cimp T \ I \ -I a. (I But the Parliament clii! not suifcr itself to be stopped by declarations uf ilii> kind. Already in January, 1532, tlie Hou^^e of Coinmons renewed ,ts re})r(^sentatioris to the King respeetnur various ecclesiastical abuses, in particular that lavnicni were suninn^ned as heretics witliont ])eing confronted witli their Jiccusers, and that they were conrpeiied either to take an oath renounchig their ri'ligious persuasion, or were burnt. Tn the followincr sittings thev went mm li frnllur; nay, even before the news of the excommuiucation pronounced au-ainst Ibnny had reached Fai-laml, the Parliament had anni- hilated almost all tln^ rights of the Pope. Tndul- geucies, nominatifvns, dispensations fruni Home were forbiddm, the spiritual jurisdietion hmited. the Monasteries placed under Ihairy^s superin- tendence, the election of Bisjiops, the convocation of Synods, and the tinal decision of all occiesiastieai disputes placed m lus hands. Instead of contending: for then'' ricchts in the T'])|)er lh)usc, most o)t thu Bishops and Abbots fooli>ldy absented themselves from the debate, as if c^vory decision would therel)y be prevented or rendered invalid: and thus the })ilL which annihilated tlie |)ower of the Clergy m all essential points, passed almost witliout oppo- sition. More objections were made ui tin.* Convo- cation, when it wa^ called, upon, to deehire the King the supreme head of tlie ilujrelK Tin* whole 1530. SUPREME TTE\D OF THE CHl^RCH. 31 Church, they said, could ha\'c only one head, that is, Clirist. and his Vicar upon eartln Temporal and spiritual things were separated from each other ])y divine laws, and arliitrarily to confound them necessarily led to the greatest mischief. Winn the arguments, which were adduced to refiitr tiiese views uf the meaning, ilu.* extent and the Innits of the spiritual ])ower made little im- pressnai on the Convocation; the King Jiad recourse to vioh lit means, and declared that the whole of the Clergy had, by recognising Wolsey as IcLmte, made themselves liable to the penalties of Pnemunire, and forfritrd their property, f'^) Those who were so ai'hitrarilv sentenced, in vain alieiix-d that the Kiuii* himself had recognised and confirmed the power of th(^ Legate, and directed every l)ody to obey it: ilicy were coTO]>eHetI to pnv 118,000/., an immense sum for that time, and to })u]*chase ex- cmptiun from furthior ill treatment, l)y greater concessions. Accordingly the discussion being renewed in the Convocation, the formula respecting the supremacy of the Church was drawn nj) to the following effect; the King is the head of the Church, as far as the law of Christ allows. (^^) The Parliament proceeded far more rapidlv, or rather with cidpabh^ preeiiutatioii. The Ihll wliicli ovcrtliew the whole eonstitution of tin- Cliurcli was read, in one and the same day, three times in tlie I 'P})er House, three times in the Lower House, and 32 RCJYAI. SrPRF.M \VY [Cuw T 15350 KOYAL SfPREMACY. 33 If t K \ retuniecl to tlu' Un^ih. It passed in February, 1 y>33, and it savs: tlioimii Ilenry VIII. is rerormise.:} !iv tlio Clerirv in the ( oiivucatiou a^ Head (A the Ciuireii. it is deterniuiecK ^^^^ the aiiiuhiiation of all errors, 1in~ resies, and abuses, that ilie King and lus beirs are theSupreme Heads c 4' the English nnirrli ii])on eartln Therefore, all iIiuni- lionour-. cHu'nities, prerogatives, rights, privileges, liberties, revenues, &c., are given to him, which belong to such a Supreme Head. He iias full power and autlioriiy to examine, suppn-s. re- ni< A-e, improve, order, change, reprove, and rejeet all errors, heresies, abuses, offences, violations, and irre- gularities which niav nnd ought to be examined, sup- pressed, ^ve., by any kind of ecclesiastical power and iurisdietion. Scarcelv any Catholie inadr^ any opposition in Parliament: even the zealous Bishop Gardiner c-ave his vote for the roval sn])niiiai'V, and heheviim- that the Reformation could beacenm- phshed onlv bv this means Cranmer was one of tlie chief pnaiuuter:. of the measure, though it conhl not possiblv be believed tliat tlie Kin- was aetuaied solelv biv inuus niutives and opinions. (.reater caution and moderation would donlitless have spared tlie kniL^dniii many misfortunes and Nuiierings. Bui ill the zeal to throw off the Romish yoke, it was not pereeived how an unconditional .Mahometan uinon of spiritual and tinnporal power iu the liands of Henry, would lead to a new ami by no means less oppressive slavery. The Parharnent, otherwise so y tenacious of its rights, and so mehned to extend tin iiL renounced, v itli rdmost inconceix a])Ie tlionght- lessness, all share i!i the ecclesiastical legislation, — liereupon maintained in vain a lonj? strucrffle to re- gau! what it liaji throwiL away,— then abused the superin!!i\ whir]] n had acquired, and it was not idl after- the lapse of centuries, of manifohJ errors and mistakes, nay, of the most sanguinary feuds and atroeilies, that the just equiiii)rinm was fnimd whneli might liave been so easily esta1)hshed at this mo- ment! Hie Con\ t)eatioTi lost all its importance; nay. it was almost thrown aside,— for winch reason the infs-riof Clergy justly requirecK in the year 1.147, tliat they should be represented in Parliament as in former tunes, nwd rio resolulam adopted in affairs of rehgion without hearing them. This application, .however, was contrarv to tliat law on the roval I^il)aey, and thus, by a strange turn of things, the nilei'ioi' (1eri!w in Eniiland were at length excluded from all nitlu(me(> iu public affairs. In the sequel it was attempted tej rcfvr tin's phenomenon, which wiis pnxhn'ed l)y violence, to principles, or to deduce them from it: wliereas, it might be more easy to prove, that the predoimnaiice of tlie |)urely tempo- ral party, and the promotion of merelv material interests, rests on fiartial theory, and leads to partial practice. So long as these temporal matters, taxes, privi- leges, rights of Sovereignty, were in cpu^stion, the VOL. [. D 1 \ 34 THE REFORMATION [Chap. I. 1535.] QUEEN ANNE JiOLEYN. oa ,>'''• ;n I \ i h Cler<^van(l Laitv placed themselvps. in a vcrv natu- ral manner, opposite to each other, and the move- ments ^vcre directed 1)V simple laws. But when the examination of ductrlnes xvas trra.lually entered upon, (respectmu- which most of the Cleru-y and Laity were in tlie most prohnind miiorance, and o! which in a sreat dcirrce no luunan mind can a,it;ini a perfectlv^lear vn-w,) maiiv became confused, fluctuated' between one extreme and the nth( r; were intolerant. d.H'lariug others for heretics, as soon as thev had taken u\> an opinion and adhciv,! to it. The oTatitieatioii nf heina: allowed to rxa- mine and decide, where former!) unconditional obe- dience was reqnired: the nnvrlty of the doctrmes; the pleasure of eonciuermu' m the disputes: the zeal and perseverance of tlu' RrfMnner:=; aversDU to the exercises of the old doctniu' and to it- priests, may be considered as tln^ main reasons of thr rapid progress of innovation-. On the r-ther hand, th- right conceded to tl..' peo,ile of cKannnnm- and de- ciding matters of siieli importance. ap,.eared to be prejudicial to the doctrine of temporal prerogatives, and to th'' new ecclesiastical power of the Kinix: and the insurrections of the ])easants ir> (iermany were considered as a. confirmation of the anxious suspicion. To this it must be added tliat Henrv, notwithstandmu- his iiavmg l)roken witli the Pope, hated Luther and his doctrines as much as (>ver;{" ) would not u|)on anv account be called a heretic, I or u'lve the ilomaii Catliolic Princes niry further ofience. Tlie mere separation fro]ii Rome^ at wliicli rnaiiv pr()!)al)}y aimed, appeared to some to be exciisa})h\ A\ hercas others aflirmed that, with the rejec/tioii of tlie Papal |)ower, a great ])ortioii of the doctrmes and u.^agcb fell to the gruiiml. Besides, pohtical considerations ought not to decide m pre- ference to others; on the contrary, truth ought to he pursued, regardless of the consequences, and entire confidence i)iaced in tlu' providence of God. But as hath ])arties knew that no du'ect contradic- tion availed against the i\ing"s obslinato and violent temper, they endeavoured to gain him bv excessive, nay, unlimited concessions, by which liis influence unexpectedly increased to an almost mcreddile height, and inspired him with the foolisli and tvraiini- cal idea, of limiting the faith of the whole people to a narrow lino, arbitrarily fixed by himself. In favour of the Reformation were Queen Anne, Arclibishop Cranmer, and Cromwell the Secretary of State: airainst it, the Duke of Norfolk, Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, and Cardinal Reginald Pole. Anne's father was descended from a distinguished family,— her motlicr was daughter of tlie Duke of Norh^lk. She wiuit to France with Mary, consort of Louis XII., but afterwards returned to England. Slie was very liandsome, sung, played, and danced admiiTibly, and was ^o rheerfuL so extremelv en- gaging in her manners, that the King, who was r> 2 36 THOMAS C R A N M ER. [Cii M I. r t thirtv-eio-ht vears of aire, concrivetl an attai'luiicui for lier \^ lieii she was two and twenty, and, m spite of all difficulties, at lenirth niarruMl lier. Thomas Crannier, l)orn uii the 2d July, 1408, of respectable bnt not very nvh parents, had had lii ins youth opportunilu-s to nnprove lus constitution l)v ridinL^ liuntin!i. &-€.; studied at CainbnduT'. took his degTee of Doctor in Divinifv m ir>2n, beeann^ teacher of that science in Ihu^kmuiiain. and tutor 111 tin/ tVonilv of Lord Waltliain. Ho probablv first made lumsolf known to the Kinir bv tin- pro- posal to submit the question of the valuhtv of his marriaire with Catharine, to the UnivrrMtu-s: and after^-irds, by various services, so rose ni lus favour, that Henry resolved to give bun tlu^ Areli- bishopric of Canterbury. Cranmer had many reasons for dreachnu^ this office; first, the tyranaiy of the Knm-, tlie direction and measure of wlneh it was diflicult to judire of; then the necessity of takmii: the oath to the Pop^\ and also to the King; and, lastly, Cranmer had li\ ed for some years in a clandestine inarnage with the niece of Osiander^ contracted during his residence in Germany, on liis return from a mission to Rome in the yt^ar 1532. These considerations, however, were at hmgth overeomis by the hope that he should be able in his new po-itam, to rtaider very important services to tlie Church uiul religion. He therefore received th.o Papal Bull of C^jnfirmation from the ill 1535.] THOMAS CRANMER. 37 liands of tlie King, and took the Arcliiepiscopal oath, witli the reserve of the divine laws and of thov(- of the kuigdom. Cranmcr's friends have not fa ill (1 to bring forward the point of ^iew^ in which this conduct may be justified; but they must confess that he did not act openly towards the Pope, and that he w^ould hardlv have been confirmed had he previously made kno^m liis reserv'ations. Cranmer was a learned^ and extremely diligent man; a friend and patron of the learned and of sciences, wdio, by ^^ his new and impressi\e manner of preaching, did a irreat deal of good; and by his moderation and good sense^ established and promoicd, more than anv other, the Reformation in England. The Kinor protected lum against ail accusations and perse- cutions, either because he was convinced of the Arehhishop's mnocence, or of his usefulness, or perlia|)s out of mere caprice. Cranmiu' earnestly iabourod to uiiite all Protestants to agree for one Church Government and one Creed; evervwhere insisted on the geinnne Christianity of charity and mildness; aiul by no means drew np the formuhe in sueli a pai'tial and strict Piianner. tliat only a, few persons would have passed for orthochax. (^^) But at that time every one considi^red liis o^^m views, even in the most minute secondary points, to be alonc^ true, t )i\\ (\ inviolable*; aiuh on tlie other hand, each w^as varioush inoditied In i)olitical consi- 38 CROM^YELL. --NORFOLK.-- GARDINER. [C^ luxv. f If -^ l'^^ I } derations, so thcit C'raiimor's lio|)e, like many otiiers, whollv failed. Tins was certainly in many respects a mistbrtiuie, tliuup-h tlie (jiiestiou niay be asked, whether complete success might not have It^l to a kind of Protestant papacy- Thomas Cromwell, of low descent, but distin- tnushed talents, was initiatc/d in the aifairs of state by Wolsev, whose devoted friend and public didender he remained even duriim' his misfortunes, lie was elocpient, acute, hold, diliirent, gratrfuL posses^td an extraordinary memory, ami was from cenix letion a zealous opponent of the ancient ecclesiastical in- stitutions. For this Ite was hated by the Clergy, and was despised bv the nobihty ha* his nu;an origin. The Duke of ?sorfolk. a practised courtier, was a firai miherent to (atholicism, and tlie enemy of the Queen, aithougli her maternal uncle. Gardiner, Bisho]) of ^\'inehester, owed e\(Mi more than Cromwell to Cardinal Wedsey, l)ut abandoned him as soon as lie had forfmted the Kinu:'s favour. On the other liand he flattered Cranmer when his influence unexpectedly increased, and servilely beii-u'cd his pardon for hostili^' attacks. Gardiner was well versed in ci\ai and canun law, Init not so strong in divinitv. H(> wrote Latm welh read Greek, and was zealously devoted to the ancient Church. But, as he did not always tliink it aclv!sal)b'' deeidediv to deltiid it, it was saicL '^That 1535.] CARDINAL POLE. 39 he was indeed very skilful in business, but insincere, dissembling, and unscrupulous in tlie choice of means to attain his purposes.'' Margaret, daughter of George Duke of Clarence, and niece of llichard III., w^as married to Richard Pole, bv whom she liad a son in ^March, 1500, who was afterwards so celebrated under tlie name of Cardinal Reginald, or Raynald Pole. He stu- died tirsi at Oxford; at the age of eighteen re- paired for five years to Padua, visited Rome before liis ck^parture, left Eno'land for the second time at the commencement of tlie religious dis- turbances, and resided at Pans till he received uru'cnt solicitations to return. Henry VHI. wished very much to gain over the Cardinal to his opinion, as lieinii: a near relation, and a learned and highly re~ bpectrd)le man: but neither arguments nor tlie offer of the Bishopric of Winchester, or of the Arch- bishopric of "^'ork, could shake his conviction. On the contrjiry, Pole went to iVvignon, and afterwards to luilv. and WTotc^ a very violent book on the Unitv of the Church, to ])nng back the King from his a])ostacy. For this, Pope Paul HI. c^reated him Car(Unal(^^) in December, l.")36. King Henrv, on the other hand, declared him a traitor, set a price upon his jiead. (00,000 dollars, says Herrera,) and after- wards, contrarv to all iustic(% caused his mother to be executed. ^Simultaneously with these ecclesiastical changes, 40 SITl T. MORE. — FISTIF.R [Chap. I. 1535.] VISITATION OF THE >fOXASTERIES 41 !,i ll i new reu'iilations of tlie successors to tlio throne were made; and ti>hop. whio was seventy-seven years of age, to death, anti prohdjited him from deliverinir from the scaffold anv s|)eec]i calculated to move the people, or contamnm any censure. — "T die," said Fisher, "for the trne Catholic faitli; (iod preserve the kingdom and the King, and irivi- tho latter good connNoHor^." TTis head was expist (I on London bridge, which txeited the just iiuhiiauition of nianv: and on the Hth of hil\\ InSf), fourteen days after, his friend More followcal him to tlic scaffold. He retained Ids cheerfulness and facetious humour to the last; tlins he said ^'That. on account of his short neck, the executioner would giun little lionour by liim," and, on kneeling down, *' desired him to put aside his beard, fejr it had ru-ver committed treason." Manv others, Aljbots, Priests, and Monks, were tliroun. into prison for the same cause, of whom many were hanged or beheaded. Tins Avas htllowed by a general attack on tlie ex- tremely numerous monasteries, (^^) for Cranmer and Crom.well eousidtuxxl them injurious^ and the King was tempted l)v tin ir rich possessions. In October, loMf). a general visitation was connneneed, wlucdi Cromwelh eonh)rmal)ly to the new ])rinciples, di- riH'tcd, solely aceordnru" to the wdi of tlie King, withejut the* ]>articipation of ecclesiastical superiors. AVitliout reirard to vows ami preceding principles, evt rv (au was allow^ed to leave his convent, and a report was \ tu'v miturally spread, tluit tlu^ Kinu' in- tended to dissolve all the monasteries. This, how- ever, he positixadv denied, caused those who })ropa" gatod the report to be nn|)risoned, andwTOte to tlie Al)bots and Priors letters calcula.ted to allay tlieir alarm. The Commissioners brought to light a great many abuses; they found ahnost everywhere aver- sion to the strictness <»f thi- prescribed rules, in- tiaaia.l dassensions, immorality, and superstition. 42 Vi.slTATlUX U¥ THE MUX ASTEKIES. [CiiAr. I, 1536.] illSSOLUTlON OF MONASTERIES 43 Tlic'v foiiricJ, for iiistaiUM,% viais, stated to coiitai!i. the blood of Clirist, l)iit which was conccaied from tlie Sinner till he- paid, and liieii the trans])arent side of tlie glass was turned round : also iniaires of the wr- irin, set in motion !)y secret springs and wheels: ni eight diflerent |)laces were found tlie nulk of the Yirq:in Alary, in eleven others her girdle; some coals that roasted St. Laurence: the ear of Mak'hus; two or three heads of Ur^-ula, kc. On tlie other hantl^ tlie convents were coinniended ni many (|uar- ters, and even tlie Commissioners, ivhose ohject it was to find out defects^ and to re|)rescnt every tlinig in the most unfavoralile liglit, bore very favoral)le testimony to the laru'cr Abbeys. For this reason it was arbitrarilv rest)lved, to dissolve for tlie }^ve- ^sCiit only those whose annual re\'enue did not ex- ceed £200;('~) for, (so tlie preamble of the law of April 153f) alleges j a mcious, carnal, detestable life lias been led there, and notwithstandinir all trie niinins that have been employed, it has daily Ijccome worse; fe)r which reason they are abolished for the lioiiour t)f (iod, aucl the extirpation of all vices and sins, ami their poss(;^>ions granted to the Crown. Three luiudred ami seventy-six Monastent^s, sup- prosNi (I according to this law, liad an annual income of iJ-i^JJUO, besides otlier possessions. Whoever had taken the vows before his twentv-fourth year, and riacl imt l)r'en ordaireed iiricst, re(»ei\'ed no com- pen>aiiut anv opposition; and endeavours were made evervwhere to introduce the Monks as parish priests, thoim'h they liad been represented as tlie most aban- doned of sinncrs(^^). The peo|)le wlio were formerl}' attaelied to the Convents on account of the kind treatment and va- rious assistance ihev recened from i hem, but whose opinions liad been changed by tlie new doctrine, and HI the hopes of other sources of gain, had quietly beheld the demolition of the Convents; now, liowever, the sight of the Monks, who were mise- rably i)rovided for or went about begging, excited their amrer and pity. Abbeys^ which were for the present spared, feared the same fate ; former patrons complained of the disregard shewn to their rights; and e\ cry one disapproved of the application of the newlv acquired {iroperty. This produced public msLirrections in some parts of the kingdom, and the malcontents declared. "That tlie King had Adolated the Magna Charta and Ins Coronation Oath; that he r< spected neither rights nor property, neither patrons nor clients; and that the Church ought to oppose such arbitrary power, as those highly ex- tolled Barons had done before." All these disturb- ances, however, were not only suppressed, but led to (i k 44 DISSOLUTION OF MONASTERIES FChap. ! t I a serious attack upon the Convents wliicli had partly aided in them, by wliich they were, without excep- tion^ overpowered. It was said^ the King will m future defray all tlie expenses of the state out of their revenues^ and all taxes will cease. Instead of the Al)hots and Priors, he will create forty Counts and sixty Barons^ keep 3U00 Knights^ and 40,000 Soldiers; jdaee the parish Priests upon a new footings appoint Bishops where necessary^ — and such like hopes and promises. This excited such extraordinary zeal, that, witliout consideration or caution, all the Monasteries and I'oandations were abandoned to the Kina\ in May, 1540^ and the se- verest censures passed even upon those which had been so highly extolled only four years before. i)4') Convents, 90 Colleges^ 2374 Foundations of \ arious descriptions. 110 Hospitals, and in tlie foliuwniic year also, tlie Estates of tlie Kniu'hts of St, Johi], were, ^ith (i mad iirofusioii, assigned tn the Crown T)y tlie Parliament, which often refused contributions tVoiii its owi! |)ru|)crtv for necessai'v ])ur|)oses; with- out any of the AbbotN prest/ut in the I ppi'r House ha.\ai]g courage to oppose these |)roK"ee(liuu-s. It was desired, in the tir>t place, to |)reserve ap- pearances, as if tiie Mirri'inha' had c\Trv^\-i!i'rr Ijccni voluntarw ikit as ru'omises, as wi^il as threateniiuxs, were for tfie mo'it |)art uiiavahnm-. the Abbots were frequently iniprisoned; and ,i \v\\ who persisu d m maintainina' tliat tfio Kino^ wrs not iustifiod in takinir 1540.] THOMAS A BECKET S TOMB. 45 these measures, were hanged. Intimidated by sucli acts of violence, tlie rest signed a deed of surrender wlncli was laid bc^fon^ them, and in wliich thev ac- cused themselves of the most scandalous trans- gressions, and were obliged to declare that it was the greatest good fortune for their soul and body that they had been deprived of their abode, mode of hie, and property; and with all this, the expelled Monks were prohibiti^d, witfi equal inconsistency and ermdty, from marrying or availing themselves of any former hereditary right. Only in the case of Thomas c\ Becket, whose tomb was ecjuaHy honoured and wealthv, it was thought necessary to make an exception, by appoint- ing a special tril)uiiah which decided that he did not merit the name either of a saint or martyr, for that lie had rebelh-d against his King, and had pe- rished in a dispute which liad been commenced by himscdf. H(> was tlierefore declared a traitor, his festival abolislied, his property confiscated, and liis statue broken in pieces. In pursuance of this sen- tence the royal Commissioners took possession of all tliC offerings, works of art, gold, and precious stones -an immense booty, and destroyed the rest. Tt was furtlier remarked, as a consequence of the catholic o|)inions respecting saints, that on the altar of Becket, £954 had been oflVred in one year; on that of the Virgin Mary, £4. Is. 8d.; upon tlie altar of (xodj— nothing. But, unhappily, no less l\ / %. I'i > pl^^ 46 Dl SSOLrTlON OF MONASTERIES. [Chap.I, superstition and bar})Brism were exhibited in tJie suppression of the Convents. Within the .paee of three or four years, a great number of the tin(-t churches, bmldnio--, and works of art, were des- troycd, out of hatred, avarice, and stupiditv: church ornaments, books, and inaiuiscripts demohshed, thrown away, or burnt. If the si-n of th(> cross was found in a book it wa> condemned as papistical; Unes and fio-ures passed for wicked sorceries: one person purchased two hl)raries for forty shilhiurM'^) Thougli much property had been secured by those who were threatened and so much liad been des- troyed, tlie bootv was still immense, and the Kuvj: himself probable thoiiLrlit that he had at once be- come the richest, most powerfnl and independent monarcli lu Europe. AVhcii 1h^ was urged by Cran- mer, Latimer, and otlier well disponed [)relates, to convert some of the foundations into schools, alms- houses, and hospitals, or to employ a portion of the Chureli property for these ])urposes. they received a denial and found themselves painfully disappointed. Of all tlie extravagant liopes tliat had been excited, and of tlie promises whicli had !)een o-iv(Mi, none were fulfilled; except tliai the Kuux (it seemed almost a mockery;) appointed a couple of Bishops, and founded a couple of Professorships. In a few years nothing remained of all that had been gained. every thin": had been iranibled or ixiven away, squandered, embezzled, sold for a mere trifle, &c., 1540.] DTSSOLITTTON OF MONASTERIES. 47 and the old distress for money most unexpectedly returned. It is scarcely conceivable liow this could liappen, but indeed if tlie King gave a woman a Convent, because she liad placed a good pudding before him ("'"), he might have made away in a short time with tlie Church property of all (Jhris- tendom; and this ])roceeding was commended bv many, liecause they thouglit that it increased the nunil)er of the opponents of those institutions, and rendered their restoration impossible. How much more judicious and moderate, hi comparison with this conduct, was that of the ])r()testant princes of Germany: and how^ natural that, after such a sup- pression of the Monasteries, their excellencies should again be ])ronght forward(^'),such as tlie maiiitenance of the poor, provision for younger sons and un- mai-ried daughters: or for calm and cuithusiastic mmds, hospitality, — laudable aiiplication to learniufr &c. There was surely a better medium between the undisturbed existence of all abuses, and sucli a rude and barliarous mode of ])roceeding; and we may almost consider it fortunate that the pillage was followed by such senseless prodigality. For after tlie votes of so many of the Clergy were re- trenched from the Upper House, {^^) such enormous domains would liave fully annihilated in future ail the importance of the Parliament; and in fact Henry VIII., after this time, conducted himself in every respect as an intolerable tyrant. 48 QUEEN ANNE BOLEYX ACCrSET). [Chap, T. - Thus he already acted m \'h]<\ towards his wife, Anne BoWvu. Her cheerful and open maimer, which had first won tlie king, i)ccainc now tlir suhjcct of his displeaxuv and uloomv =^iispicion, [t u-as alleged that -he was so fricndl) and pleasant with suuie of her attendants, treated hy some with so much dovotioii. that tliciv nnisl ucccssarily be some impropei- reasons xNluch ^vere wf h-nnwn. In this manner tie- King, who-se curiscieiice ought to have visited him for his oxvii sins, sought for guilt in the innoc(>Mt: and <.n tie- -III of -May, la-ib, The was arrested and impeached on fhe charge of havinff carried on an imiiroper intercourse with her brotiier and four other persons. All solemnly protested their innocence: on the strength, how- ever, of a confession extorted, under tlic fear of death, from the musician Siiii'ton. ( wlio \\as never confronted with Anne.) and the asscrtu)n of a deceased old woman, the affair was submitted to the decision of twenty-six Lords, who either from infatuation or ser^^le fear di-cided-~that they left it to the King to determine whctlu^- Anne should be beheaded or burnt. The consideration that the prosecution had been precipitaletl, tlic foi'ins violated, the crimes denied, and in themselves improbable, had as htti.> weight as the earnest intercession of Cranmer. Henry eonnnanded that his wife, and tliose accused with her, sliould be executed. ^Vh^•n on the scaffold she accused no 1536.] JANK SEYMOUR. 4 <»e, thanked the King for all his favours, and duMJ uith srreiiity. No impartial person now entertains a doubt of \wv innocence, (*j and liic mildness of b< !■ expivssions towards her persecutor were the resint partly of licr own disposition, and partly of fear tliat, bv an opposite conduct, she mio-]u in- .jio-e her daughter Elizabeth.n The Queen was beiieacled on the lUtii of May, and on the following day the King niarri(ul Jane Seymour, her maid o^f honour. xMthont reflecting tliat he not only viohitcd all decorum by ins blood-stained marriage, but also gave the strongest testimony of the innocence of his murdered wife. To the next Parliament Henry stated that, not- witlistandiiig the unfortunate result of hh two first marriages, he had, for the welfare of his people, taken a third \Mf,-: and the Chancellor (Audley,)' affirmed, that the King had been induced to take this step, not for his own gratitication, but at the humble entreaty of his nobles. In his ,-eply, the Speaker of the Lower House extolled las extraordinarv gifts of nature and of grace: called huii a Solomon in wisdom, a Samson in strength, an .Vhsaloni in beauty. Carried away I,y his rage, the King declared l„s marrum-e with Anne null and void because once, previous to her maniage, she had' thought of niarryiu- another, and declared liis daughter Elizabeth illegitimate; and yet he per- sisted in asserting, that Anne h;ul ],ecn ^ndltv of VOI, I. E 50 JANE SEYMOUR. [Cn \r I. 1538.] IHX'TRIXE OF THE riirRCIT. 51 I : I adultery. Both tlii^ ParUameiit and the Convocation servilelv confirnu^l the sentence of the new Solomon, and the former conmiended Queen Jane for her suitable a-e, her great beauty, and pureness of liesli and l)lood. Her children were to udient tlie ennviuanch in ca.e of her death without issue, tlie Kinu- mio'ht decide accordine^ to his pleasure witli resp^^ct to the succession. He was likewise em~ powered to annul all the decisions of ParliamcMit which hly tlio contrary opinion; some aimed at a total reformation, others recommended a more J^^'^dta-ato niicldle course. Agreeing with the latter, Cranmer took measures for the improvement of the instruction given from the pidpit, and the correction of some of the leading doctrines, such as absolution, pm^o-atorv. &c. But as his adversaries clearly perceived whither all this tended, and therefore zealously opposed it, the result of new discus- sions, demands, and concessions, was an almost ar- bitrary mixture of the old and new. Tims the Cathohcs decided that the Scriptures approved the use of images; the Protestants, on their side, warned against idolatry: the former maintained the E 2 52 HENRY PXCUMMLNICATEi). [Ch w T, Utility of pravcrs addressed t<. fne sanit.. the latter rejected the spec..d prutcct>ou .f partvc.dar .n.ts fi-certamtra.les and professions, .^e.n Ihc re- formers tnumidu-d. n> lu.v.ug the Scriptures, and the Vnostles-.theXieean.and AthanasiantV..eds ae.no.- led^ed as the standard of iaulw the Cathol.espre- vaikHl tu iiave their doetnne of anrievdar eeade.siuu and of trnnsuh>taimatiuu recuguized as true. lie Kiuo., as a proof of his orthodoxy, abuh.l fu-nny h, ,!,;. last point, and ^vh.e, one l.aubert had e.xpressed auiVreiit upuuons on the subject, and appealed to ,.„„,H.openedagreatdispuuaiou.Landnrt defended his upnnoii ^vlth n.ueh abiUty and eoura^e aunuusl Crannier and p.ine other Ih^hnp., and tlu Kmg Pnv.sHf: but,ou Ids refusing to recant, the eonciuMon of this apparenth- so nnkl snucecdiug, ^va., that he „,1 s.,u,e other Baptise were burnt, on the 2Ut,. of November, 1538. lie suffered dreadfully, f^r the tn-e eouvaiued the bo.ly only in p.rt, ami abat,.. before it killed l.im: W-^^ ^'■l'^^^''" ^^^^ ^'^^'^'^"^ """"'f ,.,,„,,,,..,.„at.ly pierced hi^ mutilated l.odv ^v,th „„.,,, v„u,erds, raised bun e eluuus lu ,,!„,.,, H,, huug above the tire, and threw Inn. nito It \vhile he exclaimed. " None but Chn.t. ' \)th..ugh these cruelties were osten^iblv com- mitted for tlie mnintenanec nf the Catlu)lic doctrmes, v.t n^ tin- face of great innovations they coe.ld not lead 'n .. reconciliation witi, thr Papal Sec; on the eor.triirv, I'aui iV. had, so fur Lack as August, I.VIO.] Tllli SIX AlllK LES. 53 '5 i 1535. ao:ain pronounced the excommunication against Heiirv Mil., but deferred the execution of if, Xow, m D(H"em!)er, 1538, the sentence was nititied in still stronger terms, and tlie King was (kxlared to liave forfeited his kingdom, wliich led to tJio |)!iiiisluneut of some indivuhiais, and t;'s|)e- eialiv tilt relations of Cardiua! Pole, (^^) but had no otluT coii^tMjiu'necs of iiii|)orlarice. The Kin^, ho^vever, took a new step to prove liis ortbodo.xy. When a eouiriiittee of the Protestarit and Catholic members of the Lower House, as- sembled in Mav. 1540, were unabK to agree on anv of tlu' (lis})uted doctrines, the King submitted to the Parliament and tie Convocation six articles for their examination. The sul)stance was, that lor the sake of the unitv which is so desirable, every- Ijody shal/ l)elieve in transubstantiation ; the com- nnuiioTi in one kind, or with bread only; the per- petual obligation of vows of chastity ;('j the utility of jnavate masses; the necessity of the celibacy of the Clergy, and of aLincular confession. The least punishment for denying, doubting, con- tradicting, or transgressing, is loss of ])ro|)erty, imprisonment during tlie King's pleasure, and iti case of rfhipse, death. Nay, the Molatioii of the first article, (the real presence,) is to be ptmished by death at the stake, without permission to recant. Crannier and otlnn^^. wlio entertained Protestant seutimeiitis, opposed tlie law in Farininit'ii,! and m 54 Til R SIX aRTI(-LK> [CliAl>. I. 1537.] DEATH OF JAXK SEYMOUR. 55 till' Coiivocatioiu and proved, by irrrfrniral)1o ar- iruments, that it was cutitrary tu jubticu, Irulii, aiu! reason. l'^) Tiio Kinir. however, came in person to the House. ( which had ahvndy concedeil tu hnu all legislation m tTclesiastical athiirs.) and positivcdy declared his will. Ou the 7th t^f June, 1 54U, a h*\\ days after ail the Cuuvents a,ntl Founihitions had been assigned to him. this Ihih wioeh was in- troduced by the Lord Chancidha-, was reaii lor the first time, on the «th for the secnnch on tin- yui fur the third, lu the Upper House, and lei the 10th it had already passed through both iiou>ub, and ou tlie 2bth received the Royal assent. Persons were appointed in everv ronntv. to en- quire into actions, Nvritings, expressions in reference to \\iv six articles; and which endt d in a dreadful inquisition wlucli cxteniied to other things, ^^l\\nn a fortnight, five hundred persons were arrested in Lieealon alone. The testimony of two wit nesses was sufficient tn had the accused to death, ihuuuh in aaght have the justest objections to ilie witnesses, or declare that liis hehef wxas wliuHv enniurniablc tu the demands of the hiw. Pretestrre.ts and Catholics indiscriminately wire beheaded. liauG-ecL and (|LUirtered, em the same day. Xay, even boys only fifteen years ohJ were bnrnu haeaiisethey expressed themselves, with respect to ihi- Communion, diflferently from what had iieen pre^rnbeil iiv the tyrtinnieal KinGf and the !)ase Parliannait. It was not till a, later period wlien the perseeiition extended reaire ana! more, that Crannier, though witli very great (hlKculty, obtained that the form of the proof shoedd l)e amended, tlie law a})phed only to the Clergy, and the penalty not inflietrd till tin* third transgression, in case it was not above a year old. Proceeding in its servile course, the same Par- liament declared^ everybody .v//a// believe and follow wliaf the K'mix and his Commissioners //?rn/ in fvfurc conuiHuiil respecting tlie faith and ecclesiastical instil lit ion=:. Royal pirocdaniations issued by the consent oi' \\\q majority of the Pnvy Coaucil have the force of laws, hat they are not to affect per- sons, privileges, and property; an ud(htiun, which was of little avail., partly ])ecausc it was not at- ieiided tu, and partly because the King coidd (hs- pense with the laws. After religious and ( led liberty had been so entirely sacrificed, it is scarcely woitli mentioning tliat some individuals were accused and condemned by tln^ Parliament, ^^ithout a hearinjx and without proof. Meantime Jane Seymouar thed, on the 24th of October, 1537. after the birtli of Prnice Edward, iinii the ixjima little affected by it. iniinediatelv thouixbt of a new marriage. But some Princesses, fearing ill trealmeiit, refused lus proposals, and Cromwe 11, t h a. t n o z c^ cilou s c .' it h o 1 1 e ri. \hA\ t asc e n d t h e throne, al last jiropaisiHi Ama- t»|' Cleves. \^i!0Sp sis- 56 ANNE tiF CfJ'VES. [Chap. f. 1540.] VATU. ITOWARD.^ - CROMWELL's FALL. ^/ ter Si!)il!a had married Jolni Id.'cuierick Eiectur oi Saxotiv.f^O Induced bv deceitful reports of eye- witnesses, and a portrait !)}■ Iluibciu. the Kuiir ac- cepted the proposal but was very iiirii^h di>43, the Guide of a Chrhsfiart^ Botli works treated of faitli, tlie Seven Sacraments, the dVu Connnaiidmeuls, the Lord's Pravor. the A\t Maria, Justification, and Purgatory; but did not agree on ail puints, as they (iiiefly contained Henry's notions, whieli varied from tune to time. He als3 prohibited the bible being read at ChnjTh, or 1}V citizens, country people, day labourers, ami womeir. and eausod a i\oyai Ih^ayer Bnok to hv publishcah ^vith a eonimand that ilie-e prayers only, and no I 60 WARS. [Chai-. i. 1547.] NORFOLK \S]) ST'RREY ACCUSED. 61 utlirr^, ^liould be used, and not only in pnhlu-. !)ut evi'ii 111 tlie closet. Sniinltaneoudy witli these events at lioino, tliere were tVeni l.'i42 to 1 54^^, tjme.iii! with intiTnipUuiis, war>^ with Vniucc a,iui Scutis, and liis m daughter Mary 23 new voters. In spite of ah the taxes, compulsory measures, and the immense inhe- ritance of the Church, Henry left debts, which were the more op|)ressive, because, after a lonq; prohi- bition to take any interest, tlie rate of interest was fixed by law, in 1546, at 10 per eent. The rent of land appears to ha\e been extremeh' luw. in comparison withj later times; attempts to iix un- alterably the rate of wages and |)]ieos of eommo^ dities, and to prevent luxury, could not have any permanent and extensive eifect. Foreign ineclianics and artists, who frequently settled in Enirland, still excehed the natives, and were on that accoimt often hated, persecuted, or restricted liv partial laws. Eiiects equally prejudicial were produt i d !)y mo- no{)olies, the exclusion of all tiTides from the euaiitiy, or tlie confining of some track's to certaan towns. EowARi) \1., ihuugh ordy the son of an Engiisii lady, ascended the tlirone without opjjosition. His father had appouvte^i h)r the boy. who was onlv mne years of ages a Councd of Rt^-enev, consisting'' oi sLxteen members, and an auxiliary Council of twelvemembers; (^') most of the |)ersons so appointed, thought it Jiowever, advisable to obtain full powers to ii-o\-ern from the new King also, and, as the splen- doiir and mtorest of the kingdom required, to place a ^Uiirle mam thc^ King's maternal uncle, at the la>ad as ihYitiaUor. The Chancellor Wriothesley t! 64 DUKE OF SOMERSET PRuTErTOR. [Chap. I. wlio.froiiirraniiicr's nvvrsuni to stutc aiiairb, lunn-tl to obtam the greatest influence, m xJiin affiriiu'd that this was an unlawful vinhitiuu uf the kings directiUH'^. whieh having been eonfirnu'd l)y Paiiia- ment couhl not be abolished wiihnut its auihontv; thtrr wen^ not yet any iixed principles of legishition, iiur wav tliev wished for. On tiii^ ITtli of February, i:i47, tiio I'rotectur was ereated Dnkt^ of Smnerset, and Wnoihesley, Earl of Southampton. These two uieii who were already at variance, were not to be drawn nearer torrother; on tlie con- trary, Sonaa^el found pretexts and opportun.ities entirely to exclude the latter from piddie Im-i uess, and to uhtani from Iviward a newpattopped all business, and notlung eoukl be done withont his assent. He smnmonod as nianv eounscllnrs, and wiiom he pleased, lilltMl up the places whicli liad become vacant in the ( ouncd. and oblanuMl ahm^st ruyr('(Hi -pro- cessions ri'stncted -aiu! pressed establishments fell for the most |)art into tin- hands of ilic courtiers: and all tliose wlio had liefore plundered the Clergy and would williiio-lv have plundered them aLmin, sup- ported these measures, under all kmds of rehirious |)retexts. A short time before, everybodv was liuiiit who would not believe in tlu^ real ])i'cs(aH'e: now. when Ciardiner preached before the Kmn m favour of this doctrine, a great sensation w\as excited, wliich, but withont Ch^anmer'^ participation, ended in \m arrest. At different times many and various |)oints w(aa- submitted to him, am! when In^ would not freely or cowardly snl)scnl)e to them, he was deprived of his Bishoi)ric and treated with sueli rigour that he was not pennittcd to write letters or to read books. ("^) i in se internal dissensions were interrupted by a I.- *> 68 AVAR WiTli btOTL.VND. [Chap I war with Scotlaiicl. Meiirv Vflf. had wished thai .Marv, the only daughter of James V. should marry his son Edward: and Somerset made reasonable propobuis for the same purpose; :\iciry ^^as to be educated in Scotland, m due tune to select a liu^hiaml h^y tlie advice of her nobdity; and, tdl then, not to prefer any other Prince. Reasons were also alleged in reference to the personal relations of the Sovereiirns, as well as to the situaaion of tlieir countries and people. At first the Scotch entered into some eno-ao-oments confnnii- ahlv to these proposal:., but the opposite party soon triumphed, wdio, in a union with Enirlaml. ludn-ld the ruin of their hbenics and religion, and from noble or reprehensible motives attached themselves ^^.^ ^-^^. French. Somerset, called in by the party inclined to tlu^ English, now declared that he by no means came to conquer, only the Scotch shmdd observe what tiny luid before promised. Tins reasonalile declaration was kept as secret as possible, and a report spread that the Duke in- tended to oeeiipy the kingdom and forcibly to carry awav th.e aueen. Tlie matter would probably Imve lieen decided bv a irrc^at vuUriry whieh. the Eno-hsh obtained at Pinkey on tlu^ lOth uf Sep- temlier, 1547. had liot Somerst^t been averse from stdl more alimiatiiig the minds of the people, by the use of ftiree. and had not vanonx reasons eompelied him lu return home. In the hallowing 1M8.] PARLIAMENT."- CRANMER's CATECHISM. G9 year Mary went to France, and thus the hope of a marriage with Edward, which W7)uld probablv liave gi\en a \'ery different turn to the history of England and Scotland, was completely annihilated. After fiis retuiai m November^ 1547, Somerset summoned a Parliament, the attention of wdiich was chiefly engaged by religious Jiffairs. The mea- sures already taken were partly confirmed, partlv extended; thus the King's supremacy over tlic Churcli w\as again recognised, witli severe penalties for doubt or contradiction; the extension of tlic laws of Edward IIL on higli treason, and the recent enactments relating to heresy were abohshed^ tlie rommnnion in both kinds, and the marriage of priests allowed; rrnrtl ordinances wTre no more to have e(puil vahditv with tlie laws of the kino'dom; and tfie Kmg, when lie became of age, miglit indeed suspend tlie laws passed daring his minority, but not al)()lish wliat liacl lH;-eii already done in confornut}- \Mthi tfieni. About the same time Cranmer prtl-ilivlied his Catechism,! ") and seon afterwards the Communion Ijnok, as itwasealhcL and thc^ Book of Common Prayer-. In tlie new Liturgy the invocation to the Virgin and tlu^ Saints were entirely omitted. Some ntlaa- j)arts were altered, with more or less satis- factaiii to tlie public, but the most essential change was the substitution of the English for Llie Eatin lamruage. Wit]] tliese improvements^ however, 70 RFTinTOT^^ AFFAIRS. [CliAi. I. ]549.] LORD THOMAS SEYMOl K 71 iiuLiij abuses were c the more simple divme service engaged the attention of tlie u:reat mass of the ])eo])h' less than formerlv. preacluni^ became mon^ important, and was aimuvt thi- onlv object eif lively and general interest. For tliese reasons unauthorised and m- competent |)ers()ns were prohibited from | reaching, and imaire-breakine: ajid otluT acts of violence were puiiislied. To tlieveluamait ecmsurers of pre- vaibnii' abuses, it nini:hi i'ia'ta.inl\ be answered, that the Clergy had been formerly more iGmorant and more mdifferent to their prohession; and the Catholics who, by their hrws liaci burnt the Bilile, nay, ev(Mi the piM.ple, were more guilty tlian the |)resent rulers, who punished the dlegal destruction e>f pietrires ronl images. After the removal of these and other objections and interruptions, the Protector was threatened with a u-reati/r danger. His lirother. Lord Thomas Seymour, n man witlunit principle and of unbridled amliition, married the Uueen Dowager, Avlbcli led to unpleasant collision with the wife of Somerset^ and hoped at some future time to obtain the hand of the Princess Elizabeth. The Protector in vain n^tresented to him the folly and danger of domestic contentious; several eminent persons in vain threatened him if he did not desist from his plans: he sought to make tlu* Kinfr altogether dependent upon him; comphimed of Somerset's administration; tried to win over the nobles and the people by reprehensible means; caused false money to be coined, in order to promote his views; assembled troo|)s; and proceeded so far, that when tin? two l)rotliers could have maintaincal their ground b,y miion alone, one must necessarily be sacrificed. (''*) On the 25th e)f Februarv. 1549, Sevmour was impeached, and, thougli not convicted of positive treason, ivas condemned to deatli. accordino; to tlie sumniar} and delcctue mode of proceeding usual r2 ii V.lAiiinl. b AFFAIRS. [Chat. I. 1549.1 RKl K.IOUS AFFAIRS, fNTOLKRANC E. 73 at tliat liiiie. 3Tanv acV^ised Somerset not to dig' his own ';ii'a\"i\ i.uit In pardoii ins brother; ollioi^, that lie nIkhiIc! kvcp iii viow only tho puldir ad- vantaire, and h^t the law lake its coLirsc. This o|)iiiioH was especially advocated hx Dudley, Earl of Warwick, a inan of uTcat taleiiLs, but g-rci'u-r vieo. and \^•ho already pmjected tn raise Inniself on tlic rnin r.f \\iv two t)rothorN. Seyiiiuiir was executed on the 20th of March, lol9, ;nHi thoiiii-li few pitied Iniru vet niauy blanird Suiiicr^cl lur nut havuiu' drclined both to ta.ko anv ])art in the trial r? ft- and to confrrru the senlenctn After this saniruinary interlude, attention w'ls asrain turnrti to tin/ aiiaii's of the Church: tlir Latni mass and nianv fioliiiav> were . tht^ rierjiv, for the first refusal to accept thn new hiturgy, for- feited their revennes for one year: for the secoinl refiiaai^ they wa ii' ckprived of their h\ing and sen- tenced to one year's imprisonment: and for the third; tu iiiipii^oiiiULiit ku' hie. {^^) Even thu King, ihoimh possessed of considerable abilities, and edu- cated wit hi the greatest care, considered it as sinfid to ahow his sister IMary the free exercise of her re- ligion. ha* wdiich reason sin* was (m the ])(nnt of leaxing the kingdom,(t^) — nay, the ecclesiastical coarts,ev(m with the assent of the mild (/ramnier, con- d( rniu'd a woman to he burnt, because she denied that Christ, when ni his motlier's womb, fiad takeai flesli from ^lary, or (as men more subtilelv express it,) because she afhianed tfiai the word had not be- come flesh through tlie carnal Mary, born in sin, Imt throui!'h the iiinta;-inan of Mary. The woman, wlien conck^mned, said bitterly to her judii^es tliat another had boiai eiai(kannnd by them to chjath for n piece (a" breach but she h)r a |)iece of ilesh. (^^) Edward, al first, justly refused to sign the sentence of death, hut this rofnsal by no means proceciled from a iriDm eorreca miav of th<^ iniusticc of sucli cruelties, hut !r(an thu- opinion, that if the woman died while she entertained tin's error, she wmdd be eternally d,amm'd.(^^) In connection with all these religious changes, were many things w hich had, or assumed, a mure \\ (ai(h!v appearance: thus the liospitality and charity td I ho Monasteries were much missed, and it was aihianed that llmv had takt^n lower rents and aT- Inrttnd ;t liottt-r niarknt than tiie new masters. The hiUrr. ton, fhecanse the breeding of slieep WU5 una I pri)ktable to them,; conx crttd much arable A l)!STrUP>ANCES. [CiiAi\ L 1549.] I-IXAXCES. TROFBl.ES. 7^ land into pasture, discharged tenants and workinen, whi), by tht^ tall of tlu' prices uf silver and the dv- preciatiori of the currenev, were alr( eaiv nahicHMl to £rreat distress. (^) Somerset heeaiiie odiuus tu the liobihtvbecaiise he seriously examnuHl into these evils, and proteetrd the oppressed to the utmost ui liis |)ower; however, the people, on tlunr side, often went lievond due bounds, and lu'oke out into open m^urreetiou from \'m'y different nu^tivos. Tiuis the mal-contents of Devonshire deniaudiuL m arroii-aut terms, the restoration of manv Church ceremonies, of the six articles, and of the communion in one kintl; the eold)aey of tln.^ CliTiry, the destruction of the Endish, lubles. tlu' appointment of better Counsellors of the King, the abolition of the No^ bility, and of many feudal serviees and luirdens. An cye-witness states, that tlio eiiusrs ^nul pretexts (if the insurrection are u.ncertain, audi diifercrit in every eami). as is generally tliv ease of tlie senseless mob. wVii) do lint kmiw their own minds. Some trdk of enelosures and parks, others of religion, some wisli to make l)ooty, others to rrov(^rn according tn tlieir pleasure; all finally liate the nol)ihty whom thev call their enemies. It was not, liowever, nil after some sanguinary engagements, that peace and order werc^ restored; but the GTcat peoph% for the iTU)st part, found mcuius to evade and defeat whole- some reu-edatieai^ respeetiiui' the conversion of arable Innd nite p^iNiure. am! olhei^ evdN that were cuui- ])lained of. ^hmy just reproaches were thrown u[Miii the,' hnaucaal administratiom Notwithstanding the sequestration of the estates of the Monasteries iUid (Uior-mously large receipts, yet so much liad been given and s([uandered away, nay, the King was so repeatedly cheated and robbcMJ by his first Barons, that he was forced to sell crown lands, and yet to borrow money at home and alii'oad. on the most ruinous terms, (even at fourteen percent.) and often to receive goods instead of monev. In this distress without regard to Cranmer's opposition, tlie (liurches were again plundered, and all the siher, vestments, ornaments, and other ])roperty, wdiich it was found convenient to call sn.periiuous, was taken awav. Under such circumstances, Somerset was justly riirht in desirinir to conclude peace with Scotland am! I'^rance, and to restore Bonloiifne for a lar plans; and yet he had oidy taken half measures, nay, neglected the main point hi not a-ettinu' the Princesses. Mary and Elizal)eth, into his power. Besides this, a irreat })art of the ])Cople had always considered Henry's marriage with Catharine as legal, or at least looked upon all precedimr doubts as removed, by the late decisions of Parliament. Added to this, the Dudleys were hated, the directions and the descendants of King Henry were respected, and civil disturbances ap- prehended. But no one was more surprised than Jane Grev herself, when her father and her fatlier- in-law informed her of tlie measures which had hitherto been ke|)t secret, and saluted her as Queen. Jane was sixteen, in tlu^ flower of her youth; she was equally beautiful, sensible, and amiable; unaffected m her manners, and so highly accomplished^ that she read Plato m the original ft ' laniruage. Jane, we are told,C"^''0 replied to t]u^. unexpected proposal, ^'That Mary had the better right, that to usurp a throne was the greatest crime, that she was in no way inclined to place lierself in ^o danirerous a situation." It Avas not till her parcnits and relations, (for Jane had been educated witli great strictness,) importuned her, and the Ju(!g(\s declared that she was eiithled, nav ])()!n](i to ascend the throne, tliat she yielded; on the 9th of July the body-guard and civil officers took the oath to lier: on tlie lOth, tlie towcu^ was taken possession of in her name; and her riu^ht, as well as Mary\ incapacity, pu])licly explained and declared. The people shewed no signs either of approbation or displeasure, but that Nortliumlieiiand caused a man who objected, to ])e put in tlie pillory and ha\e his ears cut oif was a greater error, as the success of the whole ])lan depended in a o-reat measure on the favorable disposition of the people, and this again on the mildness and condescension of the new rulers. It soon appeared also, that representations of the dangers which would accrue to religion and tlie state from Mary^s ascending the throne, could not overcome the arguments of positive right; nay, as soon as she had promised to the inhabitants of Suffolk that she would make no chancre in the existing constitution of the church, they were g2 tt4 xurthumberland's fall. [(nAf^. T the first to take her part, and even the Princess Ehzabeth set her friends to work for her. On the 9th of Jidy, three days after the deatli of Edward, Mary wrote to tlie members of the Privy Comicil, that the throne belonged to her l)y birtlu inheritance, the decision of Parhament, and the Will of her father: to which they stated m reply, ''That her claims were opposed by the invalid marriao;e of her mother, custom, the will of Edward, and the general voice of tlie people. Tlie Imperial Amljassador at the same time received directions to keep quiet, and not to meddle in pul)lic affairs. But tlie matter was not to l^e settled by coitc- spondence of this nature, and Northumberland, who was now believed l)y many to have poisoned the King, was obliged to march against the partisans of Mary. Before, however, he was in a state to attack the superior forces of his enemy, he was not only abandoned by London during his absence, but the Privy Council, chiefly at the in- stillation of the Earl of Arundel, went over to Mary and summoned Jane to resign the crown, f ') She obeyed without the slightest hesitation, and on the followmc^ dav, the 20th of July, Northumberland himself proclaimed Mary at Cambridge. Without regard to this forced repentance, both he and Jane, with several others, were arrested. So rapid was the chanire of circumstances that, on the 29th of July, people were already standing m the pillory 1553.] NORTHT^MBKRLANT) S FALL. 85 in London, who had spoken against Mary; and, on the 3d of August, the Queen made her entry into the City, while the Catholics, animated with new hopes, called her the mirror of all virtues, tlic Virgin Mary, the most blessed Virgin. Soon afterwards, Northumberland, with his son and some of his most distinguished adherents, were brought to trial. Failing in the attempt to excuse himself with the general term of the resolution respecting the succession to the throne, and to exclude from the jury those who had shared in his crime, this man, otherwise so proud, condescended to the most humlde entreaties for pardon. But these were as unavailing as his declaration in favour of the Catholic religion. On the 22d of August, 1553, he was executed with his eldest son and four of his friends, unpitied by any. Northumber- land, previous to his death, declared that lie Jiad favoured the new^ doctrine, not from internal conviction, but to gain the Court and the people; that no crime weighed so heavy on his conscience as his cabals against Somerset; that he had been the most ambitious and crafty of men; that the sole object of all his actions had been to raise himself, and ruin his enemies. Jane was now also condemned to death, and that l)y tlie very men who, only a short time before, had misled the innocent victim, and sworn alk\giance to lier' The UutMui, who wislied to n 86 QVEKX MARY. [C. ] \ ? ^ assuiiir- an appearance of clemency, respited iier, but kept both her and htn- hus})and under very rigorous custody, and soon dis})hiyed, in otiier tiling's, her natural character. The vouth of Marv had been ioyless, and she hated her father, who was ])robal)ly deterred only by Crannier's intercession from luivuiic her executed, C'') Sucli severe necessity ami danger had confirmed her in austere Catholic opinions, and we sliould readdv honour her own conviction, had she not endeavoured to forc^e it upon others; and ni doiuR- so outstep})ed all the bounds of moderation, wisdom, and justice. Charles V. whom she con- sulted in affairs of importance, was of a dilferent opinion, hie wrote to tier, advisnig, that if her subiects v/ould not place her upon the throne, except on the con.dition that she shoidd ]U)t make any changes m the established religion, she should consent; but that if tlun^ im]>osed no conditions, she must proceed in every thing with the utmost prudence, punish only tier principal oi)ponents, and allay the apprehensions of the rest. (''*^) In lier narrow-miiuled zeal, she replied, " God, wlu) has hitlierto protected me in my misfortunes, is my confidence. I will not shew him inv frratitude tardily and in secret, but immediately and openly." Perhaps, liowever, it ^^'as owing to this ad\ice of Charles tiiat a public declaration was issued on the l^tli of Auirust: ''That the Queen would constrain 3.(^-^!feW"-'-~ ;..Tw^:»Ki'-.s 1553.] RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS. 87 nobody in religious matters, but every one was directed to refrain from the offensive expressions of papist and heretic." With all this appearance of clemency, there were various indications of future changes: thus the printing, even of poems and ballads, was subject to a most rigorous censor- ship; all persons were prohibited from speaking airainst the Queen and her council, because all they did was for the honour of God and the welfare of the souls of her subjects. The release of Gardiner, Dunstal, Bonner, and other Catholic bi- shops and ecclesiastics from prison, where they were confined for their opinions, was just; that they were restored to their bishoprics may be excused; ])ut when, under the pretext of preventing disputes, all preaching, without the royal licence, was forbidden, and this was granted only to those that held the Romish opinions; when the general ])ardon, pro- nounced on the day of the coronation, the 1st of October, contained so many restrictions and ex- ceptions that no offender found any security in it, alarm was excited, and the inhabitants of Suffolk, to whom the Queen in a great measure owed her elevation, reminded her, though without effect, of the promise she had given them to govern with clemency, and to maintain trie Protestant religion. A more powerful opposition ought to have been expeeted or feared from Parliament; — but liad not 1 1 88 RELIGIOl S AFFAIRS. [Chav. \ both Mouses, since tlie time of Henry VIII., been ah^ays ready, without any will or character of their own, to confirm even measures directly contrary to each other, when proposed to them !)y the Sovereign or Go\-crnment of the day? TIuis, upon tins occa- sion also, the Parliament, out of conviction, fear fickleness, or nidecision, shewed itself so obsequious, that the Court ventured, on the 5th of Octo])er, 1 :)53, to open it with a solemn mass. Tiie marriage of Catharine and Henry was, first of all, declared legal, and Mary^s right to the throne acknowled^'-ed; on the other hand, many blamed her for treating her sister Elizabeth (unmindful of the support she had given lier,) as of inferior l)irth, and assioinno- her a rank l)elow that of Countesses. Hereupon tlie Par- liament proceeded to examine many laws of Henry ^ HI. stigmatized them as being written, like those of Draco, with l)lood, and excited m the shortsiaiited a hope that a \'ery mild Government would succeed. But m the end only those ordinances were abolished whichpunished connections with Rome, and the like; and the discretion which was now, in many instances, given to the judges, had even worse consequences than the previous literal application of the law. In a second Session, ( from the 24th of October to the 0th of Decemljcr,) the Parliament |)roceeded mucli more rai)i(l]y, and abolished at once almost all thestatutesof Etlxxard Vl.cn religionand the Church; as wcil as tliusc ndatiim to tJie sacrament, the li- n it 1553.] RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS. 89 turgy, the celi])acy of the clergy, election of bishops, consc^cration, images, fasts, festivals, &c. Notwithstanding this great subserviency of the Parliament, Mary dissolved it because it did not manifest the same unconditional obedience witli re- gard to her marriage concerns. Upon this she ordered, by her own authority, that divine service should not l)e performed in the English lancniao'e; that no married clergyman should perfonn any ec- clesiastical functions, and that every church should provide the articles requisite in the performance of mass. Several thousand married clergymen were now expelled with their wives and children, which aj)pears the more unjust, as many of their adversaries, — for instance, Gardiner and Bonner, — by no means conscientiously kept their vows of chastity. Many of these unfortunate individuals left the kingdom, but as tliey did not entirely agree with Luther\s opinion on the Lord's Supper, they were treated in Denmark, and on the coast of Saxony, as heretics, whom it was proper to abandon to extreme misery rather than admit their poison into the pure countries. (^■') All the doctrines of the old Church were now^ defended in England with the greatest vehemence, and It was affirmed, for instance, that the residing- of the bible was in the highest degree pernicious, thv Eiiglish translation damnable, &c. Archbisliop Cranmer, far from meanly giving up ill 90 RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS. [Chat. T. 9< I his work, or seekirio: safety in flio-ht, as some of his friends advised, openly spoke and wrote against ail these retrogade proceedings, but was for so doing, thrown into prison, and the management of affairs given to his opponent Gardiner: but the latter was prudent enough to sec that it was easier to force upon the people some subtle doctrines than to accus- tom them again to the Papal power, or to elYcct the restoration of the Church lands. Even Mary herself confessed in a letter, that the abolition of the eccle- siastical laws of Edward, had not been accom})lished without a severe strugu'le and contest, and only by the greatest exertions of the faithful; nay, Pope Julius III. said, Mary is a woman, her jiower is not secure, and the zeal of her adversaries is great; — therefore it is advisable by no means to ])ro- ceed with precipitation, l)ut to net with prudt^ice. However, the Pope, conformably to the wislies of Marv, appointed Cardinal Pole for his plenipo- tentiary; l)ut he was detained under \arious ])re- tences, and almost by violence, in the Netherlands. For Gardiner, perhaps fcarmghis inliucnce, had writ- ten to the Emperor, that the people were l)yno means sufficientlv prepared to receive a Papal Leirate, and and Pole^ like Mary, would desire to cliange all matters relative to religion at once, and thereby spoil all! Charles V. not only |)articipated m tliis conviction^ but feared also that Pole might op})ose the plan of marrying Mary to Philip II., or perhaps hi i 3. k< 1553.] PROPOSED MARRIAGE. 91 even think of renouncing tlie ecclesiastical pro- fession, and marrving the Queen himself. Some persons had wished she might marry the Earl of Devonshire, the grandson of a daughter of Edward IV., but he was imprudent and licentious, and Mary too thought tliat a marriage with one of her subjects could neither do her honour, nor add to her re})utation. Besides this, Charles V. to whom Mary had, from the beginning, secretly left the de- cision respecting her marriage, had very different plans. His Ambassadors tlierefore negociated du- ring the niglit with the tlueen, without the know- ledge of her Counsellors, and, by their very able conduct, at length led her eagerly to enter into the secret wishes of the Emperor, and almost to express them first herself: nay, she was so impatient, that on the 30th of October, 1553, she sent for Charles's Ambassador during the night, and solemnly gave hiin her ])roraise for Philip IL, before any public negociation had taken place on the su])ject.('^) But scarcely was the news of this plan published, when manifold objections to it arose. Philip, it was alleged, was proud, impetuous, superstitious, hated even in liis hereditary dominions, and would at- tempt to introduce Spanish and Italian slavery into England; the marriage seemed equally liable to objections if it were concluded with or without tlie permission of the Pope, and it miglit lead to gi-eat differences with France. These well-founded no MARHIAGK.— DTSTURBANCES CliAF. I, 1554.J DEATH UF JANE GREY. 93 -i or exae-irerated appreliensions were to be reinoved, such was tlie wish of the Emperor himself, by a marriao-e contract, tlie terms of whicli appeared ex- tremely rcasonabh^ But the more he and Pliihp granted, the less, in the opinion of those who were indisposed to the plan, did they intend to keep. — The marriage contract declared; the Government remains in the hands of the Queen, she decides with respect to offices, lands, revenues, &c.; no clianirc^ shall be madt^ in the laws, no forei^rners hold anv office, and no foreisrn lansruage be em- ployed in public transactions. The (dueen is not to leave the kinirdom witliout lu^r free will, her children not to leave it without the consent of tlie iiobilitv. Tliev are to inherit Burcrundv and the Netherlands,— nay, in case Prince Cliarles should die, the wliole Spanisli Monarchy. Meantime discontent at ecclesiastical matters, and the Spanish marriage, rose so high that many con- sidered it as their duty openly to oppose the Govern- ment, Disturbances arising: from this circumstance were not su])pressed without bloodshed, and, from the cruel temper of the Queen, gave occasion to numerous executions. Thus, on the 14th and 15th of February, 1554, fifty persons were hung, in London alone, on twenty gallows; and on the 1 2th, Jane Grey, her Imsband, and the Duke of Suffolk, were executed. At nW events, the Lady Jan(^ had not the sliu-htesi share in the late insurrection ; — ■ ri she suffered death in the Tower, that public sym- pathy might not be excited, — and ])ore her fate with the greatest resolution, declaring on tlie scaf- fold, that she was guilty for not having more strenu- ously op|)osed lier elevation, and having thereby troubled public tranquillity and order. The Queen was very desirous to involve her sister Elizabeth, whose brilliant qualities began to attract all eyes,("^) in the same ruin. She also, already indicated Mary Stuart as her legal successor. (3n the 15th of March, 1554, Elizabeth was arrested, and so rigorously treated in the Tower, that she was not even permitted to walk out into tlie open air. She was convinced that she should be executed, but the strictest investigation proved that many of her adherents had indeed known of the troubles, and had thought of placing her upon the throne, but that Elizabeth, as she herself also positively affirmed, had never participated in such a plan. Even Bisho|) Gardiner, though at first the most zealous accuser of Elizabeth, is said to have finally declared, that there was no reason to condemn her. (''') Philip, and the Spaniards, affirmed the same, partly from a sense of justice, partly for fear of insurrections, and partly because they apprehended that Mary Stuart might one day become Queen of France, Scotland, and England. On the 19th of May, 1554, Elizabeth was set at liberty, liut still kept under strict super- intendence; a plan to send her to Brussels^ or to 94 THE QUEENS MARRIAGK. [Chap. I. 1554.] THE QUEEN S MARRIAGE 95 marrv her in Savoy, was not executed, in eonse- qiience of her iirm resistance. The new Parhament, wliich sat from the 2(1 of x\pril to the 5th of May, i5r)4, did indeed assmit to the marriairc contract, but at tlie same time came to various resohitions, to prevent the int1u(uice of Phihp. A motion to a'nrnt to the Queen tlie right of determininir the succession, was negratived, from fear of the Spanisli dominion and of the (^xchision of Ehzabeth; nor were Laws proposed acainst the pre- tendedheretics agreed to: wliereupon Mary dismissed the Parhament in high displeasure. The plan for the Queen's Spanish mamage caused such a ireneral excitement, that even schoolboys divided into par- ties and foucrht, and, in their ano-er, hunii: the bov who liad personated Khig Philip, so that it was with great difficulty that he was cut dcvwn and re- stored to life. Mary, on the other hand, desired to see her bridegroom with an eagerness that amounted to silliness, and mingltMl with fear that the affiance migiit no more end in a marriage than nine others had done before, or that Philip, a young man of twenty-seven, mio-ht not think her, who was thirty- eight, either handsome or amiable, and in fact she was neither. Marv also declared, wlien she was married to Count Egmont, as proxy for Philip, that she contracted this marriage for the honour and advantage of her kingdom, and Gardiner made a speech to the Parliament, arguino* that if the meanest woman was free to choose a husband^ such right })elonged still more to a queen. At length, on the 20th of July, 1554^ Philip landed in England, with Counts Egmont, Horn, Bergen, and many Spanish Grandees, and was married by Gardiner to the Queen on the 25th, St. James's day. Her affec- tion for him did not diminish, though he by no means returned it; but the English disliked his proud, formal and reserved manners, and his igno- rance of their lanu^uage. Now that the marriage had been effected, and the Emperor was con\inced that Pole had never been adyerse to his views, the latter came to Englraid m September, 1554, as Papal Plenipo- tentiary, and a Parliament was summoned whose })liability was the more to be depended upon, be- cause the greatest pains had been taken to influence the elections, &c. Philip purposely shewed himself generous on all occasions, and used his influence for the release of prisoners of rank, especially of Elizabeth: yet the Parliament would not consent to the coronation of Philip, and still less grant money to support the Emperor against France. With re- spect to the affairs of the Church, it was more ready to comply. While the zealous Catholics united the unconditional restoration of the old state of things, the Clergy themselves declared that, if they would not have the whole plan fail^ the resto- i '\-\ 9(i THE CATHOLIC CHVRC fl RESTORED. [Chap. I. ration of the Church lands iriiist be renounced, and they must only seek to regani the estabhshment of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and of the Papal au- thority. This annunciation certanily displeased the Roman Court, yet it thought that, as Church pro- perty miglit be alienated for the redemption of prisoners, much more could be done for that of a whole kingdom. On the 24th September, 1554, Gardiner, as Chancellor, made a speech in Parha- ment, detailing at length, what had already been done, what was intended, and how eagerly all longed to ])e received into the bosom of the Konuui Catholic Church. To tliis Pole re})lied in a suita])le speech, produced his full powers, released all (while they fell on their knees,) from the excommunication, in tlie name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and received them into the pale of the Holy Church. So great was the interest and the emotion of their mmds, that many wept, embraced, and congratulated each other, and exclaimed,—- ''This day we are born again!" Hereupon a solemn Te Deum WHS chanted in the Roval Chapel, and, on the following day, deputies from the city of London paid their respects to tlie Cardinal. Other deputies from the clergy, the nobility, and the i)eople, liast- ened to Rome; and on the 25th of January, 1555, (the year in wliieh the religious ])eace of Genua nv was concluded,) n<) Ijishops^ I GO priests, and an J555.] THE CATHOLIC CHURCH RESTORED. 97 innum(^rabl(' multitude of ])eople, with 90 crosses, made a solemn procession, in gratitude for the res- toration of the ancient Church. We cannot but ])e astonished at the facility and the levity with which, during this period, cliansres of religion, in totally opposite directions, were effected in England ; for, if we excuse the House of Commons, because the Court had very great influence m the elections, yet the Lords cannot possiblv have so often and so quickly changed their sentiments. Yet at the liottom there was certainly a more persevering spirit, and a regular development concealed, which tliose who w^ere in power ought to have jierceived and attended to; l)ut, rendered arrogantbv the new victory, they forgot all ])rudence and moderation. The Pope therefore demanded the restoration of all the* Church |)roperty, and declared that the illegal possessors only suifered the loss which they w^ell merited. The Queen, without any regard to re- monstrances, seconded liis views, and when not w few members of the Lower House, des])anTng of public affairs, entirely Avithdrew, tliis did not induce the over-zealous to take warning, but increased their temerity. Pole, and all the less eager, maintained that vio-^ lent measures, independently of all injustice, had never produced the desired effect. The Emperor again rc^commended to proceed with clemency and caution, for he himself had been unfortunate \\\ the VOT. T H » I 98 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. [Cii A use of harsh measures; however, Gardiner, Bonner, and others triumphed, whose bhnd zeal was more consonant to the sentiments of Mary and Philip. They represented that tolerance led to indifference, and that improvements in doctrine, disciplin(% and constitution, advaiitatxeous as they mifrht otherwise be, were now not to !)e thouirht of, because tliis would only coniiriii the complaints of the reformed, and furnish them with new pretexts. The recon- ciliation of l)oth parties was not to be thouo-ht of — one must prevail, — and it was the duty of the Pnnce to exterminate the existing poison; punislnnents had moi'e effect than ariruments. and if thc^ Bishops and Clergy were treated with rigour, the people, deprived of their leaders, would soon come back into the right way. Conformablv with these views, tlu^ persecution now began; and tliis, not to punish the violation of positive laws, and stillless the commission of actual crimes, but to compel an assent to artificial views and human doctrines: above all things, everv doubt of the real presence was considered as a eriuie worthy of death at the stake. The accused were buried in dreadful^ gloomy dungeons, witliout wri- ting materials, books, or other consolation. They were tortured and chained in various ways; !)v the neck, the hands or ft^et, or crosswise, with the ridit hand to tlio Irft foot, and the left hand to tlie right foot, Manv jadu-es laid all kinds of snares ior i55.'3.] REniGIOUS PERSECUTION. 99 them, took real pains to find them guilty, and d(^- manded the most ])ositive acknowledgment of prin- ci])les not agreeing wdth each other. Those who would not subscribe to certain conditions, that were laid before theni, were condemned at once; jury- men, w^ho did not decide as was w ished, wxre im- prisoned and fined. In this distress the im])risoned innovators presented to the King, the Queen^ and the two Houses of Parliament, a representation, in which they said, among other things: "Under two reigns the relic^ious system had l)een esta- blislied, after the most careful examination, and adopted ])y all learned and eminent men ; a rapid change m it is, tlierefore, an insult to two noble- minded Kings, and brings men's consciences into danger. Lastly, the manner is least of all to be justified in which Clergymen, who lived and taught according to the laws of the kingdom and of the Church, are tormented, plundered, expelled, nay, treated worse than they had ever been by Turks and heathens: — we have been imprisoned for sixteen months without being heard, though tlie express letter of the law is in our favour, and our adver- saries are tlie false projilu^ts of Pharoah. We therefore demand pcuanission to defend our doc- trine, and to be treated accordinu' to tlie Ennrlish i^a w . In a publication that appeared about the same time, it was said, "Gardiner and Bonner, — the first H 2 100 RKLTGTOUS PERSErUTlON. [Cn Af r. of whom fornierlv wrote a book on True Obedience, ao-ainst the Papal authority, to which tlie latter wrote tlie Preface, who liaii ])oth subscribed Henry VIII. 's two books of Christian instruction, wlio had sok"^mnly taken an <»ath to him, as supreme head of the Cliurch, and were so lonu' enemies to the Queen, li;i\'e chanLi'ed tlicir Dpiiiinii. niereiy from workllv motives. ( Trn^tianity is tok^rated even ameqiu' tlie Turks, and the Jews are every where treated more mikily than we are; but, in the other workL Kings ^mU l)e ealk^l to aeeoimt inr thus sacritieing tlic^ lilood of thieir mnocent subjects to wolves/' All these renir)n-.trances ;ind arii-ummts, liowever, madt^ no impression; nay. tiie persecutor^ l)roua"ht forwai'd n(^w complaint^^. that some of liie ill-treated plundered innovators^ condenmtMl to be burnt, liad expressed thom*=elvev wit hi hai-^lmess and violence respecting them, it was to la* hi- mented that many of the reformed, even in the prison^^ most violently disputed with each other about free will, predestination, the dress of the clenxy, &c. Most of theui. however, afterwards endured the most painful death for their o])i]]ions with sueli calm resimiatitsu and firm resolution that for fear their fate shoidd excite too great ])ity, tliev were forbidden to speak, and no spectators were allowed tj) l)e |)resent at thr Imiaiiiiu* of tlie victims. WIh^u (larduier *, his probity, and many other virtues. This mali- cious joy was accompanied by no compassion: on the contrary, they purpostlv dcccnvcd the unfor- tunate man, and held out hopes of pardon^ though 4 1556.J CRANMER S DEATH. 103 It was fully resoh ed that he should be burnt. On the 24tli of February, 1 h^'f^). Philip and Mary gave orders to this effect, referring to a decision of l\)])e Paul 1\'. winch condemned him as a heretic, with- out regard to an appeal to a general council. The prisoner was brought to the Churchy where a Dr. Cole preaclunl to the effect '*That repentance does not a\ ert all punishment, as examples in the Bible proved; tliat Cranmer had done the Chnrch and the lloman Catholics so much mischief, that he must fall a victim; their ^lajesties had, besides, other good reasons for Imrning him." At the conclusion of tliis Sermon, Cranmer was to deliver the speech which had been prescribed to him. Instead of this lie began with a mild. Christian introduction, and then, to the great surprise of the Catholics, loudly accused himself of having in a moment of weakness^ and from fear of death, sacrificed the truth, and subscribed the recantation. Tlie reproaches of the Catliolics that this going back was a proof of new falsehood, and a violation of his word, could not move him. On the 21st of March, 1556, when he had mounted the funeral pile, he put the right hand ^vhich had signed the recantation first into the fire, and died with the greatest firmness. The speech which Cranmer had really held was not printed^ but by Bonner's advice that which had becm ])rescribed him: but nobodv WHS decened i)v this falsehood. SI ft /. ^ 104 KKLli.IOUS PERSECITK/X. [Cuav, L The miiiibcr of niixons hunit for tlit-ir rriio-ion under Mary's rcimi is not accurately asccrtuiiied • but mii^ statement makes it amount to 4 bisliops, 20 clerprymeiu H noblemen, 84 citizens and mei'chants, 100 country |)eo|)lo and servants, 55 women and 4 cliildren.(''') Pole who had succeeded Cranmer and recommended milder proceedingrs, so oftVnd(Hl l)v this and other reasons tlie o\cr-zealuus Pope, Paul IV., that lie was only induced hv the nru-ent repre- sentations of the Queen to contide to liim the leua^. tion, of which he had already been deprived. But when the superior as well as the infei'ior courts became daily more averse to Ix^ anv lonu-er the instruments of such cruelties, extfaordmarv commissioners were appointed, who proceeded m the manner of the mquisition, extenched thmr (uujui- ric^s to almost all subjects, punished trifles in the severest numuer, and whcui rrhn-ions pretexts were not sufficient, added accusatKrp.s of eivd ottences, and e\'en eauscHl (hstniiia(i>}n>d men to !)e seized in the niu'ht, and brought diso-nised to the Tower. King' Philip was considered as tlu^ chi(4' author of all tliose evils, hut prol)ahly without reason: for even if we do not take into tlio account that he left Eno-land m Septembrr. 1 :)55, and onlv came back from March to July. I '>e7. lie would not have been able to do any thing, either when present or absent, it th(^ Uue(>u\ wav of tliinkinir had iH)t entirely agreed wiiii hi^ nwu. In iiupcs ui ubtainintr the If 1558.] di:ath of queen mary. 105 favour of this cold husband, she declared war against France, without any suflici(uit reason, on the 2^th of May, 1557; and without regard to the objections of the Parliament, extorted large sums, especiallv l)v the most arbitrarv taxes on trade. Plulip's victory at St. Quentin, (10th of August, 1 557.) gained him more honour than permanent ad- \aiitage; and on the other hand, Calais, which Mary had not ])roperly garrisoned and fortified, was taken on the 8tli of January, 1558, by Francis, Duke of Guise. Grief at this loss, the absence of her husband, fear for the future fate of the catholic re- ligion, and dissatisfaction with herself and her sub- jects, so injured .Mary's weak constitutioiu tliat slie died on tiic I 7th of November, 1558, in the forty- third year of her age. The purity of her personal conduct, her tittachment to her husband, and a certain energy and tirmness of character, which all the Tudors possessed, deserve to be mentioned with piai^c,(''^) buther blameable qualities far outweighed them, namely, obstinacy, cruelty, superstition, and tyranny, and all this combined witli limited intel- lectual faculties, or proceeding from them. Yet lier funeral sermon said, that she was too good for this world, that she had exercised a special mildness and clemency to off'enders, had purified the kingdom, which had been poisoned by heresies, &c.I On the same day as Mary, died Cardinal Pole, tifty-nmc years of age, nut indeed wholly free from t ,■; ? ^^ 1 01) ACCESSTON OP ELIZABETH rCii \ p. f. the censurable intolerance uf those tinu^s, but milder than many, disinterested, a friend of the sciences^ and blameless ni respect to Ins morals and course of life. After the lapse of half a ecuturv, in which despotism and obstinacy, weakness and tyranny, akernated, and crossed each other in a mauiier that disirusts the mind of the observer, where no [)ositive object was attained either in the Church or State, the reiuii of Ehzabetli now succeeds, a bright contrast to mark that which prt^ceded and h)nowed it. Reoailarity and order return., an admiral)ie iiiidtu'stanihng is manifested m c^verv thiiiLi", and even the shadows, wliicli as m all human affairs are not wlioHv waiitinii-, lose a uTcat ])art of their darkness, when we compare tliem with contem- porary events, the coldblooded cnu^ltv of Phih]), the o|)pressed Netherlands, the French cnal wars, and the massacre of Saint Bartholomew. (•") NOTES TO ( HAPTEK I. (J) I'age 8. t\)r an accoinu of the incrediblv numerous retinue of Henry Vill. in his interview with Francis I. (above 5000 persons,) see Raumers Bricfe aus Paris, zur Erlduterung der Geschichtc des li) d: 17 JnhrJivnderts, vol. If. p. 498. (2) Page 8. Anionir the articles cornposins: the niarriac^e portion of the Princess Mary, were gold and silver images of St. George, St. Edward, St. Thomas a Becket, St, Catharine, &c. (3) Page 10. Henry was well aware iA tliese pensions, nor (hd W'olsey sutfer himself lo be bribed by them, in the ordinary acceptation (.f the term, to act contrary to his conviction. G' alfs L if( of 1 1 is ( y , Ajrp . p . 19. (I) Page 1 1 . At t!ie uiterview of Flenry VIII. and Francis I. Wolscy had with hiin 72 noblemen and chaplains; :IM other servants, and 150 horses. (.^) Page 13. It was a strange recommendation of the book, that ten years' indulgence was promised to the readers of it. Naress Mem. of Burghley , vol. L, p. 24. it is probable liiat other persons, besides Henry, were concerned \n the compo- sition of the work. Soames History of the Riformation, vul. F |). 171. {G) Page 14. HalL p. 623. (7) Page 14. Before the election of Adrian, Wolsev had nine, twelve, and once, even nineteen votes. Fiddes, p. '282. (8) Page 1 5 . Turn er , He n ry MIL, vo L I. p .24. Atone time Wolsev thought ol' marrying Henry to Renate, sister to tiie Queen i4 France. At all events it was agreea!)k^ lo tlie French, i^ lie my .paaiicled uiih tiie Emperor. Soatnc, \ p. 180. Re- in it ; ,11 lUb NOTE:^. -CHAPTER f. NOTKS. — CH AFTER 1. 109 specting Catharine's cloister-like mode of life, see Ribadcneira Scisma d'Inglaterra, p. 21. (9) Page 18. Castlenau. Mem. p. 70. Soamey vol. 1. }). 'is)?, relates bow Wnlsev's letters were stolen at Rome nnd sent to the King, (10) F^agfc'il. Mezeray Abrege dt rillstolre dc France ^ mA. I\'. p. 120. Henr) and Charles V. paid lur books and opmions tor and against the divorce. Burnet, vol. T. pp.47 — 54. Lingard^s Hist, of England^ vol. I. p. 227. Zwrngli was in favour of it. The Lutherans did not declare so decidedly, and did nr.! all agree. I 1 I ) Page 21 , Burnety vol. 1. p. 54. Strype, vol. I. }). 222. The English Universities made more dithculiies before they declared against the marriage. (12) Page 23. Instead of the ancient respect, says an old MS., which was entertained for the Pope and tise Papal Chair, no masquerade or other similar amusement was seen in which some person was nsji led alMjut dressed hke the Po{)e tsr a Cardinal. Even tlie women continually ndicuUcl ilie Pope, and thouf^ht they could not put a grosser insult upon anvbudy than by caliuig hiiii a Priest of the Pope, or a Papist. MSS. de St. Germain des Pres, vol. DCCXL. (13) Page 24. Those who were branded were not permitted to hide the mark or to let their beards grow. And those who were aecused as Eollards, besides beiu';:: coiripcllt'd to abjura- tion, were forced, on pain of death, always to wear a particular badge; namely, a tairirot wrought in thrtad, or painted on their left sleeve, ihougli liiey were almost universally avoided on that account, and nobody would give them employment. Soamc, vol. I., p. 859. (14) Page "20- He was first stran cried i^i 1536, at Wilvorden, and then burnt. Brandt. Rcthrni. des Pays Bus., vol. 1. n. 55. (15) Page -i.'i. (o//ier, vol. 11. Doc. p. 17. foo:, vol. fl. p. 329. The word pramiunire comes tVom tise beginning of tiie Ic-^al iorniula |a a iinnme facias, wiierc oraanunire means the same thing as premonire. In tlie sixteenth year of the reign of Pvicliard II. the fundamenta! hiw on this subject was passed to the following effect. ^' Everybody who obtains from Rome, Bulls, Laws, Anathemas, d'c, which too nearly affect the King and the rights of the kingdom, loses the protection of the laws; is deprived of his property; and liable to corporal punishment." In the sequel, many other offences were subjected to the penalty of prac^munire; for instance, refusing to take the oath of supremacy, supporting the priests and Catholic clergy, &c. Blackstone, vol. IV. chap. viii. (16) Page 31. Ecclesia singularem protectorem, unicum et supremum Dominum, et quantum per Christi legem licet, etiam supremum caput ipsius Majestatem recognoscimus. Collier, vol. II. pp. 61 — 63. But even this form gave up almost everything, as the explanation was in the hands of him who had arbitrary power. fl6) Page 34. Burnet, vol. I., \). 100. Many persons who opposed the innovations, especially Carthusians, were burnt this year. Soame, vol. I., p. 30. (17) Page 37. A union with the German Protestants was not effected for several reasons, and especially because Henrv was more disposed to dictate than to yield. Lingard, vol. VI., p. 353. (18) Page 39. Pole said, ''That the King acted worse than Dathan and Abiram, and that his partisans resembled the band of Korah ; that the execution of the Carthusians was an action worthy of Cerberus or of the devil; tliat God liad allowed the latter to possess the King, in order to extinguish the last spark of virtue and justice," &c. The English Protestants refuted this pamphlet; it was certainly not calculated to induce tlie KIhl:- to change liis opinion. SoarneyWoX. IE, \)\). ISf) — IS9. Ill the sequel, Pole engaged in plots against the Kirma for which those who took part in them, especially his relations, sulTered. lb., \k 341. . (19) Page 40. She died on the 7th rf January, 1536, and !l no XOTKS. — CHAI'TKR I N'OTES.- CHAPTER T. 11! HtMirv was 50 cnicl as not to allow hor to have an interview with her dau2:hter. (20) Page 40. When zealous Protestants alleged that the refusal to take these oaths implied the rejection of all inno- vations and of the law, now in force in the kingdom, and iliat it was therefore tlie dnty of the government to punish it with rigour, we mav , 111 one Vi >ar, 2,25 William !!. - - - 29 . . . . 2,41 Henry !. - - - 143 • • « « 4,08 Stephen - - - - I4(i 8,il Henrv M. - - - 163 4,70 Richard I. - - - 52 5,77 John - - - 81 4,76 licnrv III. - - - 211 4,78 Ed war- 1 I - - - IU7 3,01 Edward II. - - - 42 2,21 Edward Iff. - - - 74 1,48 Richard H. - - - 21 . . . 1 Henrv IV. - -• - 12 0,92 Henry V. - - - 4 « « • 0,44 Henrv VI,* - - - 33 • • • < 0,86 Edward !,\'. - - - 15 • • • 0,68 1178 Sliort Sketch of iJit' History of the Church of Erifjlanrf, (22) Page 42. The more considerable Abbots were spared, perhaps, because they were members of the Upper House. Linrjnr'f vol. VI., p. 305. * Therf* is some error riprc . Ilenrv \' n reigned ><-' jears : 56 x .86=:4R, / V// n ,s In for 's Note . (23) Page 43. For special reasons some Monks, or Convents, were treated rather more mildly. Socmic, vol. IL, p. 277—280; nnd others more severely when they had favoured the tumults, of which we shall presently speak. (24) Page 43. Nobody thought of improving the provision niadf fur the |)arishes formerly annexed to the Monasteries. 4i. Henry, vol. XL, p. 326. 1 i NOTES. CHAPTER I. 113 (35) Page 53. The priests, said the Chaplain of tlie Duke of Norfolk, will IK) longer be permitted to have women, but the women will have priests. Soame, vol. IP, p. 373. Cranmer was compelled to separate from his wife. ^ i^iG) Page 54. The celebrated Melancthon also wrote to the King against the Six Articles. Todd, vol. I., p. 283. (37) Page 56. Cromwell made a re|)ort to the Kinir on Anne's extraordinary beauty, according to the accounts vf persons who had seen her. State Papers, vol. II., p. 162. (3R) Page 56. Marillac, the French Ambassador, writes:— "Anne has not been found so young and so beautiful as everybodv supposed. She lias brought witli her twelve or fifteen ladies, all of whom, in respect to tlieir external appearance, are even infe- rior to herself, and are l)csides dressed in such an awkward and unbecoming manner, that they would be thought ugly even if they were really handsome." Marillac dSp^'ches d' Angle ferre, adrcsseesau roi ct an Connkahle Mojitmorency. Anno 1539 —•1540. Bibl. Hoy. MSS. 8481, fol. (39) Page ryC. In his dispatch of 31st of July, 1 1th of Au- gust, and 3d of September, Marillac writes : -Anne makes no opposition whatever to the divorce, at which the King is the more pleased, because, as it is said, his new favourite, (Amourette,) is already with child. The former is now called merely Madam Anne of Cleves. She is anything but luw- spirited, amuses herself in all possible ways, and dresses every day HI new clothes, made in a strange fashion. All this is an indication of admirable prudence and dissimulation, or of ex- traordinary simplicity and stupidity." Anne remained in England, was very p,opular, and died on the 15th of July, P557. HoUinsh, vuj. IV., p. 68. Collins vol.11., p. 48. (40) Page m. Marillac in this report (of Sept. 3,) uses the same expression in speaking of the new Queen Catharine Howard, a^ he did ui Auue. of Cleves: he savs she was '-de VOL. I. J S« 5*i > - 114 NOTES. ---CTlArTEIl 1- i heautl moycnne- Sl.e and all th. huiics of the court were dressed after the French fashion. (4r)Pa-e57. Cromwell seems also to have severely ccn- snred the Immoral conduct of the Nobdity. Hardwickes State Papers, vol. 1., p. -21, (4-2) Pa-e 58. On the scaffold she said she was justly con- demned. Ellis, vol. li..p. 129. Even before she behaved as if beside herself. State Papers, vol. 11., No. l(.e-~-i75. (43) Page 58. Those too were condemned, wlm had bccu acquainted with the Queen's conduct, and had given no in- formation respecting: it. Hohcrt, p. 473--47 4. Soeime, voL lb, p. 493. (44) Page 59. Mary was compelled to acknowled-c the Kino's eccksiastical legislation, and the illegality of his niarna-e with Catharine. Madden, p. 71. (45) Page 61. Norfolk i> to be reproached as havm- l)een the first to propose the six Articles. (46) Page 62. Salmon, {Cnt. Review, of the State Trials, p 11 ;) says: ''His rei^n was the most tyrannical, arbitrary, ant adma-.d huUes of italv. The Lords liavc a very numerous rctmue; a servant ge- nerally receives two suits, of little value, m a vcar, ei-ht crowns, and hi. board, or, instead of the latter, sixpence a (hw. The people are in -cneral ratiitr tali, but most of the nobles shrat, which comes trom the custom of marrying rich damsels umU r ao-e. The p.). n and women are fair, but, to preserve or improve Jbeii nauiral ccunplexion, they are bled two or three times m a year, mstead of pamtuiu: tiiemselves, like iha Italian hulies. ''The men art: naturally obstinate, so that if anv parson is obli-ed to contradict them, he must take care nm in offend them at the outset,^Xo/i bisogna al prima urtarli^—hui pro- duce his arguments by degrees, which, from theirnatural talents, they readilv appreciate. Many vsh . were not aware .af this peculianty^n the English character, have ibund it dithcult to negocieite with such suspicious peuple. - The lower classes m the towns, and some of the country people, dislike foreigners, and think thai no country m tlie world is to he compared svith their own. But they are corrected m these absurd notions by those who have more sense and expe- rience. On this account, hc.wever, it is not advisable f)r torei-ners to travel about the country, because they generally enqmre, in the tirsl instance, whether the English are well or dl received m the countrv of the traveller. If, iiowever, he has a royal passport, he is not oidv well received everywhere, but is torwarded with the horse, kept for the service of the court, or may, m case of need, require them from private persons. Flie behaviour of tlie hi-her classes is very different m this respect, lor there is no nobleman m tlie countrv ^^\^o does not like to P have foreign servants and gentlemen about him, fo whom they pay high salaries, and the King himself has many Italians and Spaniards, (French^) of various professions, in his service. These are much in favour with the courtiers, who like to leani Italian or French, and study the sciences. The rich cause their sons and daughters to study, to learn Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, for sinee this storm of heresy has invaded the country, it is con- sidered to be useful to read the Scriptures in the original lan- guage. Poorer peo[)le, who are not able to give their children a learned education, are unwilling to appear ignorant or desti- tute of refinement, and we therefore see them on Sundays and holidays well, nay, even better dressed than becomes their sta- tion. Men and women generally wear fine black clotli with well-wrought ribbons and trimmings, and thus fDllowing the expensive habits of the nobility, they do honour to the town aiul to the court. ''The noble ladies may easily be distinguished from those who are m)t noble. The former wearing a liat (ciapperone) in the French fashion, and the latter a cap (acconciatura) of fur or white cloth, according to their rank and the English custom. Their marriage ceremonies are not ditferent from those of other countries, but they marry early, and even tor a second or third time; nay, married people sometimes contract an engagement With another man or woman, in case their present partner should die." (48) Page 66. I^especting the progress of ecclesiastical re- funnation in England as compared with Calvinism, see Todcfs Life of Cranmer, vol. II., ehap. 12 and l.J, on a Scheme of new Ecclesiastical Laws, whicii however was never carried mto effect. (49) Page 66. A second collection of Homilies appeared in the year 1.560. Soame, vol. 111., p. 56. (50) Page 66. Some could say the Paternoster va Latin, but not in English. Few could say the Ten Commandments: few could prove the Articles of Faith by scripture; that was out oi their way. Nares, vol. L, p. 340. %■ 118 NOTES CIIAPTKH I. {51) Page 67. According to other accounts he wa '4. (55) Page 73. Burnett, vol. 11., p. 49—59. Collier, p. 303. Strype, voL IIL, p. ^". — People said to f^ive licence to sin was sin. Nares, vol. L, j). 1 i3. (56) Page 73. Though Todd, (vol. 1L,|.. 149,) adduces sonic arii'iniieiits lu represent the matter jukI Cratuncr's partici- pation in a inikltr iiuht, ttiere still renuun sufficient grounds for severe censure. Only liif Roman Catholics are not entitled to express it, because they punished heresy witli dtatii. (5T) i*age 73. Some persons, though without any conclusive proot, doubt this expression of Edward's. Soame^ vol. I { L , p'.545. (58) Page 74. Recourse was h.ad to tlie injudicious mea- sure of fixing the price of many ai tides by law, (59) Page 76. Heiiiy Vill. had appoitited Dudley athniral fi>r life, wiiich diixnity bomerset took from liim and gave to lu> brother Stymour. Dudley, however, was cle\ated on the same dav to the rank of Earl of W arwick, and received, as an iudcm- nitv, considt r.ible estates and revenues. Collins, Sydney PaperSy vol L, {>. 20. {{jO — ()1) Page 7b — 7^. These with many other particulars are given HI a •'Relation de LAccusation et Mort du Dnc dc Somerset." St. Germain^ vol. DCCXL. (62) Page 80. William Thomas, one of his teachers, drew NOTES. — CHAPTER 1. 119 ^ H up tlie most subtle themes on the subject of history and politics, to read and discourse to him upmn them. Strype^\o\. IL, p. 162, llnrnett, vol, I. p. 148. Yet many circumstances seem to prove that Edward was deficient 'in real energy of character and superiority of understanding. Turner, p. 180. (63) Page 80. Instances were 'adduced likewise from the Englisli history, in which the other order of succession had been departed i>om. Soame, vol. III., p. 764, (64) Page 81. Henry VTL A. Her.rv Vlll. r -,-A.. Mary — Elizabeth. Margaret. Married James TV I James V. Marv Stuart. IVIar3\ Married (1st) Louis XIL (2d) Charles Dnke of Suilbik. 1 Frances. Married Henrv Gray. Jane Grey. Frances renounced her claims in favour of Jane, whom Northumberland and the great Fu-bibty thought it would be more easy to govern. {^5) Page 83. Lingard, vol. \'IL, p. 154, perhaps not without reason, whether Jane's arguments, on lier refusal, were so forcible and just. Only it is a question whether the latter iu Pollini, to which he refers, is genuine. (t)6) Page 84. But a few days before, Arundel had declared With others for Jane. Stnjpe, Mem. Cranm. App. p. 903. (67) Page 86. Mary was born on tlie 18th of February, 1516, and therefore was 37 years of age ; and after the fall of iici mother, she had been treated with neglect. Madden s Friry-pKrsc Expenses of the Princess Mary, p. 18 — 57 — 59. (68) Page 86. Ambeissades de Renaud, vol. HI. (69) Page 89. The Disciples of Luther betrayed the vcrv temper of the usurpation which their master had :-o darin^lv opposed; raising the cry of |)crserution against the strangers, as enemies to the doctrine of con-substantiation, — a dot^ma 'i \\i « 120 NOTi'IS.— CHAPTER T scarcely more intelligible than the Mass of the Roman Catholic. VaiujhiUis Mem. of the Stuarts, vol. I., p. 44. (70) Page 91. FMuli|} was the tenth with whom rieu:ociations had been entered into tor a marriage with Mary. Strype, vol. III., p. 203. (71) Page 93. Henry Vlli. allowed hur 10,000 ducats a year. She would spend miicli more, and contract greater debts, if she did not purposely restrict the number of lier Iniusehold and Servants, in order not to increase the Queen's suspicions, for there is not a lord or <^entlrman in the wlinic kingdom who does not endeavour h) obtain a |)kice for himselt", or a brother, or son in her service. So great is the love and attachment shewn to her, by which her expenses are mereased in \uiiuus ways, tlioucrh she allciccs her poverty as a reason for not in- creasing the number of lier aUendants, which artful excuse, however, only enhances the attachment of the people to Iri^ because it is considered tu be iiuL only unusual but extremely unbecoming, that a King's dau^iliter should be so hardly treated and so ill provided hu-. She enjoys apparent liberty at her country house, twelve miles from London; in fact, however, siie is surrounded with spies and guards, so that nobody comes or goes, notliing is done or spoken but it comes to the Queen's knowledge. /. Micltcle Relazione. Dupui/, p. 136. (72) Page 93. NarcSy vnl. I., p.. G\6, When Gardiner caused her to be asked how she undeistorM.l tlu- wcid- '*44ii> i^ mv bodv," she is said to iiave answered, Christ was the word that spake it, He took the bread and brake it, And what the word did make it That I believe, and take it. (73) Page iUi. Soay/it, vol. 11., p. 113, doul)is tliat Bonner relaxed, even for a moment, in his persecutmL: raL^e. (74) Pa-e I f t Burnett^ vol. !h. o, < ^~\ ''.) O'KI Londorji NOTKS." CHAPTER I. 121 doubts the truth of the story of the woman and the child, because it rests, as he says, only on the testimony of Fox, (vol. III. p. 747,) which is besides contradicted. But not to mention that other testimonies speak of this atrocity, (see Nares, vol. L, p. 769,) Fox liimself observes, that the account will appear in- credii)h:' to many persons, and he thereibrc adduces a satis- factory historical proof of its truth. (75) Page 102. Fox, vol. III., p. 684. Gilpbu p. 197, Burnett, vol. II., p. 162 — 231. Collier, vol. II., p. 391. Soame, vol. TV., p. 524, produces very plausible reasons for doubting the authenticity of these declarations. Many parts w^ere perhaps altered. (76) Page 1U4. Co//itr, vol. 11. , p. 3')7; other numbers in Burnett, vol. III., p. 264; and according to Nares, vol. I., p. 768, there are, in a five years' reign, from 288 to 400 executions. (77) Page 1 05. '' Mary Tudor," says the Venetian Michele, *'is rather below the middle stature, thin and delicately formed, with lively eyes, but short-sighted. A strong deep-toned voice, like that of a man, so that she could be heard at some distance; extremely industrious m sewing, embroidery, and other female employments ; and so accomplished a performer on the harpsi- chord that her masters are astonished. Michele J^elazionc, Dupmj, p. 136. Madden (Privy-purse Expenses of the Prin- cess Mary,) luis produced many single advantageous traits and accounts relative to Mary, and complains that they have not been acknowledged and appreciated, as similar traits in Elizabeth. But he forgets that in tiie one case all tiiese are isolated par- ticulars, outweighed or contradicted by the tenor of the whole life ; whereas, in the other, every feature is confirmed by and consistent with the whole, and belongs to a more elevated min(h (78) Page 106. In the same year in whicli tiie star of Charles V. sank, that of Elizabeth rose. Continuat. Sleidani^vol.l.y p. 12. Lvnytod, vui \ II., p, 495, 1558.] CONSTITUTION OF SCOTLAND. 123 III M tni i Cii AFTER II. From the Accession of Queen Elizabeth t.. the T'oriclusion of the freaty with France. 1558—1572. Before we eontinue the history of EiiL^aiici from the death of Uueen INlarv, it is necessary to take a view of the politieal arid reUgious affairs of Seothiiid. For the relation between the two kingdoms became more and more important, and the attitiidt' of the two Uueens, Ehzabeth and Mary, more and more hostile, till on the death of Elizalietli, James VL the son of Mary, ascended the Englisli thn)ri(\ He was the eightli in descent from Robert, tlie tirst King of Scotland, of tlie house of Stuart. Scarcely any sovereign family m Europe has suffered sueh irinumerdbk'' misfortunes and mise- ries, far exceeding every kind of s])lendonr and dignity,' — })art!y, it is trm;, in consequence of ir- regular and adverse foreium relations, but partly the result of |)ers()nal weakness and perverseness. For, not to speak «>f lati r ex iiits. and of the collateral tirciricht.'-' that wrre ext/eutial or murdered^, or who I I i perished in prison, James I., the third King of his race was murdered in 1437, by his rebclHous barons; James II. shot in 1460, in the war with Eneland; James HE killed by his own subjects in 1488; James IV. killed in the unfortunate battle of Flodden, on the iitliof September, 1513; and James Y., through the l)erfidy of discontented vassals, conquered by the English : the King's grief at which produced insa- nity, wdnch put an end to his life on the 14th of December, 1542. Seven days before that event, on the 9th of December, his consort, Mary, of the house of Guise, gave birth to a daughter, wdio was afterwards Queen Mary Stuart, so celebrated as ^lary Ciueen of Scots. These events may be in a great measure accounted ft)r by the civil and religious constitution of the kingdom. From the eleventh century the feudal system had gradually been formed m Scotland, and the vassals were divided into the immediate and mediate. The former had indeed various ranks and titles, such as Duke, Earl, Marquis, &c.: but dul not therebv aequir<- any additional ridits, or higher political privileges; nor did the Earldom, of itself, cordVr tlie public office which w^as otherwdse generally united with it. But the royal power was certainly more limited by the great no1)ility in Scotland, than in other countries: in the first place, because tiie ninnbc^r of leading persons was indeed siiiall, liiit their p(»\\rr^ strengthened bv various 124 CONS T i 1 I 1' i u :\ t ) ¥ h C ( j T L .\ X D . [Cn.\ i" . I ! . 1558.] rOXSTITUTION OF SCOTLAND. 18S connections anti alliances, as \v(41 as bv the ancient division into clans; secondly, because the impor- tance of the towns remained insiuaiiiicant, while the nature of the country, mtersectcd bv mountains and streams, everywhere afforded strongholds to the Barons; thirdly, because the many quarrels with Eno'land, added to the influence of thc^ warlike nobility, while the numerous minorities of the Kings, (of ten between Roliert Bruce and James \l. seven were little more than cliildren when they as- cended the throne,) interrupted and wt^ikened their influence. They endeavoured indeed, on their part, to excite dissensions among the nobility, to extend their power, to confiscate tlic estates of those who opposed them, &c.; but tliese and similar measures were not always directed against existing evils, and being dictated liy personal motives, were subject to an appearance of injustice^ and provoked up- position. The hope that the Scottish Paiiianient, com])osed of prelates and great nobles, and, aftc^i' King Robert 1., of l)ei)uties of the luwiis and borouu'hs, •would establish a salutary balance of influence and power, failed from nuuiy causes. ('j Tlie Deputies of the towns and borouiiiis win frequc^itly ne'>'- lected; tlie preliites were often nienibers of the great nobility; or if they were dependent upon the court and tlip nuijonty of the \-otes in Parlianient was unfavorable to tin Barons^ tin i«ttter sullVred r t resolutions to be passed, !)ut paid little or no regard to them. Besides if the three estates were distinct in many respects, yet the wdiole Parliament formed but one House, in wliich the Chancellor (-) pre- sided, and in wdiich collective votes, and individual votes equally disajjpeared 1)efore the preponderance of the most powerful. The King had no power to prevent the resolutions,— no veto; the Parliaments, too, often met and separated again of their own au- thority: without their assent the King could neither make laws nor impose taxes, nor make legal sales of crown lands. He had fewer sources of income, but likewise fewer expenses than many other Sovereigns, — no standino: army, but no del)ts. In an indirect manner, and in later times not without success, the Kinirs endeavoured to enlaro-e their influence b}- means of the Lords of the Arti- cles. Of these eight were chosen out of each es- tate, namely, tlie nobles by the clergy, the latter by the nobles, and those for the towns by the two estates. Yet this mode of election was not always strictlyfoliowed('^); on the contrary,it dependedupon the King ; and eiglit oflfiicers of the crowTi, w^ho con- stituted a fourth portion, inclined the balance to his side. All subjects that were intended to be brought before Parliament w^ere submitted to these Lords for their consideration, and the bills were drawTi up by them. What they (hsapproved was in general not laid ])efor(^ Parliament at all, and there appears to 126 CnXSTITUTIOX OF FCOTLAND. [CllAi- II 1558.] CONSTITUTION OF SCOTLAND. 127 1 1 have been but very few iiistanees iii whieh tliey were not consultedy or their opinion not adopted. In this niannia' the Parhanients lost their iinportanee; tliev met nierelv to choose the Lords of tlie Arti- cles, tlieii adioiii'ned, and in tlie end met once more, only to confirm the bills that had been prepared. From all tins it appear^ tiiat tlie rights of the Kini;- and of the estates were by no means duly regu- lated, and arroirant power often decided inore than justice and law. In the midst of all this confusion, the system of Roman Catholic ecclesiastical su|)remacy had be- come the most powerful: th.e Clergy had u'raduallv become so ricli in Scotland, that it was said they possessed th.e lir^.f of the ^vhole landcMl ])ropertv in the kingdom ; yet in this state of thinirs the lower class of the people wa^^. n])oii the whole, better off than under the dominion of thc^ n()l)ility. Tlu^re had indeed lonir been some followers nf Wicklitf in the country; but. as th(\v, being conscious of their weak- ness, conducted tliemst^ves peaceably, tiiev were not persecuted. It was not till the news of the Reformation in (icrmany spread, that the existing defects 111 Scothind also were more noticed^ and the complaints that were made reflated to the sub- jects so often enumerated, especially tlie |)lurality of benefices, the neglect of preachinir, the total in- efficiency of the Latin ritual, the dissolute lives, and ig^norance of tie Cleru'v, Scci*) To this was added either a dispute on the claims of the Pope to nominate to offices, on the levying of taxes, &c., or the reconciliation of the temporal and spiritual authorities, which proved as injurious to the public good as their dissensions had done before. Tims, in the year 1503, the Pope gave the Archbishopric of St. Albans to the natural son of James IV. who w as only eight years of age, for which the King, some years afterwards, granted him a considera1)le tax u|)on every benefice, that produced more than £40 })er annum. Meantime, in spite of rigorous prohiln- tions, more and more protestant WTitings found tlieir way, from Germany or England, into Scotland, and iiroduced such an impression, that even capi- tal punishment (•^), which was frequently inflicted ni)on heretics, did not deter many from ad- hirino* to tlic^ n(nv doctrine, and the firmness of the condemned was rc^ixarded by many as a proof that their conviction w-as founded on truth. About the same time, Henry VIII. retpiired James V. to join in his measures against the Pope and Clergy(^^); but the Scotch prelates called to mind Henry's tyranny, the ancient enmity of England, the danger of innovations, the rapacity of the Xo^ bihty, already too powerful, who w^ere eager to get possession of the Church property, and they offered to tlie King large sums as an indemnity for the re- fusal of such tempting proposals. This was in ^'•! i! I I 128 C A R I) 1 X .\ L li E A T O I " N . [Chap. II. 1558.] THE EARL OF ARRAN. 129 !1 fti! part tlie cause of the unfortiniate war with England, in which James V. lost his life. The situation of Bcotlaucl l)ecame (lou])ly critical by the death of tlic King. Many of the nol)les were prisoners in Encrland, — tlie others differed in their views and wishes; dissensions respecting the Church and religion continued to increase; tlie claims to the Government and guardianship were doid)tful,and, notwithstaiidma- all tlie dano-ers, an oli- ject of ambitious contention. Many persons thought that the widow of James had the greatest ria'ht; but tlie times seemed ratlier to require the direction of a mail, and Mary Guise ^vas besides a foreigner. Cardinal Beatoun, too^ who had long tilled the hiu'hest oiSces of state, produced a will, by whicli the deceased Kinu' isinv the guardiansliip to him, while the assembled nobility justly declariMl it to ])e a forgi^rv, and placed the Earl of Arran at the head of tlie Government. The characters of these two men were extremely different; 15eatoun was of a c:ood familv, had formerlv been Ambassador at Paris and Rome, and elevated by Paul III., in 1538, to the dignity of Cardinal. In every situation he was distinguished l)y firmness, courage, lil)erality, and a iireat superiority of understanding; l)ut lie was, on the other hand, harsh and audiitious, subtle, and when the direct way would not lead to his ob- ject, deceitful, and Uviim- in a maniuu' by no means becoming n priest. lliough nn\ profouiully versed in the doctrines of the Church, he persecuted inno- vators with great crneltv. On this very account tlie Queen Mother wished him to have much influ- ence rather than others; and Prance as well as all the catholics were in his favour. Tlie Earl of Arran, on the contrary, the descendant of a sister of Janies 111., and tlie nearest relation of the young Queen, was resj)ectcd for his virtues and amiable disposi- tion; but he was timid, irresolnte.and by no means e([ual to the supreme direction of affairs in sucli dithcult tiines.(0 1 lis inclination to the protestants, wliom lie allowed to preach ao-alnst existino- abuses and to read the bible, increased, however, the num- ber of his adherents, and a most violent contest be- tween the two competitors was at hand, when the attention of all parties was imperatively directed to England. Henry VIII. released the Scotcli prisoners, and made great presents to other nobles, for the pur- pose of inducing them to favour his plan for the marriage of his son with the young Queen. Though a long time must necessarily elapse ]}efore this mar- riage could be concluded, Edward and Mary were, however, suitable to each other in respect to age; a favouralile peace with the more powerful kingdom of England would lie the innnediate consequence of the adoption of the plan; and a future union of the two kingdoms held out a prospect of uninter- rupted tran(|uilhtv, and a twofold increase of power, VOL. I. i, IM'i ' f 130 I'DWARP VI. AND MARY BTI/ART. [Chat. II. instead of the numberless ruinous wars whieh liad hitherto taken plaee. Henry desisted from his de- mand that Mary should be edueated in Eimland till she beeame of aire, and was satisfied that liostaavs should be given for the conclusion of the nuirriagc. Accordindv on tlu^ 25th of AupcRst, 1543, a treaty was coneluded, in which the rights and wishes of Scotland were properly secured, and the execution of which would ])robably have given a \-ery dif-- ferent turn to tlu: fate of the Sovereigns and of their people. But Ijcatoun^ in concert with all the adherents of France, and of the Catholic religion, declared against it, stirred up the old a^'ersion of the Scotch to England, and represented the actual tvranny of Henry, ami the future inevitable slavery of Scotland, in such friuiitful colours, that the fickle Earl of Arran, eight days after the signing of the treatv, renounced it, declared for France, and sacri- ficed the Protestants. To revenge this breach of faith, an English army, under the command of the Earl of Hertford, entered Scotland, in May, 1544, and advanced to Edinburgh : l)nt the horrible ra- vaR'cs which it committed only increased tlie hatred of the Scotch, and, through the mediation of France, a peace was concluded, by which England did not frain any important advantages. All these circumstances diminished the authority and influence of the Earl of Arran, whereas Beatoun boasted of Ins pretended services to the State t 155R.] CAKDIXAL REATOUN MURDERED. 131 and Church, and cruelly persecuted the reformers. On the 1st of March, 1546, chiefly through his influence, one of the most popuhir of the reformed Clergy, of tlie name of Wishart, was barbarously buiiit;(^) a measure which appears as unwise as it was unjust, because all law was trampled under foot ill his trial, and if this worthy and mild- ft--' tem])(Ted man liad lived longer, the Scotch refor- mation would prof)ably not have assumed such a harsh and gloomy character. Wlnle over-zealous Catholics higlily extolled tlie courage and conduct of Beatoun, some individuals conspired at>-ainst liim, partly out of ])ersonal enmity, and partly because thc-y looked upon him as an obstinate enemy of Christ and his word. On the 29th of May, 1546, he was murdered by them in the castle of St. Andrew^s„ This event increased the influence of tlie (iueen, and though tlie Duke of Somerset, who, since the death of Henry VHI. had governed England for his nephew, Edward VI., totally defeated the Scotch, at Pinkey, on the 10th ()f September, 1547, he was prevented l)y distur- bances at home from prosecuting his victorv, and the French influence increased so much in Scotland, that, in August, 1548, the Queen sent her daughter, then six years of age, to France, to }.)e educated in a Convent; the Scotch Parliament havina- decided on tlu^ 7th of July preceding-, that Marv should marry Francis, the Dauphin. K 2 1 32 MARY OrifiE. rPifAr. II, 1558.] PROTESTANT MiOIORlAL. 133 Bv tlio inodiatioii of Hrury II. of France, a nvw treaty was coiu'ltidoct witli Enp^laiid on the 24th of Mav, l^oO: aiiiK oil the 12th of April, l.').')4, the Earl of Arraii iravc up the Ri^ireney to the (iiieen Mother, pjirilv uuliiee-d hy his nateiral iuve ui ease, antl fear of a futm-o reekoiiiuir; partly heeause the DucliV (^f ChatelUa'auh, aiid an annual rt^veune of 12,000 hvres were secured to Iuiik Thus a woinaii and a foreigner, wa.s nerw at the head oi u na.tiou whieh had hardly ever ohcyod its own Kinirs. Marv Gnisr. liinvi'X'er. possessed cjuahlie^ which, m ordinary tunes, nimht ensure a happv governnieTit. She was tein]ierate. sensible, h)nd of iustua\ without austerity, and reliuaouN witliout false zeal. Dithenliu's nf vanoUN kuicU at home, and above ail tlie inilnenee ij( hor lirothers, Duke Francis and the Cardinal eif Forrauii*, whieii h:ui very fatal consequcniei^s ni Sec^tland as well as m France, soon trordded the ha|i])y prospects which ha.d boen excited bv the peace, and tlie new eon- solulation (^f the llegency. Tlw Frt)i('N!antN had assisted the Urieivn Dowagi-r in attainmir tin* latter, in tln^ hope that, she would u-r^int them u-rt^iter favuurb; bui she had searcely gained Inr object, when she endeavonred to effect a, reeoneihaii*>ii with llie I athohe Clergy, lii:r old friends, and, for the moment, iier adversaries. \hi\ wiien tins plan, wiucii was m itself judicious, had succeeded, instead of impartially governing all ^la irave I s ?. P several oreat offices of state to Frenclimen, and in Flob proposed the introduction of a general tax, bar the purpose of maintaining a standmir army, and of making war upon England, whicli was at that time at enmity with France. Slie received a unanimous answer, ''That mercenaries never shewed triH' fidility and attachment, that i)crpetual taxes and standing armies were only instrn.ments of tvrnnnv, and that tlicy were resolved to maintain the nistjlutions of their ancestors." This rejection of so impoilant a proposal ^vas the first blow to the antliontv of Mnrr, and the Pi otestants,w]io were now again oppressed, conclud- ed on the 3d uf December, ]^^r^7. a covenant, by wliieli tln^y engaged to employ all their eiforts'and resources, even with the sacrifice of their lives, in or(h>r to promote ilw true word of God, and to extirpate the satanieal uJolatrv of the Papists. Tlie latter considered this covenant, and every demand of then adversaries, as absolutely illegal and im- pi(His; ami in fact, after such a declaration of ^^ar, It uus not easy to neiroenUe, and concessions must increase their /a^al and })retensi()ns, as much as tlie persecutions and executions whicli now took |;lacc, at the instigation of tln^ Guises and the Archbishop of St, Andrew's. In the year 1558 the Protestants presented to the (iueen a detailed memorial de- mandmu- th(> performance of divine service in the hinguage of the country; permission to read the 134 }» ROTE ST A XT MKMORIAL. [Chai . II. 15iblr: the Communion ill both kiiuls: the correction or deposition of unwortliy priests; elections by the conixrcgations; tribunals for the trial of heretics, solely aecordinu' to tlie directions of the Bible, and filled with tempond juidges, &c. The Qneen gave the Petitioners hopes of a satisfactory answi^r, bnt first (»f all. wluch was not unreas(mable, snbmitttHi tlieir petition to tlie Clergy, to examine and irivc^ their opinion (^ii it.(') The latter observed, in the first place, ''That in the years 154U -diid IjrA), very salutarv resolutions had been adopted in several L!:eneral assenililies of the Scotch Church, which, however, had not satisfied tin Protestants in iheniseh't^s, and also hccause those who \\ere tlie cavisr of the evds, were the persons appointiMl to exeeute tlie resolutions/' fnsteatl of gi-ajitintr any thnig new, the Clergy rejected all these de- nnuids, and no religious confmaice took pfice, becansi^ the Roman Catholics wanted to doiacle everytliing accorduig to trie Canon law, and tlu^ decisu)ns of the GencTai Councds. The Protestants now resolved to ap|)!y to Parliament, but foreseeing that ttie Uueen would not confirm any thing favourable to them, their memorial contained ratlur general complaints than special jiroposdls. How- ever, a declaration was annexed to it. ihnt ns nil their endeavours to obtain some ecfu liable conces- sions from tfie I'-overnment had been m vain, thry must obev liieir conscience, and did not consider 1568.] MARY STUART 135 themselves as answerable for tlie consccpiences which that injustice might produce. The Queen Mother, on her side, was the less inclined to make any im[)ortant concessions, as she was now, more than ever, guided }}y licr relations, and had reason te) expect assistance from France. Her daughter Mary, who had been educated in tliat coniitry ever snicc the sixth year of her age, was married on the 24th of A])ril, 1558, to Francis the Danpliin; and when his father, Henry II., died, on the 10th of July, 1559, she became, tlirougii the ])owerful influence of her uncles, Francis, Duke of (iuise, and the Cardinad of Lorraine, the actual reigning Queen of France; and in compliance with their persuasions, and in full conviction of her unquestionable riirht. had, on the death of Marv, Queen of England, on the 17th of Novemlier, 1558, assumed the title and the arms of that kinirdom. Since the time of the Nortliern Magaret, so splendid a destiny liad not fallen to the lot of any mortal; three crowns adorned her head, and beautw urace, wit, a cultivated inincL a talent h)r poetry and nmsic, would lia\'e gained ail hiauTs, for so accom- ])lished a female, who was only sixteen years of age, e\eii thouu-li she had not been, a Quraai. Whether tlie Latin discourse which she delivered m tl\c 13th cu* ! Itli \a'ar of hrr aii'e, in the Lcaivre, before t!n^ \\iiole court, the tenor i>\ wlucli was, '''Tlait know- ledge is an ornament to women, and is necessary •I 13G MAilY ST r ART. [ChaI'. \l to tlicm," was wholly her own, may be doubtcHl; but at al! events we may infiT from it, that Mary had been etiueated witli care and success. Xobody has doubted the authenticity of her earlv tender poems, and tlie hiter ones, to wliomsoever they may be addressed, shew an eneray isf j)as.si()n, such as is found only in iiio-hly susceptible minds. Better, ind(H;d, had it lieeii ha* her, if leeling, seiisibihtw passion, love of pleasure, had l)eeu less pre- doiriinant; if uiulerstandmg^ reason, calmness in de- liberation, and energy in resolution., had Ijceu more manifest. The vivacity of her own character prevented Mary from duly appreciating that of otlicrs. and tlie imri'or of lier own mind reflected all ol)jects, in peculiar colours, agreeable to herself, l.mt scarcely ever con.fo!Tnable to truth. Not Cliris- tianity in its original mildness, but tlii^ pei\>ecutim>- spirit of Caiholicismof her luiclcs. had bi-en |)rcsent- ed to her as the only true religion; the toleration of persons ot a ditferent opinion, was considered not as a (hjiy 1)ui as u wrong, to be excused onlv by the |)ressui-i^ of circumstances: and this pretended reliaious austerity was at tliat time opposed, m tlie Frrueh i/ourt, tv) that frivolity which disrej^rarded \irtue and tidelity in women, which resolved and executed crimes amidst sports and festivities, knew notlhng of ivpentane. , ur quieted the biunLed eon science bv wreteliod external form- of penauee. Huw must the bvely, inflammable- utnid of Maiy, 1558.] MARY STUART. 137 wfu'eli was guided by ccpiivocal feelings, rather than ])y solid principles, have been |)erverted and commanded by such influences, and bv such inter- course. ('") It is only by bearing constantly in mmd these circumstances of her youth, that the * good, as well as the evil, of her later years can be accounted for, and how tln^ wel) of her fate, at first ^o splendid, was gradually traversed by darker and darker threads; till it was at length coinerted into the black covering of the scaffold. We find, however, even at tfie time of her mar- riage with the Dauphin, fatal germs of future mis- understandings and r(^proaches. Conformably to the earnest and pnulent (^ft\)rts of the Scotch, many points relative to the independence of their country, and the future succession to the tlirone, had been Imanally laul down: yet, notwithstanding this, Mary signed a dcvd on the 4th of April, 1557, by whiclu in ease she should dw without children, she bc^cpu^athed Scotland to the French, arbitrarily abolished the ancient law, and declared the solemn engagements into which she liad just entered, to be •ndl and vouL(-) Francis L had indeed several times endeavoured to deceive the world l)y such base conchui, and (juieted his own conscience; but even though such precedents were relerred to, and Mai V was still nnd( r the imperious ru]v of her Miicles, a reall) uncorrupt and truly energetic mind would never have submitted to it. 138 CLAIMS TO THE SUCCESSION [Cji.ir. II. 1559.1 TO THE ENGLISH THRONE. More iniportaiit in itself aiui in its eonse(|ii(Mices was the resolution whicli we have ah-eady mentioned, to assume the arms, title, and crown of Emdand. Tills was not only affirming that Marv had the nearest right to the succession, but, without (loul)t, also manifesting tlu^ will to assert her claim, by all possible means, even by fciree. C'^) The followinir was the state of these hereditarv claims, llcnrv \ II. had two daugliters, Maru-aiTt and Marv: tlie vonno- Queen of Scotland was descended, in tlie second degree fi'om 3hirgaret the cldrst, mul Iht Im^baiHl James IV. of Scotland; the younger, Mary, Duchess of Suffolk, also left several descendants. Of i]]i^ cliildren of Henry \lli., Eiiziibelh, daughter of Anne Boieyiu was the only snrvhor, lier claim to the throne conformalily to tlie descent in lines and deirrees, was incontestilily the first; and the Will of FIcnry VII f. had mentioned her as successor to tlie tiirone, next to the deceased Queen ^lary Tudor; It then mentions the descendants of the Duchess of SuJTolk. but passes over in silence the ehh r Scotch line.(''j The authenticity of this testament was tlu^ less doubtfiil. as the Parlianicnt had aUllioriM'd Henry \ HI., m ihc jcar 1344, to n:i!:\i\iiu^ tjii^ mic- cession. Notwitlistandiiur thi^, the advocates of Mary allege d---only the marnage of 11 en it \ I H. un h Catlianne of Arrau'on was legal; unless it liud ln-en dissolved by the Pope, lie cciuid not rnai'rv a s(v^fnul wife, Elizabetle tlierefc^-e, is illegitimate and an- 139 worthy (»f tlie throne. Nay, Henry VIII. himself declared his marriage ^ath Anne Boleyn to be invalid; a declaration which, ])eing conformal)le to law and religion, can no more be defeated in the se(iuel by an absurd Will, tlian the rights of the descendants of Margaret be set aside in favonr of the younger house of Suffolk, which has no claim. To this it may 1)c added, that Elizabeth ouglit to be excluded, even on account of lier heretical un- belief, and Mary Stuart chosen for her ortliodox faith; l)y which, too, a sahitciry union of Eim'land, France, and Scotland, would l)e bronglit about, and internal peace take place, instead of the senseless and ruinous animosity and war. In reply to these assertions, the advocates of Elizabeth said, ''According to the (jpinion of the wisest men, and of the Catholic Universities whicli were consulted, the marriage of Catharine to Henry VIll. was null, and contrary to the divine law: Iris mamage to Anne l]oleyn was, therefore, Vcdid;' The King, however, by the right whicli he enjoyed, declared Mary, the daughter of Catharine, worthy of the throne; and if this disposition of tlic Will is recognise (1, tlie following, in favour of Elizalieth, is not to 1)(> rejected out of mere partirdity, "Should it be rn)jected that Marv Tmltir inlicrited, not by Virtue of ilu^ Will, but of Ikt natural ridit, the same may be said of Eiizabetfi; and if the divorce r*l C.ith.iiiHc of Arrao'on wns not necessarilv followed ,.---**■ - 140 CLAIMS TO THE THRONE, [CliAT. 11 hy the' (vxclusifvii t.f her daughter, the ill tn^atiiieiit of the innocent Anne Boleyu ouirht not to cause the exchision of Elizabeth. But if the question res])ecting tlie hereditary rights of Ehzubeth and Mary were really (hnilnfal. the Parhament and the !)eopk' must decide^ and that in favour of tiie former. I)eeause she was devoted to true Christianity, and Mary of a family, and educated m pi-niciples ^.vhieh. do not disdain to employ the sword and tlie stake, to maintain the superstitious Cathohc rehgion. The drendful persecution of the Protestants which Mary Tudor, with insane ndatuation believed Lo he a riirht and a dntr. wonld continue without each and the union with France and Scotland uosihl not produce eternal peace, hut the ruin of ;ill rights and privileges, and plunge England into nu^ery and slavery. Th,ose ^^■]u) are not destitute of all \ih\u:- ment and feeling, — those who have anv \tdue for justice, and a roval decision, for in(k^ptaulence and then- country, for freedom of conscience and frnth. ought to risk their lives and fortunes in order fui- ever to kee|) Jiway. from England, Ma!'\- Stuart, wjio would brinu: nothitiu" 'Hi! i-uiu/' Sud,wcn.tIa.vxow«oflluM,p,>osecli,nrt...s. 'lU. first consistently proposed and ik'ternhnl by all lloman Cathohcs, in and nut of Great fhatrun: the h^ittti*.. by tlio Protestants. \\'l!ieh wouhl tmnnpih depeudj'd wpuw nuniorouN rircuni>taiieos and e(!ii- tingencies, and above all, on' the personal character 1558.1 ELIZABETH. of the two Queens, whom fate had opposed to each other, in almost incvital)le hostility. C) Elizabeth, who was born on the 7th of September 1533, (^^) and lost her mother in the third vear of her age, was hereupon wholly neglected bv the timid servants of her passionate father, publiclv repudiated f)y Irim as illegitimp.te, and left so des- titute, that her governess, Lady Bryan, wrote to Lord Cromwell, — ''I beseech you to be good, mv Lord, to my Lady, and to all hers, and that she may liave some ramient. She has neither gowm, nor kirth\ noi' petticoat, nor no manner of linen, nor foresmocks, nor kerchiefs, nor sleeves, nor rails nor l)ody stitcliets, nor mufflers, nor biggins." Afterwai'cis, win n llenry^s anger had been allayed, more attention w^as paid to her education; on this subject, the learned Roger Ascham writes to a friend m 1 550, — "Amongst the numberless honorable hnh(^s of the present time, my illustrious mistress, tlie Lady Elizabeth, shines like a star, excehinff th(-m more by tlie spkaidor of her virtues and her k^arnmg, than by the glory of la r royal birtln In tlie variety of her commendal)le qualities, 1 am less pi rplexcd to find matters for the highest [)ancgyric, tlinii to circumscribe that panegyric within just bounds. \et, 1 shall mention nothing respectino her hnt wh.at has come under my own observation. For t\\o years she pursued th(^ study of Greek and Latin, under my tuition: but tlu^ foundations of her ^•■f- *-^**: i- *" ^niw' ELIZA BETff. [CfI^^ ir IvTiowleclgr in botli languages were laid by tlic diliirc'fit instruction of William (^nndal my late heloviMl friend. TIk^ Lady Elizalxlh has aeeom- pli-slieii Ijer iiinete(«ntli year: and so mnch solidity of understanding, such courtesy, united with diu*- nity, lia\ (^ never been ob'^erved at so earlv an au'e. She has tlie most ardent low of true rehgion, anci of the best kind of hteratn.re. The constitution of her mind is exempt from female weakness, and she is endued \Mth a masculine power of a])plication. No apprehension can be quicker than hca-s. no memory mon^ retentive. French and Itahan slu^ speaks like English; Latin with fiueney, propriety, and judgmerit; she also spoke Greek with me, frc^- quently, wilhngly, and moderately well. Nothing can be more elegant tlian lier handwritmir. whiiluT in the Greek or Roman cliaracters. In music she is very skilful, but does not greatly delight. With respect to personal decoration, she greatly prefers a simple elegance to show and splendor, so dv~ spising the outward adorning of plaiting ihc^ hair and wearing of gold, that, in the whole manner of her hfi\ she rather rest^mbles Hippolyta than Phaedra. {■") She read with me almost the whole of Cicero and a great part of Livy: from tliese two authors, indeed, her knowiedu'c of the La.tin lan- guage has been almost exclusi\i.'lv d(u-i\a*{l. The beginning of the day was always dexotod l)y her to the New Testament in (ireek, after which she read 15580 K LIZA BETH. 143 select orations of Isocrates and the trairedies of Sophocles, which I judged best adapted to supply her tongue witli the purest diction; her mind with the most excellent precepts; and her exalted station With a defence against the utmost power of fortune. For her religious instruction, she drew first from the fVamtains of Scripture; and afterwards from St. ( y])i-ian, the •Common-places' of Melancthon, tmd smnlar w-orks, which convey jiure doctrine in elegant language. Li every kmd of writinir she easily d( tectcd any ill-adapted or far-fetched ex- pression. She could not beur those feeble imitators of Erasmus, who liind the Latin tongue m the fcnters of miserable proverbs; on the other hand «lie approved a style chaste in its propriety, and beautiful by perspicuity: and she rrreatly admired metapliors when not too violent, and antitlieses vvluii just and happily opposed. By a diliirent attention to these particulars, her ears became so practised and so nice, that there was nothing in Greek, Latin, or English prose or verse, wlueln according to its merits or defects, she did n^)t either reject witli disgust, or receive with the hii^liest delight. The accounts giviui by other writers entirely co- incide with those of Ascham. She read Livy. Cicero, Tacitus, the Greek historians, Sophocles and several orations of Demosthenes and Isocrates, some of which she translated into Latin. She als(> 144 FLTZ ABETTT. [CiiAP. IT 1.558.] studied Seneca, not for ilw sake of })liilosopliical application, but in order to learn wisdom from it. Greater weiaht was, however, attached to Christian learning. Elizabc^tli was well versed in tlie liistory of her own country, spoke besides her nati\'e ku- guaixe, Latin, Frencli, Italian, and German, and possessed Xluii frenuine elocjuence which proceeds from the lu^art, and is not to be acqnired bv arti- ficial means. Aft(?r the death of Edward M. Elizabeth seri- ously exerted herself iii favour of lu r c Idcr sister, and was at first mneli h.onoured 1)y hi^-, and dailv invited to her table; but the coronation of Mary was scarcely over, when she was entirelv neLdected, and soon afterwards unjustly accused of ha\inu- been concerned m the insurrection of Wvatt. She was so rigorously confiiu-d in the Tower, and treated with so mucli eontenipt, tliat she (hd not doubt that lier death was resolved !i|)oii. Jt is proljable that tear of exciting geni-ral diseontent, rather than a sense of justice, and Pliilip's inter- cession, saved her life, and led to the plan of marry^ ing her abroad to the Duke of Sa\ov. Bat ihitterv was as unavailirm- as threats and chum-er to over- come her energy and prudiaiee. She would neit consent upon any terms to l)anish hersc If, under a spi'cious pretext, and to be separated from Enu-huid and tier rmiits. A phiu in exclude her from the succession to the- tliroiir, was eagerly promoted by I . ELIZABETH. BACON. 14.: her sister at the instigation of eminent Roman Catliohcs, but w^as defeated by the opposition of the Parliament. The years of youth which Mary Stuart spent in cheerfulness and pleasure, sur- rounded l)y acbnirers of all kinds, were passed by Elizabeth m solitude and silence. Instead of the royal diadems which adorned the brow of Mary, she saw the axe of the executioner suspended over her hea.L ami tln^ fiames of tlu^ funeral piles arise, on wlneh her frnaids and fellow-believers were' cr(u lly sacrificed. A serious, learned education, and so linr I a school of adversity, by which even ordimivy mc n are elevated above their on>inal na- rure, eould not fail to have the greatest influence nn a nnnd of such emment powers,-~a character of such energy; and this is manifest in the whole history of the reign of hlhzalieih, Th(^ manner in xvhK'h she chose her highest officers of state, consulted them m all important matters, defended tliem against secret as w^ell as vn)lent attacks, witlicMit ever being subject to tliem, proves h(>r penetrating understandmg/and firmness of character. Such men as Nieholas Bacon, Francis ^VVilsingham. William Cecil, and many others, would deser^ e, ui thi> place, a more particular des- cription. Tli(> first, who iu thc^ beginning was Lord Keeper of tfu^ Seals, and tlien till 1579, Lord Chancellor, is celebrated for his extraordinary acti- vitv and ahihtv. and if his sou Francis was even su- i4G \\ ALSlNiillAM.- iU/lilrllLEY. [Chap, II perior to him in iiitellectiial powers, he was inferior to liini ill probity. ^Valsiiia'ham, descended frcnn a good fannly, nc- coiiiplislied l)v dilliireiit stiidv and bj travcUing, was a man of distniu'uislH'd in'adence, and tlie most acute uiiderstandiim'. He had few f(|uals in the art of penetrating-. ()f ii'aiuinu% and liuidinu' the niiiids of men. He was never mo\-ed hv anger or |)reeipitatioii : never snifen^d liiinseU' to be (hseom- posed. and tlionu'h he reacUly listened to, aiul at tlie same time soundtHhthe ophnonsof others in eonfiden- tial ct)n\"ersat!0!i, he never ibrLret his chirnity, and the trnth which alone protects the statesman against mean eva-^ions. As Amfeassaileir in !''ranee- and Scotland, and m Enu-land itsilb he served iiis Qneen witii the greatest fidelity ajid disintercNtedness tdl !iis death, whieli took place m. loDO. He died so poor that jus friends cansfal liim to be secretly burkd by uightj that his body iiiiglit not be seized hv his creditors. Next to Godj says a writci' with justice, William Cecil was the m<\m support of Elizabeth; and Roger Ascham says of hiiu, "he is a vounir man, but ricli in wisdom, crpi ally versed in the sciences and m business, and yet so modest in tlie per- formance of liis publie duties, that l)v the nnani- nHni> testimony of tht- Kiiuiisli. the praise whieli Thucydides gives to Pericles, might be uiven to him fourfold. He knew all that ouadit to be known. 1558.] in RCillLKY. 147 he understood liow to ai)ply what he knew ; he loved his country, and was inaccessible to the power of money.'X'O William Cecil, born in the year 15-0. at Burn, in Lincolnshire, and, consequent] v, no« thiny-eight years of age, and thirteen vears older than Elizab(>th,was educated at Cambridge, and un- der tiie reign of Edward VI., had been Master of Rc(,uests,and afterwards SecretarvofState.f"') Since the accession of Mary to the throne, he had mostly hved m retirement, but was restored by Elizabeth tohisfornmr office, and in I. "71. appointed Lon! High Ti-easurer, and elevated to the peerage by the title nf iJnroi, Burghley. Superior to all the little arts, intrigues, and disputes <,f the Court.C') he stood in n firm and exalted ))osit!on with re- spect to his Queen, \Mt!i which h,. combined the Mio^t conscientious regard for the interest of the subjects, especially by economy m his office of Treasurer.(^) Indeflitigalde activity and strict love of truth, moderation, and noide gravity, which, however, did not disdain the most cheerful relaxa- tion m a narrow eircie; love of order and im- penetrable secrecy,— the eagle eye with wlueh he pellet fated the characters of men,— and the clear- ness with which he saw, and developed the most complex s„|,j,.,,ts. place him in the rank of the greatest statesman recorded iu history. '• Me is prudent who is patient," said he, "and i)ni- dence constrains the stars. Modesty is a ])roteetio„ 146 BL null LEV. [CllAi. 11. 1558.] Elizabeth's accession. 149 against cnvv and clanger; excessive ambition, on the cuutmrv, Icudb lu rum. The worki is a store- house of t!)()l^, «sf wliicli man must make liimself iiiahttT; thci'c are no grcatur artists than dihgX'nce anil perseverance: nod alone creates at once; tlie work cA wuxw grows i;y degrees. The strength of a Kuis: is tiie letxr- of lii^ sid)jects: Princes ouirht to be better than uthei" nien^ bceuu^e they coinniaiid and ruU" all men. A good Priiiei' nmst hear ail. i)ut should hdhiw tiie best counseL .No wi^c Prniee can hv a tvrant. Good Piinces ought tirst to pre- fei" the lionour of dndaiid ins Ciuirch, and next it the (/oinnionwealth, hilore tlieir own pleasure (a* proti.t. (..'omi>el withoiit resolution rs liut wind. War IS si)on kiiidltaj, hiii peace very liardly })re-~ serx'ed. \Va.r is the curse, peace tln^ lik'ssino-, of God on a nation: one vear ot' peact^ brings more profit tlian ten years of thr most successful war." Bura-hlev was equally n])riglit, atfectionate, and indulu'cnt, \\\ tln^ (urcle of his hurnJv and to his fncuick ; l)u! Ins attacliment to them nc\-er dea-ene- ratffl into weakness. and was never ininrious.hecaiise he rec|uired them to he always friends tn \irtue, and tn tlieir eonnti'v. All this eannnt be stated in a more strikiiisr and appropriate manner than in the words ■wliieh 'I'lrek pnts into the month of the wor- thy Camden. "What has miule uiir Buryhley; anil with him. our state and tlie Queen so great, is. that he iias eonstiuitiy rejected eserytiiuig sa\ouruig ot e.\travaganee ur passion, and thereby encouraged tlie growth of that whieli is in the' muldle, ;md IS mvisible to oi'duiary eyes, or which, if they do perceive it, is disregarded h\ them as unimportant." So great s\ as the general discontent at the govern- ment of >rary, tliat her haJl he pos'^ess all ec- clesiastical rmiiis. (Aon that of binding and loosun^'r" 1 he opiinoiis o.f ilio Paa-|iament, howover. were so protestant, or rather idtra ro\ai, that in the L pper House onlv eight Bishops and two Lords, and in the Lower House scarcely any members opposed these laws, thoaioii manvof tlio^e wlio now assented, had \-otod vtuT dilForently under Jiary. Whoevt;r denied tli(> roval supremaev in ecclesiastical affairs, was, for thf t\v>i ollcace, lu iorlLil ins piupcity; for tho «rrrmd. to hf liiilile to the penalties of prse- miinire, and for the tlnrd. to !«• iHuiisiied as .t URLIUIOUS AFFAIRS. 153 traitor. ("') Soon afterwards, the right of reo-ula- tintr the mode of divine worsliip and the ]iti!r laws on matters of faitl,. ,.l„„ch discipline and customs, to cn.rroke synods, to confirm or reject tlieir resolu- tions, to ai,|,„„,t Bishops, and to decide on all ap- peals „, the last instance. Many Catholics took great oilem-.. .t th,. transfer of ecclesiastical au- thority to a temporal sovereign, and a forci„n \m bassador said ^^,t), horror, "I have seen the head of the Enghsli Church dance." Of nine thousand fonr hundred clergymen four '^'<" Inshops, lifteca licads of colleges, twelve arch- ( cacons, and as many deans, fifty prclKMidaries au.l about e,gl,ty rectors and Mears resigned their benc- iices. or lost them because they would not submit '" '!"> "ew laws on the supr.miacy, and the litur-n- confirmcl hv Par]iamcnt.(-) The Queen, llo^vcyer' proceed, ,1 much H,o,v Mowlv and cahnlv i., the ex' o-.tton. than the Parliament m parsing these new 154 UKLlGiCH - VF F AIRS. [Chap. !L laws, aiici vvvn ti-h.^ \inlriit Caivm advised lu-ithia' to act with prccMpitatiou, nor to iirij-loct the estahh^li- meat of trutli auil justice. By tins mod(a'ath)ii, dis- tiirhauees wcro [irc-voiitod : whoiK however, sevei'al i)Owers r(a|ue( liiose times, (^^) witii respect to the concession of entire freedom oS reUgious worship, this woidd he onlv to coiituaiid the two rehgions, to disturb the minds of the good, to encourage the efforts of the heads of paj'ties, tu cuiiiLise the state and religioiu and to liiiii- gie things divine and huraan too-othor. Tt woaui be a real c\ii, a \ ery bad example, dangerous to the Protestants; neither advantageous to ilie per-ons fa\-uuriab uor Cuises, on the contrary, demanded tfu ii' entire cxtirpatiuii, and paid no rcLraaal tf) the WTlI-founded reieioiistrances and warnings of their sister Mary, the Uuetas Uenfonn Thr hitter, instead of oppovj no- witfi i:)6 SCOT!. A N I). JUiiN KNOX. [CHAr. li. 1559.] J()li\ KXOX, 1 o i increased energy, at length yielded as usual to their ()|)iiii()iis : ciihI wlit'iulit' Frole^stauts loudly compianied of the return rsf nu'nrous measures, and thc^ non-per- formance of po>iti\"o |)roiiiises, she baid^, very incoii- sideratelv, tiie promises (vf Prinec^^ are valid oidy so loiiir as appoar> \n thoni to br useful. She in- vited a.ll the reformed Clergy to appear at Stirling on tho lot 11 nf Mav. 1:^11, to give a slnct uceuunl of tliemsi^lves; but, when they appeared with rni - merons attendants, promises 1 t'lint im preiee'e'diugs should be instituted at Stirling, provided they would remain peaeealde. Yet scarcely had those wlio were assembled thspersed, vshen Mary eaust d the absentees to be condemned as rliso!)e(hi(ait. Thib new and uiijunI dA;ee|)tion filled all witli iiudig- nation, and thev founal in Joiin Knox a man who, phuaug lum^elf at tiieu- head, gave from that time a more decided tendency to the Scotcli R< fnrmation. John Kimx, horn !h the year 150.3, the bori of respectabh |)a!< nt- in easy circumstances, stndu d in GlasLi^ow aee(a"thng to the fubiiion of ihu-e limes, became ae(|uainted, in the sequel, with the worh^ of bt. Jerome and bl. Augustine, was led by them to study the Bible, and embraced flu Protestant reli- giou Hi irspj. lb had no philosophical ediieatiun, pro])( rlv speakmg, and iri learning he cannot he placed on a level \vith the more emiutait divines. lie liach hinwever, fully adopted the vn ws and luan- ciples of Calvin, nay, in some poiniN, he went be- ■H vond I he austerity of his inastcaa Knox was a nuiu of indefatigable activity, far exalted above self-mterest and corruption, 1)o]d and immove- able even in the greatest danger. The firmest filth iui th(» innnortality of the soul, and recon- ciliatiou uiih God, accompanied him through life, and raided him above all subordinate considerations. But his prejudices as well as his convictions \\ ere indrrihle. and hi^ feelings evervwliere subject to his principles. \\ ah too great austerity he disapproved all file cheerful enjoyments of life, and thonu'ht that pious exercises, sufferings, ami eares, ought to fill up these days of trial. Aloderation, patience. mildiie.^N^ lu\ e of peace, WTre not among the nundier of his virtues, and he was less qualified to cherisli and fobierwhal was good, in the spirit of Christian eliaritvjhan tei |)iill downwdth unsparing hand, what a|)prar(-i{ to huu worthy of condemnation. (-') lie accoi (haiuly considered the unconditional extirpation (^f pt^perv as a paraniouu! duty, aud as the greatest gauK tiii»un-h far Irom actual hist of vengeance, he was, III his opposition to the advocates of persecution, himsrh a persecutor, and ibrgeit the decorum, nay, even the (hities of a subject, to attain what he con- sidered UN his highest object. Xo man, he taught, shonhi be at the liead eif the (huiadi. no eh;-rcryi]Qan take on himself civil oihces and duties. If anv one who, on acconni of his power and situation, cannot hue i'eached by the arm uf tiie law, commits crimes 'Jb JUiiX IvNUX [C iiAl'. 1 i 1559.] KM)X. FANATIC EXCESSES. 159 deservinrr nf cieatli, he may he killed bv Hiclividiials. If |)riiices refuse to reform the Chiireh, the inferior iiia^ristrates and the people, guided bv the clergy, iiiHV iinckntake the task. In general then^ are cases ill which the people must deeide on tb.e abuse of tlie supreme authority, and take steps against it. In tliis spirit Knox a])proved of the murder of Carduial Ikatuun, was iiereupon kept n i)risoner for nineteen months, till February, 1549, in. the French Gallies, hved afterwards fur it lime in EndancL thfu from tln^ vear 1554, in Geneva, and on has return, drew up the ilemoiiblrance ui liie Protestants, wliicb we have before mentiont^d, and wliich wns so ill received by the Uaeen ilegeut. In tfie year 1556, he left Scothand for tlic second time, and was then f not lu speak tjf nllirn' a,eeu-' sations.) condemned as a heretic, and burnt m effio'V in Fdiidniruii. l>ut even when at a (hstance he exercised, bv lils correspondence, a powf-rfid influence on tlie affau's of the Scotch ( nundi, and will u the misunderstandings increased, bohily re- turned to his native conntrv at the bcginnmir of May, looO. The zeai of this austere man w^as re- vivtaL 1)\' tlu' {apiivccai (auiduct i)f the Ri/ii'iait, and the ccuitinuance of all tlie c^ld rd)uses, even more than b?\' the confirmation of th<' former s(nit(mce, and the danger of being made apriNCHier at Stirling. On the 1 1 til of May, immediatelv after the above-mentioned condemnation of the dispersed Refornuu*s, he preached m Perth with the greatest vehemence against the mass, idolatrous worship and the adoration of images. (^^) When a priest, undeterred by this \varning, immediatelv pro- ceeded to read mass, a young man designated this as idolatry, for which he received a biuvv; upon this he tln-ew stones at the priest, by which a paintmo- was damage (L In this manner arose a dremifrd de- struction of images, which soon spread over the greater part ut the kingdom. Innumerable works of art. and altars, were broken to pieces, hbraries uiiiiihilaled, the finest clmrches ])hrndered, and a hundrcal ami seventy, or, as otliers affirm, two hun- drtd and sixlj monasteries were successively de- mohshed: the noble remains of wdiicli. even in in- dijifereni representations, still excite curr interest and veneration. Knox had not tlie power, luiy, not even the wdll to check these outrages, but said, ^'^Mu If the nests are destroyed, the crows amII not come back.*' it is al]r'--od too, if not to iustifv, vet to excuse, these actions, that the persecuting s|)int of the eafliulics and tlie faitldessness of the Queen still more than the sermons of Knox, had soured all the passions of the peoj)le. and imiadled them to s!i(di excesses. In comiiarison witli tlie advantao-es whicdi have arisen from tlie complete triumph of |)rotestantism, the loss is but trifling ; and a good gema-al (%annot l)e blamed if lie destroys the works uf fortresses which he has taken. Many a one who iiS i l«0 SCOTLAND. [Chap. If 1 559. J SCOTLAND. h\ lost (n-ervihiuir' by nnjiist persecLitioii, may, perhaps, and ii'.t unreasonably, have in some degree indem- iiitiiHl, hini-M'lf: leit rapjicitv wa^ nt)t trit' prmcipai motive; and to hurn. in a innmentof \'iol..-nt excite^- ment. ^tatnc^^. pu-trifes, or books, (for the mo.Nl part of little worth,) is by no means so l)iid a^. with cold ealea la ting cruelty, to condemn men (i)rofebburb uf thv true doctrine) to the stake. A^, ho^rrvrr. on the one hand, many Pruic^tuuts disapprove d of this destruction of the images, and utlier excesses, and, nn the other hand, lliv ihicon Retrent had no means to inflict severr punishments, she succeodfd ou itio 2'.n\i n\ May. \:>o'J, m ron- ciudmg II treaty Willi ilic muicontents, of tin- tullMW- ing tenor. — "What i's past sha!! in- pard.Hi.d. loi' the future al! olny the government, excite no tuuudts undrr the ]irotr\-t<; r,\' ndigiuii, and lunh'sL neitliL-r cathoho udi- priests, nor clmrches, nor con- vents. On thf nthor ^ido, there shall be h" tuiihcr perx'cutiuii uf the reformed; and they shall (ibtain m Eduihurgh, what thrv call, hlnrty of coubdcm'C. The gates uf Perth shall hv opened to the Regent, l)ut she shall put no foreign morconario'; into the city. ann)\y the cxtM-ciso of the Catliulic reli<;i,>ii. A second treaty of the 23d of .Tune. \:k,9, of a sinular tcii-.r, was uul more piii,c- niallv observed, for there is no obligation to keep a |.romis(.. especially one that is injnrions. made to heretics and rebels. When Knox, therefore, called npnn the refornKTs to contend manfully for the true ivli-ion. ti„.v promptlv assembled, and tli.> niove- innit uas this time, much more general than before; f..). nid.pendently nf rehgious motives, and the' well-founded indignatiuu at breach of ,,romises, and hi treatment, the reformed clrr^y <,Uculated on '^I'tamin- the wh.dc property of the CathoHe (hurch: the nohdit V. or, the contrary, hop( ,] to share it. and the people ^vUlIugly sullcrcd themselves to be guided by men ndio rated their rights and iiu- portancc mu.h higher thtn, l,ad ever been the case hefore.r") The churches and mona.steries suffered m<«re on this occasion than at ih,- time of the tunndts m Perth. Tl,e Queen Regent, however, suc- ^■-' refurmers were obliged to o-ive np'tho plan of entirely rninino- their adversaries, and to be contented with bar-^ ty boundless ambiticuK ami of havnig been guilty of falsehood, breach of faath, treachery, and murder, in order to subject the kiim-dom to his wilh So earlv as August, i55y, Franeis 11. and Marv wrote to inm tlie most angry letter^, -avmu-, ^niiat he laid violated liis oath, excitod M/ditiou, aiui deserved punishment^ In his auswi^r ho de- fends himsrlf against all iiu^so accusations: .mly he adds, ^'1 shall contmue to promote tlie extir- pation id the old superstition, for ilu^ Imnoiir ijf (iod and tlu- good of my counti-y. and not sutfi-r uiyselt to be deterred !)y anv threat." :Vii^H;utnne so large a bod\ tif auxiliary troops, under tlu' command of Eltjceuf. h.ad arn\-ed from France (-") that the Regent boldly expelhai |)art of the' citizens from Leith, put troops into their iiouses, ami to tlie complaints tliat were made ot this and simihir measures, she at leuoth answered. J559.] Tin: REGENT DEPOSED. Ida *'l shall |)ersevere in u1ia,t J ilnuk iKcfuL and re- cpiiio the Lords, ou pam of liigh treason, to dismiss their armed mcui." Instead of this tlie barons, the clergy, the de])uties of tlie towns and of the country, and whoever else would joiu thenn assumrd tlic fillrof \()])les ajid C'oinmons of the Scotch (■iiurch, and ju'opr.siad to deprive Marv of the Rcaa-^ncy. WilliKk, one of tln^ most eminent of the reformed Clergy, being called nj)Mii to do so, gave an opinion to the following effect: — The magistrates are cer- tninly ordained of God, but .dso bound bv Cod's word, so that they may be deposed when there is just cause. lu such removal of Princes and Magistrates, God does not always make use imme- diately of his own ])owcr, but, as the Old Testament l>r.)\('s, employs iii his wisdom othei' means. In the present case, the Regent has not performed her luiiicipal duties to her subjects; namely, to admi- nister justice impnrtiallv, to protect them against enemies, and to suflfer God's word tu be freely preacli cd. Oa tie contrary, she has maintained s ip( istition, diMhiimal the advice of the nobility, rtiHl, ihcicforc, deserves to he removed from the isnvvrnmrnl." Kiiox added to tljis opinion, "That the lu'ii-iait miirht now be deposed for just causes," Ihi! he wislu'd that uo deciNioii might be pro- uouiiccal a.a-ainst her, that, \t she would repent of lier ia)iiclr!ct ami take good counsel, there might be room to lf'a\(^ Inr in possession of her diirnity. m2 1^54 T 1 ! K H I : (.. K .\ '1 D E i^ U :- E U . [C 1 1 a r- . 11. 1559.] ELIZABEIH AND THE RCOTCH. 165 Tlie majority of the confederates accedLirv u f EnirlancL assumed tiu' title and arms of England, and thereby manifested hostile claims ij) the succession. This union of other arms with tliosc of France, appeared to the Constable Montmorency, unsuitalde and unusual, for France had never expressed its nuuu'rous pretensions in this manner. Wlien the Guises asked. Why then Elizaheth cailed herself (lueen of France?" they were answered, " This right is ancient, undisputed, and h\ no means indicates new, lu^stile intentions." Of the existence of such intentions in Francis and Mary, Elizabeth had sufficient proofs in lier hands wht ]i tlu^ Scotch confederates sought her assistance; but, instead of acting with inconsiderate precipi- tation, we here see, for the first time, the calmness and |)!ihlence, the judgment ami the perspicnitv, with which Eliz[d)etli and her counsellors contem- plated a question on all sides, and compared the arguments for and against, before they came to an\ resolution. (^^) Against supporting the Scotcli confederates, it was arntmd.f'') ''Tt is a dangerous example, and contrary to justice and law, to assist subjects m their re])ollion against their legitimate Sovereigns. Fur though the confederates allege just gromids for many complaints, yet they ought to have had more patience, to have taken a n.iilder course, to have sought for mediation, and not, miseonstruino; examples ru tlie Bible, and violating all forms, to havp remov(>(l their adversaries from all ])articn pation ni |e,(hlie affair-s. nwil arbitrarily depo.sed the .J&^S, ^v-A*-«-- 166 ]:LiZABETII \XD ' less dangerous tlian unjust, for ^i'crt't assistance is inA. sntticiciit : and extensive and piil)lie aid would hn ak the j)eace, and France and h^ecilland. mix. all thr CciLhelie pmvers, iiiigiit condiine au'uinsi Enu^land. wlenii tht-v liate, and find assistance amono- tlu- laigiisii Catlitilies, whu remain quiet unl}" heeaiiM they liave no supjiort to rest npnn.'' hi cunfonnitv witli these views, the Scotch re- ceived at fir^t a c-old answer^ deeiiuuiii- tririi' nver- ULi'cs; tiiey, however^ renewed tiini' nprilication, and the arcnimont^ in favonr nf acciMjuin- tn then) appeared tlaily io gam ground, it i> nut cniitrar} to Gr)d's hiAw it Avas observ^ed, "For a I'lnut- to avert present and future dangers, and it is punuittud te use the ^nrne mean^ for defencr that another eiiipiuys fur attack. The hrench, cimtraiy tu» all justice, even now ]ifv]i an armv in Scotland, and that kingdom, foriiKrly subject to the su|)rrnia( \ uf England, will, if we are anv longer iudiiForcnit. and With the already da'clarud assent of ^huy. faU entirely into their hands. Nay, after overpower- ing tlie Frulestaiits^ they mil undoubtedly attack Fndand. in ordur to place Marv Stnart on the tiirone. and renew tiie tyranny of Mary Tudor.('^^) The state, the church, and tin/ lih(n1v of England (li'iHTHh therefore, on tiie tiu'h uineli things take in Scotlaiul Wluit i- inteudei ^s very evident from the desolating incursions, the new armaments in the French ports, and the constant refusal of Mary to lay aside the title and the arms of England. ('^) She, with her relations, has urged the Pope to declare Elizabetli discpialified from succeeding to the throne, and even given occasion to Plulip LI., tliouiz'h so zc^alous a Catholic, to warn the Uueen of those dangerous iilans/' Notwitlistandiiiir these weighty arguments, Eli- zabeth liad no mind to meddle witli the atl'aars of {Seotlatul, aiul thoua'ht it unproprr and offensive to sui)])o!*t a ])arty anion.g thv people, against tJic Queen Regent, ft was not tiil confidential persons returnt/d fi'oui Scotland, wlio gave a more accurate account of the state of affjurs, and the English Priv V Council declared its well-fonnckxl opinion, tliat if trns momunt for ajfordnig support was nen-lccted, the dangers, ditlieulties, and expense, would be doubied:Pi that, on the 27ih of February, 1560, a moderate and ucputable convention was entered nit<- with the discontented Seoteh. of wliieli the fnllowuig is tin:' substance: "The ancient rights of the coiuntry slndl })e nndntained bv assistance from England, and the French niercenanes shall be sent nwav: on the other hanrl the Seotcli promise to be 11! rdl things faithful and obedient to King Francis and (luecai Mary, and never to violate their nn^ (h niable rights. 1 168 E L 1 Z A B KT U A M > S ( ' ( ) l" I . A X P . [C ii \ r . \l. Wlieii Elizabdli caused all the abrA'C-iiienticmcd o-roiinds of c()nH)laiiit to he alleg'ed at Paris, and offered to maintain pc^ace, if tiie French mercenaries were witlidrawu from Scotland, nothniu' was (l«)nc to afford real and just satisfaction to so djinu'crous an enemv, but an attempt was made to allure her by tlie promise of restorinix Calais, if she would refrain from all interference in the affau's nf Seot- iand. After receiving her answer, "Tliat slie would not risk the peace of Enu'land for the sake of a tisliing town," Francis and Mary endeavoured to attain their object l)v the mediatuju of iMiilip II, But Elizabeth answered on the 8th of April, "lliat after so many threats and dangers she fould iu>t withdraw her aniiv from Scotland till the hrenrli left that kinirdom. nor onu'iit the Scotch to In: declared rebels, since they only defended tiHUf national independence, whicli was confirmcil bv the iciws." However willing Phihp might have been to acquire the h.onon^r of settlimr all these disputes b) his mediatieai, he was not disposed to. begin a war with Elizabrth, for tie* sake of France and Scotland. Wheretore, Francis and Mary having only their own insufficient means, gave a commis- sion on the I ')tli uf May, ir)(it), to the Bishops of Valence and Amiens, and to \bjn'^ienr do Brosses, to negociate trom Scotland on ail ihu point> m dispute. They added, ''That what these three / 1.060.] CONVENTION OF EDINBURGH. UI9 envoys, or two of them, slionld do, order, or asree ii|)oii With Elizabetli, they would execute it without ever actmir contrary to it in anv manner." Ihit before the hopes of such remote assistance couid be fulfilled, or, witli tlie increasing- |)arty-dis- sensious in France, fresh troops could be brought from that country, the Regent found herself so hard pressed, and \ exation and illness so affected lier, that she died on the I 1 ih of June, 1560. Under- stnudiim', judmnenl. virtuous conchict, and many other laudabh^ (pialities, are almost unanimously allowtai lien yet. much as th(^ state of thin£r^ at that time mitigates the censure, it is evident from \hr facts that she did not keep clear of the petty, niran nri^ o( politics, and disregarded ancient rights, neglected the natives, missed in religions affairs tht just uiedium, and by slavish compliance with ihc directions of lier lu'others, was a great cause t'f present evils and future sufferings. On the 51 h i)f July, three weeks after the death of the Regent, lu r representatives and the French envoys were obhVrd to make a convention ;it Edin])uruJ} witli the confedi rate Scotch, and Flizal)et]i, to the tollowing eff'ect.n "The French soldiers shall leave Scotland in fwtaiiy days, and not return with- out ilie consent of Parliament, foreigners shall l)e excluded from public offices. Nu person shall lie callrd to account for what is past. The Parliament, w-hich shall meet m August nexL, and sriul h deputy 170 THE SCOTCH I'ARTTAMEXT. [Ci 1 \ 1560.] THE SCOTCH CHURCH. i I 10 tlie Kiivy and (iuceii, slifill l)e as legal as if it were convoked by order of their majesties, sup- posing that the disturbances are suppressed, and that every person entitled to a seat may appear without danger. It shall;, above all things, examine the state of religious affairs, and takt^ the necessary measures for the government oi tlie kingdom during the absence of the King and Uueen. Without its assent, war eaunut be declared nur peace concluded. As England and Ireland liclmm* bv ric-ht to Eiizabetli. Fniucis and M;iry shall not use the titles and arms of those kiiiLi"(loms.(^n 'Hie con- ventinii bliail be ratilicd by both prirtics wrthm sixtv days." On the ])art of Elizabeth this was done on \\\v 2d (if Scpteuiber;, and .she reaped the glnrv uf luiviim'. in a very short tinnn bv her firm- ness and orudcnce, driven the French irom Scot- land, secured Knglciud, and gained the attaelmunit of the Scotch. Meantime the Scotch Parliament assemblrd on tilt' 1st isf Auu'iist, more nrniierous tlian it haii been for a luiiij: tinua and attinuhal even by the inferior nobility, and. betrarn aecordinir tn priaaaliug ex- amples and tlu^ terms of the treaty, to proceed to l)usiness befe*re thc^ iirri\ail of a, ro\ail pltnii|)f)te!n-- Liary.(^) On the I7tli of August the Protestants not onlv presented a confession of faith, but de- velo|)fab With meal ngour and harslmess, the defects of the ancient h!uch.(^) No eleruymnn eanie forward to defend the latter, either thromrh fear, or in hopes of more favourable times; but in- stead of thereby conjuring the storm, the innovators became bolder, and said, '' That it was only because flu- eiitna^ un(hmial){e right was on their side that \\w adherents of the old faith did not attempt to make anv defVnee.^' Thus, with the opposition of only three Lords, the Catholic worship was al)o- hshed, and e\-erv eonaiection witli tlu^ Pope l)roken off. Nay, la it contented with the recognition and luieration of the ir din trines, the oppressed, accoid- ing to tin xuAvMt spirit of those times, soon became opjnr^ssnr.. aia'! decreed, ^'That whoever dared to read, or to hear mass, should lose fur the lirst offence all his propcrtv: l^or the second suffer cor- r^'Hil jHinishmentand banislimeiit, and for the third ^n.' pnt to (lcatii."(^) It appears that all those who were irKinnal to nn- refbrnied reliirion airnaal in tliis tvrauny, but \vhen the question was to be dtandial how tlie on- ci. I,! propertv of flic Church should in future he ai)i)hi (I, there appeared a great diiference of opinions nnd motives, for besides the Catholic possessors, to whom the surrender of the ])]'operty seemed contrarv to justice ami duty, the converted Abl)ots and iVelates, and also the no])ihty. demanded a large portion, and the reformtal Clergy the whole for themselves, as wa^ll as toi* the chniThes, tlu"^ ^cliools and \hQ poor. Lastly, some thought ot the State e 172 THE SCOTCH CIIIRCTT. [Cii vp. IT. 1560.] THE SCOTCH CHUIUIi. 173 1^' ' ) wliich w^ts 111 extreme need;, and lu which^ without reo-ard to vehement opposition, a third part was adiiidu-ed in Decembfr, LjGU. At the sMiiK' time hiws were drawn np for tlie future Cuiistitutiou uf the Ciiureh, and for divnie worship, undt/r tin/ titles of '' "B(K)k of Foliev. or Discipline, Book of Cummuu Order.'* Aeeorduig to the tir>t. aftci' tin- al)olition of the deoTees of the iiu'rarehy, the euugregations shuuld clioube the priests, wlio. in |)rovine!rd assenddies, and, lastly, in tin' highe^st iiistcinre. in a general assembiy under a presidcM.it who was likewini- to be elected, sh^ndd preside over the iegisiatiuu and guvernnienl oi the Church. (^^) In, fiveui* of thi^ denineratic systeui ol tht^ Pres- byterians, there wa^ the attachment of i\nnx. and manv of the elergy, t-i Calvin: also the nieniiatiun of the peoph^ in de\iate. as fiir n> possible, from CathuUei^m: tlie hupe of the noljilitv to a,e(jUire by this form a larii"er portinii -of the ("hureh prupertv; and, lastrv, tlie^ a|)|)reh(msion. e>f a new ajnl dan- ^erou"- prepon(h'-ran 1.. tht^y tirniJv iiibnsted on. Many of the reguhitions on educatnai, the schools, the T^nivorsities. the poor. 8zc. deserve |)raibe. Tiie Church disciphne a|)ptnirs to !)e ri- gorous, and refers to manv suhjects whi(*h tlic orchnarv rnhriinislraliori of justice ennld not well reach and cheek: Elders chosen' amono- the best men in the congregation not only assisted the rif ]'n V in tliese matters, ])nt were to have a watcliful eye tipnn the diligence ami morals of tlu' Cierrrv themselves. The sacrament was administered four tiiiics m the year, a sermon preached on the Sundav irmrninLr. and at least once in the week, Ijut on Sunday afternoon the youth were instructed. The sign of the cross, kneeling, observance uf samts^ davs. ami na'uiv other tilings, declared superstitious, were abohshcd. Nay, it was resolved, not m an ebuhition of passion, but with great solemnity, and with the assent of ecclesiastical zealots, that ail alibeys, convent'^, and conventual churches, hbra- ries. works nf art. luiy, even the sepulchres, as seats of tlii^ nnirodlv. and occasions to sin and idolatrv, should he (lestroyiaL What had lormcrlv \ivvn saved from tin:- fnrv of the mob, now fell ])rostraJe before this h^gal madness, and the destruction was ( {fe( tc cl Hi the Greatest extent, and with extreme harshness and brutality. (^^) When Francis and Mary, and her uncles, were nnnh- ac(piamted with all these revolutions and evmits. th(^ir alarm and anger km.nv no bounds. No where, said tlie Cardinal uf Lorranne to the Engh.sh airdiassador, Throckmorton, is there an ap- pearance of the obedience promised in the peace. / 4 THE sroTCTT nirRrTT. [ClMP If. 1560.] ELIZABETH AND \f AKY. I * J i^ and while the Kiiiu' and Queen uie.crn only in name, it is, in truth. Elizaheth, who has the rule. Mary added angrily, "Tiie Scotch do Avliai they please, and always talk of hiws, while tliey ohserve none. They have sent hither a poor nohkanan, and to London a splendid endiassy, but f am their Uueeii, and they shall be taught their duty." The feeble Francis repeatinir these word'^. added, — "They shall learn and teil wliat it is to bt^ disobe- dient to so great a King." All unanimously affirmed, that Without the presence of the ro}al commis- sioner, the Parliament ouuht not to have acted or taken any resolutions, and least of all earned them into effect without their Majesties' sanction. Tlie Scotch auswired^ *' The royal comnusbioucr nught and ouu'ht to liave come at tlie rio*ht time, as was promised, that things which concerned the welfare of the State, and the salvation of the son], could not be indctinitely delayed, and iliat it was onl} liy the Parliament's assnminn- the direction of the whole goveruuieiit, that the greatest dangers had been averted. The King and Queen, if present, would easily be coiiViiiced, ur mighl ha\ e been convinced, of thc^ necessity and propiietv, as well as the universal pupuiarity^ uf the resolutions: an id, in fact, tliey were so consonant to the wishes and inclinations of the people, that almo-bt all of iheni were carried into effcx't before they received the royal sanction; nay, much was done in the same spirit without any direction and genera] law/' Though Mary, yielding to the importunities of zealous Roman Caitliolics, would willini^iv have ordered tilings to be restored to their former con- dition, and liave disregarded the urgent objections of her hali-brother, she had not sufficient power to effect this, and th(- continued (HlFcrences with Elizabeth added to her embarictssments. Throck- morton, tlic English ambassador, had stated to Mary, that his Uucen was inclined to all good servi- ces, cordial reconcihation, and friendly cooperation, as soon as Mary executed the treaty of Edinlmrnin to which she was })esides bound, as her amhassadors had had unlimited ])ower tu conclude* it. But Mary replit^d, ''That slie must take the matter into more mature coiisideratioru and wait till she received from Scotland the opinion of her friends." When Throck- morton observed, "That as the intercourse between the two kingdoms was so frecpient, this might and ought to iunebeen done lonu" fjefore:" new evasions and d(days were sought, so that Elizabeth plainly pereei\-ed what pomt, ni that treaty, was the real cause of offence, and that it was contemplated to gi\e a Yvrv chfTerent turn to tht- affairs of Scotland, if necessary, with the assistance of a greater French force. Her friends, ni tfiat countrv, were equally apprehensive, and were more strongly impressed With, a conviction, that cv(ai for the sake of reliirion. DEAl'll OF Vn\ XC'ls 11. [Chap 1!, Englaiicl aiiil Scotland utiglii now Id nitri' hitn a. closer alliance/* Such was the state of affaifs wIkmi Kiim- FranriN IT. (lied, unex|)(^etedlv, uu tlie 5th of Deccnibcr, 1560. Hiis was so far a Ions lu Elizabeth, as Philii) TI. had no loncor anv reason to (h'rad tlie mvon of the British and l*'reiich crowns e)n out- head; arid d lie foUcnved his own opinions, nm^l \n: inelirird to her tniemies: l)ut it was a still greater nii>haainie In Marv, for tlie reisrnina' (iueen of a great kinirdoTn had become a widow, ill treated by lier mothi r-ui- law, f'*"'^) and could the less depend noon l-'reneh assistance to promote her virwv ni Scot land, as Catharine de Medicis was afraid she wonld rnaaiy Philip, or Don Carlos. But Mary's predilection for France was so irreat that she liad no mind to tro to Scotland. Many of her iriends. ten), renunded hti' of the danerers of tlie vovao-o: cf thio douhtfid sen- timeuts of Elizabeth, and of tlie rude manner> of the Scotch people, wdio were impatient, even under the government of a inrde sovereign. James, iier half-hrother, who visited her in Forraine, declared decidedlv, on the contrarv, tliat her j)resence in Scotland was absolutely necessary, and tliat if Marv ii'overned with moderation, and eoniirmed the new rehuious institutions, she would have nothiriir to apprehend. Lastly, her uncles were of opiniori that she ought to appear in Scotland as (iueen, to hold the reins of go\ernment with a tirm hand. \56\.] ELIZABETH AND MARY. t t cheek here^v, and acfpiire iz'renter power and ef- fectual support l)y a second marriage. \t this moment it was, above all things, im- portant to satisfy Fhzabeth. Accordnigly, Mary wn^t'c to lier on thr- otli of January, 1561, a month after the deatli of her husband, a letter, m which slie 178 ELIZABETH ANT) MARY. [Chap. 11. 1561.] MAKY LEAVES FRANCE. F*» If I treaty of Kduihuru-b. That a luiioer delay to (■(mil>ly wilhllus just denuuul, or ilcH-liuincr to pass tliroujih En>-land,must nocessarilybe coiisidcrod by E!izal)etli as mi affront.-' Marv, ancry at tliis intimation, said to the English aniha.sa.lor, Throckmorton. - I d„not want the pernussion and consent of Elizabeth, and can and will -o to Scotland without it. \(t i intended to pay her a friendlv visit, and tlie more so as she so frequently sprak^ of the uccessity ot frieud>hip between England ami Scotland: but. indeed, it seems to me. that these words are not verv seriously meant. an IbU MARY I.ANDb IN bt'OTLAM). ;CiiM-: 11 156].] MARY A XI) KNOX. 181 »\!1 ,t? witli them, and gave vent to her irnc^f m pathetic strains. The joy and respect with which she was welcomed on her landino; m Scotland, on the 19th of An-iist, 156L atibrded her, however, new and almost unexpected pleasure: and her heauty, afta- bihtv, mental endowments, and uncommonly en- gaging manners, gained her many hearts. When, besides this, followum' tVie advice of her half-brother, she passed over the Roman Cathohcs, and placed only Protestants at tlu^ head of affairs, and declared that she did not intend to make any change m the resolutions respecting rcUgion, the satisfaction of the people was much increased, witli the hope of a happv issue to all tla-.r affairs. But persons of more austere sentiments observed, that ^biry louki d on the effeminate enjovments and tlatteries of the Frencli capital, as constitutinir the supreme liappi- ness of life; and, on the contrary, mutlua' IomhI nor appreciatiHl lier native country. Thus she had arrived with an alienated la^art. a ccu're.pt tasti\ witli- out desire for any thing better, without enthusiasm for a noble vocation and genuine glory. Witliout whollv coincidmn: m these opinions, many i)rudent men doubted whether a young woman of only nine- teen unacquaintiKl with the manners and the laws, and witli the persons by whom she was surrounded. without ex|)eneuce, friends, or power, would be able to subdue the formidable parties whicli were unaccustomed to moderation and order, and to kwiul obedience. Thus the Roman Catholics thou^dit it cowardly and impious, that instead of pnnislnno; the crimes that had been committed, she took the |)art of the heretics. The Protestants, on the otlier hand, thought that they could no more confide m lier promises than in those of Mary Tudor; that as soon as circumstances permitted, she would lay aside all hypocrisy, and according to the impious |)rineii)les of her family, pursue the career of pvr- secntion. Tliis opinion appeared to be confirmed bv the circumstance that the Queen required tlic exercise of the Roman CathoHc worship for herself, and. on the 24th of August, six days after her arrival, caused arrangements to be made m the Palace for reading mass. But some zealous innovators forced their way in, broke thc^ wax-tapers lo pieces, and would prol)a.l)ly have destroyed every thing if they liad not hvan prevented. The Catholics considered this as highly eul|)able diso]}cdience to the Queen, aiic! impious profanation of what was holy. Pro- testants, on the other hand, said that the priest who read mass ouglit to be punished as an idolater, ac- cording to the directions of the Old Testament. Mary's declarations, with a view to appease them, made l)ut little impression, and none couki satisfy ht^r adversaries. For Knox considered and treated tlie Roman Catholics as worse than heathens, (a comluet of whu'h the latter were guilty on their 1 R2 MARY AM) KNOX [Cif.u'. !L 1562.] MARY AND KNOX. 183 part also,) prcaclied against the whore of Babylon, that is, the Roman Catholic Chiircli, and Anti-C'hrist, that is the Pope : one mass, he said, was more dan- o'c^roiis to the countrv than ten thousand foreiy;!! J? enemies,!'") and his prayer for the (iueen was in the following terms: '^Purify, O God, the heart of tiie Queen from the poison of the idolaters, and re- deem her from the slavery of Satan, m wliieii she has been educated, and, for want of the true doe- trine, still is, in order tluit the kingdom may escape the phm'ues mid the vengeance which inevital)ly follow idolatry, "('^) In other places he invoked the anii'cr, vens^^eance, and curse of (iod upon his adver- sarics,as criminals; and fetes, huntinu* parties, sports, dances, mas(|uerades^ and the like, with whudi the court of Marv was amused, were, in his gloomy nuiid, heavy crimes. Whereas many Roman Ca- tliolics, in a love of vain and empty ph^asures, k)oketl upon what was trul} reprehensible m her conduct, as peiiuittetL or at least indifferent and iinimpcnlant. In the liope of gaining Knox, or, at least, of making him more moderate, Mary had several con- versatujns with him, in w hicli he manifested a noble l)oldness, and iiiVincibie love of truth, but disdained the forms which miudit I'ffectually hitiucuice the heart and undcrstaii(iiUL>- of a vuung (iueen, and therefore caiisfd licr to sIuaI iciirs indei/'d, l)ut did not con- vHice her, AiiKaiu: other assertions, he affirmed that it was the Imlisputable right of tlie Clero-y to assemble without the interference of the temporal powers; the duty of the Sovereign is to lead a se- rious life, and instead of dancing and sino-ino- to excess, to go to church, and learn the word of God. Idolatry is worthy of deatli, and if Princes do not observe their compacts with the p^eople, thev will meet with no obedience. When they murder the children of God, it is lawful to bind their hands for such madness, and to put them in piison till they better themselves. (^') Nor is this disobedience, but obedience to God's commands. He who defends the Romisj] (liureh is on thic way to damnation, and a refc^rence to the conscience is of no avail, without nglit jiulgmeiit and knowledge. On ac- count of these and similar notions, which were uilered e\'en to thi^ })eople, Knox was accused of High Treason, but defended Inmself witli the greatest courage, and, much to th(^ mortiiication of tlio highly incensed Uueen, was m the end ac(|uitted. From an im])artial consideration of wliai we have here related, it appears that Knox's manner w^as harsh, liis demands exorbitant, and the instances ^»f i-ebellion and regicide tp.ioted from the Old Testfiment, by no means proper models to l)c fol- lowed. Collier, accordingly in his Ecclesiastical History, says, "Knox liad the presumption to argue against the Queen, from Judaism to Christianity, and from higluu* inspiration, to comnioii law, which 1^4 THE SCOTCH CHURCH. [ClJAF. II, 1562.] THE SCOTCH CHURCH. 185 iij \vmls to Moleiice ami the dissolution of all order. On tlie other hand it may be alletred, as an excuse for the Presbyterian zealots, tliat the Cathohe wor- ship t)f tlie Quet^ri, at that time, ponited to very different plans, and even duties, and it cannot be doubted that Mary, m her nund, always intended the restoration of the ancient Ciiureh. She avoided tlie solemn recognition of the Parliamentary cs- tablisliment of Protestantism, kept up an uninter- rupted correspondence \\itli tlie enemies of tlie Re- formers, several times received money from tlie Pope, and declared in tlie year 15G3 that she woukl always be obedient to liini. To tins was added the recolleetiuii (jf former {)t*rsecutions5 and of what was done in France and tlic Netherlands acrainst the professors of the riew faith. Tlu^ Roman Catholics, at that time, would certainly never liave tolerated a i^rotestant (luecn, whieli if it docs not justifv, v( t accounts for, and excuses the demands of the Scotch Ridormers, But, liowever great was the zerd and ilir power of the Clergy, thev found, from the eariscs which we have already ludnaited, manifoid opposition to their endi^avonrs to obtain the ecclesiastical |)ropr'rty for the Churches, the scliools, and the poor. Tlie nobles did not wish to increase the wealtli cather of tlie Crown or of the Clergy : the actual possessors desired to Lnve up as little as possil)l<\ wfirtlier tliey w(/rc- \\v\v\\ coii\crLed eiergymeii, or persons wfio had ex])elled the former possessors. Thus two-thirds of the Church property remained in the hands of tlie old or new possessors, and only one- third came to the Crown, to pay tiic salaries of the Reformed Clergy. The latter, therefore, found themselves unexpectedly converted into mere nwr- cenaries of the court; nay, they remained m irreat poverty, because the Queen was obhged to ^-ive n|) part of that tliird to many great persons, and inde- pendently of the wish to keep her adversaries pow- erless, desired also to gain something for herself. Hence arose a continued discontent mionu: the Clerc-v, and their lilame, (which was easily combined Willi tluar limited income,) of any more agreeable mode of life. In the same spirit the magistrates of Edmlmrgh oi'dcred tliat no drunkard, mass- priest, or obdurate papist, should remain in the City. Mary, on her side, considered this as a vio- lation of her rigfits, and without regard to con- tra(He!ion, caused new magistrates to be chosen, ajid proclamation to be made, that every good sub- ject nnnht remain unmolested m the city. That the persons above specified were coiniirihendcal ni this general denomination, appeared to many as absurd, as it did oflensive to others. Durnig these events, negociations were going on With France and Englanth The French Ambassador, Noailles, urged the renewal of tln^ alhaiKa^ with Charles IX., and the re-csuibiisliment of the Roman 186 NEGOCIATIONS V^ITH ELIZABETH. [ru.xv. 11. Catholic rciitrion. He was answered that Fraucc had done Uttk^ service to Scotland, but that England had assisted m breakm- tlie fetters winch nobodv was mchned to l)ear any more. In this temper of the people's minds, it was necessary for Mary to lose no tone in effectino: a reconcihation with her rival. She, therefore, soon after lier ar- rival ui Scotland, sent Maitland Lethingtoii, one of her most distinguished officers, to propose to lier ix friendly alliance; but at the sanu^ tune to lay before her a demand, that she winild cause Marv to be recognised by a solemn decision of Parliament as tlie next heir to the English tlirone, in tlio event of her (Ivinir without ciiildrcn. The Uueen of Scotland "was induced to make this demand from an apprelieiision, that, as the will of Henry VIU. made no mention of the Scotch line. Elizal)eth miixht appoint ;tnutiier heir. Elizabeth, on the other hand, wlio ex|)ected the simple ratification of the treaty of Edinburgh, *iiui iiad accordingly offered to Mary sincere friendship, on thc^ 16th of August, 15G8, was as unexpectedly as disagreeably surprised by this turn of affairs.{^^) She considered, after the confirmation of her own hereditary rights, anv Parliamentary investigation to be superfluous; ami anv attack on her father's will lugldy dan- gerous.* The riglit given to him to doeide on the succession, was, sTie believcH, transmitted to 1hi% and Mie was by ao means inclined raslily to make 1562.] NEGOCIATIONS WITH ELIZABETH. 18: use of it, for tlie advantage of a competitor, who already conceived her own riglit to be the best founded, and wlio, being a Roman Catholic, was ob- noxions to the majority of the English. She there- fore gave tlie following answer to Lethington. "T hope that the Queen of Scotland will not trench u})on the hereditary rights of myself and of any descendants that T may have, though at the ambitious suggestion of others she has assumed the anns nnd title of England, an affront for wliich she ought, m justice, to give satisfriction. (hi my side, T will neither bring forward the cpiestion of the right to the crown, wlncli might easily lead to many donbts and considerations, nor will I prejudice the rights of .Mary. h\ after my death, she lias the best riglit, slie may succeed me, l)ut a more par- ticular declaraticiin and confirmation of sucli a ri^it is ({Uite unusual, and the friendsliip betweeirus miglit rather suffer than gam, and suspicion and dissension would proljably follow. Before my chwa- tion to tlie tlirone, 1 was solicited by many, wlio, if 1 had desired it, would ha\c risked everything lor mc; now, on the contrary, there arc many di.^ contented persons disappointed in tlieir hopes.\vho, like the fickle people in general, expecting better times, would readily turn from the settin^r to the rising sun. Successors to a ihronc in Mary's situa- tion, find it (litllcult lo .ubduc their „u)i xvislirs; how mnrh more to korp i„ ,](„' ami pj-opcr Ijuuuds] 188 NEGOCTATIONS WITH F.TJZ A lUvlH. [C . f 1 A I .11. 1563.] STATE OF ENGLAND. 189 IN I- the eager ( fforts of their partisans; I will tlier(^fore not strencrthen tlie power of a neidibour who is already so high, by a formal reeognitiou of her liereditary riirhts, iinderiiiiiio my own scnnintv, aud have my shroud and grave in my eyes during my lifetime.'' After these declarations, a proposal was made to alter tlie terms of the Convention of Edinhnrdn so that Mary should not nuike use (^f the arms and title of England during tlie life of Elizabeth and her descendants, and the latter should do notlimg to prejudice tlie liercHhtarv rights of Mary; and thomrli tliere was never any formal acceptance and contirmation of this proposal, the two Queens acted in crcneral m conformity to it, and a Convention of the 23d of Septembiu\ 1563, (n)ntained many useful stipulations respectinn- the mutual treatment ot inercliants, exportatious and unportations, the har- bourimx of fmritives, the settltumuit of dis|)utes between citizens, &e. The pr(4)o^al that Elizabeth and :Mary should have a mec^tiug to confer together, and bv this means come to a perfect understanding. was ixiven up, after lonu: eonsuleration, as b.kely to lead to dhhculties.(^^) And. in fact, notwith- staudin^r the outward civility, tlu^v were not want- WW new icrounds for dissension and suspicion, in addition to those which previously existed. Tlie Countess of Lennox, daughtcu' ()f Mariraret Tudor, Uueen of Scotland, hv her second huNliand the Earl of Angus, carried on a dangerous corres- pondence with Mary; Arthur Pole and his brother, descended from the house of York, formed plans in her favour: Catharine Grey,C*') the sister of Jane, married, without the knowledge of Elizabeth, the Ecirl of Hertford; all which, combined with the sentiments of Erance and Spain, excited some anxietv in Elizabeth, justified precaution, and irave occasiun to more rigorous measures. Yet she main- tained tranquillity in the country, and was able to devote her attention to the improvement of the tinances. of navigation, and trade; whereas ."Mary could not ])U:t down the open re])ellion of several Barons, })articularly of the Earl of Huntley, l)ut with the assistance of her h.'ilf-l)roiher, wjio had been raised to the rank of Earl of ]\lurrav; while she necessarily became morc^ at variance with her Pro- testant CltTiry, because her uncle, the Cardinal of hnrrn/ine, publicly |)rodueed at Trent Jn May, 1563, letters, in which she recognized the Council, and pfe)]nise(l all o!)edienee to the Papal See, not only for Scotland, but for England as soon as she should inherit tliat kingdom. The Cardinal, at the same time that he shewed the letter, added the apology, tliat Mary had not been able to send a deputv to the Council, because all persons of distinction in Scotland, both lay and ecclesiastic, were infected with heresy. We will leave it uncertain what part Mary her- n 190 STATE OF ENGLAND [CffU>. H. self may have had in this affair, and vvliat the Cardinal did of his owai anthority. Such a step couhl m no case^ long remain concealed, or fail to have a prejudicial effect for lier. The conduct of Elizabeth was very different. She de- cidedly rejected the demand of Paul IV., that she shouhl receive a Legate and send a deputy to the Coimcil^{"'0 deelarcnl that liis |)ower in Enirland was abolished, and that lie was not higher than anv one of the other bisliops. Lord Montague and Mr. Aikinson spoke, indeed, in Parliament against the oath of Supremacy, alleo-imr that it was unnecessary, because the Roman Catholics li\'ed as peaceable subjects, and unjust, because it expressed Protestant opinions, and led to livpocnsy, falsehood, and tyrannv: tliey were not able to obtain its abolition. However, with the secret approbation of Elizabeth, and by the advice of Cecil and of Archbishop Parker, the law was enforced with very great lenity. At the same time, the Parliament drew up regulations against those who disturl)ed the ecclesiastical institutions; against usury, witch- craft, and soothsaying; for under the latter pre- text, there were scandalous abuses and impositions. Otherwise the Queen ( with reference to laws for- merly enacted bv tlie Pai'hament itself,) would not allow any further and intolerant interference, on its part, in tlu* affairs of tlie Church. Slie was very urirt'iit for uniformity iii the mode of divine 1.563.] ki:ltgtous affairs. 191 worshi]), in the dress of the clergy, &c., because arbitrary deviations easily led to a dissolution of order and unanimity. The two Houses of the Convocation likewise confirmed, on the 31st of January, 1 5G3, the thirty-nine Articles, which are of so much importance to the English Church, and were, on the whot(% similar to the former forty-two Articles drawn up under Edward VL Some priests, who woukl not conform to these new regulations, lost their offices. To all these measures and law^s respecting re- ligion, winch Philip IL considered to be extremely condemnable, were added various circumstances that increased the misunderstandino:: such as in- K.J) suits at sea, the reception given to persons who were fled from England, the ecpiivocal conduct of the Spanisli ambassador m London, &c. Neither party, however, thought it advisable to proceed to open war on tliat account, but Elizabeth assisted tlie I'rench Huguenots, as Philip did the Romish I)arty of tlu^ Guises. After the death of Francis l)uki of (juise, before Orleans, peace was however restored, and instead of ecclesiastical and political affairs, the discussions respecting the marriages of the two (clueens were for some time of paramount importance. (■^-) In the long hst of tlieir admirers and suitors we find, (not to speak of persons of an inferior rank,) for Elizabclh. the Areliduke Charles, the Infant Don y 1112 OFFER OF MARRIAGE. [Chip. 11 »» Carlos, Erick Kirm- of Sweden, Charles IX. of France, Adolphus Duke of Holstein, tlie Count Palatine Casimir, and several others. (•'') For Mary, likewise Charles, Carlos, and Erick; then the Dukes Ferrara and Anjou, the Prince of Conde, &c. It mav be difficult to decide how far personal beauty, mental superiority, or the dowry of a kingdom, chieily animated and tempted the suitors; but at all events it would be unjust to assume, that only one of these motives acted in favour of either Queen, though they were certainly very different in these respects. The question of the personal attractions of Mary and Elizabeth, compared with each other, is not inditTerent; but neither is it of such decisive importance as many persons have conceived. Mary was nine years younger, a liand- some, spriirlitlv brunette, whose features were less striking, hut more pleasing. ('') Elizabeth taller, very fair, ])ale, and t)ii account of the superiority of her understanding, whic^li was everywhere ma- nifest, not so engaging in the eyes of ordinary men as the Scotch Queen. ('') For, women wlio are free and openhearted, and suffer tliemselves to be iroverned, naturally meet with more applause among the men, tlian tliose who never forget their independence and self-command. But if we as- sume, which is more than tlie truth allows, that Elizabeth never excited interest as a woman, in the ordinary sense of tlie expression, it was c^ulamly L3bl.J OFFERS OF \r\KRF\nE. 193 not a mere cold calculation of tlu- undcrst^mdino- on advantages and disadvantages, but the most profound feeling of the heart, which made millions of her subjects ready to sacrifice their lives for her. This more exahed love is far beyond the proper circle of sexual attachment, yet it would have assumed a differi-nt shape towards a King, than to the Queen; as, on the contrary, the hatred which Mary Stuart brought down upon herself, w^as cer- tainly clos(dy connected with \\vy female frailties. Elizabeth was, in her heart, thoroughly averse to makimr herself dependent upon a husband, but she was flattered by these suitors, and partly on that account, partly to retain the friendship of each of them, she gave them very polite answers, which did not at once cut off all hope. To the proposal of Charles IX. in 1564, she answered, ^^He ^^m% too great and too little for her. Too great, as lie would consider France as the most important, and would not come to England: too little, as she was too old, and he was too young." Another time she said to the French ambassadoi- Foys, '^f I tliink of marrymg, I fec^l as if my heart were torn out e^f my body, so far am I naturally indisposed to it, and only the good of my subjects could induce me! I liave resolved, too, not to give up to my future husband any part of uiy power and resources." (■'^) Pliilii) 11-, therefons was wholly mistaken in the way he took, when lie recommended his cousin, VOL. I. U •t I 1U4 TliE EARL Ui 1,1 iCESTER. \C\; w saviuix, "^Hiat it niusL be very prcjiuiiciul to her kingdom if i':iiZMl)eth did not soon niarrv, in order that she mis^ht be relit vcd from puhlie Jitiairs, which men alone were eompetent to eonduet/^ On the otiier hand, the Emperor Ferdinrtucl eomplauuHL notwitli- out reason, "Tliat Elizabeth had never senonsly desired a marriaa'e ^vith thi' Archduke inrt nnlv sought her own ad\antage iii the negociation. a conduct whieli eoeld not be approved of. even In inferiors;' Many thought that this refusal of the iiicist ilhistnous offers of marriaoT did not ])roeeed so niiieh from the motives that were alleged, influence of the stars, and others, in their anger at the favour shewn to Leicester, accused him of being a hypocrite, arrogant, selfish, immoral, indifierent to tlu- choice of means to attain his ends, • nay, they affirnunh tliat in the hope to obtam the haml of Ehzabeth lie had caused the death of lus own wife, and perhaps of many other persons. f«) This ccaisure of the envied favorite, (like praise m simdar eases.) is doubtless exaggerated, and it is ditHeuh to find th(^ just medium. Leicester, certainly, never umlerstood how to gain public opinion; thDun^i he liad much iienetration and abilitv in sonu^ points, he wanted the simple digmtv of his opponent Sussex; and, still more, the^ su- P^^nor understamlmg of Cecil; his way of Mc did Hot entirely coincide with the strict puritanical principles which he professed: but shall Elizabeth bo so severely blamed for desiring, besides the great statesmen whom she honoured, to have an o 2 196 MONSIEUR l)K CHASTKLAIl. [Cii.u. 11. 'J i it m amiable and accomplished courtier about her. The opinion which she expressed to the Frencli am- bassador Castelnau,('^) ^'Tliat Leicester was the most virtuous and perfiH't man that she knew," maybe founded in error, but she addecL in the con- sciousness of her dip:nity, "Yet she would ncner marrv him C and if her predilection for Leicester led her to any apparent indiscretions, ( '") they werc^ far more trifling tluiii in the case of her rival in Scotland." We will not iin|)ute any blame to Mary that a Monsieur de Chastehir ccmcealed himself undir her bed, (thougli there arc accounts which say that !^Iary's behaviour had tempted him to such an audacious proceeding,) but we cannot help la^ mentiim' that he, a grandson of Bayard, had nt length to perish on the scaffold for this repeated folly. If Elizabeth was of opinion, that by [i mar- riaire she would lose both power and security, Mary, Oil the contrary, wisIkhI thereby to confirm her power. But her plans of marriage wen^ objected to, sometimes by France, scmietimes by Ehzabeth; nav, the latter positively declared, ''That unless IVIarv married with luu' approbation, she could not liope for anv favorable measures, witli respect to the succession to the English throne." After many plans had failed, or been rejected, Ehzabeth pro- posed to Mary her own favorite Leicester, as a husband, which the latter at first proudlv deehm/d. 1564.] MARY. LEICESTER. \\}7 o and, in the sequel, when she appeared disposed t agree to it, Elizabeth let tlie matter drop. Under these circumstances Leicester was in a very pre- carious situation; he would very willingly have married one of the Queens, and Elizabeth rather than Mary, ])iit he had reason to fear tliat any sign of greater inclination to one of them would be con- sidered as an offence by the other, and that both plans would fail. Hence an opinion, which is not very credible, has arisen, that the whole scheme was contrived by his adversary Cecil, in order to ruin lum. it certainly originated with Elizabeth herself; t)ut it is difficult to say what lier real ob- ject was. Did she wish to put Leicester's fidelity to a severe trial? After Mary's consent had raised his worth, did she desire to manage the matter in sucli a manner, that he would rattier remain her first subject, than become the husl^and of her rival? Or did she believe that Mary would be lowered ])v such a marriage, and the influence of Eno-land in Scotland increased? Her conduct was certamlv in- fluenced on the one hand by female vanitv and jealousy, (though the accounts of the Scotch am- bassador Melvil, to his sovereign, on the weakness of Ehzab(^th, may be exaggerated,) on the other hand, by the opinion that it was ])oliticallv advise- Hble to prevent Mary from marrying at all. Under these circumstances it was proposed, that Mary should marry her cousin Darnlev, the son of iU> MARY AND iJAllXLH Y [Chap. H. ill licr aunt Margaret, hikI of the Karl of Lennox,!"^) and the rather because he niiu-ht j)erhaps contract some importaiit luarriaii-e lu Enghiiul, and bring forward claims to England and Scotland. Cathannc de Medicis, who equally hated Mary and Elizabeth, wished, in order to lower both, and to exchido powerful competitors, that the former sliould nicirry Darnlev and the latter Leicester. lluu while Elizabeth never a'ave the latter any power over her, Marv fell in love with her cousni, a yoiuiir man nf nineteen, who hastened to Scotland: for he was extremely handsome, danced well, played the lute, and possessed all those outward perfections which most easily dazzle the female mmd, and prevent it from calmly weiirhmg the more essential qualities. At first Elizabeth thought (probably judiring of Marv by herself,) that nothmii' would covnv of this |)hui. but scarcel} did the contrary appear to be tlie ease, when slie, with tlie English Privy Council, conceived thi notion, that Mary wished to double her claims ui)on England, by a marriage with her cousin, the uTandson of Maru-arot Tudor, who was disposed to the Roman Catholic religion. (") She, therefore, declared au'amst the marriage, causod Darnlev's mother and brother, m England, to be arrested, and required that he and Ins father shouhi return from Scotland, bt>eause no ftnidal baron was allowed to leave the country, and marry without the roval |)eruii^M0ii. Both stilt polite apologies for 3 1564.] MXny MARRIES DARNLEY, 199 staying away, but Mary declared that Darnlev was no insolent stranger, but her near relation, and wel- come to most ^of the Scotch; that she had willingly attended to important o])j(xni{)ns on the part of Elizabeth, but on this occasion, when there were none whatever, she ^vas resolved to abide by lier own free choice, a right possessed by every woman, ' much more a Queen. (^^) A dispensation having been received from Rome, Mary \vas married on tlu- 29th of July, IjGd to her couMii, according to the rites of the Roman Catholic Church; and without waiting for an Act of I'arliament, declai'ed hnm hv her own authority, Kiug and co-regent. This increased the dis- satisfaction of many, who athrmed that the consent of the States wa^s necessary, not only for this, but (\(ii for the choice of a husband; that the Pro- testant i-eligion was threatened with new dangers 1)v a Catholic King, and the connection with Rome, and it was their right and duty to demand stronger securities for civil liberty. IMary's half-brotlier, Murray, not only participated in these ^iews, Init hkewise felt himself offended ))y various instances of neglect, nay, the differences between him and Darnlev rose so high, that he is said to have lie- lieved, that Darnlev intended to have him murdered, wdiile the latter thought that there had been a plan to seize and carry him to England. How^ever, when an open laipture look place, Mary behaved \^ f i 200 SCOT! !l Fl (ilTIVES IN F.NCLAND. [Ciiaf. !L With SO iiiucli Hl)ility and energy, that the chiefs of the confederates, even Murray himself, were obht'-ed to iiv to Enu-hmd. When the French and Spanish Ambassadors loudly complained that Elizabetli had excited, supported, and «riven an asylum to the rebels, Murray and Ins confederates declared, in the presence of tliose Ambassadors, that the Queen was innocent, and were therefore^ severely reprimanded by Elizabeth for their con- duct. This proceeding has generally been repre- sented as a false diplomatic artifice; it appears, how- ever, from tlie confidential letters of Cecil to persons in office, that Elizabeth wished to preserve ])eace with Scotland, and was only resolved to defend herself in case of an attack. ('") At all events the Ambassadors who complained were now oliliu'cd to be silent, and the exiles to bear Elizabeth's reproaches, as they felt that a breach lietween England on (mv hand, and France and Spam on the otlier, would only injure their cause. Elizabeth, too, continued to irrant them ;in asylum, for Mary liad, on her part, received Enghsli exiles, liad su|)ported the IriNlinaan O'Xeale, had not restrained Scotch pirates, and liad contrived with the Pope new intriirues against England. That Mary's adherents here w^re very active, thouuli without success, and that Mehih lier Ambassador, was aware nf it, can hardly be doubted, any more than that Ehzabnli vvas concerned in the Scotch 1566.] MARY AM) DARNLEY. 201 troul)]es, and (though without raising complaints or commencing war,) would not suffer the Protes- tant party to be entirely suppressed, which, as she said, had been condemned without due observance of the course of law\ In the further correspondence between tlie two Queens, civilities and reproaches alternately succeeded each other wdthout leading to anything decisive; yet Mary's power and au- thority became more consolidated, so that many persons expected a continuance of tranquillity for the future, and placed her talents for government almost upon a level with those of her rival Elizabeth. But design and accident, passion and conviction, lier own ffiult and that of otliers, com- bined together, in various ways, to obscure and at 1( iigtli to destroy these cheerful prospects. Mary's joy at having succeeded m marrying; her cnusin Darnley was of short duration. Slie dis- covered, but too soon, that his personal beauty ^vas not accom|)anie(l by mental (piahfications or moral \ irtues. He was violent and yet tickle, domineer- mu-, yet easily led by llatteries, proud and ambi- tious, yet ignorant, and unfit for business, addicted to drinking and low pleasures. Instead of attendiiitr to the advice of Mary, to whom he was inde1)ted for his elevation, or of answering her behaviour winch, at the beginning, was extremely kind, he neglected her in many ways, and said afterwards that lie had many serious grounds of complaint. (^•') i u U : r I hi I I lli •>()2 DAVID liiZD). [Cii A r If. David Rizio, a singror from Turiiu lidcl uhtiinird, hv lii^ ao-reeable voice, access to the Uuecii, who was fond of music, and aftei'wards, by va- rious acts, had so insinuated iuinselt;that slie raised him above all the nobles and officers of her couit; and. witliout consulting her husband, intrusted bun with the most important affairs. When the Uueen was speaking with (h^puties of the nobility, or e\ en in the full assembly of the States, "Rizio unbe- eominn-ly mtei'fered, and to this presumption were added ridiculous vanity, and 1)hima])le covetousness. Me ])eeame still more odious when it was discovered that he was m the pay of the Pope, that he ma- naa'cd the eorri^spondence of Mary with Pius IV. on the estal)lishment of the Roman Catholic reh- o-ion, and persuadi ci h( r to listen to the cruel ad- vice of France and Spam, witli respect to the Pro- testants. Rizio's expenditure and suite of attendants c^x^ ceeded those of tlie King; he was Mary's daily \\ ' many to be inevitable, Elizabeth summoned thirty Members of each House, and explained to them the reascms for which the positive nomiiuition of a successor was unnecessary, objectionable, nay, dangerous. Even distant collateral relations had in other countries, for mstance, in France, succeeded to the throne in due time without such a determina- tion; but, on this occasion, even persons who were attaclu^l to her had suffered themselves to be mis- led, and to insist on a decision which could only encourage parties in tlie kingdom and excite dis- content. Nobody thought more than she did, of the security of her subjects; nobody was further from entertaining a thought of violating their liber- ties, but they ought to confide m her affection and eare. The Queen courteously declined large sums of money, granted in the hope that she would ac- cede to these wishes, saying that tlu* money was as safe in the coffers of her suhjeets as in hers. By this means she satisfied and irained the ])eo- ple's minds; but entirely to remove the misunder- standings which had hitherto existed, she again offered, on condition of tin- ratification of the treaty (ff Edinljurgh, lu^ver to infringe the hereditary rights of th(- Queen of Scotland, and on her com- ])laint, caused some writers who had called it in question to be thrown into prison. Mary, however, was not willing that her rights and hopes should re- main in suspense for so indeiinite a time as the 2(H) Tin-: F;A!U. OF lioriiw IJ.L. [Chap. 11. fill '■s term of the life of Elizahetli and iier descendants, but airaiii recjiiired an eii(j[uirv mto the authentieity and propriety i^f the will of Henry YTTT., whieh Elizabeth, for the reasons that have been above stated, still refused; so tliat the (juestion of tlie lienMlitarv i-iu'lit and sueeession remained uudeeidecL Meantime^ James Earl of Fiotliwell, oiu^ of the boldest and most powcrfid of the vassals of Seotland, was daily u'aiiunu' more and more the favour of Mary. He had nssistrd m dclix-erinu- the Queen from the dependence, or I'atlier imprisonment, in whicli she had l)een plnec d by the eonspu'atoT's: but the sequel will sliew, that it wus not merit or Marv's o;ratitnde alone tliat favoured his elevation. In order to axoid tlie reproaeh of partiality, we will here <^ive the deseription which (hlbcrt Stuart, one of the most zealous advoeates of Mary, gives of him. ''Bothweli was insensible to glory, ineapabh^ of patriotism, unskilled in bnsiness. He was elia- raeterized by boundless graspnig at |)ower, unmo- rality which knew no fear, and shameful prodin-ality; he made a mockery of ])robity, honour, and rcli-^ rrion. He was now in the prime of youth, and ex- tremelv handsome. Treachery, poison, and the daiiner, were employed by him, in co]d blood, to attain his object; but he was defieient m under- standmir, energy, and courage to look into futurity, and to remain superior in cu'cum^tanees. {"^^) 1566.] BOTHWELL DARNLEY. 207 While Both well received fi-om Marv the irovern- ment of three counties, two abbies, the lordship of Dunliar, many crown lands, and the post of Hiuli Admnid, her aversion to Daridey continued to in- crease; all attempts to reconcile them failed, and the King was w ith dithculty dissuaded from the plan of leaving the kingdom, rather than livc^ any longer m such contemptible nullity. Mary thono-lit that lie had deserved this treatment by his ill conduct and ingratitude, and laitreaties to pardon his youthful errors, as she had j)ardoiied greater wrong m others, were fruitless. In proportion as he manifested returning affec- tion, and. at tln^ same time, jealousy, he became morc^ disao-rcealde to the Uueen, and she woidd readily have assentcHl to proposals for a divorce, if there had been grounds for it, or Darnley's con- si nt could have been hoped for, had not the Pope's consent or refusal been equally to be dreaded. Be- sides this, a divorce a mensa et thoro would not l)ermit another marriage, and a declaration of the tnxahdity of the marriage must give rise to all the doubts respecting the hereditary rights of her son James, which had taken place under smuiar circumstances in England. About this time Darnley w^as taken ill, and wliile some said with an infectious disease, and it was natural that the Queen should avoid him; others said from the etiVct^ of ])oisoil and it was very 208 MCRDKR OF r)A!l\LK\. [CilAi'. li. 1567.] MT'RDER OF DARNLEY. 209 improper that tlic Quoen did not tro!i])le herself about her husbaiu!: wlirrcas, when Earl Bothwell was accKleiitallv wounded about the same time, she repaired witli uiibeeonimg liastc to his castle. On the 2()th of January, 1567, the day on whieh a tliorouo-h reconciliation was said to have taken place between :\Iary and Darnley, slie wrote to her ambassador at Paris,— "The Kinu\ his tVither, and lus adlierents, as we know from good authority, talk and think of doing us some injury, only that tlieir power is not equal to their will;' On tlie foilowino; day she went to Glasgow to the Kina\ whom she had entirely neglected for nine months, persuaded him, thoudi not fully recovered tVoni his illness, to follow her in a Utter to Edinlnirgh; and, on the 31st of January, prepared apartments for him, not HI the palace, but m a lone house, whieh slie had but lately given to Robert l^alfour. a servant of BothwelY For a whole week she at^ tended him with tht^ greatest care, and slept for a couple of niixhts in a room under his; but, on the 9th of February, caused her splendid bed to be removed, and an ordinary one to be put in its place. At eleven o'clock at night she h_'ft her husband, to be present nt an entertainment in tlie castle, and at two o'clock in the morning the house was blown up with a frightful explosion, and the dead body of Darnley was found in a neiirhbouring o-arden. At first it was allefred that the house had J I f l)een struck by lightning; (''*) then it w^as acknow^- Icdged that it had been blown up bv gunpowder: lastly, the suspicion that he had been strangled Avas aroused, because, thougli the corpse was not shewn to any person, and was buried m the night witliout any solemnity, it transpired that it had no marks of fire or of external violence. Everybody expected that Mary, who had shewn so much resolution and activity on the murder of Rizio, would act on this occasion with still greater energy; in fact, on the 1 1th of February, she WTOte to her ambassador at Paris, ''that the criminals, whose plots she had escaped only by the grace of God, should be pursued and exem])larily punished, so as to be a warning for future generations." On the 12th of I'ehruary a reward was off'ered for the discovery of tln^ perpetrators, but as in truth no- thing serious was done to institute an enfiuiry, a notice was found posted up in the streets, on the IGtli of February, and another on the 19th, in which the Earl of Bothwell, with three of his servants, were designated as murderers, their arrest demanded, and an intimation given that the Queen was an accomplice. Instead of listening to this demand, which was she^vn by many other circum- stances to be well-founded^ and thereby proving her own innocence, Mary caused an investigation to be directed against the authors of the notices, and m the sequel threatened them w^ith capital VOL. 1. p ( 2lU \| TRDKR 0|. n.xllN i.F.V. [Chap. fl. \5ni,] Ml RDER OF DARN LEY. 21 I f ! punishmnit: instead of arresting- tliose who wc^rc desiirnated as iiiiirdiTc^rs, i^iic gcivc to u\n: of thcMn, named I''r;!iieis. on the 20t]i of Fi'hi-n.arv, an an- iiuit\'of -IIH)/. a year ior life, aiui allowed I lie effects of tiie iiHirdered Daridev to be dixided arnoiiLC tlu^ accused pa-r^oiis: on wirieli aeeonnt tlie tailor, who altered a royal snit fnr Ikithwfll. is reputed to have said, ''that the exteritioners received as their right the effects of the person executed.'* Only the l^ai*! of I.t^nnox, "Daiailey's father, de- manded a sarions investigation; and when Mary proposed tt» defer it to the meeting of tla,^ next Parhanient^ he shewed, ni another letter, tlie ini- propriety of such dcday. '^ I conjure your ^dajesty," he says in ins letters, '" m the name of God and for the sake of your own hap]iiness, for tlie welfare and peace of the kingdom, to arrest the persons designated in public notices as murderers, and to call upon their accusers to come forward: shoidd none appear, you alwavs have it in voui- power to release the prisoners." Maiy answered, on the 1st of March, "That thie notices pointed out so many persons, and contradicted each other in such a manner, that she did not know against whom to proceed: that as soon as anytlung more positive appeared, and more proofs wcw obtained, she would act aeeordinii" to the laws. She desired her father-in-law to say. wliat persons lie consich^ed to be gudtv. and ^he would luu'e them arrested." ~ Lennox was with reason astonished at such remiss- ness, and at such absurd conduct. Tlie matter, he wrote again, concerned the Queen as much as him- self; and pointed out the persons named m the notices, among whom was Bothwell, as under great suspicion. When new excuses and assurances of Marv did not |)roduce any result, Lennox formally accused Botliwc^ll and other accomplices, on the 17th of March. Fai' from proceeding according to the regtdrir course of justice, Bothwell was per- mitted to remain a member of the Privy Council; and, on the 21st of March, Mary delivered into his hands the castle of Edinburgh, the principal fortress of the kingdom. Botln\eil, feeing thus master of the Queen, and in ])ossession of in'eponderatimr power, now has- tened the (uupiiry as much as he had before endea- voured to defeat it: by his influence in the council, at which he was present, the 12th of April was fixed as the dav for opening: the trial. On receivino- all these accounts, Lennox again conjured tlie Queen, ''that having regard to her honour, and to the justice of the case, she would no longer permit the accused al)out her person, but have them arrested, and dela}' the trial till he could collect proofs, and call his friends togetlun;, for that as long as those persons were free, powerful at court, and m favour with the Queen, no impartial and thorough investigation could be expected." p 2 Vt ( >!■•; I », 212 "FRIAL (.IF iiU Til WELL. [Chap. IL Arclibish(*|) Bcton, Mary's ambassador at Paris, had before written to her, 'Mliat the general opinion was, that nothiiiii' had been done witliout lier con- sent. He, therefore, beo-gx^l her to execute strict justice, and prove lier innocM^ncc. othc^rwise it niiu'lit, perhaps, have been better for lier if she li^d lost her crnwii and life, together witli her husband." Murray, Mary's lialf-brother, and so long her ad- viser. (Usapproved i)( tiu^ course that thinijs took. and weiit to TVance. On tlie sth of April, one day before liis (h^pariere. Hhzal)eth wrote to tlie Queen, "For God's sake, Madam, act m this case, which so nearly concerns you, with such sincerity and prudence, that ail the world may have reason to accpiit you of so enormous a crime: for if this were not done, you would justly be erased from the rank of Princes, and be covered with infamy by all the world: and rather than this iiliould ha|)pcn to vom ratlior tlian a life so disgraced, I might wish you an honorable grave." (^^) Witliout regard to warnings and o!)iections, tlie opening of the Court remained fixed for the l2th of April, i^othwell appeared, attended })y a nu- merous suite of men in arms; and Leuiiox, thouaii fatlnu' of the King, and father-in-law of the Ciueen, was summoned as an ordinarv plaintiff. He sent an excuse for not app(^arinu\ because he was ill, and could not expose hiniself alone and without support to ^o })owerful an adversary; he required that tlie 1567.] BOTHWELL ACQUITTED. 213 trial should be delayed. But without attending to these natural and just declarations, without con- sidering that an inquiry in due form ought to be instituted, the fifteen members of tlic Court, cdl of them partisans of Mary and of Bothwell, hereupon wliolly acquitted the Earl, on the ground that Lennox had produced no proofs; that the King's counsel had not insisted on the continuation of pro- ceedinirs, &c. " Rothwell," says Melvil, an eye- witness, ''had the fate of all in his hands, and distributed good and c^vil at his pleasure, therefore iiobodv ventured to vote otherwise than as he pleased. To do sometliing more to justify himself, Bothwell challenged any one who w^ouid accuse him of the murder of the King, but did not a])pear, \vh(»n, on the 15th, a nobleman of equal rank ac- cepted the cliallenge. The whole proceeding, as Stuart himself, the most zealous advocate of Mary, confesses, wa< the most solemn and delil)erate mockery of law and justice.'' Thus the iinestiiration and punishment of the King's murder appeared to bo for c^ver put an end to, as the acquittal of liotliwell w^as in the following terms: '*That the production of fuillicr ])roofs could not be allowed, and that it was a sufhcient reason for rejecting the application of Lennox, because he had said, m his accusation, that the murder had been committed on the 9th in the ovenimi, v> liereas the deed was perpetrated on the 10th, two hours T iH&U r is M. i 214 DECLAHATiOX FOR BOTHWELL. [Chap. li. after midnm'ht." Far froni takiim- up this matter more seriously, the Parhament, whieh had now met, confirmed royal grants to Bothwell, and to some members of the Court: and Marv, at the instance of lier favorite, granted greater privileges to the Protestants, in order that he might have more credit with those rigid nioiTdists. Botliwell had not ventured to demand a foniial acquittal by the I'arliainent, notwithstanding: its wTakness and plKdulit}-, ImiI hoped to obtain the same, aay, e\ra incn'c. hy anotlier way. On the lOtli of April, after the session ^vas closed, he gave a splondid supper to many of the members; when they were all in high spirits, he laid a paper before tliem foi' their sirrnatnre, in \^]iieh not onlv was Ids innocence solemnly recognised, but 1h\ tliouo-h al-^ ready married, was recommended to thr Uueeii as a husband: and men, of the most ditferent parties, Roman C^atholics and Protestants, sio-ned this ])a|)er. Some, not ignorant of the Kiim's murder, fou.nd their own safety in this declaration: others bhndlv followed those, who, liaving conceried with Boiiiweli, made a 1)eginninir. Some were gained hs |)roudses, others induced by threats: to some l^otlnvrh' held out hopes of the compU^te tnumpli of Pr()testanti>m, to others, of the rt;storati()n of Poperv. LaNtlv some declared \\\ the sequel that tliey had been induced by tlu? haiidwriting, and commands of the Qiu'eiL ^Vhetlier tlu: latter was> btncilv true, and 1667.] ilE CARRIES OFF THE Ul KEN. 215 Mary had signed any pap(n\ ajipears doubtful; slie certainly wished the aflair to take this turn, and acted so tliat nobody could tell what lier will was. ('^) All these arguments, which prove indeed Botliweirs skill in intrigue, can l)y no means acquit those who signed the pai)(r from the reproach of servile, nay, scandalous concession; and it must not ])e forgotten that among them, and among the members of tlu^ Court on l^oth well's trial, there wxre several well accjuainted with the aifair, who, like Mary, afterwards attempted to frcM^ themselves from all blame, and to east it upon the Earl of Murray, who was ffone to France. The report Lhat the Uueen thought of marrying BotliWiH obtained a fearful confirmation b^y that (leefjiration. Several of iier faithful friends, like Mrlvil. eoniured ^larv not to devote herself to eternal intVimv bv a marriairc vvith the rnurderer of her husl)and. But instead of profiting by these warnings, she communicated tliem to Bothwell, who then eagerly persecuted the riuthors of them. Five days after the signing of thc^ recomnienda- tory paptn", the (iueen rode to Stirling: suddenly iiuthwell. witli manv attendants appeared, seized her horse's bridle, and led lier to his castle of Dunbar, where she remained twelve days. It was, says Mary's advocates, a horrible wicked rape: nobody moved to release the Queen, and as she was m the hands of her enemies, the best re- 4 > 216 MARY PARDONS ROTHWELL, [Chip. II source that she had left was to marry' the criminal. Others with more truth and o-ood sense answered, ''The whole plan was concerted with Bothwell, and It is a proof of the greatest levity and even shanu^- lessness, that Mary could believe the |)retcxt of rape and violence would excuse the shameful plans of marriage." Several persons who were present certify, that she wilhnirly followed Bothwell, and tliough some of her attendants left Dunbar ou the followinir dav, she did not charo-e anv of them to take measures for her deliverance, but seenied to take pleasure in thr riotous course of life in the castle, till anotlicr ubstaclc T«. the marriage was removed in a scandalous manner. Bothwell had fonnerly, and tiiis was not unknown to the (iueen. led a very dissolute life; but had six months before nmrrietl the sister (if Lord lliintlcv, uitji a: dispen- sation from the Pope. About the time of the pre- tended rape, procecchngs for a divorce were insti- tuted m the Cathohe and Protestant Courts, and scn- lenee passed aeeorchngiy m a few davs: in the for- mer, on the ground of consangumit v : in the second at the instance of his wife, on that of adultery. Three days after this sentence, the (dueen returned with Botliwell to Edinburgh, ami twelve days afterwards, on the Pith of May, she publicly declared before the Pords. that she had been ravished and d{^tainedaiiain>t her will in l)mibeous and well-founchxl re- t U, 4 218 MARY MAKIUES BOTHWKLL. [Chap. ii. 1567.1 M A R Y S J I' ST I F I C A T I O N . 219 monstrances, the ordvr to publish the banns was persisted in. Craio- obeyed; but at the same time stated what ol)jections lie had made as his (hity com- manded, and concluded as follows: '-J take Heaven and eartli to witness that I al)lio]' thi<^ marriae-e: but as I see that most persons in the kingdom, some by tiattery, some hv tlinr silmre. appro^rp it, I cx^ liort the faitliful to pray to God, that he may be pleased to let it turn to the good of tlie State, thouu'h it may seem to them to be contrary to rca- soii arid conscirnice." Beimz- again summoned !)e- fore the Privy (\)uncil Craig appealed to tlic duties of his othce, to thi^ word of Cod. and nature, to sound reason, and to tlie consciences of all present, whicli loudly tcstitii'd tlie odious and offensive na- ture of this marriaii-i": but belore lir cniild con- ehule his speed). Bothwrll commanded hiui to be silent, and the 15th of May was Hxed for tlio uuii'- riage: and the warnings of Queen Elizal)(^th, the declaration of several persons, cspeciahv of the Freurli Ambassador, de Croc, that thev would not l)e present at the ceremony, was equallv uua\ailiuo^ Tliree months after the nitirdc-.' of Darnlev, three weeks after the |)reteii(f ci rnpe. fourteen davs after the divorce, Mary married Hothweil, the mur- derer of her husband, both aceca'chnu' to trie Roman Catholic and the Protestant rites. ('^j If anv (wtaise ur explanation can !)e found un' I his wretched w(^ak- ness, thiv imhtferenee to all waiiiingN and factb, this dreadful indiscretion, it can only be in the in- sanity of passion, which was shown in the sequel in other ways: whereas it is contrary to all the facts, and absolutely absurd, when Mary's advocates say, that the notion of })assion is not supported or con- liruuMl l)y any historical testimony. These infatuated advocates for^'ct that if that motive is reasoned away, there does not remain the remotest induce- ment for compassionate interest^ but only an abyss of vices and crimes. Mary, liowever, endeavoured by every means in her power, to justify her conduct to the French and English Courts; in her instructions to her Am- bassadors she extolled the services which Bothwell had done to herself and to the state, represented the rape as a consecpience of his affection, and as a means by which he desired to secure him- self against powerful conspiracies; her anger had been appeased by the recommendation of the nobles, and as no person had appeared to support her, she had the rather resolved to marry the most worthy of her subjects, because the |)eople of Scotland w ere equally averse to a female govern- ment, and to a foreign sovereign; as soon as Bothwell had, by a bravado, obtained the iii'st point, her consent to the marriage, he had by per- suasion, l)y urgent demaiKh nay, e\'en by force, so liastened the marriage, that she scarcely had time to ask. aiid to wait for the ach u;e and assent of her II #5 290 CONFEDERACY OF THE NOBLES. [Cn u. 11. 1567.] MARY TAKEN PRISONER. 221 I friends. Bothwcll had fully cleared liimself of the accusation of any participation in the murder of Darnley, and his first illegal marriage could be no obstacle to tlie second. Foreioii Courts were fiy no means convinced by these representations. At all events, the hap- piness, and trancpiillity of the Queen entirely va- nished on tlie day of her marriage. (^^) 13otl)\v ell, induigmg the impidses of his rongli disposition, or despising Mary's weakness, t\Tanized o\ er her ni various ways, and, in liis jealousy, would not per- mit her to look upon or be looked at bv anv one; for h(^ well knew that she loved her ph^isure, and had passed her tinu' like any other, devoted to the amusements of the world. ('•*) Not a day passed that she was not m trrirs, nay, in her despair, she was near to committinir suicide. This dreadful situa- tion was the more mitiiral as the rt^port, that she was an accomplice m the murder of Darnlev was so evidently confirmed l)y iier sinful conduct, and daily became more general. ('") When she appeared \\\ pubhe, she was no longer received with accla- mations, but witli a dead silence, which was a plain indication of the temper of tht^ [)eople's mind. In less than one month after tlie marriaa-e, on the 12th and 14th of June, 1507, a great part c^f the nobles declared that Bothwell's divorce from his tirst wife was as null as the new marriage, wliieh had been preceded by the c-iinnnal carrvmg off the Queen, and as his acquittal of the charge of having murdered the King, extorted by intrigue and violence. The confederacy of the nobles was concluded for the Queen and her son, against the criminal Earl. Mary's counter declarations wTre not attended to, her power diminished every hour, while that of her adversaries increased. Botliwell luiving for the second time refused a chal- lenge, was compelled to fly, and Mary, after fruit- less proposals for an arrangement, to deliver herself up into the hands of the confederates. On her way to Edinburgh through Lisleburgh, the QucMui by no means endeavoured to satisfy her adversaries, and to gain them l)y mildness, but on the contrary, s])oke of nothing' but her determina- tinn to have them all hanged. This was the more iu!j)ru(l(uit as the people were not inchned in her favour, and some who pressed forward loaded her with insults, and displayed before her a flaa:, on wliieh Vwis painted the dead bodv of Darnlev and her son, tlie latter kneeling and praying ''Lord, judge and avenge my cause." The tears and jus- tification of Mary made now as little impression as the preceding burst of anger; so fully wt^re the people convinced of the irregularity of her life, and of her crimes. But there was a diversity of opinions on the difficult cpiestion, wliat should now^ be done with the Queen ?■ Some thouo-ht Mary should be restored to power, on condition that she would sepa- fi! i .1 I *^22 VVRlOl'^ OPINIONS. KlJZABETli. [ChaP. II. rate from Botliwell, resume the proceedings against the inur(h'nr> of Daniley, aiul linuly estal)lish the Protestant reUgion. The second opinion was that she should abdicate, and be sent to England or France: a third, that ^he shmild be kept m per- petual imprisonment-. '.uL the fourth, that she should be condemned to death: f.r tlu< divine law.^vithout any exception in faN'our r,f ero'vned heads, punislied adultery and murder with death. ('*') As soon as l-di/.abeth was iufiu-med of the rising of the confederated Nobles ai;-ainst Mary, she was extremely angrv. and could not be prevailed upon to conceal these sentiments. l':very sovereign, she said, must oppose so dano-crous an example; and an English army ^^>nM probably have been sent to Mary's support. iiiuJ it not been feared that France would interfere in the same manner, or even that Marv's death miuht be the couseciuencc. Elizabeth advised lier not to take any \cn-eancc of lier enemies: to imiu^b Darnleys murderers; to avoid all otrensive actions, and to send her son for safetv to Euu-laiid. On the otlier hand she se- nously reprimanded the Barons for their rebellion, which was subversive of all public order, required that Mary should be set at liberty, and gave her opinion of the measures to lie taken: which on the whole coincided with the first and most favorable of the above plans, a conditional restoration of Mary to power. It is i)robable that it would have i" •« 1567.] MARY AT LOCHLEVEN. 223 been carried into effect^ had not Mary positively refused a separation from Botliwell; nay, as Tlirockniorton relates in a letter to Elizabeth, de- clared that she wonld rather o-ive up her crown and * kmu'doiii, and follow hini as a simple demoiselle, thaii sacrifice liim to his enemies. In addition to this, several letters and sonnets addressed by Mary to Bothwell, fell into the hands of the Confederates, on tlii^ 20th of June, and were ])roduced au'ainst her. After the Queen had arrived at the Castle of Lochleven, she was callcHi upon to renounce the Government. Mary answc^red she wonld rather lose her life, and Tlirocknu»]toii, the English Am- bassador, declared, that a renunciation obtained by force was null and void. Rut when Earl Lindsay said a riirorons confinement will then l)e soon fol- lowed by somethinir worse, she, on the 24th of July, signed the act of rcMiunciation with tears, and re- commended Earl ^Murray, as Regent for her infcint son James, who was thereupon crowned King, on the 29th of Juiv. While many looked upon all these events as a criminal rebellion, the majority considered then^ as the restoration of a resi)ectable govern- ment and of true religion, and a deliverance of Scotland from shame and disgrace. Bothwell, abandoned bv evervbodv, fled to the Orkney Islands, carried on |)iracy on the coast of Norway, — w^as taken prisoner, lost his reason, and died m ten years an object of universal detestation. (/') 224 BAR! MIRRAY. [Cha?. 11. The Mtuatioii ijf Mary IwrsiAf was so critical, that several of lier (Counsellors declared, m July, 15o7, tiiat slic could not be saved^ unless she went to Enrrlaiid, and tnistrd to tlie suj)|)()rt of Elizabeth. Far froHicagerlyaeccfluiLrto tins plan. Throckniortoi], Elizabeth's Actihassador. states the rc^asons fur whicli It niiirht i)i lijiinous even to his own ih ecu. who, liowever, wrote to lum, on the ()th of AugUbi, that the conduct ui the Barons to Marv was con- trarv to all i)rdtn% and niconi|)a!d)}c with the duly of >ubjects: on tln^ 2:n:h of August, she approved of the union of Hannlton uud other uubkb, in fn^ vour of tlic imprisoned Uneen. and caused the most serious representations to bu made to her a(h- vcrsarie^. calling on them to adopt a raock^rate and iiiild course of proceeding. Meantime ^Murray had returned froin France to Edinburgh, on the I 1th of August. After he had made himself fully accjuamted witli the state of anuirs, it appeared tei hnn ti) la; injurious, nav, im- possible, to restore Mary; he therefore^ on the 2()th ot Augu^t, hut not without the most serious reflec- tion, took on himself the guardianship of the young Kuig, which was oft'ered at the same time, ])v Ids half-sister and 1)y the confederate Barons, exerted himself to restore order, strictly enforced the ol)-- servance of the laws, and summoned the Parliament to meet on tlit^ loth of December, to examine, and to confirm or reject, what had })een done. Mary's ¥ 1568.] BATTLE OF LAXGSIDE. 22 letters and sonnets which had been discovered, were laid before the Parliament, wliich declared thorn to be genuine, and her participation in the death of Darnley to be proved. It likewise so far confirmed all the luea^^ures that had been adopted, that she lost all leupr^^ of justifying herself in an amicable or legal way, and of recovering the crown. However, with the assistance of young Lord Douglas, a younger hall-hrother oi Murray, who had fallen in love with her, she succeeded in escaping from the Castle of Loddeven on the 2d of ^la\. 1568, and, in a few days, assembled a great number of men, who were dissatisfied at the elevation of Afurray, and the triumph of the Protestants, or believed the Queen to be innocent, and pitied her. Prudent persons advised that M.iry should ])r()cccd with the greatest caution, aiid above ail, strive to gain time; others, seeing that her army was the stronger, insisted un a speedy decision. But the battle of Langside, on the 13th of May, 1368, was completely lost against ^furray, and it was now a question very difhcrdt to 1h* «k:'Cidcd, w hetluu^ Marv slioiad delna'r lierself up tn h(U' Scotch enemies, escape to Erance, or go to Eiiu'lancL To o-o to I'^rance would have been tlie most advisaljh' for her personal safety, but would have given her adversaries free scope for a lonu tinu'. and appeared very humiliating for one who had 1)cen formerly the reigning Queen nf France. These and similar ohjections would iU"obablv have been ^equences, an attempt Nliuuld ))t made to profit by the temporary distress of Mary, >\iv\\ conduct would be follu\^t"d by Mary's hatred, by the enmity of all the Roman Catliolic powers, and of all true Scotchmen, ainl nut merely expose Elizabetls t<( danger, ])nt chaw cluwai iipMH liiT lh(; diMi'racc ui uiiju:;>t hai'd-licart- edness. To the'ie and siiuiiar observations, those of a different opniinn ri^prii'd,(''^) ^'Tbo \nutlj and beauty of Miirv are no reason for lakiim' hca* part: on the contrary, these qualities are dangerous, when we see hiosw^ wf^ak nwd passionate minds arr dazzl'ai hy thenn and inade incapable of serious examination aiHl dori*«^inn in so ini])ortant an aflair. Or. ^hotdd the rc-^ohatiou \)v different if Maiv woro oUh"*r or uglv. or if not a woman hut a man applied ioi* 1568 ] DISCUSSIONS RESPECTING MARY 229 assistance, uiidtr similar circumstances ? Elizabeth, it is true, is Mary's relation, arul was always in cuncd to act as sucii; whereas the latter, m lier pride, would never acknowledge her to be of equal and honorable birth, nor the lawful Queen, lias l^Uzabeth no other duties than to decide in such importaiit atiaus of state with weak, nay,, foolish sensibility? Her rival, it is said, will not be in- ferior to lier in mildness, affection, and eternal gratitude; but granting that Mary personally enter- tains thc rr-.|H?ct, during the late ti-onl^h^some times, yet the dan^rer proceeding from hna and trfaii iitr connection with the Cathohc powers was again very evident; and it seemed more dangerous to set Mai) uL liberty, as she desired, and let her re- cover the throne by the assistance of France, tlian to takr Ik ! back tu Scotland wiiii Uie aid of England. Accordingly, the Enghsli Privy roinieil, after further deliberations, decided that it would be dangerous to let her go to foreign courts, and excite a war, in which England would be necessarily in- volved. Being convinced that only the good v> ill of Elizabeth could restore her to liberty, ^lar) nuw dc( larcd that she was ready to be confronted with xMorton and Lethington. These tw^o nc n. thuugL they had not taken any part in the murder, yet liad not been ignorant of the plans against "Diruley, aad the Queen could depend on their not bringing an} heavy accusations against her. But soon after- wards, being waiiicd how easily the investigation might take a more general and more dangerous Lurii, slie retracted her offer, and wrote to Elizabeth, " that she could not possibly reply to the accusa- uun- ui ill I subjects, as if they were her equals; that previous to any encpiiry she must be replaced c|)on tiie throne." Cecil, therefore, referring lu further negociations, writes, on the l*^)t]i nf July, 1568, "Marv wishes first to sec and speak to Elizabt'tii, and tiicu show iiuw iier affairs staiid. She is much offended because we do not assent to tliese deiiiaiids, and wc are inuch truubled at tlic existing difficulties, as we do not think either her rcaiiining here, ur her departure, advantageous or safe for us." Some weeks later, probably after Elizabeth had blamed some expressions of Mary's, the latter wrote toiler, "iiiope you will jmhIoii me any warm ex- pressions wit n I appeal to yourself. God is my witness, 1 iiave never been ungrateful, but misfor- tunes often cause respect to be forgotten, and if I have offcndt (1 you, i am here ready to atone for it at your pleasure. But, if you do me wrong, I can only appeal to tlie Queen of England, who accuses me of avoiding the light." To do away with this reproach, she at length consented lu defend her cause against Morton and Murray, but without prejudice to her honour, her crown, and her rights. Nor would she accept as- sistance from Spain and France, as she expected that of Eiizaljeth. Mary thought that after tins drdaration she had nothing to fear; that Morton, for i!a reasons above mentioned, and ]Murrav, from brotherly attachment, wouhl not touch upon the heaviest charges: that after a complete or partial justification, Elizabeth must assist in her restora- tion, and wondd ratln r do this, than take the part of tlu rebels, provided she would renounce the -■•t 234 NKCCiriATIOXS WITH MAEY. [CffAP. II, 1568.] CONFERENCES AT YORK. 235 ailiaiicr With i-'rancc, and all riglit to tlu' Eugliish tlirone duriuir tin' Queen's life. Lastlv. ^hc wa^ sriisihli' thai before ^iieii an enqiuiy she could ex])ict !i<) assistance. Elizabeth, on her part, as jippears iKnii Cecil's papers, was resolved to give botli parties an impartial hearing, then to do wliat honnvii dictated, and to restore Mary upon eertain conditions advantageous to England. The cautious statesman ndd'^, however, "it is hard to say how the fultilment of these conditions, for instance, with respect to the exclusion of French influence, can be secured.'* Murray was still more embarrassed what course Lu lake. It was dangerous to refuse the mediation i)f Elizabeth, or to submit an affair alreadv de- cided b) the Scotch Parliament, to a new investi- gation l)v a foreign power. If he confined his accusation to Mary's political conduct and mode of o-overnment, he could not expect a favourable issue ; but if he went further, he offended ids sister and Queen; the mother of his King, and all her friends and foreign protectors; and exposed many of his present partisans to a dangerous recrimination on the part of ^Maiy, without knowing how Elizabeth would, in the end, consider the matter, and whether she would look upon the proofs as satisfactory. After Mary's arrival in England, Elizabeth had WTitten to the Earl, "T will not suffei the sacred authority of kings to be offended in this manner i by rebellious subjects, and if you have forgottfii your duties to your Sovereign, I will not neglect a Uueeu wlio is my sister and uciglibour." But when everything had been prepared for a formal inves- tigation, Elizabeth, being asked by the Earl what Avere her plans and sentiments, answered, "she woiihl uot favour or condemn the accusers, but hear both parties and make a comparison between them." Now, though Elizabeth was not recognised by eith ! party as supreme judge, and in order not to give offence^ avoided assuming that character; she was, at all events, in a superior position, and the fate of a kingdom which had so long resisted tiie jiowerful Kings of England, as well as that of her greatest enemy, was now placed in her hands. Hi I the 3d of October, 1568, the conferences began at York, the Duke of Norfolk being presi- dent; at which the deputies of Mary said, that Elizabeth's ultimate intention, doubtless, was the restoration of their Queen: they likewise the more confidently depended on a happy issue, because the Duke of Norfolk probably already had a view, one da) , lu marry Mary, and therefore advised the Earl of Murray (who, with several others, appeared at lurk 10 conduct the matter,) not to proceed to violent measures, and encouraged him to make suuie amicable arrangement. His situation became more critical when he and his adherents were ac- m •^1 V! 236 '(INFERENCES AT \c)!lK fCi, Elizabeth answered, "that a personal in- ter^dew appeared to her more unadvisable than ever, before Mary had, in some manner, justified herself, lliat, in fact, the affair could not be ma- terially altered or forwarded by such an interview:" she, however, wished for this justification, and proposed to hta three different ways of attaining it; either to send a confidential person for this purpose to Elizabeth, or Elizabetii would send one to her, or licr agents might make a declaration in \\ est- minster before the commissioners. Rut Marv would not agree to any of these proposals, and again caused complaints to be made of the mode of ]iro-^ ceeding hitherto observed, and requested permission to go either to France or Scotland. Hereupon Elizabeth wrote to her, without mentioning the last demand, "that she should consider how much in- jury she did herself in the eyes of all the world, if, under the pretext that she would speak to Elizabeth, she refused, in the present state of aif an s, to make any defence. That nothing was more cal- culated to lead to her condemnation than her refusal 5 240 ELIZABETH'^ PRDiHJ.SA LS. Chaf. If to answer to tho accusatior!." Mary, lioAvcvi^r, ciid nut iuiiuw tins cichice, but contented lun'self with retorting the accn^atimi. and declaring that M una} and ins iriuudb wcrr the authors of tlic imirdcr. She thei) required the communication (^t tin proofs prudiiCL'd against her. Ehzabetli know indtMMl that Mary couhl not ])rove this counter-accusation agaiu>l Murray, which he solemnly denied, but if she persisted in lit 1 diiiiai. no sentence of guilt could be pronounced against her. The Queen therefore endeavoured to have it nrrm^od that Mary, uudur the pretext of maternal affection, or of bad health, should give np the government to her son, confide tiie guardianship to Murray, and remain in Enuhuul \vdth the approbation of Elizabeth ; if she cUd this, the accusation and enquiry should be buried in eter- nal oblivion. After those papers had biuii made kno\Mi, Mary, however, believed that she should be more secure by absolutely rejecting them, tlian by a cuiupruinise, which appeared by its conces- sions to confirm her guilt. She accordingly re- ceived, uii the ioth ui January, 1569, the follow- ing final declaration on the part of Engl lad: all the pa4)ers, proofs, &c. with which she was already acquainted, should be communicated to lier. as soon as she was ready to answer without evasion; at the same tiiiio, however, she should give a writ- ten declaratioit thui m case the euquir) should 1569.] MARY S GUILT OF iXNi^CENCE. 241 not cMitiiH'ly prove her niuocenee, she wouh! elaini IK) furtluT supjport, that Ehza])eth rniuiit here!}} justify the conduet she iiad hithr-rin pursued. In- stead of accediiiLC to tins, ^lary complained that Ehzahelh acted witli |)art!ality, liad spoken to Earl Murray and ahowed hmi to return to Scotland: that after his departure she could not enter into any negociations, and demanded that no obstacle bhouid be throwm in the way of her own departure. Mary thought herseh the more entitled tu make tin's demand, as upon the Earl's departure for Scotland Elizabeth said to him, that she made him no reproach, fait that he had proved notluntr against his sister. This declaration, which many have considered as a jiroof of malicious equivoca- tion in Elizabeth, was perfectly natural and adapted to the ( ircimistances, for as long as Mary persisted in denying, and would not make any answer to the accusation, Elizabeth necessarily abided bv her character as umpire, which was also conformabie to hvr own conviction, and another line of conduct would ha\e drawn down upon her much greater and more jnst censure. (^^) liie h)lluwiiiu questions deserve to be once more aecura.tely examined: Are the letters and sonnets which were produced, genuine uv forged? What, and how much do they prove? Was Mary or Murray the aulhur of the murder uf the Kuip:? Un these points, many bulky \olumes ]u\vr hcvn VOL. I. jj 04-2 mm;v'^ nruT on i nnuci:n( ic. [Ch.m-. II. vvnttcu, botl> in forvnor and in itin-ln-n tinir^. ^vitl. such sophism^ and a>TU!ionv. thai ihcv rather cou-^ fuse tiuui uihglitcn the jiulnaii^. arc of ihc .aiue „p.,,:ou m all essential p.irticuUirs, and v.- too, after repeated and scrupulous exav>auiatiou, e\cii of the uio.t recent works, arc compeihtd entirelv to a-rr.' ^vith thetii. Tii^y eonsid.r the iclier= aud sonnets lo be yeuuine, ^hu•v■^ i-artierpation proved, and Murray innocent of the nuirder of the- Kmu'. AVhen CiHideu (who.e annul. James 1. enrreeted ' \- th 1569.] MARY 6- GLlLi OH lNNO( i:\( K. 243 wrote o e thrmm-hout in favour of his -mother, Kui-'s dr.src to Tliuauus, requestinu' lun. to chaim-o his narrative, the- hitti-r gave in two luiges a mas- terlv vie-.s nf tlie stale uf the case, (as Hume m a note, aanl Hobertsou in a separate E«av.^ and eon- clndcshis refe.sah hv suyui- that 1te caro.ot and dare not change black t,, wldte. for the h,nu-tit of any- body. And areaher passage of his history, whicli is wauling in ruost of the editions of Ids wortcs. hut is found In the on-ieed, i^ lo the followir.g eflVet: '^ Those w he. write that Mary is innorout <.f the death, nf h.-r husband, aud compelled h\ licr ene- mies to this shameful marriage with I'-.^thwdh nxIio veil her crimes under the pretext of piety, act, in -■i mv npmkm. verv injiidicionsly, as they endeavour to delliid a good cause, (that is, the reho-if)!] of tlirir fiitliers, wliich is strong enouoli by its own tnith,} by fonji^i aid, in tins place by a hxYvhcvd falseliood. Buehaiiaii, too, whom James desired to change his aix^ount, when he was on his dcathl/cd refused, adthng that lie was on the point of going tu a pkcc where probably few Kings would come." Til our opinion every person who reads the letters and sonnets without prejudice, and h not entin^lv ch^stitute of critical and liistorical tact, iiiLi^l be so fully persuaded uf iheir authcnticitv, the impossibility of imitating or Ibrging them, that the iiiiiiiite- |)rulix refntations, the mimberless petty objections, iIm' hea|) of suppositions, may confuse and hide the truth for a moment. I)ut can by no Hieans extinguish the light which immediately re- appear^ on, a simple contemplation of the cir- cumstances. As a proof we add three of ihe Sonnets. I. O Dieux ayez de inoy compassion, la mVnseignez quelle preuve certaine Je puis donner qui ne luy semble vaine, De mon amour et ferme affection, Las! n'esi-ii pas ia ca possession Ihi Corps, du Coeur, qui ne refuse paine Ny deshonneur, en la vie uncertaine. Offense de parentz, ni pire affliction? r2 244 M AK\'^ GI'ILT OR !NNO( ENCE. [ ClIAI'. il Pour luy tous mes amis i'estime moins que rien, £i du mes ennemis ie veux esperer bien, J'ay bazarde pour luv et nom et conscience ; Je veux pour luy au monde renoncer: Je veux mourer pour luy avancer, Que reste-il plus pour prouver ma Constance? If. Entre ses mains, et en son plein pouvoir, Je metz mon filz, mon bonneur, et ma vie, Mon pais, mes subjects, mon ame assubjectie, Est tout a luy et n'ay autre voulloir. Pour mon Object que sans le decevoir, Suivre je veux malgre toute I'envie, Qu issir en pent. Car je n'ay autre envie Que de ma foy luy faire appercevoir. Que par tempeste ou bonasse qu'il face. Jamais ne veut cbanger demeure ou place, Bref je feray de ma foy telle preuve. Qu'il cognoistra sans faute ma Constance, Non par mes pleurs, ou feinte obeissance, Comme autres font, mais par diverses espreuves. III. Vous la croyez las ! trop ie I'appercoy, Et vous doutez de ma ferme constance, O mon seul bien ! et mon seul esperance, Et ne vous puis asseurer de ma foy. Vous m'estimez legi^re que je voy, Et vous B*avez en moy mille asseurance, Et soup^onnez mon coeur sans apparence, Vous meffiant a trop grand tort de moy. Yens ignorez I'amour que ie vous porte, Vous soupconnez qu'autre amour me transporte, Vous estimez mes parolles de vent, I 1568.] >TARY's Gt'TLT OR IXXOCENCE. 245 Vous depelgnez de cire mon las ceur, Vous me pensez femme sans jugement El tout cela augmente mon ardeiir. llic coitt lilts and Ini-ni df tlir- letters agree will i the sonnets^ ami the credibility of both is again enn- finnf'd hrtho depositions of tlio^r who, after tlii' fail i)\ Mat} , were called to account, and executed for their participation in tlio KinG*''^ murder, as well as b) the wiiule course of the events. Suiiii: iillu:>iuii:N^ which arc in themselves unintelligible, were ex- plained a century afterwards by Mary's correspon- dence ^v!i!i her Ambassador in Paris. Forgers could not be ucqiiuiiiltd wiiii the subject of these allu- sions, they would certainly not have gone so much into detail uu a iiiiinber of things which were not cuii- nected with the main point, and must necessarily make tlic deception su Uiucii easier lu be discovered: least of all would they have ventured into the do- maui ui Uric puLiry, uiiu would have expressed ihi participation and guilt of Mary in much plamer, positive term^. Buili thr luiters as well as the son- nets give evidence of a mind entirely under the do- minion of the pubbiun ui love; they prove, not iii pLun words, but sufficiently for every impartial per- :suii, thai Mary hved un a fucaiiiu {)( improper inti^ macy \Mth Bothwdl, and was aware of his plan < lu murdii; hm* iii!v!);md. Between hrr liatrcd of him and licv \ i-h to get rid of him, traces of fear, scrnples ui conscience, remorse, do indent inter- 246 mart's guilt or IXXOCEXCE. [Cn.ir. IT 1562.] MARY S GUILT OR IXN(3CKNCE. vene; but they were entirely overcome by the vio- lence of that criminal passion; they nev(T amounted to a I'esohition to save r)arriley. though (^as the let- ters do not conceal,) he sought a reconciliation in tlie most affeetinii:' manner^ nay:, implored his hypo- critical consort to irrant it. One thing only may remain doubtful: wiiL-Lhcr Mai'v Li-axa- lu-r consent to Botliweirs plans generally, or whether she was ptTsonally made fully acciuainted with the manner in wlueli tlie murder was at length perpetrated. It IS e\-irlfiit, from tfic piTceding account, tfiat Marv was fully coiiMneed of tin:' riuthenticitv of the lett^Ts ami sonnets, and greatly dreaded their benm' priHluced ; and even Clialmers, thi^ most passionate mlvoeatc of ^hirv, confesses tfiat it was nnost injudicious not to answer to such an accusation as ^oon as possibh..n and it was still more foohsli to n^fuse to make any rephv after Mary (to r granted, Xorfulk, as he paid no regard to Eliza fietlks ^vamings. was arrested in Oetol)er, 1569; Mary wics remo\ed to Coventry, as a place of greater security: and tln^ Earls of Xorihnnd)erland and >\ estmoreiand, wfio were suspected, were ordered to come to court. fhey, conscious of then- guilt, instead of obeying had recourse to arms, and pub- licly declarrd tliat the object of their enterprise i I !l » 1 ii \ i 250 EARL OF WESTMOJlKL'iND [Chap. II. 1569.] Elizabeth's DANGEKoLis situatiu.\. 2:> was the protection of tlii' nobilit}- against upstarts, (a plan to nun Burglilcy had been defeated by the prudence of Elizai)eth, ) t\\c deUverauec of the Duke of Norfolk, the re-establishnit-nt of tlie ancient rcliu'ion, and the th/tenuiiiation td tiii- leiral suc- cession, to trie tliroPiC. On their stanclai'd- a cross and trie wounds of Clirisi were represented, they everywhere destroyed the Ril)le and Protestant books, and restored the Catlir»lie fonii (*f wor.^lup. This enterprise appeared to l)e the niort' dangerous, because the leaders had ontrred into eonneetions with Spam and the Duke of Alva, and dei)ended on assistance from the Pope and Chark^s TX., which Mary hail >ohcited m November, lods. Alva's nronarations for a landincr w-ere. however, not eom- pleted;^ j the Pope's declarations came too late, a,nd the Duke of Norfolk not onlv affirmcal limt he \\a^ innocent, l)ut even acted against the l^^arl of V^^^^stmor eland, \n^ brotherdn-law. to restore tran- quillity. But so great wa^ the respect entertained by the peoplo for Elizalietli's government, anal tluar attarhiiicnt to tlic Protestant religion, that the rebels no where met with encouragement, were easily dispersed, and Westmoreland tied to Flanders, and Xortlramborland to Scotland. Sentence of deatii \v;is |)ab>ed on Ijijth, but oidy the latter, win) was subsequent!}' taken, was executed, witli some otliers; (ind Norfolk^ \\hv had been connniitod to the Towor, was set at liberty, after he had humldy expressed ins repentance, and solemnly promised not to eugage in any matrimonial or political lunro- ciation without Fdizabetki's knowledu'c. In order to justify her government and to iiiform the people, she issued a |)roclamation, in wdiich she compares England ])rosj)erous and happy, \Mth other conn- tries torn l)v war and civil dissensions: dwells on the reasonableness of the taxes, rejects everv kiud of inquisition in matters of religion, (provided the laws were observed,) and declares that she does not wish to govern hy violence, but like a father over his children. Hiough tin's insuiTcction had been happilv de- feated, Elizabeth could not conceal from herself tlie greatness of tin; danger, or the proluibihty of the frequent recurrence of such attempts. All Mary's friends had supported the Euulish rebels, all the friends of King James and 3Iurray had declared for Elizabeth. Jesuits slunk about the countrv hi tlie guise of Puritans, and, uncu-r the sho^w of zi^al for Protestantisnn laboured for the interest of tlie Catholic rehgiou and uf Mary. The Po|)e liacL on the 2r)th of Feiuuary, lofJlJ, again excommunicated Elizabeth, m the harshest terms, f^^) declaring her hereditary riglit un\] and void, and her subjects released from their oath of allegiance; about tlie s'lmf- time Mary insisted, more urgently than ever, on a personal niterview. and Eranee interfered, \-ery earnestly, to |)ro(ane hd Hl)eration. Elizabeth, in . 11 { : ? '„„;t .-isassa****"*" o 59 Jkmm %./ '^iw* ELlZABETii ON MARY. [Chap. II. 1569.] ELIZABETH S INSTRUCTIONS. 253 ^ the first place. (|iiiete(l the iniiHis of thi; Cathoiics by the repeated assurance that, every one who obeyed tlie civil law? slitiuld rte iiiiin()h:'st('d ni iriatters of conscience; she punished the Jesuits who were arrested: caii-ed Fidton. a zi^alous pH|)iNt, who had atiixcd ihc bull of excommunication to the ^ate of the Bishop of f.ondon's pjilace, lo f)e exeeut(^d: and gave to tlie King of Franer'. through the ambassador Walsingham, the followinii^ aiiswor: "M^irv has more danger to apprehend in Scotland than ill England, and i^ more am])lv and betoa' nun ided fur here than she would be there. I did what honour permitted, what ])rnalence refpnn-d, and what I'vcry uLiier person in my situation wouki luive dr.iie. Mary did not execute the treaty of Edinburgh, set up ciamis to EnglancL married Daridey witli evil intentions, despised all waniimrs with respect to the marriage with Bulliwoll, vVc. Wouh! It not have been a great fo11v. a palpable blundor, to re|)lace ha-r on the thrune agamst- the will of her subiects ? it is suthcient tlmt I liave saved \\vv life, wliioh >iie wouhl certasuiy ha\-c iu^t m Scotlami: and to |)reserve her honour, liave not made ]mbHc wliat was prodnced \\\ the ju'ocoedmgs a^mmst licr. Tliaaiv (m.kI I hia\e no need c)f sueli means to humble^ mv eiuanies." About th(^ same time Elizabeth, in justification of her conduct towsirds Mary, ami to exphim iha- roann^ time, we had some oecasion to doiilit, tliat the earnestness whieh he UNed therein was produeed, as much l)y some others ni our realm |)n\ately addieted to the said Uueen, as hv eommandment rif tlio Kiriii' liis ma>ter. But eonsiihuang tiiat whieh ynu lately advertised us !)y your hMters, dated the otli of this montlu of some speeial speeeli used to you Ijy the saul Kiii2', aiul now also ciuain finding that ambas- sador as earnest as before to prosecute his fraiuer matter, and joininir therewith eertrun accidents of some tlungs, touehuig some of the princapal noble- men in our council, whereof there may be mack; reports varviim* from tht' truth; u])on these consi- derations which you shall also brietly repeat, we will von, shall sav to the saul King and Queen motlu'r, that wc luuc thought good to advise them l)y you of our Droceeduin's tliereiii, so as tlu-w neither be imiorant, nor, v.t trust, unsatisfied. And hereuixai, after vour entrv, ni this sort vou shall sav: it is not needful to re])eat to tViem from the beginning the misfortuiit* of the Queen of Seot< to lia^'e luu' hus- band fouilv murdered; wlio, indi-ed, was our nearest kinsman by the Kinu' our fatlier's side, in Cluas- tcndom; anti afterwards how the principai mur- dcu'er was liy her aKo foil b with marruHh and }56\).] TO X ORRIS. 255 mamtained in certain tyrannies against the estates of the realm, who sought, as they alleged, to have her debxered trom such an aliominable husl)and, and the country froai such a tyrant. Upon which occasions it is also not unknown, into what dampers she did f;i]b ];eing ])rought into captivity, as the said Kings nnnisters, being sent thither at the same time, couki re])ort. But this we would should he kudwii to the said King, and to all that bear her any fa\fvur, tliat ])y our means only her life was saved m her captivitv; and since her flving into this our realm, she hath been honorablv used and entertained, and a.ttended upon ])v noble ])erson- ages. And such hath been our natural compassion towards her. in tliis lier affliction, that we utterly seehidiai and set a|)art all such just causes as she had eiven u^ beforc^time of sundry offences, whereof soim- were notorious to the whole world, to be siieh as in no ao-e liath been betwixt anv Princes remitted touching the right of our crowm: and forthwith we give ear to her reasonable rccpiests, to deal with her subjects for some accord betwixt lier and them: and for that purpose, having pro- cured an assembly of some of her no1)lemen and counsellors, and some of her contraries, with some of ours, to treat hereupon the last year at our city of \(H'k. her commissioners, more lioldlvthan wiselv as the event proved, entered into a bitter accusation of ]]er ^n])jects, and provoked a treatie of the inat- k J •ii ,H rj«.*s»s^wi« 256 ELlZAiltni's INSTRUCTIONS [Cli m' II tor of hor hiisbamrs nuirder, witli other ni(iiuiutics thereon dependiim-; wherewith, (partly for our own hokhnu' tlie phiee of a kiriu'doni as a UueiMi, partly in respeet of justice.) we were sorry to hear, l)eing solicited by tlie father and niotlier of her iuisband murdered, (whose mother named tlu^ Lady Margaret, attendinir vour =^ * * *^ was dauu'hter to our aunt, the Scottish Uueen's sister's daucuiiter, and sister also to the Kinir of Scotkiid, aunt in tlie Queen now being,) to have the truth of the said matter tried: whereupon sncli circumstanees iverc |)rodu(MHl to aruaie her o-uiltv thereof, as we wished tliat ,she and lier commissioners had hvQ\\ otluu'wise ad- vised than to luive entered so boldly into tlie treaty thereof. And by X\\e,sc means were we divtuted from the special purpose which we had, to have made some aceorci bet\'^'ixt iicr and lier own sul)- jects. And she also, as it seemed. wa.N in tht vm\ disappointed of her purpose, and therefore aftcu' the matter * * ^' disclosed that was produced against her, she suddenly commanded her cominis- sioners to forbear to give an\ answer, and not in •proceed further in tho^e matters, willniu* thc.w to return to her that she might send some of tlieni home to Scotland, to confer with otlnrs of her party there. Thereupon she promised they should bring some further answer to ns. accordinir whcu'eunto her commissioners dc|)urtcd in January, and, as we were iuformed, some of them did afterwards, about 1569.] TO NORIUS. 257 March, enter into new conferences in Scotland with lu r contraries about a par% amongst themselves of their inward troul)le at home, wlicreof we were not sorry, being \-ery desirous that she and her su!)jects might come to some cpiietus hy all manner of means. But yet of that attempt no event en- sued, l)ut a continuance of troubles, and so we forbare to meddle any further therein of long time, for as much as according to the promise made at the re\ocation of lier commissioners in January, nor did new.s come to us from her until the latter end of April; the// one of her counsellors, named the bishop of Rosse, came ^ ^ to solicit us again to be a mean to make '^oyne em\, and e\5'pecially to lielp the Uueen to be restored, without making any mention of tlie murder of lier husband, or of any other part of the rest of tlie heinous crimes; wdiere- unto we were very inclinable, and sent to the Earl of Murray in May, certain articles, whereupon an accord might ensue; and, m as much as in us was, charged luni to consider thereupon and send to treat with us on the same, for we did let hiin un- derstand liow that we were fully determined to procure an end for the Queen, and that as favor- able as with our own lionour might be. And whilst we were thus earnest for her, and looked for some good success, it pleased Almighty God, who always assisteth those that direct their actions in his fear, and in siniplicity of good meaninG:: to cause to be VOL. 1. s if 258 KLiZAlUa'lfs IXSTRrrilDNS [Cii.iP. II discovered to us n disordered, imlioiuiraLlc, and danii:eroiis pnictict,', which had hcni wrv covcillv be^'iui !)y her ministers six or seven months before, when her eaiise was tii'st beLj-un to he heard at \ork: at whieh time and after, she did notwith- standing, by her freciiit^nt h'tters and messengers, assm-e us in all faithful manner, that, eonsideriim- tlit^ favour that she found ni us, the ])0WTr that we had to do lier good, and therewith tiie nearness thut she was in blood to us, she would never seek nor use any means to be helped but by m; nor wiiuld atttunpt any thing in our reahn but l)y our adviee, direetion, and allowanee. ^VliereuuLo tlui more we trusted, (as indeed wt ne\'er yiehhci to mistrust her, though we laeked not oecasions;) the greater cause found ^ve of unkindness and offence. And thougli it may be that the King there- may have heard of it summarily, yet doul)ting hcuv the truth IS reported, you may assure him bnetiy thus it was. In Octolier of the year past, wlien our commissioners were at our citi/ of York with iiers, to have treated upon an accord so cw before is mentioned, some of her ministers (uitc^red i^^to practice of marriage of her, with the Duke of Nor- folk; then the ])rincipal commissioner for our |)art, intending, as it now ap})ears by means of his favour to have certain ihi?igs suppressed that had hevn |)rodueed against her, and an end made for her pn\-ate purposes without regard lo us. And this I 1569.] TO NORRIS. 259 bemg foully and eniinmgly iiandled !)y her ministers witliout our knowledge, it followed that our com- mi^^iom^r^ bemg all called up to our court near London in Decrmhcr to tlie intent to ])roceed more speedily, and to end the 77?fftteY fully, such secret practice was also used by her ministers with the Earl of Mnrmy, to assent secretly to their marriao-e, that he was then also threatened to be in danger of kilbV/n\ if he ^vould not assent, and so for safety of his life he did, fearing to disclose any sucli matter to us^ and friving promise to assent, he returned home, and yet not wit/ioiit peril of murderin(T by the w ay, as it is knowTi, and as also, it is now by others discovered, =^ he did secretly mij)art it; which, for certain respects * * * not *~ * to cover this practice at his coming * * * that he should not advertise us thereof; he was, by fke ministers of ike queen, (which also liad credit with her, persimdcd that we were secret Iv content with the marriage of her with the Duke of Norfolk; yea, and to restore her not only to hen- kingdom in Scotland, but enable her to effect further matters which always she hath sought a/jove other worldly things; and in this sorte, when we had 7iot a thought of any such I 1 The words wanting here are not easily supplied; the mc an-- lii^^ seems to be, that he affirmed that in order that he should not, &c. Translators Note. S2 ;l ' (! 258 KiJZAi?f-:TH s ix«'rRr('Tiox = [Chap. II discovered to us a disordered, uiriionorable, and dangerous practice, winch had liceii xerv covertly begun by her ministers six or seven niouths Ijcfore, when her cause was first begun to be heard at liork: at which time and after, she did notwith- standing, by her frtMiucnt letters and messeno-ers assure us in all faithful manner, that, considering tiie favour that >\u' fuund in us, the power tliat we had to do her good, and therewith the nearness thut she was in l^loud to ns, she wouki rawer seek nor use any means to be helped i)ut by m; nor wouhl attempt any thing in our realm but ])y our advice, direction, and allowance. Wliereunto tin* more we trusted, fas indetnl we never vielded to mistrust luT, tliough wc lacked not occasions,) tlie greater cause found we of unkindm>ss and (jtfence. And though it may be that the King there mav have heard of it summarily, yet doubtina' liow the truth IS reported, you may assure him brieiiy thus it was. In October of tlie year past, wlien our commissioners were at our citi/ of York with fiers, to liave treated upon an accord ^o a,s- Ijefore is mentioned^ some of her ministers entered i/^fo practice of marriage of her, witli the Duke of Nor- folk; then t!ic principal commissioner for our part, intending, as it now appears by means of his hivuur to liave cerfain iiu^ig^ suppressc^d that hatl been ])roduced agamst lier, and an end umtie for her i)rivaie purposes witliuui regard fo m. And this 1569.] TO AOliiilS. 2o9 bemg foully and cunningly liandled by her ministers without our knowledge, it followed that our com- 7nis^ioner^ being all called up to our court near London in December to the intent to proceed more speedily, and to end the 7/?affcr fully, such secret practice was also used by her ministers with the Earl of Murray, to assent secretly to their marriage, that he was then also threatened to be in danger of kill/;/o;. if he would not assent, and so for safety of Ins life he did, ft aring to disclose any such matter to us, and giving promise to assent, lie returned home, and yet //o/ wif/mut peril of murdering by the way, as it is known, and as also, it is now by others diseovereti,* he did secretly impart it; which, for certain respects * * * not * * to cover this practice at his commg * * * that he should not advertise us thereof; he was, by fke ministers of t/ie queen, (whicli also had credit with her, permaded that vt w(^r(^ secrc^tly content with the marriage of her with th(^ Duke of Norfolk: yea, and to restore her not only to her kingdom m Scotland, but enable her to ejfecf furtticr matters which always she hath sought a/jove other worldly things; and m tliis sorte, when we had 7iot a thouglit of any such ii ^ I U ; I Ml ii * The words wanting here arc uoL easily supplied ; the mean- ing seems to be, that he affirmed that in order that he should not, &c. Translators Note. S2 I Ii 260 TT.tZABF.TIl's INSTRTfTlUXS [Chap. II. »l ' matter, she did also hv her messeno^ers assure siiiidrv of luT part}- in Scotiaiid that this marriage shoult! takt plact^ within a few days, and tlicreby she sliouhl recover all and more. And to abuse some of ours^ she and her ministers made certaiu offrr^, to accord to all things that coidd ho deviled for our surety, whereuiitu they, liaxnig* nu mistrust, gave more heed m respect of us than (now is ma- nifestly seen; had been iur uur safety. "And in this sort you may say, we have willed yuu brieiiy tu deelare her dealing to abuse us, and to aspire to that state from the which we, by God*^ goodness, doubt not durnig our liiv to keep her. And you may say to the Queen mother, because her experience by years serveth. her to judge of such matters better tlian her son; she can w^ell enough think tliat in this, so long a practice, tending so hiu'h (I matter, begun in Octo})(a\ and not U) us known i)el'ore August, hN-niL:' the space almost nf ten months; there were many particular devices, whicli !iow are to us sufficiently known, trndinir to the consummation of no small enterprise; for we find that this device of marriage was, in the mean- ing of lii'r ///*su('(i ; aiici ihrrcwith also beiiia; informed by tlie Earl of Shrewsbury, witli whom slie was, how he was afraid to keep her by reason of the suspicion he liad, some w^ere corrupted on her belialf and were prir// to this practice; yea, and that he could not well trust liis own servants; and that hv liiniself, hv reason of his sicknc^ss, could not o-ive that attendance ichicli was convenient: l)Ut required us to liave some more rcmrd to her than before, and to lei him have some aid of some noblemen, or else to be discharged of MS, Thereupon and at the sann^ instant, also hearin^j^ out of Scotland that she had sent to sona' there, assunng them that she would conu3 there and be married, assignimr therefore a time certain and \X'ry shorty we were in reason ino\( d to use strictness more than indeed we did, and of neces^ sity compelled to do that whertMjf wc tliink she complaineth. For where slie before time ag-reed to have a certain number of harous of her own allowed witli her, she had secretly, without our knowledire, so far increased tlie same, as the VaxvX of Shrews- bury, took thereof some doul)t, and therefore wo gave orders to remove the superfluous number. And for th(^ assisting of the Earl of Shrewsbury we did }t|)|)oirit tlie Earl of Huntingdon, who was next neiii'ht)our to the Earl of Shrewsburv; of whom you can sav enoui(h for Ins discretion and uiteui'itv of conscience: howcx't-r, tiie Uuec^i of Scots, by reason 1569.J TO XURRIS. 263 3 tlie course of the practice inteiuded both for her marriage and for her escape, is m her opinion lirokeri. doth now shew herself to mislike him. "And if any more matter shall be objected })y the King, as it may be upon certain information sent to him from lier or her ministers, if by these our letters you perceive not sufEciencv to instruct you^ you- shall do well to pray tin- King only to suspend his judgment betwixt us and her. until an answer thereto shall be given, and recpplre him to consider witli himself how lustlv we have been pr(j\oked hereunto^ and to much more; and vet we are not moved (we thank God,) to use any revenire, but as nature, reason, and lionour shall compel us, to foresee our own quietness and surety, which, w^e truest, no Prmcp will disallow in us. anv more than we would m any of them, if they had the like cause.'' On the other liaud. Eliza1)etli and Buro-hlev were fiillv aware of thr disadvantages attendant on Mary's ])resence in England; and in a memorial in whicli Burghley gives a masterly exposition of all the circumstances, he mentions, among those which may be favorable to Mary, the imputation of having killed her husband might in time die away, or be represented in such a light by her defenders, as to be no great obstiicle to the attainment of her ends. He did not mean by this to intimate tliat she was innocent, (as some have alleged,) or that t a « fi 264 PROCEEDINGS IN RCOTLAXD. \Ci\a?. II. the documentary evidence ])rodiice(l aii:ainst lic^r was false; but he foresaw the discrepancy of views whicli, in spite of tliis evidence, has continued up to this day. Meantime important events took place m Scotland, and the Protestants completely triumphed under the new irovernment: tliey alone where henceforth to hold judicial offices; the King Avas to take an oath to maintain the new doctrines, and every transgres- sion of the divine laws were to be severely punished. This last notion was carric^d so far that the Countess of Argyle was compelled to do penance HI church because she had been ])r("sent for Elizabeth at the christeninii; of James I. accordintr to tlie Catholic rites. Promises were indeed aiven, but imperfectly kept, that tlie third of the Church property assigned to the crown should l)e reallv employed in [jaymg the Clergy, and a fa\orable Act of Parliament be passed for the disbursement of the remaiiuler. Enough, however, was done to incense all the Catholics and friends of Marv. and to accuse Murray of ambition, and those about him of rapacity and corruption. Hamilton of Bothwclshaugh, a parti^au of Mary's, liad been taken prisoner at Langside, and condemned to death, witli contiscation of his estates. Murray spared his life, and allowed him to retain |)art of his estates, the renuuiich^r was u'rant^ul ti) aiioilic!-, who. ill taking possession, conducted himself xvith 1.370.] MURRAY KILLED. ---HIS CHARACTER. 265 such rude harshness, that he turned out Hamilton's wife m a cold winter's night into the fields; m consequence she became dangerously ill and even insane. Hamilton looked on Murrav as the author of all her misfortunes, and hatred preponderatin^r over gratitude, he sliot him from a vnndow as he was passing through Linlithgow, on his way from Stirling to Edin})urgh,on tin- 23d of January, 1570. Tlwrv are few men on whom the iudo-mcnts of lli-torians are so contlicting as on Murray. While some say he concealed his ambition under the cover of sincere piety; that he had a cold, false, ungrateful heart, capable and guilty of all kinds of deceit, crimes, and baseness; others describe him as a man of extraordinary talents for war or peace^ as the noble deliverer of his country from temporal and spiritual tyrannv; who had justly witlistood the iiattcuang allurements of his criminal half-sister, had preferred trutli to falsehood, the ])ure doctrine to priestly delusions, and irovemed the kingdom (hMiiterestedly and judiciously for Ins nephew. The praise of Murray's abilities is miquestionahlv just; he uas handsome, courageous, prudent, acute, bene- \olcut, humane to the vancpiished in a bar])arous age, and a friend to tlie sciences, while manv of those about him despised them, and scarcely one had any real knowleduc of them. To his friends he was in\'aria})ly faithful, and liis generositv llowfd from his natural disposition. That he was .1 y 26 G Murray's character. [Ciiap. li. 1570.] RENEWED NEGOCIATIONS. 207 i i \t M ( ( sincerely attaclicd to the Protestant reliirion and for that very reason inclined to Enirland. we will no more impute to linn as a fault, than l)lame tlic friends of Catholicism for lookins: to France. Yet there was certainly at that tinu* h^ss moderation and ^^ood sense in tliat kinuxlom, than with the Uueen of Enu'land. \Vhethe]\ and in what deirree, reliu'ious convictions, civil duties, and personal anil)ition, were com1)ined together hi MnrraA% it is not easy to weigh and to decide ; and if we allow that a difficult union of conflicting chities place liim in an equivocal, unfavoralile liii:lit, as the ac- cuser of his sister, he miu-ht, at an earlier piTiod in Scotland, iiave caused more severe resolutions against her: and un(loul)tvdly the greatest fault, tiie crime, is not on his side^ but that of Mary. For her, Murray's "death was no great gain, as her adversaries accused her of liaving indirectly parti- cipated in the murder, or 1(m! to it. Lonir after- wards, for the times did not improve, the people called Murray the good Regent. Mary's friends now made incursions into the English !)order, partly in reliance on foreio-n aid, partly in hopes that Ehzabeth woukl Inive re- course to viokuit measures, and thereby revive the ancient iiatred of the Scotch airainstEnu-land. Tla^ tiuc-en, liowever, contented hersi^lf with accusing till- partisans of Mary as the sole aiitliors of the troul)les, and with supporting the friends of James, ^ I so that his grandiather, the Earl of Lennox, lie- came Regent. (^^) About this time, namely, m October, 1570, new nerrociations were opened for the release of Mary. She was to renounce all claims upon England in favour of F]lizabeth and lier heirs, (^^) to give up all alliances with France, and all connection with the English malcontents, to admit no foreign troops into the kingdom, to give an indemnity for the damage done on the frontiers, to punish the mur- derers of Darnley and Murray, never to marry without Elizabeth's consent, and till she had her- self wholly resigned the Scotch throne, to have her son educated m England, and give hostages for the performance of all the conditions. The opinion that all these negociations were carried on with no sincere intention on the part of Elizabeth of coming to a conclusion is not proved, and is even improbable, for on such conditions she mm-ht Aery well have sent Mary back to Scotland. There is more reason to blame the latter who, rely- ing on foreign assistance, or hoping that Elizabeth would give way, and too mindful of her former situation as a Uueen, made many objections, which, in themselves, were not indeed unfounded, but gave the Scotcli time and opportunity to raise ncuv difficulties. Thus, for instance, on the safety of James, the guilt of Marv, the riirht of removincr itiiworthy sovereigns, the maintenance of religioiK fl ■}«i i^H i ^ 268 NORFOLK S FALL. [Ciiu' !!. 1572.] XOnFOLK\s FALL. 269 the necessity of consulting Parliament on all these matters, &c., Elizabeth, aftcT every attempt to come to an agreement had failed, considered her- self as justified to foreigrn powers, if (as her own safety and that of England required^) she kept Mary still longer in confinement; but she persisted in her design of sending her away_, as soon as it should be practicable and advisal)le to do so.(^') Mary was \ery indignant and afflicted at this result. She wrote secretly to France, and received from that country, as was discovered, articles of dress, on which secrets were written with sym- pathetic ink : whiui the prospect of assistance from that (juarter grew famtt-r, slu^ applied, more eager! v than !)efnre, to ihc^ Pope, Spain, and tin" Duke (sf Norfolk. The latter was arrested on this account on tlie 7th of September, and aceusi-d (if having, contrary to his soleiiin |)romise, renewTiL without Elizalietirs knowledge, the neu-ociatious for a iiKir- riage with the Uueeu of Scotland, of iiitending to release lier by means of an arinv to })e sent from the Xetlierlands, and. if not of overthrowing Kliza!)eth's goA'crnmont. yet of traitorously com- pelling her to submit to whatever conditions should be proposed to lier. Norfolk confessed that lie had, contrary to liis word, renewed the negociations, and received h-tters from the Pope, but denied all otluT connections and intentions. Being asked how he could hfive conceived thc^ idea of marrviny: ■ i Mary, wl.ercas in the official reports, of the com missu.n at York he had called her an undoubted a.lultercssand murderess; heaaswered,'>atthat time 1 'li'l »"t thnik of tl.e marriage." This expression and the circumstance that Norfolk and Mary had never seen each other, sufficiently prove that am Innuus views alone were at work, and a witer justly says of Mary's letters to the Duke, 'they are ix^hticai love letters, from an extremely artful woman to a very weak man. .Norfolk was cer- tainly pruy to the dangerous i)lans"of ^^the con- spirators, and was silent; how can tins i)(- recon- ciled with iii.s assertion that he was as true to Elizabeth as any man on earth: Mary too affirmed that her attempts had aimed solely at the recovery of her liberty, on which Elizabeth declared that she did not see m this any ground for complaint '-It in Mary's endeavouring again to excite re' iH'lluH, in England; (-) for it had been mtended to use force, to distribute money received from ^he i"l"'' »'Hl to bring the Duke of Alba mto the «)untry. Elizabetli and her counsellors, at least «--•-"' all this to be so notorious, and proved.' that she imprisoned the bishop of Ross, Marv's Ambassador, as an accomplice m these intrigues; ordere.] the Spanish Ambassador to ,uit London on the 24th of September,] 571, and on the 16th <. .huHiary, 1572, gave directions to bring the Duke "f Aorl(,ilk to trial.f'') M -■»»»* 1 270 NORFOLK S FALL, rCiiAr. iL Lm TREATY WITH FRANCE. *-■ / L II l m '1 M f Thoiifrli th(^ Duke by no means acknowledged tlie triitli of all the points adduced against him, but |)ersevcred, m the main, in his above-mentioned assertions, four and twenty pecTs, foundinn; their decision on letters, the depositions of witnesses, and rjther proofs, unanimously pronounced sentence of deatli. Elizal)eth lono- hesitated wdiether she should spare the Duke on his humble petition, or, in such damrerous times, cause him to be executed as a warnimr to otliers. An attempt to deliver him from prison, and tlie positive desire of tlie Par- liament, led, perhaps, to the last fatal decision: he was executed on the 2d of Jmw, 1572, after con- fessing on the scaffold, the smaller portion of his o-uilt, but denvingr the heavic^st chances. It can scarcely be believed that Ik^ sp^ke the whole truth; but lie was a weak man, litth> more than a tool iii the liaiids of others, who uudouljtedly entertamed tlie most criminal projects. That Mary was privy to them, and had a great share m them, has been clearly shewn by lier lett(>rs and other jiroofs; lier conduct may, however, be so far justitied, as she considered herself to be now in a state of hostility with Elizabeth ; the success of the plans that had been formed, and which the Pope and the Kuiir et Spain favoured to tlie utmost of their power, would ine\itablv have caused a total revolution in Church and State. On these considerations the Parliament called ou Elizabeth to treat Mary with greater rjo-our but she was as little disposed to comply with .such a recjuest, as to listen to the intercession of Charles IX., in favour of the captive Queen. The King of Prance was answered, that he ought to take "the part of King .Taraes rather than that of his guilty mother, who was kept, for her own securitv, in honorable confinement; that in France itself, Kii'i-s Queens, and other enemies to the government, ifad been confined for the preservation of traiuiuillity and order: f,,r instance, the consorts of Louis Huttin, Philip the L(mg, Charles the fair, as also Louis Sforza, and others; though Ehzalieth did not deny that these great examples ne^■er appeared '" I", perfectlv equitalde. Without any regard to Mary, a treaty between Elizabeth and Charles, for tl'<'r reciprocal support, was concluded at Blois. oa tiie 11 th of August, 1572.('«) ,! I '1 i 1 1 ,ll NOTES TO ( HAPrER IE If i ! (1) Page 124. There were more deputies of the inferior nobility than of the towns. There were no Representatives ot the Freeliolciers of the Counties. (2) Page 125. According to Wallace, ** The Nature and Extent of Ancient Peerages;' p. 123, the majority of voters ill the three divisions of the three estates, was required to con- vert ;t bill into a law: but if a. veto was not allowed to tlie Kiu^S It could still less be given to a single estate, and the whole Parliament foniuMJ, in fact, but one House, though the com- ponent [jart- were by no means wholly blended together, Henry, vol. XII.. \k 1'" — 190 — 196. Robertsons Hutory of Scotland, vol. 1., p. 78—83. Lanifs History of Scotland^ vol. 111., p. 30. Andrews, vol. If., p. 42. (3) Pa-e 125. Collier, vol. it., p. 467. WalUr, p. 344. Behham\s History if Great Britain, vol. 1., p. 307. James VI. l>rouuiit the discussion to only four persons, one out of each division. Andreivs, vol. II.. p. 42. (4) Page 126. According to Spotswood, p. 76, many of the Cler^>-v were so ignorant, that they believed that Luther had written the New Testament. (5) Page 127. In 1-V27, Hamilton, a noble youth, wlso be- came acquainted with Luther's doctrines in Germany, was burnt, as were manv others m the following years. (6) Pa,-e 127. Stuarts Reform, p. 17, Sir Kalpk Sadler s Letters contain the most complete aceonnt of the relations of Scotland and England m the year 1540 — 1543. NOTES.— CHAPTER II. »") ^ n (7) Page 120. k^^x, p. 94. HolinsL, voL V., p. 530. Arran was ex amita Cardinalis natus, wliich increased his ho{)es. Buchan, p. 477. Beatoun had several natural daughters, one of wliom he endowed with almost royal magnificence! Id, p. .502. Guthrie's History of Scotlayid, vol. V. p. 299. Henrv had offered Ids daughter Elizabeth in marriage to the Earl of Arriii. Aikin's Life of Elizabeth, vol. I., p. 15. (^) Page 131. Fox, vol. IL, p. 616. State Trials, vol. IV., p. 117. The Abbot of Fearn, who Jiad been at Wittenbercr, was hkewi.-e burnt. Cook, vol. L, p. 142. ^ (9) Page 1 34. According to Cook's History of the Reforma- tion, vol. IL, p. 57, Mary was compliani hi order to succeed ill her plans respecting the matrimonial crown. (10) Page 137. Falsis virtutum coloribus, gratiorem fecerat aulica educatio, minime quidem ilia sincera, sed ad honesti quandam similitudinem adumbrata, et quir naturae bonitatem, studio et |)laeei)di cura, deteriorem faceret; et virtutum seminj fielinimentis voluptatum retunderet, quo minus ad maturos ructus t)ervenirent. Buchun, p. 560. (11) Page 137. Damont, vol. IV.. p. p Dq^, 14^ 15, She also declared that Scotland owed to the French a million for her education and maintenance. Turner's Elizabeth, p 547. By all this, as Cook, p. 11-23 remarks, -all confidJnce in future concessions of Mary was lost." (12) Page 138. Mary caused the arms of England to be painted, wrought, stamped, engraved, on all carpets, cushions, household l^urniture, utensils, vases, &c. { Lesleus de reh. Scot, p. 503.) She had them displayed at tournaments, and in the courts of justice. Haynes State Papers, p. 252. An inscrip- tion, at the entrance of Francis and Mary into Chatellerault, said: (England was now united with France.) Ergo pace potes Franci.sce, quod omnibus armis Mille patres, annia non potuere tui. Hallams Constitutional History, vol. 1., p. iTti; Hardwicke, vol. I n in VOL. I. M ! : .. i ■I 274 XDTK?; THAPTER II. ii 'I ■! » Another inscription ran : Nunc Gallon, totoque rcnioto,^ orbe Britannos rnuin 'Jos Mariae coget in iinperium. NareSf vol. IT., |*. 30. King Francis I., sig:ned Aiuio regiii nostn Angliop et Hiberniae primo. IlAd. vol. !L, p. l.'(U^104. (13j Page l:^^. Keralio, vol. V., p. 133. Rajnn, vol. V., p. 436. Henry Vlll. tlisnkcd King James of Scotland and Ills Queen, Mary Guise, for several reasons. Narcs, vol. II., p. 193. (14) Pairc 141. At first it was rather more probable tliat Mary would, luwe tlie advantage over Elizabt-tii tlrau tlic con- trary. The relative situations of each changed gradually, chieflv because the former lost the love of her subjects, whereas the latter knew how to orain and to jH-e^erve Liic affection of hers. (15) Page 141. Accorduig to some, Elizabeth was !>orn on the 13th, towards midnight. Soamc, v(4. I., p. 399. (16) Page 14-2. Elmer, quoted by Tunur, p. 'U2, says, "There never came gold or stone upon her head, till her sister forced her to lay off her former soberness;" m ilie sequel, how- ever, Elizabeth's habits, in this respect, were changed. (17')Page 147. Thucijd, vul. 11. , |). GO. Elizabeth called him her spirit. Thomson s Lift of Ivilclyh, p. 141. (18) Pa^e 147. Master of llequests, afterwards Secretary, Narcs, vol. L, p. 1 78-— 304 — 310, who adduces ample prools of liis activity and iiiriucnce, rindor tlie reign ot Edward \L (19) Page 147, ^- Burghley delythe with matters of the State only. With these love matters he will not meddle any way." Lodge, vol. IL, \>. 1^1. (20) Page 147. He iiad indeeii sometimes reason to com- plain, (Hardwickcy vol. 1., |.. 17^,) bat he always became re- conciled to the Queen. Tliey were made for each other. (21) V^^Q 149. Soame endeavours t-) prove that the Bishop f Carlisle was chosen for tins otHce from particular reasons, vol. II. , p, *)17. In the Parliament which met on the 2otli of o NOTES CHAPTER IT 275 January, 1559, all the Bishops voted in Au'our of tho hereditarv right of Elizabeth, Soame, vol. IV., p. G23. (22) Page 1/53. A detail of the particulars relative to the votes and the alterations of the Bill, are in Soame, vol. IV., p. 624—628. The supremacy was considered as merelv the re-establishment of the ancient, iiidub!tal)le rights of the King. (23) Page 153. Parliam. History, vol. I., p. (ym. Collier, vol. IL, p. 462. Andrews, \o\. lL,i}. 494. A correspondence ia the English language was carried on between Catholics and Protestants, respecting the Liturgy, and, in the end, the right of altering it was recognized, and the celebration of Divine Service in the Latin language was abolished. Soame, vol. IV., p. 643. (24) Page 153. Xeul, voL L, p. 153. Rapin, vol. VL, p. 158. The Duke of Lena protected the expelled nuns and priests, and many went to Spain. Soam^c, vol. IV., p, ()()7. The Short Sketch, vol. L, p. 350, reckons that about one out of fifteen resigned, (25) Page 154. But many Catholic |>riests indured lon^ im- prisonment, for perseveringly defending their church, Lingard, vol. VI L, p. 498. (26) Page 155. foibi^,MA.\., p. l^-^^hl , Diunont, vol. \'., p. 1. Doc, 20—21. Liymer, vol. VI., p. 4,-™73-_-78. In the year 1567, Charles IX. refused to restore Calais, alleging that it was forfeited by the aiii which liad been afforded to French (rebellious) subjects. Elizabetli, on her part, com- plained of the assistance rendered to Scotland. The matter, however, did not seem to be worth a war, Keralio, vol. III., \). 16. (27) Page 157. Turners Elizabeth, p. 551. In his ^' First blast of the trumpet agetinst the monstrous regimen of women f he compared Charles V. to Nero, and Mary of England to JezabeL Mackenzie s Lives, vol. HI., p. 115. t2 i 276 NOTES. — CHAPTER II. *f i (28) Paire ITjO. He had chosen his text from Matthew xxi., 12, 13, relative to tlie expulsion of the buyt-rs and sellers troni the temple. Mackenzie's Lives, \o\. III., \^. 117. Spofswoorf, p. j21. Cook, vol. If., p. 78. (29) Pac-e 161. On tlie other hand the Protestants had p»uh- lished a Conveiition/conrluded in .lulywitli tlie Queen Refrent, not correctly, but in an inaccurate manner, which was wrong in it>r!f, and calcidatecl to i^ro'luce troubles. Coo^, vol. II., p. 163. (30j Page ibi. I)i\mes from the Sorbonne, were also sent to Scotland. Londorpy vol. T., p. 28. (31) Pa^e 165. Burghley had already distinguished him- self by the same comprehensive views under the reign of Edward \'L Xares, vol. I., p. 401. (32 ) l*aLre I ')">. Forbes, vol. I., 387. According to Meteren, vol. XX! v.. p. 129, Cecil was in favour of supporting the Scots, for wliich reason thiC war was afterwards calltM! Guerre de (."ecil. Lord Setoo said to Tiifoekmorton, '^ if your Qucpn does not interest herself for ours, and intrutluce order into our atfairs, we shall fall to pieces and be wiiolly ruined." Ilardivickcj vol. I., p. ]oi). (33) Page 166. Burghley s State Papers, p. 243^282. Camden, p. 42 — 46. The secret Articles of the peace of Cateau Cambresis also t'lreatened all Protestants. (34^) Pacre 167. In August, 1557, Lord Wharton writes: "The power of the French and Scots are so g:r/) Page 170. -'The cessing of the arms was witli great difficultie obtayned, says Cecil." Lodge, vol. L, p. 333. (38) Page 170. Spotswood, p. 148. Cook's History of the Reform., vol. III., p. 326, App. 18, proves that the summon- ing of tlie Parliament was legal, through tfie assent of Mary and Francis to the peace, and the treaty of Berwick known to them before they gave unlimited full powers to their commissioners. (39) Page 170. Prnittd in tlie acts of the Parliament of Scotland, vol. IL. p. ,026. He inculcates the duty of obe- dience to the Magistrates, but, at the same time, that cases may occur, (especially with respect to religion,) m which resistance is lawful. Cook's Reform., vol. IL, p. 364. ( 40 ) Page 171. Collier, p. 468. According to the Acts of Parliament, p. 585, corporal punishment at discretion was in- flicted, even for the first offence. (41) Page 172. Superintendants were, however, provisionally appointed, wlio ordained Clergymen, presided ui tlie Assemblies I-, « 278 NOTES.— CHAPTER il. M i ,1 I' -and Tnaintaiiicil Churcli tiisci!)lirK'. This arranij,-emc!it was sub- sequently superseded. (42) Pairu 173. Stuart Reform., p. 204. Roberts, vol. I., p. '260. Collier, vol I!., p. 470. The populace extended the resolution to all Churches, and over zealous preacluTs en- couraged them to make the evil worse. The sacred vessels, the bells, and every thin^ that escaped the tirst destruction, was stolen or sold. (43) Pa2:e 176. Elle avoit essiiye tontes sortos de morti- fications. MchiU vol. I., p. 93. Orleans Revolutions d'An~ gleterrr, vol. VIII., p. 179. (44) Pai^e 179. Thuamis, book xxix., p. 1. It has been affirmed, but with crreater reason denied, that T^lizabeth in- tended to capture her. Cecil writes on the subject to Throckmorton; "The C^iecii's Majesty's Ships that were upon the seas to cleanse them from pirates, saw her, and saluted her galleys, and stayint^ her ships, examined them of pirates and dismissed them p:entiy. One Scottish ship they detained, as vehement! V suspected of pjiracy. Ihrrdwicke, vol, !., p. 176. Nares, vol. 11. , |.'. 200— ~ "2 10. Miscellaneous State Papers, vol. I., p. 176. (45) Paire TS2. A'?.?ca', p. 287. Slufrrt Reform., vol. I., p. 22 — 86. Knox considered the mass as tlie first, but sufficient indication of the return of Catholicism in all its parts; Murrav, on the contrary, was for tolerating Mary's exercise of her religion. Guthrie, vol. VI., .568. (46) Page 182. Collier, vol. IL, p. 441—449. In the Lettres des Marie Stewart, a son Ambassaelor Glasco^ en France, MSS. in the library of Aix near IMarseilles, No. 105, quarto, we find that she was at that time on good terms with Elizabeth. She wrote at least to her Ambassador Glasgow in Paris, October ilth, 15G4, "Randall has brought me the most polite letters in the world from Queen FJizrOieth." On llie 2d of November, oi ihe sanip \t:ar, -lit: writes to hmi: "1 have scut Mefvil to NOTES. rilAPTJUl IT. 279 London to apologize to Elizabeth for some letters whicli f wrote to her, and which appeared to her too rude. She has taken in good part the explanation that was given." (47) Page 183. Knox was the old papal Churchman, tow- ering above the crown in Presbyterian garments, says Turner, p. 379. (48) Page 186. Roberts, vol. III., p. 200. Lethington wrote on the 7th of (Jctober, 1561, to Cecil: "If Mary's he- reditary right had not been called m question, a confirmation of it would have been kss necessary. 1 fear Marv could ra- ther be content to hazard all (soche is her couraige,) than re- ceive that dishonour to forgo her ryght." This threat certainly did not [jroduce more readiness to grant concessions. Haifnes, p. 379. (49) Page 188. The two Queens wished for an interview, though from different motives; but the English Privy Councd and Mary's uncles were airainst it, and as the differences with France became more and more serious, the idea was entirely given up. Camden^ p. 75. (50) Page 189. Frances, Catharine's younger sister, mar- ried a person of inferior rank, which weakened tlie claims of tlie Sutfulk line, llallam, vol. III., p. 17'] — 175. (51) Page 190. Camden , p. 68. Her council declared unanimously against receiving a Legale. (52) Page 191. in June, 1564, according to Granvella's papers, there was a plan in contemplation to dethrone Elizabeth by the assistance of the Scotch. Me moires de Granvclla, vol. VI., p. 166. (53) Page 192. Particulars respecting the person of the Archduke are in Lodge s Illus., vol. I., p. 365 — 374. Pictures representing Erich and Elizabeth, on one print, were not to be sold. Hayne's State Papers^ p. 368. Teyd Koniing Erics Uistoria, p. 56, In the Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, ■ i", f m 280 NOTES. — CHAPTER TT. m • NOTES. — CHAPTER 11. 281 V vol. II., p. 605, there is a proposal of the estates tu induce Elizabeth to marry the Earl of Arran. (54) Pa^-e 192. A comparison of all tlie portraits of Mary in the royal collection of Engreivings at Paris, shows tliat the later ones were gradually altered and made more delicate and tender. A contemporarv drawin^^ o:ives lier, in earlv voiitli, a colder expression than we shoiiUl have expected; the eyes are not large, and the lower part of the face very pointed. Lodge, in the Portraits of Illustrious Personages, vol. 11., justly blames tlie foolish manner in which C'liahners has caused a por- trait to be (juite arbitrarilv put together. If my memory does not fail me, the authentic portrait given by Lodge resembles the drawing: at Paris. Age and confinement of course ciian^ed her external appearance. At ilw time of her execution she was, accordnig- to the testimony of an eve-witness, tall and stout, had round shoulders, a fat and broad face, a double chin, brown eves, and fal-e liair. Strypc, vol. III., p. 558. Turner, p. 645. {55) Pasje 19"2. As the spirit of partiality for or against Elizabeth manifests itself even in the description of her per- son, I wdl here give the accounts of some eye-witnesses : *' Elizabeth is as handsome a child as I have seen in my life:" Lady Brynris Letter. Aik'ui, vol. I., |). 11. — ''Elizabeth is a fine woman, well nuide, rather above the nuddie stature. She has a beautiful liiirh forehead, fair liaii , iiv* Iv Ifrown eyes, white teeth." Metenn, vol. XXIV., p. 527: "Eli/abetli, now tvv'eiity-tliree Vi-ars' old, is a yuung ladv v,'ho is considered as not less remarkable iw the perfections of licr mind than those of her body, thougli it may be said tliat her countenance is rather pleasing than beautiful, (graziosa |iiu tn^luJ che belki.) She is tali, well-shaped, lias a delicate skin, tliough ratlier brown, ( di bella carne ancora ehe olivastra,) she has fine eyes, andj above all, a beautiful hand, uhicii siic loves to display, I (della quale ne fa professions )" MicfuTic Relazione. She had beautiful white liands, which she loved to shew." Auhery, Memoirs, p. 214. ''She was undoubtedly a woman of dis- tinguished personal beauty." Johnston, p. 346, "When she presented her portrait to Edward VI. she wrote to him,-™with respect to tlie face, 1 should blush to offer it; but 'l shall always be able to shew my mind without shame." JElUs Letters, vol. Tl., p. 149. All these accounts agree upon the w^hole, only I do not know how the word oliixistra is to be understood'and trans- hrted, because Elizabeth was very fair and had white liauds. As the result of all the empuries and accounts we may take it tbr irranted that Elizabeth as a child and young woman was handsome; that in more mature age she possessed much grace and dignity; and it was not till she was advanced iu years and became tlnunor hi tiic face, that her features seemed too strongly marked. Wellwood, x.hn, however, did not himself see her, says, in liis Memoirs, p. 3, -With respect to her person, her face\vas not i^-ulariv beautituK yet on the whole it was very pleasing and uell proportioned." (These last expressions, however, mc^^ re- fer to the whole person.) Her deportment and gait was noble and in^ every thing that she said or d,d there was something majestic, which inspired rather reverence than love. Bui hIhm she pleased she could be so captivating, that lew were al)le to resist her. . (56) l^ige 193. Extract des Depeches de I'Ambassadeur de France en Angleterre, le Eoys. MSS., St. Germain, p. 740 (57) Page 195. Burghleg, p. 420-424. Turner, p. 708, enquires mto and proves the purity of Elizabeth's conduct. (58) Page 195. The narrative of the death of Leicester's wife, used by Sir Walter Scott, is in the Antiquities of Herk- ^hire, vol. !., p. 149, and has been copied from that into the hwgraphia Bniannica, under the article Dudley. On the ITtli \h I » i; i: 282 NOTES. — CIIAPTRR 11 of September, 1560, Knollys writes to Cecil, that lie considers an en(|uirv trito that report to be necessary. Haipies State Papers, p. 362. In the seqvieK Elizabeth said to a person named Jones, that the Earl had been tbund entirely innocent in that enquiry, and the favour shewn him m no wise injuri- ous to her honour. On the Stli of September, 1564, Cecil writes to Mr, Mundt, English Ambassador in Germany, i^Ibid. Hardivicke, vol. L, p. 165. Miscell. State Papers, vol. !., p. 165.) '* Leice^ter is lustlv so esteemed bv the Queen for his virtues, and his emuienl and heroic gifts botii of body and mind, that she could not have more affection for her own bro- ther ; wherefore many persons who are not very well acquainted Willi Elizabeth, conjecture that slie will marry iiirn ; but I see and know that the Queen has pleasure in him only on account of his estimable and rare virtues. In theii conversation there is nothiu'j but what is connected with \irtuous sentiments, and no kind of impropriety lias ever been thoui^ht off. 1 write this from conviction, and that you may learn the exact truth from me, mav think in the same manner, and boldly confirm it, wherever there may be occasion. lii another |,)lace, {Haync'i^ p. 444,) where Cecil compares the arguments in tavour of Charles of Austria, and against Leicester, he says : ''a marriage with the latter will })rocure no addition of power or wealth; he is in debt, wiU |.)romotc oidv lii*^ tViends, and may easily become cold to the Queen and jealous of lier : to tljis it may be added that he is infamed bv the deatli of his with" interesting accounts respecting Leicester and the Queen, his hopes and his apprehensions, are given in rlic di>patches of Mr. Fovs. Proofs that he was verv much attached to his se- cond wife, and that she had great influence over him, are given in a letter from Mauvissiere to ilenrv 11 L, in Bibl. ILu Iciana, tbl. 334~---338. (59) Page 196. Casiclnau^ p. 129 — 353. in ilic y^ar 1575, NOTES.— CHAPTER 11. 2b3 Leicester gave tlie Queen fetes at Kenihvorth, which lasted seventeen days, and arc said to have cost £60,000. (60) Page 196. Thomson, in the Life of Raleigh, says truly, "Graces and accomplishments might amuse the fancy of Elizabeth, but they could not win her confidence, winch was never thoughtlessly nor indiscriminately bestowed," p. '25. (61) Page 198. Margiiret niarned (Ut) to James IV. ; (2d) Karl of An^as. -A^ 1. James V. Married M.iry of GuisH, 2. Marga et Married Lennox Earl Stuart. Mary Stuart. Darnley. (6-3) Page 198. Elizabeth consulted her Privy Council respecting this marriage, and the members, after a long deli- luration, declared against it. Guthrie, voL VL, p. 247. Darrili'v's inclination to the Roman Catholic religion was also apprehended. Turner, p. 382. (63) Page 199. The French ambassador Fovs found Elizabeth at Chess, and said siornificantlv, " this Grame is an nnage of tlic language and deeds of men ; for instance, if we ^.)^e a pawn this seems but a trifle; yet it is often ioilowed by the loss oi the whole game.'* The Queen answered, ''1 under- stand yon, Darnley is indeed only a pawn, but may well check- ruate me if 1 do not take care.'' (64) Page 200. " What so ever vour lordship shall Iutc otlier- wise acerten, you, but that is it ment by her Majesty to kepe peace with Scotland; and not to make warr, but what she shall i>e provoked by invasion; and to that end I think all counsellors h.cre arc inclninig; for my part, I think no suerty to enter into warr witiiout pist cause." But this did not hinder the destruc- tion of the English party in Scotland and of the Protestants, from being matter of regret. Cecil to Shrewsbury. November 8, 1565. Locfqe JUns. p. 355. '11 1 * f 1' If ; ■ li ' 1- ; 'in \ l;j n ( NOTES.— CHAPTER IT (65) Pae:e 202. Mr. Randolph, the English ambassador, speaks of Darnley's pride and Marv's ahnosl extravacrant at- tachnient. " She liath given over unto him lier wliole will, to be ruled and ffuyded as himself beste lyketh." (66) Page 202. Dispatches of Mr. Foys, the French am- bassador. Rizio was ugly, says GuthriP, vol. \"1., \k 262. (67) Page 204. The Arciibistiop of St. Andrew's performed the ceremony. Burghley, vol. 111., p. 375. The Scotch granted 12,000/. for defraying the expenses of tiie baptism. Acts of the Parliament, vol. II., p. 607. Darnlev wrote to the French ambassador Croc, "that he would not be present at the baptism; besides, Bothwell liad been commissioned bv the Queen to do tlie honours on tiie occasion, \vlnch the Kino- certainly took amiss. Turne?-, p. 413. (68) Page 207. History of Scotland, vol. I. p. 161. As far back as 1560, Throckiuortou had said of iiiin, '* he is a glorious, ra^h, and hazardous young man; he must be kept short." Hardwicke, vol. !.. p. 149. He had debauched his patrimony, and had all his hopes depending upon tlie public d ist u rban ce , Spo is wood, p . 1 s 4 . (69) Pa-e 209. MelviL vol. I., p. 242. This manner of committing the murder was certainly very ill contrived, anv other mode would liave excited less alarm and suspicion. A servant was strangled at the same time with Darnley. Spotswood, p. 2u0. (70) Page 212. Roberts, vol. III., p. 243. It is probable tliat Mary dsd not receive this letter till after the acrpiittal of Bothwell. (71) Page 215. Murray was seriously urged by the Queen to assent. Anderson, vol. IV\, pp. 2 — 195. (72) Paae 218. The Protestant Bishop of Orkney, who had married Mary and Bothwell, was at\erwards deposed on that account by the General Assembly, and not restored tdi ls, the noble and moderate I'.arl of ^^ussex wntos t*) Ceed, '' 1 thynke surely no code can be made irood hjr En^rhmd, excepte the person of tlie Queen be detevned by one means or other in England." Lodge, voL 11., p. 5. (80) Page 230. Lady Scroop, sister of the Duke of Norfolk, and tlie ladies of the neighbourhood were to receive her. Elizabeth's orders were to treat iier witli evt-ry respect, but she would not compromise her own safety and personal honour by receivins: her witii cordial gratulaiion and ftublic state in her royal court. Turner, pp. 4-JU — 451. (dl) Page 231. The thing that most sfic thirsteth after is victory. Compared witli victory, wealth and all things seem to her conteoi}itible and vde. Report cf KnoUys. Tunar, p. 442. . (82) PaiXe 237. Lenox (as he writes to his wit'e,) was con- vhiced of Mary's guilt, " not only Ijy my own knowledge, but by her hand-writing, tiie confessions of men gone to death, and other infallible experience." Turner, |>. 482. (83) Pa-;re 238, *' Tlie Queen, be divers liir |)revie lettens written halelie with her awin hand, and send be hir to James sumtyme Erie of Bothwell, cheif executour of tlie suid hor- ribiil niurlliour, asweiU befoir the committing ihairof, as i!^ NOTES, - CHAPTER II. 287 thairefter. And be hir ungodlie and dishouourabiil proccding to ane pretendit mariage with him, suddandlie and nnprovisitlie thairafter, ir is maist certaine that scho was previe, airt and pairt, of theactuall devise anddeidof the forinamed murthour," &C. /lc^5o/Prtr/., vol. ill., p. 27. (84) Page 241. Mary and her confidants (so it is related,) had fixed a plan to have Murray murdered on his way back to Scotland. Turner, p. 533. (80) Page 242. We are entirely of the opinion of Nares, (vol. IE, p. 41H,) when lie says, '' he would not wish to impose on any person livmg the arduous and laborious task of reading the many accounts we have felt it our duty to read, in ciuci™ dation of these disastrous events." (8n) Page 247. I cannot here enter into a detailed inves- tiiration of tlie old ar-uments relative to the authenticity of the letters, &c., but uili mention onlv tlie most recent remarks whicli Eino-ard makes on the subject m his History of England, vuL \'IH., p. ,707. ( 1 ) Me wonders that some of the conspirators against Darnle v, especially Maitland and IMorton, are not mentioned m the htters. But, (//) Even if Mary entered into the plans it is not necessary that Bothwell should have named to tier ivtry one of his accom- ph(^es. (Jy) Hierc appears no reason why she should mention m her letters, all, without exception. This doubt of Lingard's is too ne-atue to authorise us thence to inter that the letters are not genuim:-. (2) He wonders that at first only the letters, not the sonnets, &c., were laid before the Parliament. To this Laing had al- ready ansv>'ered, ^Uliat the word letters, signifies m Scotch, the same as writings generally. Besides, the more important letters might have been first produced, and afterwards, as corroboratory proofs, the sonnets, wliich did not eive such strong evidence of G-uilt." I I I ' 1^1 28Q NOTES.— CHAPTER IT NOTES. CHAPTKR 289 (3) The third objection relative to the writing and signatures of the letters has also been already refuted by Laing, and Murray's deposition on oatli decides in favour of the correct reading, or instead of and, (4) Two of Mary's letters are dated the 23d and 24tli of January, and are stated to have bi'eii answered by Bothwell from Edi!i')iir-ii, on tiu- 24t!i and 2.-'>th. But, according to Murray's journal, Bothwell left the city on the nig!)t of the 24th, and did mU return tiii the 28th. Hence Lingard coii- ciudes, that the letters arc forgeries, and the whole athur an imposture. We observe, (a) Errors aiid false readings of dates occur so easily and so frequently, that we cannot at onct- }ironouneu the documents not genuine. (b) Vkit tlie error may just as well be in Murray's journal; nav, from Bolliwell's letters, who must have known best where he was this mav be much more confidently inferred than tlie contrary. (c) If Bothwell set out in the night of the 24tlK suppose an hour after midnight, and (ial<.-d dm 2oth, tiiere remams no con- tradiction at all. (d) Further, a report of the Duke of Bedford on tlie time of the lournev pouits lo corrections of the journal, not to a rejec- tion of the letters. (5) bincard thinks it foolish that Mary, wl.o had spoken to Bothwell lu the evening, and might speak to him again in tlie mornimr, shuuld, Instead of going quietly tu sletq>, have sat down to write to him a letter ''of no consequence." This ob- jection proves nothing, unless it be that Dr. bingard never was III l''ve. in conclusion, Lingard, notwithstanding his objections, says, *-for mv own part I leave btiic doubt tliat thu letters were, for the most part, written by Mary ;" and lie has nothing left but the question, which it is quite impossible to solve, whether, and how far, ihev liave been changed? Respecting the sonnets, the entire genuineness of which is still more firmly established beyond contest, Lingard is silent Their contents, however, lead us to infer the truth of the letters. ■(''"■■"■r (uliy coincides in our view of the case: History of Elizabeth, pp. 427-452; as well as Hallam, in his admirable Hutory of the English Constitution, vol. lil., p. 415 xhe latter very justly observes, "that nothing whatever is proved agramst Murray, and the innocence of Mary can by no means be deduced from the share that Lethington and Mortor, may have had in the King's murder." (87) Page 248. The Scotch Parliament says more correctly "persavmg alswa the queue swa thrall and swa blindlie affec- tionat to the private appetite of that tyrane, and that baith he and scho l,ad conspyrit togidder, sic horribill crueltie &c Actsof Pm!.. vol. III., p. 27. (88) Page 250 Catena and Gabutius, in their Life of Sixtus v., relate many particulars of the plans of the Popes and the Spaniards, to convert and to subdue England. The conspirators took the Duke of Norfolk «' per loro capo, e Ridolfo, sotto specie di mercantia, resideva in que! re-no finche muovesse gli animo ai soUevamento per distruttione d' Elisabetha." Catena, p. 102. (89) Page 251. The Pope called Elizabeth, "serva d'o-ni sceleraggine," who had "il regno a misera ruina rirhiamato " Catena Vita de Sisto V., p. 286. It ^va. in consequence of '1"^ Bnll. and through those who defended it, that the dis- sensions m England became more violent and more serious Soame,\ol. 1\ ., p. 676. (90) Page 253 is printed under the Text. (91) Page 267. In this border warfare, both parties be- ""'' '*'« greatest cruelty, burning and plundering- -lur.v,rt!uycame. Carey Vzndicia>s m silence x%-]iat we hnvr cause lu think hereof, (SfC." (93) Page 268. iVlary, in her solitude, amused herself with needlework and embroidery; kept for her diversion a number of birds and other animals; and had clothes, head-dresses, rib!)ons, &c., from Paris. (^»4) Page 269. Hi> Majesty thynketVi it no \u-\ cause to be ofFended with those devices tending to her Ub< rty. Cecil in Shrewsbury for Marij. Lodge, vol. il., }'• '6. (95) Page 269. Haliam considers it a? iinqiu stiuna!>b:i that Norfolk mvited Alba to come to Ku^l uiu. and the thorough investigations, ni Tunur, q,p. 3U«-534,j i^rove ilie -udt of the Duke. (96) Page 271. According to a report of the laiirlish am- bassador, SiuiUi, dated 22d March, 1572, Ciiarlcs IX. said of :Vlarv, -Ah. the poor fool will never ccu.c tdl she lose her head.' In f uih they will put her lo death. I see it is her own fault and tuiiy : i see no remedy to it.'' Turner, p. 541. Pf CllAFll'iK III. From liie Peace with France to the Death of Elizabeth. 1572—1603. The events wlueh wv hnvo just related were closely connected with the interii(!•> 2U THE Cill' lU/'I!.— I'H l'.: IH'HlTANb. [CllAr. Hi only iiH^aiis calculated to gain people's minds, and that all persecutions served but to increase the evil. Hardly less important tliau tlu^ oppositit^n of Roman CatliuUcs and Protestants was the ditference which crraduallv arose amono- the latter, between the adherents of the church aucl the })uritans. The former recognised the King as supreme head, even in ecclesiastical mattfU's; retained the grada- tioit uf spiritual dignities, archbishops, bishops, &c., as well as several formalities and cerenaaiu'^ w hich api)eared to be ^uuilar to the old Cathohc h)rms. The principles of the Puritans, on tlie contrary, were, uii tlie whole, as follows: — civil governiiH nt is of human, chnrch govcmnicnt of divinf onuiu, tiiercforc the tunuer is rvcrywhere snl)ordmate, and the supreme decision hadongs to the InttfT. In ec- clesiastic;d matters, only what is absolute! v neces- sary nniNt be prescribed, but the tempnral goveni- ment must not interfere, and especially not order any- thino- respecting the ceremonies, liturgy, &c. fVre- monies, nnages, altars, crusso, organs, music, a dis- tinguishinu' dress for the clergy, &c., are condem- nahle; !ikt;wisc Mtiging, daiu'inu\ tenciiig, |)articu- larlv on Sunday, whii-h must be kept strictly Imly^ Ail gradations of diu-nitics lu the church must cease, and temporal offices and parliamentary riu'hts must }^P inimediatelv taken from tlie iieirliu-eiit bishops. Ecclesiastical legislatitm aud junsdictaui bcdmig solelv to tlic conirreiratiou cind svnod: rxa-rv |)^'nalty 1-572.] THE PURITANS. 293 im])osed ])y laymen is illegal, and the oath of supre- macy to be rejected. The appointment to otiices in th(^ church shall never be made by kings and patrons, but Ijy the choice of the congregations. Whoever defends tlic^ late impure and detestable constitution of the church is not a good subject, but a traitor to God and liis word. More Molent persons went still further, and said, "the Queen, like cvc^ry other person, is liable to excommunication by the elders of the cliurch, and an excommu- rm-ated person is not to be obeyed, and cannot u:in-cnu The ministers are lost atheists, and we must pray to God nn longer to suffer the polluticm ^ ^t his sanctuary. All the remains of Popish idolatry must l)e extirpated, and it is by no means unla^vfid to put those to death who defend such lieathenism. (') Wlule the advocates of the puritans praised ami exteilled their simple, serious course of life, their morality and iibeial sentiments; their adversaries blamed the above-mentioned exaggerations, and af- nrmed, that the majority was ])v ikj means com- posed of innocent, harmless men, but of ambitious pcrboiis, who considered iheir opinions to be alone true: and who, nnpatient of all control, would wil- lingly dissolve tlif/ 1mnj)oral, as well as spiritual government, and mtrodiice a new one, resembliin>- their own demoeratic constitution of the church. If we nnpartially compare tlu^ accusation and defence, it appears that, in many puritans, there ih . ? f\ ^ i ■■"14 TiiE FL KUANS. [CllAi'. III. was a laudable endeavour at ('hristiau morality, and tiiat thcv resisted with praiseworthy eouraixe botli (-All and ecclesiastieal tpanny. But, on the other liand, tliere was m their notions of ehnreli and state, too mneh Jewish strietness and partiality. The elieerful side of hfe, wiiieli is by no nieiins contrary to genuine Christianity, appeared to their o-loomv iniridN in lie profani^: their too narn)\v rules ])aid no ren:ard to thr- diiTerences whieh age, sex, property, rank, ahilitv, &e., produec m the world; and while they undervalued much thrit was of importance, tliey attaelu-d a tVdse value to triiies. Thus, for instance, they liiive strange names to their ehiUlren, " R('fnrrii;ition---Froni Above — Enouo'h — Free Gift — Rejoice Again—The Lord is Nigh — More Fruit. 6cc.;" and |)lainly shewed tliat if ever the power should come into thtir liands, they would exercise greater intolerance tlian they now suffered. (^) Respectino: the principle^ whieli a-uich d the eon- duet of Elizabeth toward^ Roman Catholics and Puritans, Walsindiam writes: eonscaences are not to be forced, but gained by gentli* means: but if these thimis degenerate into party spiiat and cna^rt acts, tliey must be cheeked and punished. So ionu- as tlic^ Puritjin^ declaimed only against aliases and individual eeremoiueb, they were left aloma aaid evcai permitted to discuss (|uestion>< re- ^pec^tuii!' tlii' I.H. st eon^litution esf tlie church, but ^i 1572.] THE PURITANS. 21),) by degrees they directed the ir proposals a^- ticai superiors, and to observe all the orders of the roval priw council. When manv Pe.ritans, (though opposed by the more prudent,) notwithstanding, made great complaints of the dress of the clergy, the form of the consecrated wafers, &c., committed many improprieties, and at length entirely hud aside the English Lituruv, it was deemed necessary to issue more positive directions against thoni, and to remove many eleruyraen frimi their post^. Arclibishop Grindah the successor of I'arker, (from If)?:* to 1583,) was more mildly disposed tliaii his predecessor. But Elizabeth was of . opinion tliat the unautlu»riM;il assemblies of the Puritans, their arbitrary inttn-pretation of the Scrip- tures, and the preaching of ignorant persons, led to disorders and divisions ; that it was better if only a few able men preached in reuular assemblies, ur if Ilnmiiies were prescribed to be read by those of inferior capticiiv. (inudal, on the other liand, alleged, that if eminent preachers wire not to Ik' had, tliey mu'^t be content witli moderate ones, whose words miglit still be of use in those as- semblies which were so much lilained. That Elizabeth would do \^ell to hear the o|)inion of competent judges, and not to cany hor |)ower in the affairs of the church too far. .Xot satisfied with these objection^, and vexed nt the Areh- bibhop's ie>ibtaiiCL, the Uueeii sevrral times gave lJt30 ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT. 29 direetions imnuahately to the Bisliops, and would perhaps have deprived Grmdal of his offiee, but he died in the year 1583, and was succeeded by Whitgift. who was himself of a more austere temper, and was directed l)y the Queen, ])robal)ly at his own suggestion, to require from all the clergy the oath of supremacy, as well as the use of the Book of Common Prayer and the Thirty-nine Articles. This, sav liis defenders, - was absolutely necessary for the preservation of order, umhT a common church." They also say m his praise, "that he was liberal, chaiitable, industrious, a friend of learning, and that he energetically opposed inroads into the pro- perty of ihi c huicli !)v the temporal power." But the nonconformists soon complained that a number of captious questions were submitted to them, that written commtmications of the pomts complained of, or answers, were refused; that old, unknown, or canonical laws were regarded, and oaths required tvspe( ting thino-s contrary to tlie usual course of JHstiee, which involved accusations m ihem; that flic.so who would no! take the oath were fined or nupnsoiH'd, (,r deposed, nay, that some had even ^H-ni put 111 the pillory, or hud their ears cut off. These complaints induced the Privy Council, In ^^■\nrh were Leicester, Burghley, Hatton, Lid ^\alMiigham, to exhort the Archbishop to use mild measures, and not to expel useful preaehers on accouiii of some doubts rcspectinir external eere- 3 I I i 29^ THK !H lU FANS. [Chap. ill. monies. Whitfrift answered, that the circumstances had not liecn corrtHniy related to them, fur tliat he had onlv n iiio\ cmI a vei'v small nnmhcr of tnrhn- lent and wliollv iiietiicient ])crsons. These and other ainrumcnts did not, however, convince Enrddey; for in a lettcT of the 1 r)th of Juiy, 13b4. lie says: ''The mode of proceednig was rather to lind ont violators of the la\v^. than to blotter thrin, and re- sembled the Spanish Inqnisition." At another time he wrote to the Queen, "T amlHrid runnirii to aflirui tliat tiie Bishops in these dangerous tunes take a bad and injndicions way in cxpelliiiir tlie Puritans from tiieir places, for thongli the latter are cavilhnu' in tlirir opinions, and irritable, and too anxi- ous, yet, by their careful catechising rtiid dihgont preachinir. they effect what yonr Majesty \s ishcs. t1ie dimmutii^n e>f the Cathuiics. ' It is certain that the efforts of this oTeat man and Ins fi-iends wniihl have been prcKhietive of greater advantage, \v.u\ tb.c Puritans seconded them bv tlieir eonciuct. For whrii Burghley caused one division nt ilicin (rlassis) to lay before him a plan for a I.iturgy, tlic second division made iunume- rabic ohjoetions. and a third presentfd a wholly ditffrent plan. Walsiniiiuun. wlio was suii more inclined to tlieni tlian Bnrghlvy., offered, in the name of tlu^ Quevu. i]\v- omission of the thrc^e points in the Liturgy whicli were otTonsivt' t<) them, !iamt-lv. tlip nsr of the ^ic'n (>f tht- rro'-s m ba.ptisnn 1583.] THE PT'RITANS. 299 kneelino- at the altar, and wearing the surplices Tliey replied that the whole Liturgy ought to be abolished, and not tlie smallest ])oition of it re- main. It IS evident tfiat while thev were thus dis- posed, no middle way of agreement with the Church could be louiid; nay, it is a matter of surprise that the Puritans aiiTced among themselves on certam forms of Divine worship, and a constitution of the riimTh, by which several congregations constituted a class, aiid tlie classes were to be under the o-e- neral Assemhlv.(^) Vehement, nay, abusive attacks upon the Bisliops caused a strict ])r()hibition to publish writings of a theological nature, witliont the ])ermission of the ecclesiastical authorities, and though the more rea- sonable portion disapproved of such offensive ex- pressions, yet llacket, ami similar enthusiasts, sprang up among the Puritans, who, witli bound- less arrogance, considered themselves as calhed upon to re-model the State and Cluireh in all thcar i^arts^ and proclaimed the most absurd and the Tuost re])robat(^ doctrines as inspired by God. Against this criminal msamtv the greatest rigour was jnstifiablc, whereas the execution of some ihvnvnists and Aiialiaptists (one e,f the latter was burnt for diaiving the divinity of (1irist,j is not to be excused, tlioie-h the doetrinr of the latter was often connreird with erimmal actions. Unhappily tile best remedies aiiainsf abui^es were nnavailmo-- ' rt ff 300 PARLlAMENTAin DISCUSSIONS. [Chak 111. ])ecaiisc after the shanioful waste of the Chiireh pro- pt^'tv. iniiuiiierable paribhcb in England, Scotland, and Ireland, were without pastors, and every one tlK^ri'fori^ soudit ur gas e advice and nistruction m his own way. These rt'lmaous views iiud rcialiuns, which so ^reatlv a^ntated all nnnds, naturallv ])ecanie the subject of discussion in Parhamont. But when the House of Commons, in the year 1571. (U^bated on changes in the Liturgy, the Uiuhmi i'diisiihuHHl this as an infringement of her rights; she driinuukHl that the lull introduced l)y Mr. Stricklaiul should be given up, and caused him to lu' reprinuuuhHl 1)y the Privv Council. Some Members, amonir whom was Mr. Vclverlun, spukc boldly against this pru- ceedinji:; for tliouu'lh on tlio one hand, it couhl not be di-nuni tliat nuiiiy similar cases had already oc- curred, and, in particidur. that unbecoming ex- pressions had been severely censured, yet such a \-i(ilation i)\ tlie independence ami security of the Members was nnittcr of senuus cunsidcration. But befori^ the question was carried to tlie utmost, Mr. Sti'ieklantl liad ah'oacly resumed his scat in tlie House, and the !)ill was h'ft to take its course. Ac- cortunii* t«) the rights, ni ecclesiastical matters, soltnnnlv iriven bv th«/ Parliament itself to Henrv Vlli.. anrlto tlH-Uueeii; tiit-re is iKidmil)! that slic aloiu' ronld ('.ccide upon tiir I-iturii-y, and all sniii- !ar mart('r>: iiut if \vr rcadiK' allow that the I'arlia.- 1583.] THE PARLIAMENT.— MR WFVTWOR Tf!. .10! merit liad.fit that time, acted inconsiderately, in re- nouuciug all salutary participation, yet it was ne- cessary that tlie amount of all future co-operation should be determined l>y a law, and in some mea- sure a new compact entered into on the subject; the Parliament, loo, (m its part, was acting in an efjually partial manner, by desiring to proceed without the Clergy assembled in the convocation. {") Hi 1 ring another session of Parliament in the be- gmniii-of ■■^>75, Mr. Thomas Went worth made a re- markable speech on the rights and privileges of the tw,, 1 louses,nnd declared his dissentfrom °he asser- tion that they should refrain from speaking for or again<^t anything because it pleased or displeased tlie Queen ; he also disapproved of messages, addressed to tho Parliament, which contained commands or piohibiiioiis, and interfered witli the independence of Ihoir debates. Though this speech does not ap- pear ofl'ensive aecordmg to more recent notions, Mr. Wentworth was not suffered to bring u to a 'con- clusion, but was culled to account before a com- mittee of the House of Commons.C^) Though he displayed m las defence eqnal firmness, ability, :nid jmlirnicnt. he was sent, by order of the eoni- miitec, tr, tin- Tower; (') bnt Elizabeth declared that she forcrave his offence, and left it to the House to set iiini at liberty. Botli th<' Uueen and the Parliament were fully sensible thai nnnnd interest, as well as the salva- s"*'! 302 MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW. [Chap. HI tioii of ihr whulf kiiigduiii^ dcpeiidctl uii liicir union; and iiow insignificant do thv^- flrc^ting slia- dows appear, which pass over tiic brdliant lace ui Enu^and, when wo reflect that at the same tiinc the atrocities of Alva desolated the Netherlandb, and the massacre of St. Bartholomew filled all France witli nioiinnng. All that truth, humanity, and her own dignity required, was said by Elizabeth on this occasion to the Frencli Aiubassador. but at the same time she was obliged to bear in nnnd what prudonce ])resi'nbt'tl, unt to uiiprl hrauco and Spain^ In her conduct, to aclost* r uuinu. and tlioreby increase the danger of lier own kiiui*(h>ni and of the whole Protestant world. She therefore, in loJo, renewcHi tlie trratv of Bloi^ AMtli Hoiiry lit., and. at the same time, assisted the NetlieilaiuiN, l)\it m such a manner that Phiilip mcroly complainech and was contented witli the answer, that it was done onlv to pn^vcnt the union of those provinces witli Fnuiec. Tin: Iviug of Spaiu had besides ^iww oc- casion ft a' iqually wellfounded recriminations hv his interference in the Iribii troubles. Wlieii Sir Francis Drake returned in 1 -l^O from his entei'priMiig voyage round the wurld, Philq) agaui complained tliat he liad seized on mucli pro- pertv !)cit)U^Jinu' to S|)aiiiar(ls, and laid iiaxau'atial in seas belonging to tlir K 11112:. To this Elizalirth answen-d, thatassonn as il was satisfaetia il\ pi'uxcd thai ihake had taken any propeity belonging to 1583.] THK DUKE nv ALENCON, 303 tlie King, or to Spanish subjects, she would restore the goods wliicli liad ])(>(ii provisionally seques- trated on that account; but with the deduction however, of n]] tlic expenses which ilu' Irisli war, excited by Pluhp, had occasioned. On the other liand, she could uot allow that any part of the sea belonged, by virtue of an H]v c|uan'eis, without any interest of its own, and, in the end, in\-olve itself in a war with Spam, because Alencon aims at the possession of the Netherlands r That all the Cable case occur, England, united in itself wi I be st^^onger than if bound and ill directed b.^ a thousand unnatural considerations. Wiien these and similar olyections made both by men and women at court came to the ears of Ehzaheth, when tlie Parliament and people es- pecially the Puritans, declared more loudly and ve . in " 01 cLs and M ntmg, against the iii(irriai4"e, the Queen honoi-*^ . i ' .r i o^ Li^^ w-uttn Decame douotful respectinf^- a plan which she had l,e^•er cordially entertained. Ihe personal appearance of Alengon, perhaps -i^'^'lly contributed to deter her. He had ruined us constitution by a dissolute course of life, and his face, ^^ lucl, was marked l,y the small-pox. was still more disfigured by an excrescence on his nose (■') llie cpiestion how religion was to be secured 'in Migland, and the alliance with France established «1 to delays; and wluui Alencon, partly bv his own' i-^nlt, lost all his nifluenee m the Netherlands, and «-as reduced by sickness nearer and nearer to his "»1- (he died m l.ys4,) the wliole plan fell to the ground, and neither the Duke nor the French court >»a'-lc any serious remonstrances with Elizabeth for liaMng retracted. The affairs of Scotland likewise claimed the at- tention of Elizabeth during these vears. The Earl ^^""o-V the oovernor. caused the Arehl.islion VOL. I. i \ fc !, 30G SCOTLAXn nKATTT Ol- KNOX. [Cusv. ! 1 i 1583.] SCOTLAND. — E Aia MORTON. ,,f St. Andrew's to be liangcd, as an accomplice in the nnirdcr of Murray, and %\as killed in rt^tuni m a surprise, in the year 1J71. His successor, the Earl i)f Mar, endeavoured in vam to reconcile t!u> religious and political parties, which cruelly perse- cuted each other, or at least to inspire theui whh nuidcr sentiments: he died lu the next year, partly from grief. Soon after lum, namely, on the 4th oi November, 1572, died Jolin Kiiox, in tlie G7th year of Ills age, and declaretl upon Ins deathbed tliat he had ncvi-r expressed himself harshly through hatred, but because he considered it to be necessary, and conformable to the divine ordinances. The Earl of Morton, who succeeded Mar in the Regency, and who had l)ec-n often vehemently reproved by Knox, said at his burial, "here is one who never feared anv man." Coura-e was undoubtedly the tirst indiJpensable (luality, if the objects at that time proposed were to he attained, only gentleness and iiumility were too ofter, thrown into the back- 307 oTOlUld. o In the same year it was resolved in Scotland that no lloman Catliolic should possess othees or civil rights; a hiw \vhicli escaped severe censure because the Roman Catholics in other countries, (it was the time of the Duke of Alva, and the year of tlie massacre of St. Bartholomew,) did not Iwive the Protestants even their lives. New attempts at uuage-iireakiuL-. (thus some zealots proposed u. l.uli down the beautiful catliedral at Glas-ow. as being the only remauung monument of idohttry ; were defcatc-d by the good sense of the citizens Vet the endeavours of the Clergy to obtain a lar..er share (,f th,- ancient property of the Church failed- they ^^•ere obliged, thong], unwillingly, to leave it to the nobihty, who ],rotected them in otiier resj,ects Morton mnv endeavoured by energy to restov'o P'-'ce and order iu the distracted countrv: but the severe punishment of some friends of Mary, rapa- city, and an offensive way of life, made hnn so odioiis that he was surprised by conspirators m the year 1577, and compelled to lay down the regency. "But by the aid of the zealous Protestants, a^nd t]ie in- tervention of Elizabeth, he soon recovered his power, and kept it till the year 1581. when the Earl of Arran, the unworthy favorite of the young King, accused him of iiaving been jjrivv to, and assisting m, the murder of Darnl.v. The pro- ceedings against hun were conducted in a most irregular and arliitrary manner, but Morton at length ov^ed that he had by no means aereed to tlie proposals made to liim by Both^^■c^ on tliat subject, (»j yet, for want of proof, hud hesitated to give information to the weak King (,r to the aueen. who on all occasions favoured Bothweli, On the 2d of June, 1581, Morton received his dcatli-ldow with the greatest firmness. The Earl of \rran, and Anbigny, «ho had )>een. V O SCOTLAND. [Chap. IH. i\ I if "1 raised to tho dio-nitv of Earl of Lennox, now g«v yn-m'd m the name of the young KinLS with so much arrooance and nn.kilfuhicss, that many Lords conspired against him. and in An-ust, L'iBO. de- vaanded of James to remov.' all ihose Ironi about his person of whom thev disapproved. The yonno- Kino- in vain scolded, begged, and wept; the 'rulor of (dams .aid to Inni. it i^ better that eluldren should erv than old men. Arriiu ^^ r,s arrested, and Lennox l/aiuslied; the King, with all outward marks of resp(d in escaping from lus confinement; he, however, maintained the resolutions wln.eh lu' had confirmed and declared, ^iii part, it may b,^ su^f posed, at the uruvnt exhortation of Elizabeth.) t!,;.t what was past shov.ld not be eiupured into and pu- nished. P>ut when Vrran unex])ectedly recovered his influence, this iirouiise was by no means punctually kept, on which account many nobles, and soon aftr-rwards still more clergy, lied. Aftei' the loss of so nnu-h property, the latter considered it to be their --reatest right to speak and writ(> at liberty, but tin-, liberty fnipieutly degenerated int.i 1583.] SCOTLAND. 309 presumption, and, as the King affirmed, intolicen- tiousness. Their infiuence increased, when in the year 1584, de[)uties from the inferior nobihty and the former (liurch lands, entered Parliament, and it was resolved there that the Bishops, who of late years had been persecuted and de])rivcd of their j)roi)erty, should be restored to their rights;- that the King and Parliament sliould be the su- j)reme judges over Clergy and Laity, and that assemblies of the Church should not meet without permission. l)ut when Arran,in consequence of his unworthy conduct in the Administration, was de})riv(Ml of his post in 1585, and a reconciliation effected witli the Linigrants and the exiles, the discussions re- specting tlie constitution and the property of the Church were rein wed. To the zealous Presbv- terians it was stated, the Bishop.s are not to be overthrown except by depriving them of tlieir pro- ])ertv, and their dignities rendered of no value. The Pi-ntestant Clergy will ohirtni a siifficicMit in- demnity by the restoration of tlie whole at the titlic, l'(, the Kinu' it was said, ihal if he acquired tluit property, he might be content to hi the Bi- shops, fall to the ground. All were, however, de- c(^i\ cd, for the Clergy did not recover the whole of the tithes, and the estates promised to the King soon got into the hands of tlie courtiers; so that in the end the Chui'oh was poorer, and t]\p Kina* not 11 i- 310 SCOTLAND. MARY [Cv. \v. in. tWt f p' richer. Indignant at this result, the reformed Clergy now prosecuted their other plans with the rrreater zeal Laws were passed against the Jesuits, popish books, and various offences; thus adultery was to be punished witli death. The Assenil)l}% as it was called, ordered m 158G that there shoukl be annually two provincial and one ireneral assembly of the Church, m which not only the Cleriry but the lay elders have a seat and vote. The general Assemby of the Church regulates the visitations of the several dioceses and parishes. A Bishop is no more than an ordinary clergyman. Wlien Arch- bishop Adamson opposed these resolutions, and ex- communicated the authors of them, he was ill- treated bv his adversaries: and when the King in- terfered, lie was answered that he had no voice in religious matters. xVt length, in the year 1592, the Parliament coniirmed the wliole of tlie Pres- byterian constitution of the (luircli, and tlie King, says an liistonan, was silent to much, bore much, and irranted niueii. All these Scotch affairs warmly interested Mary. At the time when her son was in a manner kept a prisoner bv the no!)les, she wrote on the 5th of November' 1582, a detailed and elocpient letter to Elizabetli, m winch she said m substance, '' I hoped by patience and concession to soften the rigour ^vith whicli I am treated; but I am worse treated than the meanest, amused with vain hopes, and (a 1583.] MARY. SCOTLAND. 311 bad example for Catliolic Princes,) even the con- versation of a Catholic priest is denied me. Everything in me a])pears suspicious, everything is interpreted to my disadvantage, everybody is be- lieved against me. And yet my only object is to pass the remainder of my days in tranquihity, out of England, and to strengthen my debilitated con- stitution." Elizabeth, as it seems, not unmoved by these complaints, caused pro])osals for a new treaty, resembling, on tlie whole, those we have already mentioned to be laid beffjre her. But Mary again hesitated to come to a conclusion; and about the same time letters were intercepted from her to an Englishman in the pay of Spain, which shewed that she by no means thought merely of passing her life m quiet retirement, but hoped for great revolutions and conspiracies, and in order not to discouraire her partisans, would not renounce any of her preten- sions to tlie tlirone.(^^) The Scotcli, on their part, were vehemently op- posed to the notion of acrain acknowledeiuff as their Queen, a woman who was a Papist, who had l)een higlily provoked, and if not con%4cted, yet accused of crimes deserving death. Lastly, Burg-hley feared (^') that Mary would be closely united with the Guises, the French and Spaniards ;(^^) and, in fact, th(^ affairs of Eno-land, both at home and abroad, were in so critical a situation, and the danL^r of foreign and civil war so imminent, that J 312 FOREIGN RELATIONS. [CuAV. 111. it was uecc^ssarv very seriously to deliberate on tlie measures to be adopted. The power of the Guises, 111 eoiicert with Spain, surpassed that of Henry III., and the liurronots daily beeame less important: Pliilip had sul)dued Portuiral m 1580; the phm of his half-brother, Don John of Austria, to invade En^dand, and unuiu with the hand of Mary, the Enu-hsh throne, was defeated rather by his death than by Plulip's jealousy; and tlie progress of his successor, Alexander of l^xrma, ni the Netherlands, gave reason to fear their siil)jugation, and the com- plete re-establishment of the S|)anish tyranny. How easily nuo-lit Kinu' James of Scotland be one day induced to listen to the repeated proposals of Eliza])etli's |)owiU'ful enemies, while tlu^ boldness of domestic rebels threatened her oovernment, nay, her life, with extreme danger, i-roin tln^ Colleges of the Jesuits at Douay and Rome, which were powerfully supported l»y Plulii), a1)()vc^ tlvre(^ hun- dred pupds, in various characters cind disiiuises came to England, for the purpose of s])readinii' the Roman Catholic religion, of inculcatmo: the doctrine of the supremacy of the Pope, and fonientum' cou- spircicies against Elizabeth. (^^) In conseciuence of these efforts of the spies and hirelings of Spain, and even the military sup})ort o\ Philip, severnl msun'eetions broke out in Eng- land and Ireland, from 1579 to Ij^2, uhieli, how- ever, were cnielled 1)V fidelitv and uuanimitv. I^ut. 1583] lOKKUiX RELATTONS.^-rOXSPlRACIEH. 313 said zealous Pi'otestants, what can secure the life of Elizabeth, if. on the autliority of the Pa])al Bull of e.xeouiiiuniicatiou, her murder is held to be lawful and necessary? if R„mish priests in their writings call upon tlie feiiKde attendants of the Queen to treat her as Judith did Ilolofernes, when even a Cardinal (Allenj defends such crimes? Parr, a Welsh gentleman, referred at least to Allen's writing, and to the assent of Papal Ambassadors and Car- (hnaN, when he was convicted of intendins; to as- sassinate Elizabeth. If, as some affirm, it is allowed that tliese accusations were partial and exaggerated, that the interpretation of the \^^itlngs was far frtched. and tliat many expressions were even in- vented; yet It IS cerlam. that in spite of Parr's ])u- nishment, several similar attempts were made, and liro\e, like the assassination of William of Oranire, how easily many persons were, at that time, wIkSiv alienated from all moral principles by the con'- demnable notion of the meritoriousness of such enmes. It is denied that Philip IT. directlv ap- proved of those plots against Elizabeth: there" is no donbl that he supported the rebellious Irish, and that :\rendoza, his Ambassador, who was ordered to quit London on that account, was concerned in the intrigues, though he had ground. f,,r ivenini- nation. on account of the su])port given to his master's enemies. The nation and th. Parliamcnl, who beheld in II ^^B/(-;-- .■=«t.,-..js / 314 LAWS AGAINST THE JESUITS. [CiiAi. ill the eovernment of Elizabeth the pledge of their safety and rehirion, save double proofs of their love and attachment to her, so that the French aml)as- sador Mauvissi^^re reports, '" Queen Elizabeth lias told nie tliat several conspiracies, directed l)y the Jesuits, have been, by tlie goodness of God. dis- covered. Latterly, when she lias appeared in public, ^yhole croNvds of people fell on their knees as she passed, prayed lu various ^yays, invoked upon her a thousand blessm-s, and hoped that all her ^vicked enemies might lie discovered and pu- nished. She often stopped and returned thanks for all this love. When 1 was alone with her, (she rode on a good horse,) amidst all tliis crowd, she said to me, "you see that all do not wish me ill.'"('') In the next year, Leicester put himself at the head .)f an association for the protection of the ttueeu, and m \3<> laws ^vere passed by Parhament of the following tenor: '-every person who is not a merchant must have licence from tlie magistrates to travel nito foreign countries; English sulijects who arc in foreign Roman Catholic seminaries are te( return home, on pam of losing their property and of banishmcMt for life; and no person shall m future send his children or relations to such semi- naries. xVU Jesuits shall ciuit the kingdom in forty days, under tlie ]ienalties of high treason; who- soever sliall, notwithstanding, harbour and conceal JaS.O.] LAWS AGAINST SEIIITIOX. ETC, 315 them, is lial)le to capital punishment. ('•') Twenty- four or more persons, selected from tlie Royal Privy Council, or tlie Lords, shall, by the authority of the Uueen, direct the proceedinors against all who form plans to attack the kingdom, to excite insurrections, and to injure or kill the Queen; and this through or for any ])erson who puts forth claims to the sue- cession to the throne. When tliesc first laws gave occasion to many abuses, and the number of tlie persons to be punished appeared to be much too great, the strict execution of them was abandoned, anci Burghley drew up an a])ology, to the effect that no person was punislied in England on account of his creed, but only when disobedience to the laws of the country was connected with it. If prin- ciples of such dangerous tendency proceeding from the Pope, and encouraged by him, were not opposed, the state and church would soon be overtlirown. This accusation was in some measure certainly well founded: liut, on the other hand, it was very easy to designate and to punish differences of re- huious opinion, as disobedience to civil laws. {'^) The susj3icions of statesmen and tiie arroj^ance of theologians, at that time, led to persecutions in almost all countries, and these again afforded rea- sons for suspicion. In the case^ of England, Mary Stuart, against whom the a))ove-mentioned law was evidently directed, remained both tlie pretext and the main support of all attempts both at home and (I \K} 31 b MARY, JAMES, AND ELIZABETH. [Chap. HI 1586.] THE NETHERLANDS. 317 h : \ abroad. Hence the C|uestion was again discussed what was to be done witli her. Weary of her long and severe captivity, (^') she now made proposals, which Eliza])eth, at an earlier period, would pro- bably have accepted: but thi^ more Mary conceded at this moment, when all the powers appeared to V)e united in her favour, tlu^ more was a suspicion excited that she intended, alter sh(^ had obtained her liberty, to keep little or nothinu' of what she had promised, and the conviction constantly re- curred tliat in S|)ain or Vnince she would be donbly dangerous to Emrland; and if slu^ prevailed in Scotland, would alienate from Ehzabeth the only kingdom that was m amity witli her. Thus Mary's liopl^s were ao:ain disappointed. Kimr James, yield- ing to the general voice of Scotland, and for the sake of the succession to the Engiisli throne, but to the irreat vexation of his mother, who from that time was, for the most part, hostile to him, con- ehulecl iu 1566, a strict alliance with Elizabeth: and tlie latter now decidedly supported the Hii- gouots. and above all the Netherlands, that ueitlier France miu-ht become mistress of tin? couutry, nor Philip tnuniplu and from thence mvade Englaml. We shall relate more ])articnlarly in the bistoi^v of tlu* Xc^therlauds wilh what caution and prudence Elizabeth conducted lu-rself towards them on manv oeeasioiis.* In thi^ place we mubl not omit to state, * See Note A. that those provinces being extremely hard pressed, commissioned their ambassador, on tlie 25th of June, 1585, to olfcr to the aucen the sovereignty of tlieir country, under certain conditions, for^'the security ot civil and religious liberty. Some of Eli/abeth's counsellors said, " the Queen has wished only to protect the applicants against oppression, hut not to encourage rebellion against their lawful soxcreigu: besides, a complete union of the Nether- lands with Enuland would plunge that kingdom uiii, the greatest danger." Others replied, "as soon as the Netherlands are sulidued by Spain, that poucr will naturally turn against England: we ought tlicrefore to a\ert so great a danger; and even though Philip were not in the wrong, a ne- cessary war can never be called unjust.- Ehzabeth, taking the niuldle course between these ojiposite ])roi)osals, refused the sovereignty of the Nether- lauds, which would have rendered her odious, and have engag<>d her too far; but declared in October, 1585, that sh(> must protect the oppressed, as the ancient alli(N ,,r JMigland, in their rights and pri- vileges; promote the revival of trade, ^v]lieh was rumed, and oppose the secret as well as iho public enterprises of Philip against her own safety. Flushmg, the Briel, and Rammekens, were given up bv the Netherlands as security, and tlun^jtro- miM'd t.i [lay at a future time the expenses of the war. and imt to uinko peace without the co-operation 318 babington's conspiracy. rniAP. in 158.3.] BABlNGTON's CONSPIRACY. 319 >, of En^^land. On the Otli of December, 1 58:), tlie Earl of Leicester (^«) embarked for tlie Netherlands, as comiiiander of a laro-(^ force, for as pnidently as EUzabeth had liitherto delayed, so boldly find i^ner- getically did slie now meet the uiereashig danger. "^ \t liome, too, her danger l)ecame more immineTit than before. Babington, a young gentleman, Ballard, Savage, :Marvel, and several others, encouraged or sent^v the Jesuits at Rheimsa;') conspired to murder Eliza!)etli. to overthrow the Protestant re- ligion, and to place the Queen of Scots upon the throne. The plot ^^■as discovered by the penetra-- tion of Walsimrham, and the im|)rudenee of the conspirators; and capital punishment, m some in- stances not without torture, (^) was inflicted upon them. After this simple invt>stiu-ation and punish- ment, came the embarrassing question, what was to be done with tlie Queen of Scotland, whose knowled<{e of their plans was testified by the con- spirators, in whose possession letters from Mary had been found, which, if they did ni)t dinetly approve of the murder,, yet indicated lier know- ledire and participation, m the same manner as the letters to Bothweli had indicated her knowledge and participation in the murder of Darniey. Thus, for instance, a letter from Babington to her said: ''six nol)le men were chosen to execute the murder, and a hundred others wer(^ united to deliver her;' Mary, m b.er answer, commended Babimi-tf^rs zeal for lier and the Catholic religion, but exhorted them to be cautious, and not to attempt anythincr till they liad gained mori^ friends in the country, wert^ as- sured of foreign assistance, and a rebellion had ])rok(ai out in Ireland. Meantime Babington might give the six noble men, the necessary assurances res|)ecting thcnr recompcnce. On these grounds, Elizabeth caused Nau and Curl, Mary's secretaries to be thrown into prison, and their papers seized. ('0 Among the latter were found ])roofs of extensive^ connections, and that not a kw |)ersons had ma~ infested great attachment and zeal for her. Tlic^ secretaries confessed, without being put to the torture, that they had corresponded witli i^abincrton, and that the letters m question were dictated bv her to Nau, and translated into English by Curl. Even after these disclosures, opinions were divided respcK^ting the measures that must be adoi)te(i towards Mary: some said, she is only cognisant, but not participator in the crime, and has. therefore, by no means merited tlie ])e- nalty of death. Kw]) her in prison, and wait for the end of her life, which, as she is in bad health, may not be distant. Leicester, on the contrary, it is said, proposed that the Queen, who deserved death, sliould be secretly put out of the w^ay, which ])roposal was, however, rejected ])v WalsiuLdiam, tor a legal investigation and legal sentence must piHM'ede. and the c^ilv question was. whether the n 320 PROCEEDINGS AGAINST MARY. [Chap. III. I. procccdniirs should be conducted according to the old laws of Edward III., or to the new ones enacted expressly for this case. As soon as tlu^ latter was resohed upon, Elizal)eth api)ointed forty-seven of the most distinguished lords and judges of the kingdom, among whoin were several Roman Ca- tholics, who were to investigate the nuitter thorouglily, and to pass sentence. C") On their arrival at Fotheringay, on tlie 1 1 tii of No- vember, l;")^6, and making known their commission to the Scotch Queen, she at first lamented, m ge~ neral terms, her melancholy hite. and then an- swered: ''T am a Queen, and as such responsible to no one, and will not appear before any court un- less it were a free parliament. Witlioiit knowledge of the Enu'lish laws, without counsel, deprived of my papers, abandoned by all, liow can I satisfac- torilv prove my innocence? Besides, tlu^ new law, accordmo' to whicli 1 am to be judged, was con- tri\ed solely for my rum, and 1 am condemned be- forehand l)v tlie express words of the ro\ al lettei'. Consider that England is not the world, and that all of you will one day have to answer for the injustice of whicli you are guilty. When the commissioners made their report to Queen Elizabeth, she wrote to Mary, ^^Yoii have in various ways, sort, and kind, sought to take m\' life and t. > brinu' m v kmu'dom to destruction through bloodshed. I have never proceeded so hardly 1586.] PROCEEDINGS AGAINST MARY. 321 against you, but liave, on the contrary, protected and cherished you like my own self. These trea- sons will ])e ])roved to you, and 1)rought manifestly home to yourself: yet it is my will that you make answer to the nobles and peers of my realm, so as if I were present. I therefore require, demand, and order, that you do make answer, liaving been well informed of your arrogance. But deal plainly, and you may have more favour from ns." Siirned Elizabeth, without any subscription of sister or cousin. Conformably with tliis letter, Sir Christopher Hatton, the Vice Chamberlain, represented to Mary that she could not refuse to answer, because a State must necessarily be ruined, if any person might consj)ire to overthrow it, and then declare that he is above all responsibility. "Everybody," he said, "and especially Elizabeth, wished that she mio-ht refute all the accusations against her, but longer he sitation in i)roving her innocence, must injure her reputation, and give double weidit to the proofs that were produced." :\Ioved by these representations, she answered, on the 14th of Oc~ tol)er, "I have never known Babmgton, nor received letters from him, or written to him. Let my liand- wi'iting be shewn to me, or confront nw with my ac(-users; for their testimony, if I contradict it, cannot be admitted as i)rooi; and they may wry easily have written something difi'ercut from what J VOL. 1 V I\ 322 PROCEEDINGS AGAINST MABV. [CH.r. IH- r ..t.,1 I have ccrtamlv Avishod for my dclivor- tucTc.uu. t,-> firoio-n nowcrs for ance, and have even appl'^l to * ""-" •1 i.vr Irivo never entered ( to the (h^tiuetion ot aid. bullia\enexLi of KUzalicth. mv ''oul.) nito plots against the lite ■^ ■• ■ , 1 hnvP undertaken for mv interest, What individuals ha^ c uncle it.iK(. . 1 .„-i.rlir<. 1 cannot answer loi. anu wiMiout mv knowleuge, i i^ann ; , ,1. ,„.v .«m.,„l,n- l,o,v ,,,. herself »>« cmeo r ' ■- .i;™.h ■„,»..„. of ,ulVe,.i„. ....a.l„ ™ lu u(iii~v • . If 1MV servants accomu ot \\>.ms con., ^^_ l^ave testified ao-amst nu-. the) ^^^'^^^ r nnrt tVar or thov have spoixi-n pc'.led In- cowardiee and tear, oi v.i , as liars and deceivers." The subsequent conversations and n<..oe,at,ons . ,,oduced,on tl,e whoU-. no e.iore, -'\;";;'-';;;2: After a rc.peated eonsideration of all tlie pioofs, after Nau and Curh -itlioui violence, hope, or re- i: .,.,r„t iivin nntli tlie sreiuunc- war(L had a-aiu eontirmed. In an oain. - % .1 l.ttPrs am' th-' truth of their deposi- ness of the letters, ..no i.i .11 the iudo-es unaniuiously pronounced, on tions. all tuc jueioi tlie -^Vh of October, the seulencc ot guilt) on the ane'en^ of Scotland; an,i this sentence was Cfin- firmed hvthe ParUament. on the 29th. As Lhzaheth hesitated to laive it earned into execution, the two 11 1 , n^v nn till' 7th ot Aovemoer, to Houses called on hei. on tiu ,ui let justice take its course: and on the 2th o No- vember, the House of (■.>nnnons declared liy it Spi-aker. Mr. Puckering, tliat " clemency bad availed . 1 ;f nnritmiied would become cruelty iiotlimci:, and, it contmiieru ^ toher own sul)jectb; liiatMcU}, I 1586.] ELIZABETH AM. THE F'ARLIAMENT 'V^^ Pope's bull of excommunication, considered the murder of Elizabeth as meritorious ; that slie was the root from whic], ail rebellion, all treachery -spruno-, the ground upon which all wickedness was built, and that these great evils would never cease i'Ht with Mary's death. The Britons like the Lydians said, ^vp acknowledge one Queen, but cannot bear two. That the Holv Senpture. rdso 1«""<'''1 out what was to be done: Saul and Ahab l>;ul been deprived of their kingdoms for their un- seasonable clemency towards the ungodly. Solomon had not sjiared las brother Adonijah. hn" much less important reasons. Her faithful and obedient sub- jects therefore hoped that Elizabeth would take tliat )-csolution which uoukl certahilv be Dleusino- to God." "^ Tn her verbal answer the Quren thanked God !oi- support and dehverance out of manv dangers, and said that at a time when all the proofs of .Mary's' guilt were before her, she had offered her, tliougi, m vain, that no public proceedings should ever take jdaee. if she would privately confess her guilt. Elizabeth then continued: '"if other nations^and Kings could say uith truth that by my death, ilus kmudom \\-oiild become more happy and tiourishinu- 1 would williiiuly lay down my life, to procure you a better sovereign. For it is only on your account, and to preserve you from a worse rnler. tliat I wish ^0 liv(- on niy own account, I lis^an: you, 1 have y2 324K,,K/ABKTM ANU THE TV K LI A M F.NT. [Cn.r lU. no p-e.t cause to ^^;s]. for a long life, nor do 1 see ,, tath such u.nws as to u,al.. .n. .rcat v mn it Yet, lclni,otdcm-it. tl.-l. and blood, li tins T v.,;.rl,t wt'll 1)(^ moved, anc blow were impciiding, nugl^t xm it ^ f . nvort it T hnxe sufficient experience endeavour to a\en it. » . , •, :-, m and bimvledgc of ihc wo.Ul. 1 know what ,t s to be a subiect,or a sovereign; v,!u,i a i. to ane cood neighl)>.ur. and vn.^\n-\ou- oncmios I have found tre^chcrv u, rotnrn for ro.fidcuv. haN e seen creat benrtit. andcrvalucd, a,ul mstead ot tlumks, have metvvuh n^gratitudo. Tbu^ tbo ren. aubrauce of the past, the .en.e of the present, th.. prospect of the future, combine to niakr n)e bohe\e. that an evd IS the less u, proportion to the shortness ot ds duration. If 1 l>ad u,e1 rnv death through on. ol these eonspirneies, n.y snfleru.g> would have beev. but .hort, and d I should ono dav perH, by a vio- lent death, by tlu. u-race of i-od, 1 ^hail ,a.t^ be 1 'riiii« T l leahu. ano aenv that, aeeorchng to the ancient, and ^tdl n,ore accordmu- to the reeee,, laws, sh. might be called to aceoant and coude.nnc.l : a^, however, the vuss low was not madr to eu-aare her, but only to .ive iHM- warninu-, 1 would by no means have hanulcl the investigation npon it. leul not the judges so- Inunl V a.,ured m., thai even the old law authonM-d 1586.] EI.lZ.Uie,lH A.Nl) Till; i'AKI.IAMKNT. 3li.") I j.Klicinl proceedings. A. tl,. f„™„ of pro.TC.Iins; are ottcn so mniute, and tlie letter of the law is so strictly observed, T liave not tliouo-ht lit to lia\e the mvestigation carried cui m Staftbrdshire as airainst private persons, hut lia\'e consulted the most eminent men and the judges of tlie kino;- dom, and confided tlie conduct of the aflair to them. For we Princes, I tell you, are set in a })lacc where the whole world, with reason, observes us. Every spot on our clothes, c^■eryth,n^■ .Tong m cur actions, is speeddy discovered; we must, therefore, take care that our conduct is just and honorable. Even in trifles I do not willnu>'Iy ^ive a hasty answer, how niucli less in a matter of such importance; 1 nuist rather pray to God to enlighten my understanding, that 1 may choose and deter- mine \\ liat is for the good of the State and of the Church." This was the substance of her discourse; ])ut, twelve days later, Eliza])eth sent a message to the Parlianuuit, dcsinug it to thmk senouslv of some other means, because that wliich they proposed did iiot agree with her inclinatiou. Hereupon all the Members of the r})per ami of the Lower House, after a serious deliberation, unanimously declared "that they were unable to discover anv other means of securing religion and the trau(|uillity of the king- dom, as well as the safety of the Queen: for such other means couki (udv l)e either that Marv II » 326 ELIZABETH AM) THE I'ARLl AMENT. i<-"'^''- l^^- sbouUl a(■kno^^ ledge t1u- clemency of the aueen and anieud her condnrt; or that she should be so stnetlv contiiicd, that no new mtrig.ies conld be feared; or that security he ohtahied by oaths, rruarantees. &e.; or by her banishment. Neither of these fonr methods, nor all four together were pos- siV,lc. advantageous, or satisfactory. For though Elizabeth had protected Mary a-an,st her subjects, had saved her honour, and 1 ad for many years re- frained from puui-ViinL- hev trcaehero: s ciiU rpnses, yet she would ne^cr cntertaui grateful sentiments; the most riu-orous miprisnnment could not prevciit conspiracies, no uudrantees could secure Ehzahetlrs life, iuid 1)aiiishraent to a Komau Catlu.hc kingnv '1 to the whole body of tlie still more ^0 to (Ull} ^t ^u ^n^ . Eimhsh. who so uiianiiiiou-lv. and with one mmd, demanded tlie executiou of the sentenee.' Elizabeth answered, ^^never in my life have I more douV)ted and hesitated whether I siiould speak or be silent, than on this day. If I ^pcak without complanumx. it is called hypocrisy; if i am sUent it IS construed into contempt of your lovi^ and care. If any person believe, that 1 wi>h, by protracting the nuitter, to put mi an appearance of -enerositv and clemencv, or tliat thr Lt)rds wlio were smnuioned to dehlieratr. did not venture freely to expri^ss tlieir opriH^nm tnr h nr uf my displeasure, he does 15S6,] PUBLIC NOTICE. me and them great ^Tong. You say, only the death of my enemy can give me security for my life. Truly notliing on earth w^ould have giyen me more pleasure tlian that some other means had been found. I am not insensible to the danger, to your arguments, and to your affection. I do not con- demn your judirment, but do you excuse mv doulits: and be content with an answer wdiich is none. If I should say, I W'ould not comply with your request, this might, perhaps, be more tlian I think; if I should say I would do it, this (as you will find, if you consider place, time, and circumstances,) might ratlier put me in danger, tlian tend to my safety/' Howevor, on the 5th of r)ecem})er, 1580, a j)ub- lic notice was issued in London for the information and satisfaetion of the people, of the following tenor: '^ By the voluntary and unextorted con- fessions of traitors, and by various documents proceeding immediately fi^oni Mary Stuart, it is proved that slie participated in the conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth. Six and tliirty Lords and Counsellors, the most eminent in the kinerdom, personally examined her, seven and forty unani- mously deelai'cd hi-v aaiilty, and tlie Parliament, both the Upper and the Lower House, after ex- amining tln^ proceedings, and the sentence, with one voice coniirmed the latter." Now-, though nothinf>- was said in tliis proclamation of a royal coniirma- tion of the sentence, and of Elizabeth's views, it II i >! 1 8 ft 328 FOKEIGX INTERCESSION. rriTAr. lit. caused ixreat joy; the bells were riintr, bonfires kin- dled, and psalms sung. But Mary considered lu^rself, witii this temper of the people, as devoted to deatli; uliich probalily, having little hope from the interces- sion of foreimi powers, and of her son James, now became more urgt^nt than ever. First, Henry 111. sent :M. de Bellicvre to London, who repre- sented that what was imputed to Mary as deserving blame in lier intercourse with Elizabeth, was ra- ther to })e attributed to evil counsellors, and to persons who, unknown to her, acted by their own authority: that the innocent deserved no punish- ment; that the Uueen, as a crowed head, was not liable to It: lastly, tliat Elizabeth ought to pardon the o:uilty for her own sake, for the execution of Mary would increase her danger: l)lood called for blood, and France, Spam, nay, all Christian kings, must condemn and endeavour to revenge sucli a deed.(^^) Elizabeth replied to the Ambassador, "Mary's transgressions and sius cannot be imputcHl to others, but to herself. She even now still refuses to re- nounce her pretensions to the throne, and though 1 pardoned her in the affair of Norfolk, she has con- tinued so many intrigues tliat I am not safe m my kiim-dom, or even m my house, that I am more a prisoner than she is. Everv powerful sovereign uoiild surely adopt precautionary measures, how shall 1, a weak woman, resist without them? The 1586.] FJJZABETII TO HENRY III 329 ])rincipal objects, the security of tlie government, and the peace of tlie kingdom, must, in case of need, be maintained by the most rigorous measures; and my duties to my people and to mvself arc here one and inseparal)le. If the King of France were in my situation, he would not act otherwise, and liistory records a great number of similar exam- ples. (;^^) That my danger will be increased after the d(\ath of Mary, is not the opinion of England and of the Parliament. She was justly condemned and justice ought to be respected. Only innocent blood cries to heaven and leads to misery as the massacre of St. Bartholomew proves. Of the tlireats of foreign powers I am not afraid: Henry is not able to maintain trancjuillity in France, how then could he secure me against Mary's intrigues? Least of all is tlie proffered word of the Guises of any value, since tliey consider it as a merit to murder the protestants, and to get themselves ilispensed from the observance of tlieir oaths." To the King of France himself, Queen Elizabctli wrote the following remarkable letter:('') ^^SIR, MY GOOD BROTHER^ "The old ground on which I have often built my letters, appears to me at present so extremely strange, tliat I am compelled to change my style, ami instead of giving thanks, to complam/ Goocl God' how could you be so possessed (forcencj as ' } h ii 330 ELIZABETH TO HENRY III. "Chap. lit. to believe that it would be honorable or friendly to blame the oppressed party, and to seek the death of an innocent person that she may be the prey of a murderess? Ah', without reference to my rank, which IS not inferior to yours, regardless of my sincere friendship tc5 ycni, (for I have almost for- feited all reputation among the Princes of my o^^^l religion, because 1 have neglected them, that I Tni4t not excite troubles iu your kingdom.) e.x- po«Hl to such great dangers, as hardly any Princt^ ever was exposed to, m expectation of some, at least, ostensible reasons and oilers, to secure myself asrainst the danger; notwilhstauduig all this, as the epilounie of all this negociation, you are so l)hnded by the words of those- who (which God forbui:) will in the end rum vou. that, instead of a thousand thanks, which 1 had deserved for such remarkable and uncommon services, M. dc Bellievre addresses me in language which, m truth. I do not well un- derstand. For to say that, if I do not save tlie life of that person. I sliall feel the cousequenccs, ap- pears to me to lie the threat of an enemy: whieli, I assure vou. will neve v jiiit me m fear. But the shortest way is to dispatch the cause of so much calamity. It would Ln'ieve me if you should ex- perience the eftVcts of such ambitious dealing. Therefore, Sir. my good brother, please to acquaint me. (in order to end the business,) tlirough mv ambassador, in what sense 1 am to take those ^^■ords, 1096.] INTERCESSION- OF JAMES. 331 for J will not live an hour, when any Prince can boast of having so humbled me, that I, to my shame, shotdd have emptied such a cup. "It IS true M. de Belliewe has somewhat sof- tened his language, by adding, that you bv no means wished any danger to happen to me, and still lesR to prei)aiv any for me. I therefore write to you these few words, and if you please to treat me accordingly, you shall never find a truer and safer Iriend. Otherwise, I am not so low, nor do I govern such a small kingdom, as to give way in right and honour to any Prince upon earth, who may offend me; and I dou])t not, by God's grace, that my party will be strong enough to support me. Think rather, I beg you, on the means of maintain- ing, tliaii of diminishing, my friendship. Your do- minions, my good brother, cannot bear many ene- mies. For God's sake, never give the reins to the wild horses, lest they throw you from the saddle. i say this to you with a true and uprmht heart, and beg the Creator to grant you a long and hanpv life/' ' ^ King James is said to liave represented more sin- cerely and more earnestly, that neither honour nor in-^ tercst required the execution of his mother; and he hiniseit; setting aside all personal and filial consi- derations, must be placed thereby m the most un^ pleasant situation. But neither these remonstrances i;' rl/ I i h 0\ 33-2 INTERCESSION OF JAMES. [CllAr. HI nor the ofTrr of hostages were thought satisfactory. At Icnatli a conversation on the subject took place between the Scotch ambassador and EHzabeth. The former said: "what should induce the people to attempt anything for Mary against your Majesty?" '•Her hereditary right and her religion/' answered Elizabeth. "K," continued the ambassador, "yoa transfer the hereditary right to our King, will not all the hopes of the Papists be destroyed?" " 1 liopc so," replied Elizabeth. "Then," said the ambas- sador, " his mother will willingly renounce all her rio-hts." " She has already been bereft of those rights;' said Elizabeth. " If," concluded the ambas- sa^dor, "she no longer has any rights, there is nothin- more to fear from her." " She always re- mains ' formidable," repl.ed Elizabeth, "because the Papists do not recognise tlie sentence as valid." In the sequel of the conversation, the Queen said, " that foreign guarantees and the transfer of the hereditary right to James, woukl by no means secure her." The latter should consider what she had done for him, and remain faithful to the Pro- testant religion and to the alliance with England. She could by no means be induced to make a pro- nuse to spare Mary's life, even for a short time; wherefore, James ordered in S(_M,tland a prayer for his m(Uher, that God might enlighten her with the !io-ht (^f truth, and save her from the he was threatened. But most of the clergy 1586.] .^RGUME^'TS FOR MARY. 333 refused to put up tlie prayer, which led to verv indecent scenes in the churches; nay, many Scotch insisted on the execution of Mary. Notwithstandino' the liarsh expressions of Eh- za])eth to tlie rVencli and Scotch and)assadors, their declaration had excited many doubts in lier mind. But the longer she hesitated, the more loudly and vehemently were the opinions for and against the Queen of Scotland expressed. Her friends said, ''when she openly and con- fidently sought aid from Elizabeth ac^ainst rebels and insurgents, she was treated worse than a priso- ner of war; and, after nearly twenty years' rigorous imprisonment, come absurd accusations of hiah treason, founded on the deposition of servants and criminals, whom her accusers have not the couraire to confront witli the innocent Queen. Words art- fully drawn out, exaggerated, misinterpreted, in- vented, pass for acts; and there is no wonder that she, not aware of the danger, should fall into the pit which has been perfidiously dug for her. A Queen of Scotland is not subject to the E^m^dish laws, and, if this were the case, she ought at least to be treated according to general principles. All the dangers which are complained of, have arisen from the ill treatment of Mary, and because, from the beginning, self-hiterest was preferred to justice, and envy to generosity. But, even if all the accu- sations were true, ought not the unliappy Queen to 1 I* ; t ft t' I 334 ARGX'MENTS AGAINST MARY. [Chap. III. be excused, nay, even justified, if, to escape the disgrace, misery and injustice, under which she war oppressed, she had adopted the most extreme and most violent means." To this, others rephed, " a Queen deposed and expelled for her crimes is no longer Queen, and least of all can she appear m England with equal rights to Elizabeth. For her, who deserved death, imprisonment cannot be considered as a too ri- gorous punishment, but as a favour; and even pri- soners of war. nay, innocent persons, forfeit, by new crimes, all claims to clemency and hospi- tality. Free persons, holding offices, who gave evi- dence against Mary, are not passive slaves, and the noblest men of the kingdom must be acknowledged as impartial judges. Or shall we quietly sit with our hands before us, till Marv, who had the King her husband murdered, gets our noble Queen dis- patched by a Babington: marries th(> murderer, as she did Bothwell, (^«) and places him with herself on our unsuUied throne. We may expect such scenes of blood, the Spanish inquisition, and the extir- pation of all pure Christianity, if she ever attains the power, and if we are restrained by the royal title (which did not protect Jane Grey nor Catharine Howard, nor even the innocent Anna Bolepi, and which is here a vain shadow) from doing what justice, safety, and necessity, equally require. To refrain from doing this to a criminal is rather 5 1686.] ARGUMENTS AGAINST MARY. 335 tempting God than trusting him, and posterity will condemn tliose who discern and predict danger and misfortune, and yet through weakness or su- pinencss, do nothing to avert them. All the ob- jections of foreign sovereigns deserve no regard. James, wliose natural grief we respect, will not forget that Mary desired to give up him and his king.lom to Philip IL, and caused his father to be murdered. Henry HI., the author of the massacre of St. Bartholomew's, and now the slave of the Guises, has no right to interfere; and Philip II., who offered large rewards for tlie heads of William of Orange, and Antonio of Portugal, and caused his own son to be executed for far less urgent reasons, must, in his lieart, thmk the execution of Mary' natural, nay, he must api)rove it." Aliout the same time reports were spread of in- surrections that had broken out, and of invasions by the Scotch. Authentic accounts were received of the military armaments of Philip, which were car- ried on with great activity. New conspiracies were formed against the life of Elizabeth, of which the French amliassador. Count Aubespine, (a friend of the Guises,) was aware, if he had not contrived them. '-The state and church," it was alleged, " nay, all existing institutions will be overthrown and the prosperity of England destroyed, if of these daily recurring dangers only one is observed and coun- teracted too late-C^') If Elizabeth were murdered. 'XM Aiua-MKNTS AGAINST MAUY. [Chm'- ''l' 15S7.1 I-: LI z \ B ETi I . — I > \ \- 1 f;o X . 33; ,vho would be able to oppose Mary's claims to the throne? If the Spaniards were landed, where wov.ld there be time or power to proceed agahist Mary, either bv le-al or violent means? These terrible embarra'ssments, this fearful excitement, this feverish state ou<.-ht to be at once put an end to l)y the execution of the Scotch Queen; ( and this continued to be the opinion of ElizabctVi's counsellors, of the Lords and of the Commons ;) nay, even those who affirmed that Mary was not so guilty, would cou^- fess, that the good of millions required a victim." Elizabeth who, as Robert Cecil says, "was naturally not prompt in taking a resoluti.m, but inclined to delay " had never been agitated by such contlicting motives and feelings. The melancholy recollection of the death of her mother, and the dangers of her youth; the natural horror at causing the sentence of death to be executed on her nearest relation, on , a Queen, the consideration of the opinions of con- temporaries and of posterity, apprehension for her o^^•n dan-er, her duties to her people, her attach- ment to her religion, all this combined with depu- tations and entreaties, on one part, and vehement demands on the other, threw her mind into sucli a state of indecision, that she would and would luit, advanced and receded, resolved and retractid. "How cxood would it be," said some, "if Heaven called Mary from this world;" others, more 1)old said, '-we must not \\ait for this. ^Vhat, (to say I notliinQ: of former times,) Charles IX., Henry III., Pliili]) II., and John III., have done in our days, from less urtrent reasons, is fully iustified in this case. In order to avoid further scandal and vain complaints, let Mary ])e put to death, ^vithout noise, accordmg to the sentence, and thereby peace be given both to her and to the kingdom." These proposals were not approved, (^) but Elizabeth caused a ^yarrant to be drawn and sealed, in which it is stated that, contrary to her own inclination, and hi conformity with the petitions of tlu* Parliament, of the nobility, and of the peo- ple, and for the security of the Church and State, she gave lier consent to the execntion of Mary. This warrant, however, was only to be in readiness in case of an insurrection, or the landinir of foreiom troops ;('^**) and Elizabetli expressly enjoined the secretary Davison not to part v.ith it till further orders, but to keep it in his hands. Instead of this, Davison nuuitioned it to Sir Christopher Hatton the Chamberlain, he to Burghley, and both to the Privy Counsellors; and Davison at length gave np the war- rant to tluun. All agreed that the Quec^n luul done her ])art, and they must take upon themselves and then" consciences, what was still wanting; and Davison concluded, from equivocal, passionate, and obscure speeches of the Queen, that this proceeding would be agreeable to her. Without applying to Elizabeth, who they fenrcnl wonhl retract, they \()L. 1. Z I« EXECUTION OF MARY. \Cu.\v. III. sent the warrant to the Earls of Shrewsbury and Kent, and others who were eommissioned to earry the sentenee into execution. They arrived at Fotheringay on tiic 7tli of February, and announced to Mary that she must ])repare for death the next morning. Though somewhat surprised slic lieard the intelhgence witli the utmost composure. She cahuly settkxl the affairs of her small household, provided for her serv^ants, distributed somr httle presents, and took an atfeeting leave of eaeli in- dividual. She deehiied the spiritual aid of a Protestant Clergyman, and a Ronum Catholic priest was refused lu'r. ^\\wn the Earl of Kent added that her life would be the death of tlie pure faith, Mary answered, that tlie real motive for her execution was dissembled. Dressed in royal attire, with a rosary in her hand and a crucifix on her breast, Mary mounted the scaffold, and said to her servants who were weeping round her, '' Weej) not, for the end of my sufferings is come." She then spoke of her situation, of the persecution which she had endured, and of her nniocencc of the con- spiracies against the life of Elizabeth, till the Earl of Kent exhorted her to tlnnk not of the past, but of the future. When tw^o ladies, her attc^ndants, took off lier cap, it appeared that sorrow, more than ag(% had turned her hair grey.C^O She then kneeled, prayed that God would send his spirit to her aid and release her, that he would pardon her enemies ^ 1687. J EXECUTION OF MARY. 339 as she did, that he w^ould turn aw^ay his anger from England, and ])less the Queen. After she liad said, ^' Into thy hands I commend my spirit," her head fell. ''So perish all the enemies of Elizabeth!" exclaimed Dean Fletcher, anel the Earl of Kent joined. All the others who w^ere present were silent through horror at this sight, or melted into tears. When Elizabeth received tlu^ news of Marv's execution, she was overi)owered with terror, anirer, and urief, SO that she was at first speechless, and then gave vent to her feelings in a flood of tears, and loud lamentations. {^") What she had so often wished in secret, or iu moments of })assion liad declared to be necessary, 'vvas now done, without her express order indeed, and therefore w ithout her immediate fault, but it was done, and the deed and the blame now^ ap- peared to her in a very different light from what they did when only contemplated as remote possi^ bilities. The shadowy forms wdiich hovering over Mary's scaffold, strc^tch out their dark arms through centuries, seemed alone to envelope her, and in this gloom all the light of the arguments disappeared, wiiich had l)cen ])roduccd in ftivour of tlie mea- sure. That the most important resolution of her reign had been taken and executed without her participation, could not fully justify a Queen, who for thirty years had governed ])y no means in name, l)ut m fact. It never wmild have been done z 2 f I •i40 JI^?TTPK ATIOX OF ELTZABETTI [Ci I \v had not licr assent hvcn taken for granted; but on this supposition, nobody would liave ventured to hurt a liair of tlu^ head of the Queen of Scotknd. However from Davison's own i^arnphlrt in his de- fence, it is un(|uestiona1)lc that he aeted with folly, presumption, and neo-kx^t of duty. He was de- servedly deprived of his otiiee and imprisoned. Elizabetli was justly incensed with the other Coun- sellors concerned, and like many of the judges who at tliat time gave thvir opiiiicms of the affair, wo must even now observe, il is unpardoiialjlc that those who were so near to the Queen, nav. in tin* same palace with her, attached more weight to equivocal verbal expressions, than to a positive ])ro- hibition, and determined sucii a mattca^ of tlirm- selves witliout enquiry. (•'^") Some years afterwards, when Essex, at the tinu^ tliat lie had much iiilluence, endeav(mred to get Davison restored to liis ofiice, the Quren answered luiturallv enouuh, tliat his pre- sumption had ])een so great, and her honour so dee|)!y vrouiuled liy it. that ^lie could never foriret it. To Kmii' James, Elizabeth wrote: "I wish yuu could know, without feelimr it. the grief which oppresses my mind for the unhappy e\ent wliicli has taken place vithout my intention. May you ])elieve my innocence! which God, and many |)(]-- son^ know. If ! liad done it T would avow it, for I am not so Ijase-mmded as to be deterred bv fear of aiiv living l)eing to do what is right, oi- to ilruy 1.587.] ' ELIZABETH S f )KrLARATJOXS. 341 wliat I liavc done. A sovereign onglit, al)o\e nW thnigs, not to (hssemble, and so 1 will never hide my actions, but shew them as they are. I therefore assure you, 1 would not lay what has been done upon other shouldcTs, as I know that it was de- served, if I had commanded it: but neither will I take up(tu myself what I never thought otV" She wrote in siunlar terms to the King of Denmark, and probably to all the other sovereigns: ''Davison, we call God to witness that the fact is so, gave the warrant out of his hands without our knowledge, and thus the execution took place without our will, without our having any notion of it. Though it cannot lie denied that Mary was very guilty, and that the sentence might be executed with entire justice, yet we never met with anything more grievous m our life.'" Lastly, to throw light on this important subject, we may (piote the remarkable report of the Erench Ambassador Chateauneuf to K'uvj: Henrv HL, dated the 13th of Mav, 1587, it is as follows : 'M did not intend to write any thing respecting the (iueen of Scotland, but Queen Elizabeth took me by the hand, led me to a corner of the room, and said, since I last saw you, the greatest vexa- tion and the greatest misfortune of my whole life has befallen me, I mcMin the death of my cousin.'' She swore by (iod, and with many oaths, that she was innocent fsf it, It Avas true the warrant had ■I 342 ELIZABETlfs DECLARATIONS. [Chap. 111. ! been sio'iHHl by lier, but only \^■ith a \-i('\v to satisfy her subjects, and for the same reason, slie had not listened to the intercessions of the Frencli and Scotch Ambassadors. But in truth, eontinuc^d she, "I never entertained the design of having her exe- cuted. Only if a foreign army had hmded in Engkind, or a great insurrection in favour of Mary had broken out, in sueli a case I confess, I might, perhaps, liave ordered her death; but never in any other. My ( ounseOors^ among whom are four now liere present, played me a trick, for wliich I cannot yet console myself. As true as God lives, if tliey liad not served me so lonir, if they had not acted on a conviction that it was for the irood of their country and their Queen, they sliould have lost their heads. Do not think tliat I am so wicked as to tlirow the blame upon a petty secretary, if such were not the fact. But this death will, for many rea- sons, be a weigh.t upon mv heart as lonir as I In e.'^ Such, as we nrc eonxinec^d, aft(>r mature exami- nation, was the course of tlie great tragedv; but as our account varies in several points from that iisiudly received, some explanations may not be out of place lu^re. Firstly: Elizabeth by no means had, from the beginniiiir, a fiwd plan, rc-spectinir what was to be done with Mary. She filr i(,uailv the daimTrs of ihe imprisimment and ilie ivl(\'is(« of hi^r rival; and the oppijsitioa of the Scolcli, the seutimeuts uf 1.5S7.] OBSERVATIONS. 343 France and Spain, the matrimonial and ambitions plans of Mary, nuist not be overlooked in forming an opinion of the measures that were adopted. Secondly: even IMary's friends allow that she corres])onded witli Babington, Ballard. &e.; that she eneourau'ed insurrcTtioiu and th.at tlie Frencli court had warned her not to eno^a^e in tlie con- spiracy.C^) If, therefore, the proceedings against her were not in every respect exem])t from censure, or if the forms at tliat time prescribed a])pear in many points objectionable, we can bv no means hence infer the entire innocence of Maiy: and tlie notion that Waisingliam forged all tlie letters, is an nn]iroved assumption, f*^"') Mary's declarations are certainly not without weight, ('^') but if we consider of what falsehoods she was gnilty in the dispute with Murray; that she might consider it as a duty imposed on her by her reliofion not to betrav her Catholic friends; and what ])roofs a])pear against her, from tlu^ more complete transactions, we must tak(^ it for gi\'nited, that therc^ w^ere some reserva- tions liere.(^') And it lieing confessed tliat tliere was a plan to place Mary on tlie throne of England, to briuu' foreiu'ii troo])s into the countrv, and to depose Elizabeth by force, was not an attack upon her life necessarily included? But, if any ])erson should answer tliis in the atlirmative, and yet niain- lam Mary's innocence, there still i-emains one eir- tnnnstanec which wr tlimk to bo verv important 344 OBSERVATIONS. [CiiAP. III. and ({iiitc* iiioxi)licaf)lc\ Xaih who, as Mary's ad- vocates say, gave entirely false evidence ao-ainst lier, and was tlie cau^o of lier death, did not only live free and niunolesttH! under the reign of licr son James, but even drew the King's attention to him- self by representations and |)etitions. Nov. . if his testimony liad hccn held to be false, and the letters forged, if it had been l)elieved that anvthnm' could be proved against him, the friends both of Elizabeth and Mary would have ecniallv uv^ivd eimuirv and punishment. (^) Ihirdly: we find neither arnunnuits nor proofs for tlie opinion, that Kiizalieth had, for a series of years, pursued an unvarying system of livpocrisy against Mary, and at the last had feigned astonish- ment and maef. Slie always called Mary her enemy, always had in \'ie\\ the security of her own person and of her knigdcmi; and to found serious accusations on tlie circumstance that Elizabeth, in her lettc^rs, calls Mary lun^ good sister, is as strange as it would l)e to accuse Kings at war witli (^ach other of hypocrisy, because, according to their official style, they call each otlier brothers. (•^) iVbove all, it appears to ns very natural that Elizabeth should have hesitated m the decisive (pu:stion on the life and death of Mary: tliat slie n^solved and retracted, wished and yet hesitated, that before the c^xecution she felt apprehension and aversion, after It ^ncf and consternation: to account for an op- I . 1^^7,1 OBSERVATIONS 345 posite 1)ehaviour, we must suppose not onlv entire want of feeling, but of understanding and iud£r- ment. Further, it is unreasonable when, in most of the narratives and accounts, all the blame is tlirown on Elizabeth alone, the increasing danger scarcely touched upon, and hardly any notice taken of tlie unanimous, urgent, and often repeated importunities of th(^ Parliament for her execution. This conduct ap})ears indeed to be dictated by passion, but it ^vas called forth l)y those who declared the murder of Elizabeth meritorious. In whatever hglit we view th(^ matter, Elizabeth is undoubtedlv less deservino- of censure than Charles IX., Henry III., Catharine de Medicis, Philip II. , John III., and others in situations of less difficulty; to say nothin<>- of Henry MIL and of the execution of the innocent Anna Boleyn and Jane Grey. Notwithstanding all these arguments, and even witli the clear recollection of all the faults of INTarv, yet no ])erson has been able, during the long in- terval that has since elapsed, to refuse her sincere sympathy. The offences of her early years ap- peared to be atoned for, and those of her later life, to be induced and excused by twenty years' suf- fering. The firmness and resignation of her death appeased even her bitter adversaries, and only a few blamed her for having died with lofty preten- sions to martyrdom, and not with the penitence of a ei'iminal. Lastly, however the letter of the law . - ' ^ *■>'— - ^ a.^L'Zk^ 346 KLTZABKTTI AND PTTTLIP II. [Chap. 111. 1587.] SPANISH WARLIKE PREPARATIONS. 347 I' might decide, or the danger press, tlie lieart revolts at the thouglit of one Queen ])eing dehvered l)v the other to the hand of tlic executioner. But herein hes the most mysterious and affectino- part of this tragical liistorv, tliat Mary, in spite of all her penance, does not escape the fatal axe: that Ehzabeth imperceptibly, and from dav to day, be- comes less and less able mercifully to terminate the differences with luu' rival: that while she fancies that she has all in her power, we would sav, while she too boldly s|)orts witli lih^ and death, the lot escapes from her hand, tlie blow falls without her knowledge, and she herself cannot, while posterity ivUl not, remove this one dark sj)ot, which hereby dims the lustre of her otlu^rwise so splendid reifrn.(^*0 But it was past! She was called upon to summcm np all her courage and to meet the dangers, which, after long delav and threatening:, at lenirth hum>- fearfully over Eno-land. For many years this kinf>-- dom had been at variance with Spain. Philip took every opportunity of supporting the enemies of Elizabeth, and saw in her the main stay of the hated Protestant religion. Elizal)eth, on the otlu^r hand, dreaded the increase of the S])anish power; assisted the Netherlands in their insurrection against Philip's tATanny, and ])erceivinir that open war was inevital)le, allowed Francis Drake to destroy a con- sidera])le fleet in thc^ harbour of Cadiz, in April, 1587. Philip had hitherto refrained from deelariuu- i war, merely from prudential motives, but had in silence made more active and extensive preparations for it.(^^) At a council now held in Madrid, all voted in favour of the attack, and, in fact, many wars have been commenced for more trifling causes; even if wc do not take into the account, that Philip thouglit it his duty to revenge the execution of a Uueen; and Elizal)eth, to put an end to tlie cruel persecution of her fellow Protestants in the Nether- lands. But the Spanish counsellors were by no means agreed upon the manner in which the war was to be carried on ; the proposal to unite with the French, and leave it to them to strike the principal blow, was rejected; they might make too much progress in Enn:land and Scotland, and then think little of the interests of Spain. To the objection that the un- dertaking was too difhcult for Spain alone, or that if it succeeded, France would certainly oppose the conquest of England by the Spaniards; it was re- plied, "Portugal and India are gained, the Nether- lands weakened, America daily furnishes more wealth, so that, with such a preponderance of powder, it would l)e cowardice any longer to spare England, which has hitherto offended others with impunity. With its fall, the stronghold of heresy is over- thrown; tlie prospect of the establishment of the only true (diurcli is secured, and the subjugation of the Netherlands certain. Elizabeth is unpre- 348 SPANISH WARLIKE PREPARATIONS. [Cii u. ill. pared, her kina'doni everywliere ()])en. icrnorant to what point the Spanish force will be (hrected, and all will be overpowered by one decisive blow, before France and Germany can afford any assistance. Besides, Scotland will certainly be on onr side, and the numerous Catholics in England will do their utmost to promote our cause." In vain did the Duki^ of Parma, Admiral Santa Croce, and Count Khevenhiiller, the Austrian Ambas- sador, represent that the Netherlands must tirst be sul)dued, or, at least, safe and capacious har- l)ours be o])taiued, from \\hich tfie attack nngliL be made, and whither the fleet nnu'ht repair for shel- ter, in stormy and had wt^atluT. 11h^ niofc pre- sumptuous persisted in their opinirin that if the head were r>nee subdued, all tlie dtluM' members would fall of course; and those who werc^ enemies to the Duke of Parma said, that the fouiiilation nf his opinion was a wish to make himself of impor- tance, and to retain thc^ eluef command for a lonti; time; nay, the Duke of Savoy considered success as so certain, tluit he offered to the King of Spain his Italian possessions m excliange for England. A hundred and fifty ships, with 2G20 cannon, 8,000 seamen and 20^000 soldiers^ besides smaller vessels and their crews, were collected at Lisbon. C") Provisions, military stores, clothinu\ in short, every necessary, were providcMl in abundance, and eveua inultitude of monks ami juu-bts, mostly Portuguese, 1587.] THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA. 349 whom Philip wished to send from the country, were not forgotten, in order immediately to restore the true faith in England. The Duke of Parma, in the Netherlands, was equally active in increasing the forces by sea and land, and hired soldiers and volunteers liocked from all cpuarters, to combat under so renowned a general, for a cause which was proclaimed to be sacred. Though Phili]) said little on the su1)ject in pvd)lic, no})ody could entertain any doubt respecting the object of these immense armamcnts,C''') and both friends and enemies were convinced that tins In- vincible Armada, as it was called, would find in England an easy prey. Sixtus the iifth, too. had nirain deposed and anatliematized Elizabeth, com- missioned Philij) to conquer iMigland, and pro- mised him pecuniaiy aid, and summoned every one to d( livcu^ the (iueen dead or alive into liis hands. (^^) At the same time she was accused, in libels and songs, of the most savage cruelty and the most scan- dalous licentiousness. Elizal)eth was fully sensible of the greatness of the danger which threatened her and England. In bold heroic songs she expressed her feelings, and her resolution rather to die sword in hand than to suffer disgrace. She causc^d an address to be pub- lishrd, to ex})lain to the ])eo])le that tlie plan of l^hilip was to reduec KngiaiHl to the lowest depths of slavery; and Catliolics as well as Protestants 350 ARMAMEXTS TX EXGLAXI). [CiiAr. Ilf. licrcupon equally resolved to risk evc-ry tliiiio- for the existence and the freedom of their country. Elizabeth rejected with al)h()rrenee the proposal of some viohuit persons to crct rid of all the principal Roman Catholics, and besid(>s it was now evident that, since Mary had falhai, tlu^ discontented were so destitute of a point of union, tliat it was sufficient to send a few, l)y way of precaution, into the inte- rior of tlu^ kino-doni. The other Catholics were not even excluded from otHces in the iivmy, and ])r()ved ilieiiis(dv(\s wortliy of the confidence that was placed in them: even Lord liuuard, tlie Ad- miral, was a Roman Catholic. Thev were sensif)l(> that a Protestant Queen, like Elizabetli, was to be prefcuTcd to a Catliohc Kinir, hke Philip, and that her prosperity was inseparable from tlieir own. As the hopes wliieh the Spaniards had enter- tained of party dissensions amonir the Enirhsh tailed, th(n' were also disappointed of assistance from France and Scotland. Hcairy III. was jealous of the Spanish power, declined co-operatino- under various pretexts, and m truth was not able to de- fend himself ao-ainst his domestic enemies. James indeed at tirst expressed his indiamation at the execution of his mother, Ijut fie was not strono- enough to make ^var, and the Scotch bv no means participated in Ins gncf. He therefore listened to Elizabetlfs excuses, and was convinced that if Phihp should conquer Eiigiand;, Scotland would fall 1587.] ARMAMENTS IN ENGLAND. 351 \ into a state of oppressive dependence; and, on the other hand, if liis enterprise should fail, Elizabeth would make war uj)on the Scotch in return for their hostilities, or wx)uld certainly annul the claims of James to the succession to the tlirone of England. INIcanwhile the armaments in tliat country were prosecuted with great prudence and activity. Tlie corporation and citizens of London declared them- selves readv to furnish twice the number of shi])s and men that were recjuired of them, and the same enthu- siasm inspired all the inhabitants throughout the whole kinu:dom. Sooner than it was conceived to be possible, 200 ships were erpiipped with 15,700 sea- men; Lord Howard, John Hawkins, Erobishcr, and Erancis Drakc^ men ecpially eminent for their valour, talents, and activity, deserved and obtained the chief command. On every part of the coast, pre- parsitious \\ ere made against a lanchng, and precise orders uiven to break ui) the roads, to carrv off the provisions, to collect troops in all the inland counties, and have them in readiness to act in any direction. Some eminent person m every county had the direction of all matters relative to war and the militia. Twenty-five tliousand men were assembled for the firotection of the south coast; 23,000 under the Earl of Leicester at Tilbury to defend the Thames, and 26,000, under Earl Hunsdon, guardf tl and accompanied the Queen; 76,000 foot, and 30U0 cavalry, an incrcdilily large number for 352 ELIZABETH AT TILBl-RT. [Chap. III. those times, fully ariiKMl and e(|uippe(L were ready in the ranks, and everyone knew where and how he was to aet in tlie moment of danQ:er. Elizal)eth repaired to tlie camp at Tilburv. Monnted on a noble charger^ in a splendid habit and sinning' armour, slie rodr* througli the ranks amidst thcnr unriiiunoiis aeehimatioiis ; and when silence was restored, addressed them in the fol- lowing terms: '*My Ix'IovcmI ])eo]de: Some persons ha\'e indeed warned me to provide for my own safety, have, thronu'li fear, advised me to beware of treachery^ and ]iot \'enture anions; an armed nmiti- tude. Bnt I assure you. tliat T desire not to live if I should distrust my faithful and beloved iicople. T}Tants may fear, l)ut 1 have always conducted myself m sucli a manner^ that I find my greatest strength and safety, next to (lod, iii tlie Ir.val hearts and good will of my subjects. 1 am there- fore come amonc: vou, not for amusement and ])as- tmie, but resohed to h\'e aud die with vou in the battl(\ and to sacrifice my crown and life for God, my kingdom, and niy people. 1 know that 1 liave but the weak and feeble anu iA w wouian, but 1 have the hc^art of a kiiiu'. whieh the Earl c*f llowai'd v(^ut out in tlie night, dc^stroyed many ships, and all was thrown into sru;h terror and coiifiisioti, tliat tlu^ dama^-e thereby occasioned was nuich greater. The masts and sa.ils, such is t!ie report of ilie friend> of Snaim were damauTcl and sliut awax , the cables and an- chors torn and lost, tii(> provisions and ammmn'tion nearlv exhaustecL and no possibilitv of anvwherc obtaining a fresh supply. In this dc'sperate situa- tion the Duke of Medina Sidonia, that he mndit not again encounter tlie Englisln resohi-d to return to Spain by saihng round the North of Scotland. 1588.] THE ARMADA DEFEATED. 355 f But dreadful storms dispersed the fleet in such a manner that manv of the ships were driven to Norway, and otliers to Ireland, where the crews were massacred without mercy, but the Scotch be- haved with more humanity. With respect to the amount of the loss in ships and men, the accounts are different; at all events, the victory of the English was complete and of decisive importance. All knew and felt this; there were festivals and tlianksgivhigs throng^h the whole countrv, and on the 29th of No- vember, Eliza])eth, amidst unbounded rejoicings, entered London in trium])h. Th(^ portraits of the British commanders were carried before lier, the trophies of victory deposited in St. PauFs, and after the address of the Queen, and tlie distribution of rewards to the soldiers and seamen, divine service was performed with great solemnity. Animated by that glorious time, with the enthusiasm of the past, the historian Tieck, speaking in the name of Shakspeare, says: 'AYhat a feeling then pervaded the country, in the fields, the plains, the mountains! What wishes and prayers ! Young and old hastened cheerfully and witli beating hearts, to join the ranks of the brave, to die or to concpier. Oh then, then we felt, without needing words, ^^hat a noble pos- session, what a jewel, above all earthly treasures, our countrv is. And when our noble Queen, in the splendor of lier majesty, with affection and grace, herself armed, shewed herself on horseback to the • Aa 2 ■ 350 WAIi WITH SPA IX. [CllAi'. III. rt^joiciim' liaiuis of the defenders of their count rv, and her Kps spoke of the common dana-er, of the formidable enemy, whom heaven alone, and tlie concord of the enthusiastic sons of their country, coidd overcome !" Who tluit has seen thoM' ])rm-htest moments of existence, can ever forurt themr And yet our I'uiu appeared certain, however the nn- mortal feehnu: had exalted us. had not heaven imnu'diately interh^Tcl hir our cleh\('rance. But Elizabeth, Howarch l)rak(\ lluhau-h, and all the names of those who triurn|)hed on those fateful days, luust l)e pronounced with o^ratitude, so lon^'- as tlie sound eif thiu English tonirne is heard in this Lappv i.dand/' Wlien Philip receivech tlirongh Don Bahhasar do Zuniga, the first news of the dreadful misfortmie, lie by no means lost his composure, liut alTorded assistance to the sick and the wounded and the families of tlie kihed, and said. ''I sent the fleet aganist Englaml, not agamst tiie fury uf the sea, and submit t') tlie dispensations of God/' The inves- tigation nito the causes of the misfortune, whether the Duke of l^irma or of Medina. Sidonia were to blame, led to no result; the latter, huwexer, was ordered to withch'aw from cou.rt.f'-') The Spanish clergy, who liml pi'opliosird the happy issue of this expedition to be ccHaun were much embarrassed, Ijut at h^ngth laid the bhuue upon the toleration afforded in S|)uin to the mtidels. lo89.] WAR WITH SPA IX. 357 f \ ¥ All tfie Protestant powers rejoiced at the failure of this enterprise, for if England had fallen, tliey would scarcely have been able to resist; l)ut even the Catliolic powers, who likewise dreaded the ])re- pondcrating influence of Philip, did not much re- gret the issue. To Henry IV. of France it was of immediate advantage, and tlie independence of the Dutch was as good as decided. They therefore, above all otliers, took ])art in the joy of the English, and struck medals in connnemoration of tlu' des- truction of the Invincible Armada, with the inscrip- tion / V///7. irif, ffi'it. Since that time, S^iain has ne\ cr recovered any decisive influence, in the affairs of luu'ope. Some isolated moments of active exer- tion and bold enthusiasm have not been able to arrest tln^ lamentable^ decay of the state and tlie people. Even nt that time Antonio, who was proscriljed ])y Philip, believed, though his riglit was not so strong, that it would be easy to expel the Spaniards from Portugal; but the fleet wdiich was fitted out in England, more by private persons than by tlie government, ^^as unable to take Lisbon^ because nobody declared for Antonio. But great injury was done to the Spaniards as well there as at Cornnna and Vigo, and the English privateers everywhere molested their trade, and disturbed their communications with the Colonies. Tlie most considercible iniiirv, however, was done 33b WAR WITH SPAIN'. [CiiAr, III tlicm by the expedition against Cadiz, undertaken by Lords Howard and Essex, in June, 1589. But when Hcnrv IV., whose eluum'e of rehirion mueli aftiieted Elizabeth, though it did not inteiTupt the friendsliij) l)etween him and England, was making serious efforts to conehide peaee with Spain at ^ {;rvins, it ^vas taken into eonsideration wliether Eim-laiul sliouJd not do t!ie same. Buru'hkn^ posi- tivelv deelarecl in favour of sueli a measure; he said, ''The ri^•hl^ of tlie Netiierlauds may now be seeured, whereas an offensive war against the Ca- tholic proviiu'i^s might not be attciidcHl with anv sutccess. That, as experience had shown, huHhugs on the Spanish and Portuguese coasts decided nothing, and expeditions against the ishmds and America were still more precarious and expensive. We shall never,'' he said, "be able to conquer more or to obtain better conditions than now from the aofcd Phili[), who is tired of war. It is only in time of peace that tlu' Iri>«li, wlio are supported l)v Spain^ can be reduced to obedience^ trade made to revive, the pul)lic expenditure reduced, and the nn~ ceasing dissatisfaction of the people, at tlie taxes and military service, appeased.'' The Earl of Essex opposed him with much \"ehemence^ allirming that war provided the means for carrying it on; that the connnerce of Spain was destroyed by it; that the Netherlands ought not to l)e abandoned, &c. Wlien for tlu:se and similar reasons, Burudihn-'s iS89.] DEATH OF BURC4IILEY. 359 f proposals were overruled, he shewed the Earl the verse of the fifty-fifth psalm, "The l)loodthirsty shall not live out half their days.'X'"^) It must be Icimented that Burghley's career did not close v. ith an honorable ptMice. lie died soon afterwards, on the 4th of August, 1589, at the age of 77. Elizabeth was deeply sensible of the loss she had sustained; no one had understood as he had done how to combine obedience to liei% and some- times patience, with a manly love of truth and at- tention to the good of t'tie kingdom and of the peo- ])le: none had so constantly abided bv the ])rm- eiple that t1ie welfare of the sovereign and of tiie subject is always one and the same. '^'He seems/' says Hume, "not to have possessed any shining talents of address, elocpience, or nnagination, and was chiefly distino:uished by solidity of understand- ing and iudefatigalile application in business; vir- tues which, if they do not always enable a man to attaui high stations, do certainly qualify him best for fillinu' them.'' None of his sons were ecpial to him: but Robert Cecil, the younger, though of a weak constitution, had so mnch of his father's nn- derstanding, calm judgment, activity, and resolution, that l*'dizabeth made him her ])rivate secretary, and employed him in the most impmtant aff'airs. His most powerful rival was Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, l)orn in 15G6; he was recommended to the Queen by the Earl of Leicester, who had 3(i0 EARL OF ESSEX [ClIAl. Ill, married his mother^ after the death of Iut iirst husband; and after that of Leicester, which took pkce on the 4th of September, 15S8, he continued to rise in the Queen's favour. She was attached with maternal tenderness to the nobk% mgeimous, chivah'ous, and accomplished younu' man, and took pleasure in his fine person and youth, in a manner whicli only those lind incomj)rehensible and turn iiitu ridicule, who, iHca|uil)lf at anv period of tlicir hves of a pure, chsmterested attachment, consicku', m niort^ atlvauccd years, dull indifference as n duty and supreme wisdom. la contradiction to this notion we are iiicliiicd to aflirm, that tlu' l)U()vaut activity and the passions which shoot up m voutli, like flowers in tlie spring, an/ no miow than must be expected in the general and ordinary course of things; i)ut when a mind, passing unscatlied throuirh the fatigues of summer and tlie storms of autumn^ remains in the v. inter of life still capable of a firm attachment, susceptilde to beauty, science, and art; this is essentially different from the foolish efforts of poor old dotards, and an authentic proof of greater vital energy, of glorious intellectual riches and eternal youth. Nor was Elizabeth blind to the faults of her favorite. As early as the year 1591, durinu' a campaign in I'rancc, she caused her ambassador to give him very serious advice, and to restrain him from useless rashness, f^") She wrote to Ilenrv l\., t 1 oJ*^ .J ESSEX IRELAND. 361 ''that he was much too untractable, if he was not rehied in.'' In 1592, when he did not immediatelv leave France upon her order, she reproached him with his pride, and threatened that she would make him the most insignificant man in England. (/'') Not taking warning from this, he expressed him- self in a consultation respecting the appointment of a governor in Ireland with so much presump- tion, and at last turned his back upon Elizabetli so rudely, and with marks of contem[)t, that she^ ccjually oireiided as a Queen, maternal protectress, and friend, gave him, in her anger, a box on the ear. Essex, laying his hand u])on his sword, ex- claimed, '* that he would not have borne such treat- nuait from Hcnrv VIll./' and asserted afterwards, ''that the Queen had done him wrong, and that neither did honour permit, nor religion require, that he should acknowledge himself guilty and ask ])ar- don." However, a reconciliation was brouulit about sooner than was expected, and the people, with whom Essex, on account of his magnanimity, li- beralitv, and alfabilitv, was as much a favorite as with the Queen, who believed liim to be cpialified to perforin great services in the council, and still more in the field. The state of Ireland afi'orded ])ut too melancholy an occasion for the exercise of these qualifications, after the expeditions against France and S])ain had been abandoned. That kiim^dom had for centuries \ if 362 IRELAND. [CllAF. Ill been dependent upon Eim'land, but was never en- tirely subdued, nor g'overned on disinterested and judicious principles. In the first place, the con- trast which was steadily maintained ])et\veer! the conquerors and the concfuered, was a penucious evil which had been increased since the reforma- tion. For though the diflercaices in the dogmas of the two churches were for the most part indifterent or unknown to the rude Irish, yet the innovation canu'^ from England, winch they detested, aiul was directed against the head of their church, to whom, from long lial)it, or animated by their priests^ tliey were more attaclied than to tlie temporal sovereiirn who had l)een forced upon them. The Catholic Clergy, it is true, had in o'encral very little (nluca- tion, but were acquainted with tlu) country and the language, and enjoyed a respect founded on ancient custom; whereas the Protestant Clenrv were, for the most part, native Englishmen, attended chiefly to their own advantage, and in the room of the Latin service, ar!)itrarily forced on the })eople, (contrary to the principles of tlie reformation,) the English Liturgy, which was to them ecjuallv un- intelliu'ible. Xobodv thouu'lit of the ])ossibilitv of tolerating two religious parties at the sanu^ time; nav, the King of Emrland claimed, !)esides temporal rights, all the spiritual power of an mdnnited Pope. Henry VIII. gained some Irish chiefs by judicious treatment. During the government of Somerset I 1595.] 1 RE LAN D. 363 and Edward YL churches were plundered, and many thmgs destroyed, whicli till that time had been venerated, by which the people and the Ronnsh ])riests were again greatly irritated. Under Marv, who was a Catholic, these grievances indeed ceased; l)ut to Poyning's law of 1495 an unjust and iiuportant declaration was added, namely, that no- thing should 1)0 proposed and resolved in the Irish Parliament, which had not been previously ap- proved by the King and his English counsellors. (''^) Even in the tune of Elizabeth the Irish were in general considered as savages, far inferior to the Emxlish, and who did not deserve to be treated in the same manner. By thus taking it for granted tliat they were 1)arbanans, they were ren- dered such, and then it was affirmed that humanity and civilization would 1)0 promoted by oppressing, nay, extirpating the Irish. Hardhearted and self- interested persons maintained, that in consequence of the conquest they had no property whatever, and tliat they must be in all things guided and com- manded by the English. In support of these ty- rannical notions, the Old Testament was appealed to, and the extirpation of the Canaanites, or the conduct of the Spaniards to the Americans, was deemed natural and proper. The application of these principles was parti- cularlv opposed by the Irish chiefs, who were con- sidered by the English merely as subjects bound 364 IRELAND [Chap. 111. to iniplicit obedience: wliereas they alleged, tliat they tiieniselves had subjects, and tliat the Eng- lish government liad often treated with them as with independent Princes. Durino* the relmi of Ehzn.beth. the oljjeet of the government was tr> break that powerful and tnrl)nlent aristocracy, which, howxver, produced obstinate resistance, and where it succeeded led to an entire dissolution of all the bands of obedience among the Unvcr orders. Tt would perliaps have been better to have aniiu d those chiefs and made use of them to eiMlizc the people. As it w-as, the government was destitute of means, and of intermediate agents, to exercise a sn- hitary influence over the people. Besides, the sys- tem directed against the chiefs was snp|)orted by Elizabeth's officers from selfisli motives, becausu it produetMl resistance ; tlie consecpience of which was, immense contiscations of estates. Evc^n such men as Raleigh and Spenser had a share in the crvimr in- justice connected with this system. Unfortunately the Queen lierself never \^-ent to Ireland, (''^') thonirh it could not escape her great understandiinr that tlie manner iu which IreLind had been hitlierto governed attacki^d the too great motives of all human action — the enjoyment of the present life and the connection with the future. Referrinf^- to the arl)itrary and cruel conduct of several inferior officers, she herself once said: " I fear the re[)roacli may be made to me which Rato made to Tiljcrius, 19^.] TYRONE. 36:} ' you are yourself to blame, you ha\e trusted your sheep, not to the shepherd, but to the wolves.'" When Elizabeth, duly sensible of these errors and mistakes, treated the powerful Earl of Tyrone with lenity, and did liim honour on many occasions, the old nnd new English settlers were ani>:ry, be- cause tlie prospect of large confiscations of ])roperty were disjxiled; they calnmniated him in every wav, laid snares for bin], and endeavoured to drive him to insurrection. So lomj: as Parrot was at the head of \x\A\ affairs tlu^ir plan failed, for that governor acted on the just and humane plan of treating Ire- land and England in the same manner. But he was removed by the intrigues of the English, ('") and retired with tlie universal love (sf tlie Irish; a proof tliat they wc re not so intractable and dillicult to govern, as they wei'c said to be. The directl} opposite course adopted by Eitz- v.illiam. the governor who succeeded him. produced iicw insurrections. In fact, the whole dispute w^as between the old and the new possessors; the latter, wiio liad the ear of the government a])])ealing to the letter of the last arbitrary ordinances, by which they could easily make the others appear to lie rel)els, whereas the Irish aflirnud that, according to more just j)rinciples, the right was on their side and not oii that of their adversaries. The Queen was rathia' the \ ietim of these intricate plans than the promoter of them, and often thouu'ht that she I 366 TYRONE. [ClIAF. II L was supporting religion, justice, and civilisation, when they suffered essential iniurv. Tlie r(uns of government were sometimes held too lax, some- times too tight, and the mercenaries who lived at the expense of the inhabitants, ap])eared but too often to disturl) order and tranquillity instead of maintaining it. Thus there was a constant vacil- lation between two extremes, and under the pretext of law the most arbitrary oppression was exercised, as, on the other hand, extreme barbarism, under the name of liberty. In addition to this, the Pope and Plnhp 11. sup- ported the Irish in their political and relio-ious plans, so that c^ven prudent Englishmen feared, rather than promoted, tlie prosporitv of that kinir- dom; and even Walsingham declared that he did not consider it as high treason, to wish tliat Ireland were swallowed up by the sea. In this state of things, the permission aiven to the inhabitants of Ulster to arm themselves in order to repel the incursions of the Scotch, was attended with very serious consecpiences. Huirh O'Xeale Earl of Tyrone, a man of great talent and energetic character, but harsh and despotic, united many Irish chiefs under his direction, and bea'an an in- surrection, which, from the causes above nu'ntioned, soon spread in such a manner tiiat Elizabdh was forced to think of serious iii(^a>ures to crush it. The Earl of Essex ardently wished to have the f T 1599.] ESSEX. ^ — IKELAXD. cy n )m 00/ command of the English army, and several of liis adversaries encouraged this wish, in order to re- mo\ e him from Court, and to place him in a situation of danu'cr. Francis Bacon thoudit it verv unad- visable to abandon the field to them, and to force himself into an office where so much was at stake, and so little real advantage to ])e obtained. Elizabeth long doubted whether the ardent, bold^ and self-willed Earl was qualified for this difficult task; she, however, at last put him at the head of twentv thousand foot and two thousand horse, wlio repaired to Ireland in the s])ring of 1599. The more numerous the army, and the more unlimited the powers granted to the Earl, the liigher was the expectation of great and speedy success; and Essex himself probably increased^ rather than restricted this hope, by his o^^m confidence. But delays, false measures, the skill of the encmy^ desertion^ sickness^ &c., soon reduced the army in such a degree, that he complained bitterly, and endea- voured to represent his enemies, Cobham, Raleigh, and Cecil, as the indirect causes of the failure. Elizabeth, on the contrary, laid the chief blame upon him, and ordered him to follow the former plans which had been abandoned, and on no account to come to England without her express permission. Instead of this, Essex concluded a treaty with Tvrone, by which all the rebels were promised pardon^ the restoration of the estates possessed by 1 m ;1 ESSEX RETURXS TO ENGLAND. [Cif ap. III. the Engli-sh, and the free exercise of the Romish rehirion, and then hastened to Enu-hmd to instify liiniself and to overthrow his aecusers. In tlio first moment of surprise, Ehzabeth received the Earl very graciously, but after she had (V)lle('ted herself, considering his disol)edierice and the faihire of the enterprise, when many officers, followinu^ iiis ex- ample, left tlie army, already miieli rt^dueed in numbers, and came to Eoiicioii; and wlwn she was asked to contirm a compact withi tlie rebels, which appeared to her cpiite disirraeef^id. ( '*) Inn' in(ho;nation was roused, and she caused the Earl of Essex to be arrested. But as Cecil writes, this was done merely for form sak(\ and he would >uun have been re- stortul to fa\<)!ir, had not the rapid ])rooi<(^ss of Lord Mountjoy in Ireland, which led in the secpud to tlie '^ehnii^^ion of IVrone, placed Iiis (Y)iHh!et in an unfavorable light, vhile the body of the pt-oplo loudly eoniidained of the injnstiet^ which had been done the nobh^ Earl. (•^■^) Tn ordi r to pro\-e how unfounded these com- ])]anits were, Elizabelli caused a strict niveslm-ation to be set on foot, and tlio persons to whom this commission was gi\ en, A\ere of opirnon thaa the EarFs injudicious measures, his arbitrary appoint- ment of commanders, and his return to Eno-land, did not indeed constitute treason, ])ut that he ouiiht to lose
a- tiencc, I must now try your humilitv; but vour own ])rrulencc shall be your guardian." But, when his entire pardon did not follow so soon as Essex ex- pected, and the Queen refused liim the continuance of the oppressive monopoly of sweet wines, his patent for which was nearly expired, he seemed quite bereft of prudence. He took the liberty of makino- contemptuous remarks on her decrepit l)ody and mind, and suffered himself to be misled, both ])y his own violent temper and by liis in- triiruing secretary CufTe, to plans which were as absurd as criminal. (•''^) He entered into a corrc- spond(mce wdth Kin:o to ])ed." Elizabeth's love of learning was so great and long continued, that in her 65th year she translated Horace's Art of Poetry, and Plutarcli's Treatise on Curiosity. We have already sjioken of her poems, of which we subjoin two; tlie first proves how de- licately the virgin Queen understood how to express feelings of deep attachment; the second speaks in a more exalted tone of the dangers of the coun- try, and of the royal duties. It proclaims her reso- lution to draw the sword and punisli the presump- tuous and traitors. 1. I GRIEVE, yet dare not shew my discontent, I love, and yet am forc'd to seem to hate, I dote, but dare not say I never meant, 1 seem stark mute, but inwardly do prate. I am, and not— I freeze, and yet am burn'd, Since from myself my other self 1 turn'd. My care is like my shadow in the sun Follows me flying; flies when I pursue it; Stands and lies by me; docs what I have done; This too familiar care doth make me rue it. No means I find to rid liim from my breast, Till by the end of things it be supprest. VOL. I. \: c c -■'-(«! *,stt,ii5aKs.*t«-. OU ELIZABETH S POEMS. [Ch A I'. III. Some a-eiitler passions steal into aiy mind, (For I am soft and made of mching snow) Or be more cruel, love, or be more kind, Let me or float or sink, be bi^j:h or low. Or let me live with some more sweet content, Or die, and so tbriret what love e'er meant. 2. The dread of future foes, Ex\les mv preserit juve; And wit me warns to shunne such snares As thretten mine annoye. For falslioode now dothe flowe, And subjects faith dothe ebbe, Which should not be, if reason rnl'd, Or wisdom wove tlie webbe. But clouds of joys untry'd, Do cloak aspiring minds; Which turne to rage of late report, By course of changed kindes. The toppes of hope suppose, The roote of rewe shall be; And fruitless of their grafted guyle, As shortlie all shall see. Tbe dazzled eves, with pride And great ambition blynde, Shall be unseal'd I'V worthy wightes W'hose fnresiirhts falsehood fvnde. 1601. j GENERAL IMPROVEMEXT. 387 The daughter of debate, That discord aye doth sowe, Shall reape no gaine where former rule Still peace has taughte to flowe. No forrain banish'd wight Shall ankor in this port, Our realme brooks no seditious sects, Let them elsewhere resort. Mv rustic sword throuHi reste Shall firste his edge employe. To polle the toppes that seek such change, Or gape for such-like joye. All over the kingdom, as well as at her court, the tendency to improvement was rapid and un- interrupted. The palaces displayed equal magni- ficence and taste, and paintings or fine tapestry adorned the rooms and the halls. The usual mode of life was simple and moderate, but on festive occasions, on the visits of foreign ambassadors, and the like, Elizabeth was fond of showing royal splendour; and magnificent processions, elegant ballets, comedies and tragedies alternated wdth serious conversations. (^^) It cannot indeed be de- nied that Elizabeth, fully conscious of the supe- riority of her understanding, aimed too much at making an impression by her beauty, and too unmindful of the chilling hand of time, wished to retain externally the youthful vigour of her mind.(*^^) c c2 \ W I LL L.. .i.j...^mjrxii LaiiuaJ i u mm lemtm UPHAi ;l ' ■, 'if 1./ 388 B A CO N . — ^S H A K S PE AKK [CllAF. ill. But 111 spite of these little vanities and weaknesses to which many persons have attached far too much importance, no court had yet been seen so pohshcd and so moral, so intelligent and so romantic. How far inferior, at least, in every respect is the other- wise so hiddv extolled court of France under Catharine de Medicis and her sons, and what are all the insignificant names recorded in the literary history of France in comparison (to say nothing of all the others) with the two Britons, whose light has, for these two centuries, shone with even in- creasing splendor. Everything which has been observed, thought, discovered, and written witli judgment and penetration upon nature and on man in his mortal state, since Bacon, finds in him its indirect or direct commencement; and if the course pointed out by him, had in aftertimes a partial and injurious effect, the fault must be ascribed rather to the disciples than to the master, whose object w^as to lead men aw^ay from partial views, to an unprejudiced examination of all things. Yet Plato surpasses him in enthusiasm, Aristotle in compre- hensive command of all sciences ; both excel him in clearness of expression, and he can be only the teacher of the more confined circle of science. But with whom shall we compare the unrivalled Shakspeare, or whom shall we place above him? From the tenderest emotions to the most sublime energy, from the most playful humour to prophetic * *-\ « i 1601.] SHAKSPEARE. 389 dignity, he commands the whole scale of feeling and of thought; and while so many renowned poets erect their throne on a small section of the magic circle of poetry, beyond which they are unable to pass, he lavishes his inexhaustible treasures in all directions, and commands the admiration of the most simplC;, as well as of the most cultivated minds. Such were the times of the forty-five years' glorious reign of Elizabeth. By great temperance she had enjoved almost uninterrupted health to her seven- tieth year. But now the sufferings of age and disease began seriously to afflict her, swellings in the glands of the neck and the palate, as w^ell as weakness of digestion, made it extremely difl&cult for her to take nourishment; and medicine, which even in her younger days she had disliked, was more disagreeable to her than ever. To these bo- dily sufferings was added gloomy silence and me- lancholy, to explain which, without regard to what was most obvious, many artificial reasons were as- signed. Sometimes jealousy of her successor, or regret at her severity to Essex, or at her clemency to Tyrone, were alleged as the cause, and many persons would willingly have given more impor- tance to the uncertain manner of the last hours, than to the tenor of her whole long life. For, though the greatest and most active minds most deeply feel and recognise in some moments the \ UPBHiL-Jl"" '!^^ff^^ 5«flSS5 390 Elizabeth's death. [CiiAr. III. frailty and emptiness of everything human, yet the energy implanted in them by God raises them acrain, and it is onlv at the end of its mortal career that the mind in sadness and hope turns exclu- sivelv^ to what is eternal and imperishable. Hence Elizabeth, a few months before her death, said to the French ambassador, 'l am weary of life, as nothino- anv lono-er satisfies my mind or gives me pleasure." And yet even according to the accounts of those who mention these conjectures of jealousy, regret, &c., her end was very different from what half-informed persons suppose. She died, says Camden, on the 3d of x\pril, 1603, the most gentle death, such as Augustus wished for. Johnston relates, after the strength of the body had been much weakened by the reaction of the struggling spirit, she bore her last sufferings with the greatest patience and firmness, and died gently and tran- quilly after pious conversations, with her mind directed to God. In the last days, says Thuanus, both body and mind were exhausted; but a gentle peaceful death closed the happiest life, as it was preceded by nothing melancholy and ominous, no impatience at pain, no torture or convulsions. We are very sensible that our character of Elizabeth, like that of the Emperor Charles V., remote as we are from all reasons for predilection and aversion, will be accused of partiality; for no one will take anything upon credit, nor give him- r , 1603.] CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 391 self the trouble of investigating the original au- thorities, setting aside all prejudices. Instead of anv other iustification, we will give at the conclu- sion tlie opinion of the greatest historian of those tunes, namely, Thuanus, a Frenchman and a Roman Catholic, who will, probably, be allowed to be im- partial. The following is the substance of it. "Elizabeth was of a lofty and manly spirit, rapidly matured for the serious business of life by her early fortune. She governed by her own under- standing, not through that of others ; ably combined moderation with prudence, was severe only to the arrogant and intractable nobility, but mild to all others; so that from the very beginning she inspired the former with respect and the latter with affec- tion: rewarding real merit; frugal in order not to oppress her people; far from extravagant and in- temperate enjoyments; acting with equanimity, and foreseeing the future. She loved peace, but under the female government the courage and glory of her people was not impaired. If vanity and a desire to pleasQ diminished her reputation, they never affected her firm and thereby uninterrupted government. She spoke too of her age, and called herself an old woman. In her were seen noble virtues, worthy of the greatest King, and but a few defects, excusable by her sex. Many sought to obscure her glory out of religious hatred, and ascribed to cruelty what she did only from necessity i "e. ..^^^.a..»-«a» m$mm>mmmmM.>^^mmmi^mmi'^i^^^^^ 392 Elizabeth's character. [Chat. Ill and for lier own safety; so that to do awav with the envy wliich some feel, nothing- is wanted but time, which will in future prove to be tlie best panegyrist of Elizabeth, since notliing comparable to her is to be found in the history of the past era, will easily be found in that of the future." Cardinal Riclielieu, who excluded all women from the direction of pul)hc affairs, adds, '' Yet this century has produced one who cannot be sufficiently extolled." Anna of Este, the motluu' of the Guises, an enemy of Elizabeth, said of her, '' She is the most trlorious and most liappy of women that e\'er bore the sceptre;" and in the same spirit. Lord Russeb a liberal Whiu' savs. ''Of the Enu'lish, per- haps of all sovereigns of mo(h;rn times, the tirst place belongs to Elizabcth/\''') e given up, in order to treat him m the same manner; whv does not he desire his mother lo l)e driven up, in order to punish her for that crime?" Letters from M. de Mauvissicre to the Queen of Scots, i.3S4, (no date (4' the month.) Bibl. HarL, 1582, fob 398. (10) Page 311. In January, 1583, Elizabeth said to tlie Preach Ambassador, Mauvissiere, "If the Queen of Scotland had had anvbudv else to deal witli, she wiiuld have lo.>t Iter hfe long ago. She has a correspondence witli rebels in England, agents in Paris, Pome, and Madrid, and carries on plots against me all over Christendom, the olyect of whicli (as messengers who liave been taken confess,) is to deprive me of my kingdom and mv life." Letters of M. de Mfi>(vissicrc to Kiiui Hcnri^ ///. Bibl, HarL, No. 1582, fol. 324. (11) Pan:e311. Burtjhlev was only a political enemv to Mary. In the summer of 1573, he prevailed on Elizabeth to allow tier lo visit Buxton tor tlie l)eneht of the watt rs. She went thither in the custody of the Earl of Shrewsbury and of has Countess Elizabeth. " I told iicr Majesty that if in very dede her sickness was to be relieved thereby, her Majesty could uot in honor deny iiir to liave the natural remedy therof." Lodfje, vol. 11., p. 111. Nay, when Biirghley had spukeii to -Marv at Buxton, Eiizabttii re|>roached him, manifestinsr some NOTES. — CHAPTER 111. 395 buspicion, and he wrote, on the 24th of December, 1575, m his detence to the Earl of Shrewsbury: *' I know and do under- stand, that I am in this contrary sort, maliciously depraved, on the one part, that I am the most dangerous enemy and evill willar to the Queene of Scots; on the other syde, that I am also in secret well willar to hir and hir title, and that 1 have made my party good with her." He says he is a taithfid servant to his Queen, and no enemy to Mary, as God knows, but "If slie shall intend any evill, I must and well meane to impeach hir, and therin I may be hir unfrend or worss." Lodge, vol. IE, p. 132. It had probably- appeared singular to E^lizabeth that Burghley, Leicester, Lady- Essex, Lady Norris, and many Catholics, visited, or proposed to visit, Buxton that summer. Lodge, \o\. IE, pp. 150 — 161 — 171___189. Nures, vol. HE, p. 50. (12) Page 31 E Mary complained of the manner in which E'rance treated her, and that her uncle the Cardinal of Lorraine disposed, at his pleasure, of her income in France, so that no part of it came into her hands. Lodge^ vol. IE, p. 96. (13) Page 312. The French Ambassador had gained over many persons in England, and wrote to Henry HE that he was able to excite disturbances; but the King ordered him to pro- ceed With caution, and not to give ground for suspicion. Letters from Henri/ III. to M. de Mauvissicre, May 17, 1585. Pinart dejKches, vol. 8811. (14) Patre 314. Letter of M. de Mauvissicre to Henry III., Dec. 19, 1583. Bibl. HarL, No. 1582, fol. 329. On another occasion Elizabeth, conversing in Latin with the bishop of St. Andrew's, said, '' I am more afraid of making a mistake in Latin than I am of the King of Spain, France, and Scotland, or of the Queen of Scotland:" and to the Duke of Guise, Mauvissiere wrote, on the 4th of May, 1534, '' Believe me, Queen Elizabeth now fears nothing that may liappen to her, and well f ,«^s#8r««i:^!».a^-j<> , I 396 NOTES.— CHAPTER 111. IvDows how to meet etiectuully every danger." BibL Har!., No. 1582, tbl. 355. (15) Page 315. Camdeyi, p. 421. Even the French Aiis- bassador, Count liarley de Beaumont, a Catholic, declared ao-ainst the viesuits, and said, " It is not necessarv to be a bad subject, m order to be a good Christian. Obstinacy, perversity, indiscreet zeal for the Catholic religion, liavc been the ruin of that sect in England. They uot only refused to acknowledge and obey the Queen, but even engaged in conspiracies against her person, and entered into alHances witli the enemies of tlie kingdom, m order to effect her overthrow. Thus instead of ob- taining', throu;_;-h iier iiidulii;enct', protection and support, tliey have so provoked the Queen, that she has been compelled, out of regard to lier own safety, to use severity, and to deprive them of all liberty.'* (16) Page 3M. It is hiuhlv |)roba!)le tluit most of tlieni might have obtained pardon, had thev been prepared distinctly to abandon tlse deposing power of their chief. VauyhaiCs Mem. of the Stuarts, vol. I., i). ■)7. But umloubtedlv every one who recognised tlie ri^ht vf tiie Pope to depose Elizabeth, was not a good subject of tiie existing government. (17) Page 316. It was certainly severe for a Queen, but she was not alwavs so badly otF as she lierself describes at a later period. Thus in the year 1577, she liad still thirty servants: Nares, vol. IL, p. 512, vol. IIP, 277. Lcttres de Marie Stuart a son Ambassadeur Glasco, (^Glasgow in Prance, in the MS. at Aix, No. 105,) and in tlie sequel, at least sixteen. "The Earl of Shrewsbury complains of the very great consumption of wme for drinkmg and hatldiKj, and says that IMary's servants pur- posely put out of the way or destroy much." Lodge s Illus., vol. IP, p. 21~ 52 — 7 1— 23j<. The lodging', of wiuch she com- plains in the year 1586, was assigned her only for a short time, and her description is certainly exaggerated, Bnt in proportion \ NOTES. CHAPTER 111. 397 as siie was restricted m a political view, the more agreeable ought her life to have been made to her, and every ground of complaint avoided. Mary's complaints, here alluded to, are contained in a letter, the original of which is in Fond Bethune Mscr., 8691, dated Tuthbury, September 6, 1586, and was printed by Lord Bridgewater, but not published by him. It \s inserted in M. Raumer's Illustrations of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. (18) Page 318. Holinsh.. vol. IV., p. 630. Rympr, vol. VP, p. 4 — 184. Collins, Sijdneij Papers, vol. I. Leicester's letters from the Netherlands shew that he was impetuous in his tem- per, but not without ability in the conduct of affairs. Burghley himself took his part in some particulars, and declared to the Queen that he would rather lay down his office, because, in the way tluit was proposed, disgrace and danger was inevitable. Miscell. State Papers, vol. P, p. 297-— -324, (19) Page 318. Ilolinsh., vol. IV., p. 916—923. Camden, p. 471. Thuanus, LXXXVP, p. 8. Wolfs History of the Jesuits, vol. P, p. 389. Turner, p. 632, Outvying each other in fanatic zeal, some proposed to set tire to the shipping, to plunder Pondoii, and murder the most distinguished men. State Trials, vol. IV., p. 151. (20) Page 318. Yet the people testified no compassion, so well deserved did they consider the punishment to be. Tlie executions took place on the 7th and 8th of September, 15S6. According to the State Trials, yo). IV., p. 166, Elizabeth gave orders, after the first cruel executions, only to hang the guilty, and not to proceed to the operation of quartering till after death. (21) Page 319. There are proofs in IMary's letters in the library at Aix, and in the correspondence between her and M. de Mauvissiere in the llarleian library, that she had greatly esteemed Nau and Curl, and believed them to be faithful. (22) Page 320. Thuanus, LXXXVP, p. 9. When Mary, ''»"'';*^±Be»-**;fl,*'^u'j *»_i ST 398 NOTES.— CHAPTER HI. during the investigation, called Burghley her enemv, he replied, *'Yes, i am an enemy to tlie enemies of Elizabeth." Slate Trials, vol IV., p. 184. (23) Page 328. According to Aubery Mem. Pref. Bellievre had secret instructions, which were directly contrary to his osten- sible mission, and urging the execution of Mary as an enemy to both kingdoms. This statement seems hardly credible when we read Bellievre's earnest and able representation in the Negociations d' Angle terre, vol. XXXIV., p. 383 and sq. Bibl. Roy. Chamhre dcs Levant. Sixtus V. also had given Bellievre full powers to speak in favour of Mary. Tempest? vita de Sisto V. vol. I., p. 315. Turner, p. 643. (24) Page 329. Journal de Henri III., p. 500. Johnsf. p. 118. Khevenh,, vol. IL, p. 480. Aubignc, vol. Ill, p, 134. says, (but it is improbable,) that Henry IV. and the Hu2:uenots in France, on Elizabeth's application, gave their opinion in favour of capital punishment. (25) Page 329. Birch's Memoirs, vol. I., p. 52. 3PCrie, Life of Melvilj vol I., p. 366, endeavours to prove from Courcelles' Dispatches, that James by no means earnestly en- deavoured to save liis Mother. He did not wish to risk his right to the succession, feared a war with England, and said, "If I did not speak earlier of the liberation of my mother it was because she had sent me w^ord not to do it, and I will not do service to any ungrateful person ! (26) Page 334. That hopes had been held out to Babington of Mary's hand, is related by Thuanus, LXXXVI., p. 8, and Camden^ p. 521. (27) Page 335. Burghley said, '' U Elizabeth died, such a matter would drive me to the end of my wits." He and others considered Mary to be wholly unworthy of the throne. Hallam, vol. III., p. 184. (28) Page 337. Several historians relate^ "Elizabeth caused NOTES.— CHAPTER III. 399 Amias Paulet to be invited to murder Mary, but that the noble- minded man rejected the proposal with indignation." The conviction that nothing should be taken on credit that concerns the relations of the two Queens, induced me to enter on new investigations, the result of which I will here commu- nicate. The account is founded on two letters, the first of which is addressed by Davison and Walsingham to Paulet and Drurv, who were the keepers of Mary; the second contains the answer of these two men. In the former it is stated, that Elizabeth had said, slie wondered that none of her subjects (not even of those also who liad united for her especial protection,) de- livered her from a justly condemned, and dangerous enemy : that, on the contrary, the whole burden was laid on her, though It was well known how unwillingly she shed blood, and above all lliat of a (^leen, who was allied to her; nay, did not the dan- ger of her servants and subjects move her more than her own, she would not now give her sanction to the infliction of such ppnj^lty. — Here follow more particular allusions to the situation of Paulet with respect to Mary, and what he might easily do. The letter concludes with these words: ''We have thought fit to make you acquainted with these words lately spoken by the Queen, and leave the rest to your judgment." Paulet replied that he would not shed blood without right and authority, and thereby disgrace himself and his posterity: he hoped that Elizabeth would not be displeased at this an- swer, from one who would yield to none in affection, loyalty, and obedience to his Queen. If these letters are genuine, it follows that Elizabeth, excited by the difhculties with which she was surrounded, wished for the death of Mary, and considered that it would be justifiable to put her out of the w^ay, she being condemned, whereas a public execution seemed to be attended with great difficulties. But momentary impulses of this kind could by no means lead her to give to Paulet, either herself or through others, authority 400 NOTES. CHAPTER HI. for the murder of ^lary. The blame ot haviiiLi; propagated equivocal expressions m an equivocal manner, and thereby pro- ducing: the resolute answer of Paulet, (or they would otherwise have caused the death of Mary,) would therefore fall chiedy on Davison and Walsingham. But, and this is the main question, are these letters genuine? We find them printed first in ]72'2, hi the third volume of Mackenzie's Lives; then in 1725, in Freebairn's Life of iVLirie; then in 17 -T, in Hearne's Chronicle of Robert of (iloucester, vol. II., p. ^76. In the first place, the Editors and Reporters t of Bioirraphia 13ritainuca, art. Davison; State Trials, vol. IV., p. '219, et seqq., do not agree together, who first had the letters printed, and whence they were obtained. Thus while one says, both were copied from the originals; others, relate that both were found aniun^ Paulet's papers, or iliat a Mr. Urry, or C'urrv, coiritd them from an old manuscript, in wdiich there is also Paulet's account of the execution of Mary. 1 observe, Firstly. It is niconceivable how thi- originals of Loth letters should have been fnund tog^other anywhere. Secondly. It is inconceivable that nobody should have copied them from Paulet's papers before the year 1722, or that Mr. IJrrv, who copied them, did nut likewise communicate the im- portant letter, on Mary's death, to tier I'iographer. Thirdly. Not the slightest critical account is added of the original, or of Paulet's papers, or of the old copy-book. No editor saw or exanuned it^ authenticity, and it does not even appear certain, where and how the copies were made, or who possessed them. To enable us to form a decided opinion, this and similar points must be cleared up, m order to obviate the doubts that at once suggest themselves. Fourthly. Davison, whose statements, besides, differ in many places, says, " Walsingham, (State Trials, vol. IV., p. 212,) was, at this time, id at lus countrv-house, as it seems, because he would have nothimi to do with al! the matters relative to J NOTES. — C H A PT E R I H 4ril Mary." And yet we are to believe that this most prudent of all the statesmen of those times, (who had counteracted Leicester's proposal to put Mary out of the way secretly, and who was for a time suspected of favouring her,) inconsiderately united in so highly dangerous an afiair, with a man so little to be depended on as Davison. {Camden, p. 473.) Lastly, how^ are we to account for his atlinning on the one hand, that he liad with great courage dissuaded Elizabeth from the execution of Marv, and then writing, without orders, a letter, recommending her murder, by which he sacrificed at once his own and Walsingham's character, as well as that of the Queen. Fifthly. The subscription to the letter of Paulet and Drury, "your most assured friends," appears to Salmon, in his Revieiu of State Trials, so unusual and unsuitable, that on that ground alone he declares the letters to be spurious; and says, " regular proofs of their authenticity are out of the question, but manv would decide at once, according to their opinions and feelings." He concludes his observations, (p. 34,) by saying, " I make it a rule to Judge of Princes, as well as of private persons, ac- cording to the general spirit and connection of their actions, not according to a single event, especially when there are suflBcient grounds for believing that it has not been fairly represented. But I know not whence it comes; the multitude are inclined to accuse their superiors on the slightest insinu- ations, and eager to swallow whatever is adduced to their dis- advantage, though they would acknowledge the injustice of such a mode of proceeding in any case in wliich a private person was concerned. [The preceding note was already sent to the press when the Author's new work, " Elizabeth and Mary Stuart," was pub- lished. In this work, which contains the result of further laborious researches in the British Museum and State-paper Office, is the following passage:] " I have discussed, in my 'History of Europe,' the question, VOL. i. ri d / / — ^ 402 NOTES. — CHAPTER UL whether Elizabeth caused Paulet to be written to, to this etTeet: New discoveries phice the matter in a different light. First, 1 found a letter of Elizabeth to Paulet, of January 5, 1587, (it may be 1586,) in which she consoles iiini for the loss of his son, and adds, 'with respect to vour recall, tliis is a subject of our especial care, and we tliink shortly to send vou a successor. At the same time we assure yoii tluit vour services have been highly agreeable, and liavc so pleased us, that we pray to (Jod that vour successor mav tread in vour steps. You will, duubt- less, give him sucli instructions anti advice as may be necessary for the good of our service m tiiis most dangerous world.' "In a letter of Paulet's, of the 9th of December, 1586, he says, 'Queen PJizabeth lias answered the Frem-h ambassador in such a sound, princely, and majestic manner, as to cxcde the admiration of all that heard il. Her Highness lias been so iustlv provoked in manv wav^, tliat she will not irivt; wav to the pride of so poor a neighbour, Ijut check it m tlit' bud.' In conclusion, Paulet says, *' tluit he is convinced of tla; honorable necessity of the case;' by whicli hv, undoubtedly, means the execution of Mary. On the 2d of January, 1587, Paulet writes to Walsingham, ' 1 wish you all good means to restore your health; but this cold season seems to need liol and tamest solicitors; the delay is dreadful; (rod send a good and happv issue.' ''Hence it should seem that Paulet considered the sentence as just, and tfie execution of it necessary. An idea might therefore arise, that lie would consider the secret execution oi' Mary as recommended by policy, and justified, and would assist in it. There are in the British Museum, {Cod. Hart. 6994, No. 29 — 30,) copies of the two printed letters of Davison and Walsingham to Paulet, of the 1st of January; and Paulet's answer of the 2d of February, but it is not stated whence they came. •'Oiithe same ist of February, Davison, (withoutWalsingham,) NOTES.— CHAPTER 111. 403 1 i: i wrote as follow^s to Paulet. 'I beg you burn this and the inclosed, as we assure you shall be done with your answer when it has been shown to the Queen for her satisfaction.' T also found the Postscript of a letter from Davison, dated the 3d of February; the letter itself is missing, and no mention is made of Walsingham. The PS. says, ' I requested you in my last letter to burn the two I sent you, on account of the contents, which, as I see from your answer to the secretary (Walsingham,) does not appear to have been done. I again beg you make heretics of both, as shall be done to your letter when her Majesty lias seen it.' At the end of the Postscript he says, ' 1 beg you let me know^ what you have done with my letters, because they are not fit to be preserved, that I may satisfy her Majesty, who might otherwise take otTence thereat. If vou treat this proposal in the same manner, you will not in the least err.' On the Sth of February, Paulet answers Davison. 'Christ commands us to bear the impatience of the afflicted; I find, to my great satisfaction, that vou have learned this Christian doctrine. For you are satisfied to l)ear my mal- apertness, by which you bind me to love and honour you more and more, which 1 will faithfully do. Should I say tliat I had burnt the papers, (you know whicli,) I do not know whether everybody would believe me; I therefore keep them to deliver them into your own hands the next time I am in London. God bless you, and let all your doings turn to his glory. * Yours, most assuredly to my little |)0wer, ^ Fothcringay ; Feb. 8, 1587.' 'A. Paulet.' If we consider the matter impartially, as it now stands, the following may be the result: Firstly, there seems to be no doubt that the two letters in question were really written to and by Paulet. Notwithstanding all the care and anxiety, copies at least have been preserved, to the authenticity of which the two subsequent letters of Davison, and Paulet's second letter, 1) d 2 404 NOTES.— (HA PTER III. If bear indirect testimony. Salmon's objection to the subscription, *' Your most assured friends," fulls to the ground; for f find. that this expression was in g-eneral use at that time, and the oniv doubt remaininic i^, whctlier Paulet and Drury were of sutficient rank to use tlieni to Davison and \\'alsinghan). Paulet, however, in his second letter writes, " Yours, most assuredly." '' Seco7idIi/ : it i>^ very probable tliat ElizaV)et!i luad spoken of this plan, at least witli Davison; leit it is doubtful whetlier slie gave a formal direction to write to Paulet, and whether she saw his answer, as Davison atlirms. Davison had, pei;iiaps, cal- culated on an answer from Paulet, approving the idea, in order thus more etlectually to suppcet it, and give strength to his negociation. Hence his great fear, lest duy thing should pre- maturelv transpire. " TJiirdly : while the doenments tliat leave hcvn found bring us nearer to tlie truth, and throw frtsli le^iit on the subject, a new enigma arises. Davison affirms tliat the Queen signed the warrant, arid '^i-ave it to him, to be immediately delivered and executed ; and yet, after the public execution had already been ordered, caused negociations to be entered into for a private murder. Tins is evidently a confusion (jf dates, {a Hystcron- Proteron,) and a misrepresentation of tacts. The matter is cleared up in a very simple manner, if we assume that Elizabeth provisionally signed the warrant, but commanded Davison not to give it out of Ids hands.'' It has been judged best to give this whole passage without cancelling the Author's preceding arguments, so that the reader has the whole before him. We refer him for the complete view of the question between the two Queens to the Author's new work, which will shortly be published in VA-i^^Vah.— Translator s Note. (30) Page 337. To have it m readiness if any attempt* should t)e begun. State Triads, vol. IV., p, 2^8. Popham, NOTES.— CHAPTER III. 405 I tlie Attorney General, said in the proceedings against Davison : " Elizabeth had neither consented to nor denied the execution of Marv, esteeminir no clemencv in the former, nor wisdom in the latter." Ibid. (31) Page 338. Avery remarkable account of the execution in the same Vol. XXXIV. of the Negociations d'Angleterrc, re- ferred to in Note 23, whicli was probably sent by tlie French ambassador. (32) Page 339. Ailan, vol. IL, p. 106. I never knew^ her fetch a sigh but when the Queen of Scots was beheaded. Then? upon mv knowledge, she shed many tears and sighs, manifest- ing lier innocence that she never gave consent to the death of til at Queen. Osborne's Mem. in the History of James I., vol. L, page 109. (33) Page 340. Cam^ew, p. 531, 535. Thuanus.LXXXW., p. 13. Spotswood, p. 335. Davison said, he considered what he had done to be meritorious and useful, and had believed it was agreeable to the Queen. What would have I seen said had any misfortune happened to her, while he kept in his pocket the order for Mary's execution. State Trials, vol. IV., p. 209. Great light is thrown on Davison's conduct, the opinions on it, and Elizabetli's view, by the following report of M. Chateauneuf, tlie French ambassador to Henry III., dated April, 1585, and which is in vol. LI I. of the Memoires et Traitcs concernant V Angleterre : "Walsingham made me many excuses on tlie death of the Queen of Scotland, and laid all the blame upon Davison, who, however, he said, had done nothing but what an honest man, the faithful servant of his Queen, and a friend of his country, was bound to do. That it was, however, true, that he had exceeded the Queen's orders, but after the opinion of the Council. Walsingham has even told me, that he had got the sentence of deatli passed under the great seal by the Chancellor, under the pretext that it was a commission for Ireland, so that NOTES, CHAPTER 111. NOTES. — CHAPTER 111. 407 tlie Chancellor had applied the seal without liavin$^ read die contents. The Queen (he added,' was so incensed against all the members of the council, that she refused to see any of tliern, even Leicester, Burgiiley, and llatton, because they liad given credit to a mere assertion ot Davison. To act tlius without her knowledge, was equivalent to placing iicr under tutelage. ^^Nevertheless, as ilie execution was necessary for the welfare of Elizabeth and her kinudoni, thcv thouarlit it very strange that the King of France should !>e so offended at it." (34) Page 343. Kendlo, vol. 1\'., p|). 2b7 — 344. lluine, too, according t, and in IMnrd ill's State Papers j there are also proofs that Mary knew of tlic conspiracy against Elizabeth, and corresponded with BabMn^'fnn. Turner, \). ^^'^i^, says: "That Mary was fully involved in the conspiracy for invading Elizabeth, and for an internal insurrection to tlepose her, a.nd that she patronized the plot of the wrote hitn a letter cd' con- dolence. At Rome, the following was found hxcd to tla; statue of Pas(|uin : *' Pontificem mille annorom iiidulgentias largiturum esse de pUMiitiidine potestatis sua*, si (piis certo sibi indicaverit, quid sit factum de Classe Hispanica. l^uo ahierit^ In coelumne sublata an ad Tartara detrusa, vel in aere alicubi pendeat, an in aiiquo mari tluctuaif " Narts^ vol. 111., p. 335. (46) Page 359. Memoirs of Essex, London, 1753, p. 12. Psab/i 1\-., *J-I. The Alliance with the Netiierlandb was re- newed in iV)8, Ccondc/i, p. 769. But Burghley saiil to the deputies, that tlic King of France did right in giving to his subjects peace, wliich was imperativelv necessary: *Miiot teaen- staende de tractaten anihrs enthielden; seggende dat de selve hadden, ende moesten hebben civde interpretatien." Lcven van olden ^ Barnevcldt'Loci stein, 1658, p. 29. (47) Page 36U. Thuan., vol. LXXXIX.. \y. 10. Leicester left debts, partly due to the |)ublic treasury, tvu' tlie ptivnunt t)f which iiis etiects were sold. Johnston, pp. I-jCj — 254. LiJ'a of Leicester, p. 2>1. l4s) Page :MjO. Rymer, vol. VIIL, p|). I— 57-^101. Re- specting m\ apparent love intrigue between Kssex, wliu was m<\iiitd, and Misa liiidges, a young uiii\ Kji the eouit, see NOTES.— CHAPTER III. 409 \ I i.'ollins^s Sifdncy Pttpcrs, vol. IL, pp. 38 — 90. Ibid. p. 83, on some disputes of Southampton, Raleigh, &c. (49) Page 361. **Le plus petit compagnon d'Angleterre." Mor/iUi/j vol. 11., p. 137. (50) Page 363. In the year 1359, the Commons are men- tioned in the Irish Parliament; till that time it was only an assembly of powerful men. Ilallam, vol. 111., p. 473. They were summoned, too, rather for single counties than for the whole kingdom. Gordon, vol. L, p. 325. Poyning's laws were beneficial, in comparison of tlie preceding want of law, but were by no means carried into effect in the whole country. Ddvies's Wurs of Inland, pp. 160—162. (51) Page 364. In 1602 she said to the French ambassador, llarley de Beaumont, " I was inclined to go myself to Ireland, but my council declared, that my people would never consent to my leaving this kingdom, and put me in mind that King James of Scotland might perhaps attempt to occupy my place during my absence. I pay no regard to grounds of personal danger, so hiiihlv do 1 uri/e my honuur and the welfare of mv subjects. (53) Page 365. Perrot had dropped some intemperate ex- pressions respecting Elizabeth, was calumniated, accused of treason, and died in the Tuwer. Salmons Review cf State Tnals, {). 39. (Hume, however, blames Perrot ; he says, " But the most unhappy expedient employed in the government of helaiul, was that made use of, m 1585, by Sir John Perrot, at that time Lord Deputy: he put arms into the hands of the Irish inhabitants of Ulster, in order to enable them, without the assistance of the government, to repress the incursions of the Scotcii islanders, bv which these parts were much infested,") Note of Translator, (53) Page 368. All this decided, but not that Essex surprised the Queen, en sa nudite de tHe et son alopecic. Cayet, Chronol. srpfannaire,\'o]. IT., p 234. According: to ilir Aulicus Coquin- ^' a«a:il22CXif-"SS'^^*«^;M^^S!S»i 410 NOTES . — CH A PTE R III. ariie, vol. 1L> p. 141. Elizabeth immediately said to Essex, ''God's death, my Lord, what do you here, &c.?" Some said Essex had returned on a false report of the death of Elizabeth. Oshorn on Essex's Death. Works, p. 609. The following particulars are taken from Collinses Sydney Papers, vol. 11. , p. 90, — 213. "Essex, immediately after he alighted from the car- riage, hastened, without changing his travelling dress, to the Queen's bed-chamber. After the tirst audience, he appeared to be very cheerful and contented, and was visited by many lords and ladies, but questions and reproaches soon followed, and, on the •29th of September, the first formal hearing took place. While in custody, (of Lord-keeper Egerton, to which he was committed, sequestered from all company, without per- mission to see his Countess, or even to correspond with lier : Hume;) Essex became seriously ill, so that Elizabeth, to cheer his spirit, sent him a message, saying, that if she thought such a step consistent with her honour, she would visit him. It was observed that tears stood in her eyes as she spoke these words. (p. 151 .) The false zeal of his partisans, libellous publications, and the offensive prayers in the churches pronounced by some clergy- men, did the Earl great injiirv. At tlie beginning of February, he sent to the Queen, through Cecil, a penitent letter, which seemed to appease her. Yet it was not till the 26th of August, that he recovered his liberty, but not permission to appear at court." (54) Page 36S. Mountjov and Francis Bacon voted for reli- n-ious toleration and political amnesty, and the latter was pro- claimed in December, 1600; but the merciful orders of Elizabeth were bv no means generally executed. Curry, vol. L, p. 35 — 37, The suppression of the rebellion cost immense sums, which mi^'-ht have been spared if a different system had been followed. Gordoi, \o\. I., p. 312. {55) Page 369. It is doubtful whether Essex had not chiefly his own end^ in view. At least, the Earl of Northumberland wrote tu James after ins death, *' Essex wore the crown of I 41 NOTE8. CHAPTER 111. 411 England in his heart these many years, and was, therefore, far from putting it upon your head if it had been in his power." Aikiiis Life of James, vol. L, p. 67. {56) Pai^e 374. Aubrey's Mem. p. 215. Oshorn s Memoirs of Elizabeth, p. 397, and of the Court of James I., vol. I. p. 107. The acute and accurate d'Avrigny in his Memoirs, vol. I. p. 6, savs, "The story is apocryphe et devolu aux faiseurs des liomans.'^ (57) Page 375. Cayet Chronol. Scptannaire, vol. II., p. 284. Thuanus,CXX\l.,p. 6. "Prudence cannot lay the fault at the door of Elizabeth's justice, but the ill management of her mercy," says Osborn, Works, p. 615. In order to t!y followed by eternal contempt and inevitable de.-truetiun. I do not doubt tiiat tlie Km''- of France, who is not accustomed to such events, and is naturally inclined to forgive and to forget injuries, sutlers severelv, when he is called upon to resolve on tlie destruction of a man whom he so mucii loved aiul honoured. I myst If have too well expe- rienced how strong this disposition of the mind is, and 1 shall teei tliis grief as long as I live; but where the welfare of my kingdom was at stake, —where I was compelled to give an example, and to bear in mind the safety of my successors, 1 was bound not to yield t^. my own inclination. I have tbund my advantage in aetma" in this manner, and if the king does the same, lie will likewise lay the foundation of tranquillity, and relieve his soul from suspicion and mistrust, wliich hinder him from irovernin^- m freedom and satisfaction.'" (58) Page 376. TownshemVs Journal of the Lords tmd NOTES. — CHAPTER ill. 413 Commons, p. '251, Under the year 1596, the French Ambas- sador, Bouillon, reports, *'The government is wholly in the hands of the Queen, who has at the same time established a wonderful obedience to herself, and is extremely beloved and honoured by the people. The Parliament had formerly great authority in the kingdom, but now does whatever the Queen pleases. The Prelates are dependent, the Barons are few in number, and neither venture to displease her; and the people have had such long experience of the mildness and advantages of her government, that they grant whatever she wishes. (59) Page 376. Haliam, vol. 111., i*. 386, says justly: "When judges make remonstrances against arbitrary authority, this proves more for liberty than some arbitrary acts for tyranny." (60) Page 377. Mezerai, vol. VI., p,-283, declares Eliza- beth worthv of tlie highest praise, especially '' pour Fardent amour, dont die cherissoit ses peuples, vertu que pent couvrir tous les autres vices d'un souverain." (61) Page 379. Respecting all these things, see the fourtii volume o( A7iderso?i's History of Commerce. (62) Page 38U. " The best demonstration of Burgldey's care in stewarding her treasure was this: that tlie Queen, vying sil- ver and gold with the King of Spain, had money or credit, when the other had neither: her exchequer, though but a pond in comparison, holding water, when his river, fed with a spring from the Indies, was drained dry," Fuller s Holy State, in Nares, vol. III., p. 415. (63) Page 381. It was in 1550 tliat sons of Peers were first elected Members of the House of Commons; Elizabeth, in the course of her reign, gave to thirty-one towns, sixty-two votes in the Commons. Andrews, vol. II., p. 25. Par Ham. Hist., vol. I., p. 958. The Members for inland counties, at that time, received a certain sum per diem. Holinshed, vol. V., p. 346--~355. (64) Page 383. Individual instances ot' the violation of per- 414 NOTES. — CH A PTKR 111. NOTES.—- CHAPTER III 415 soiial liberty undoubtedly occurred in England at that time, but they were far more rare than in other countries. Haliam, vol. III., p. 336. (65) Page 387. Johnston, p. 352. Aikhu vol. fl., p. 30. *' As wisdom and secrecie appeared in her council, so hospitality, charity, and splendor were dilated over the whole court." Osbor/iy Mem. of Eliz., p. 330. (fi6) Page 387. '^ She left an immense quantity of dresses." Andreius, vol. II., p. 202. *'In the year 1601, she sang to the French Ambassador Biron, accompanying herself on the lute, and all who heard her appeared to be delighted." Matthleu; vie p. 419. " Elizabeth gave a fete to the Duke of Nevers, in 1602, and opened the ball with him in a gaiilarde, whicli she danced with a degree of perfection that was adniiidble at her age. Since tlie Duko of Alencon, she had not done thi- honour to any foreign prince." Report of M. llarlcy dc Beaumont, of May, 1602. (67) Page 392. R./sselFs Essai/ on the English Government, p. 37. Even the Jesuit Pere d'Orlcans, (Revolutions d'Angleterre, liv. MIL, p. 176,) says, *' Jamais tete couronnee ne sut mieux Part de regner et ne tit moins de fautes dans un Ioiilt reirnf. Personne de son terns n'eut plus d'espnt qu'ellc, plu'^ d'adresse, plus de^penetration." Pope Sixtus V. said, ^\Si elle n'etait here- tique, elle vaudrait un monde." (A) Page 316. As the author here refers to another division of the General History of Europe, wliicli it is not intended to publish in English, the translator has judged it most advisable to give, chiefly from Hume, an outline of the transaction l)etween Elizabeth and the Netherlands, in a separate note, in order not to break in upon the author's narrative. Tlie Low Countries having revolted from the tyrannical go- vernment of Philip IL, but being unable effectuallv to resist the formidable powder of that monarch, had already, in 1779, 1 sent a solemn Embassy to London, to offer the sovereignty of their provinces to Queen Elizabeth, if she would exert lier pow^r in their defence. Though Elizabeth was induced by many motives to decline theofier, she however sent them 20,000/. to pay the troops, and agreed to furnish them with 5000 foot and 1000 horse, to be maintained by them, and to lend them 100,000/. on receiving the bonds of some of the chief cities, for repayment within the year. This treaty was signed on tlie 7th of January, 1778. In the following years the war of the revolted provinces with Spain was carried on with various success, till the assassination of the heroic Prince of Orange, by Balthasar Gerard, on the 10th of July, 1584, filled the inhabitants of the Netherlands with grief and dismay, and being very hard pressed, thev saw the absolute necessity of foreign aid, and applied, as related in the text, to Queen Elizabeth. When the Earl of Leicester landed in the Netherlands he was received with 2;reat honours, and many fancied that beins: in cer- tain respects more independent, and supported by a powerful Queen , he would be able to do more than even William of Orancre, and Leicester himself appeared to be of the same opinion. The States thinking to interest Elizabeth still further in their favour, conferred on Leicester the title of Governor and Captain-general of the United Provinces, appointed a guard to attend him, and treated him in some respects as their sovereign. But Elizabeth was displeased with this proceeding, and severely reprimanded both the States and Leicester. She was, however, pacified by the excuses of Leicester, and the representations of the States, but the latter soon grew dissatisfied with him, and, from his ad- vocates, became his enemies. They complained of his manag-e- ment of the war, and of his imperious conduct; and, at the end of the campaign, applied to him for redress of their grievances. But he soon afterwards departed for England, without giving them any satisfaction. In February, 1587, the States, without 4 1 () NOTB8. — CHAPTER ill. ■If': concealing their discontent with Leice>ter, again sent to offer the sovereiirntv of the country to Elizabeth, recjuestniii-, at the same time, a large body of troops, and sup])lies of nimiev. Eat Elizabeth, (to whom Leicester liad on his part complained of the conduct of the States,) answered, 'instead of fultilHng the former treaties, and properly accpiauitinir me with the state of affairs, von now come and suddenlv require extensive aid. Wiiliin a Year I furnished you with 1 1,000, nay, 1^^,000 men, but you almost let tliem perisb witli liun-er, so tliat they met with more civility from the Spaniards tiuoi from you. \ou elevated Leicester without my knowledge and consent, and then neither esteemed nor obeyed hun. You say that 1 must support you for my own safety. Dreams! England can protect itself, and can more easily make peace with Spain withiout the Netherlands." To tins warm rebuke, (which took place on the .0th of Febrnarv, 1587, a few dav^ ludore the execution u( Queen Marv,) Elizabeth, however, added more mihllv, that she would not make peace witliout the Netherlands, and only enquire, before Am lent greater aid. what was the state of ali'airs in the Low Countries, and wiiat was intended. It liad been feared, after such accusations and stromx language, that a total breach between the Netherlands and England would ensue; but the personal altercations ceased when Leicester resiLnud his post as Governor, m Decendier, 1587, and Philip's mighty preparations for invadimr England made all other considerations and ditiereoces appear wholly insignificant. CHAPTER IV. From the Death of Elizabeth to the Acces sion of Charles I, 1603—1625. liiK ih.iuvy of England, in the second half of (he sixteenth and the first half of the sevpn!,r„th ccuuu), presents n most striking and remarkahle contrast. If in the former the whole derives life and ui.itv from the suporiority of the understandino- •i'"' 'I'-nacter of Queen Elizabeth, if all refers to iicr p.r.son and tl,rro ha. its centre, in the latter frr.n tlie want of eminent personal qnalifirntions, all ^cems ,10 fall to iiioces, and to tend to different di- - r. ctions. Yet in each of these directions thore is .■>urh an extraordinary abundance of ideas, such an instructive series of gradations and transitions, that '^"I'P' nd. uily of file extent of the effects, we arJ '^"•'"ud to declare the lu.iory ,,f the English revo- i'^it'on nn-,r<- attractive and diversified than the I'Veneii, partly because the latter appears to be only a •■o]iotiti„n ofwhathad been already said and dono'in '1h' former; a,„i likewise beranso, in France, every fii".u- relating to the church and religion wa. ym - M 1 418 SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE. [Chap. IV. out of the qiiestioTi at the very outset; whereas in Eiiglaud, itwas everywhere coimeeted hi the most va- rious forms with pohtical events. Dui not tlu^ phm of our work imperatively i)rescribe certaiu hmits, we w^ouhl wilhiiLdy have given more room to tliis most important development of new ideas, views, and priiieiples relative to the state and ehnrch, royalty and rc^publicanisuu to civd rights and duties, &e., for we canuothere arl)itrarily compress the narrative as in tlu^ accoiuil of merely external events or fruitless wars. However, as the history of the reio-n of James I. is fai- less importaul and memo- rable than that of his son Charles L, w^e shall take the lihertv (*f considcnifu- tlu^ former merely as an lutroduetiou to the latter, and mention, with all l)revity, only tlie principal matters, without strict regard to the order of time, viz., tirst, James's accession, his personal character ami priueiples ot govc^rnment, and then his relations to foreign states, the Parliament, and the chnreh. The arguments which had beim produced ao*ainst the hereditary riirhts of Mary Stniirt. wert^ partly apphcabli^ to James 1. also, but after tlu^ death of Elizabeth, tlu' uuist inrportaut of tlieni eertaiiily lost their force. In the will of Henry VIII., confirmed by the Parliament, whudi many persons still considered as the foundation of the law of succession to the English throne, the descendants of his eldest sister. IG03.] JAMES I. 419 i Margaret, wlio was married fo Jainos IV., Kinrr of Scotland, were (>iitirely passed over, and after "the death of some descendants, the crown was left to the heirs of his youngest sister, Mary, Duchess of Suffolk. Her grandda^ighters, Catharine Grey and I'linor, Countess of Cumberland, might accordingly have made claims for themselves and their children, and l.-ne alleged that James was the sn„ „f Man% a stranger, and of a detested race. On the other iiand, this exclusion of the elder line, for which thrrr was no reasonable ground, appeared to be only one of the many arl)itrary caprices of that monarch; and James, who had not forfeited his - rights by any fault ,,f Ids own. appeared to be im- (inestional)ly tin- nearest natural heir. Elizabetli, therefore, who was equally entitled witli Henry to i-eirnlate the succession, gave her consent to" his elrvaticm to the throne; and her most eminent minister, Cecil, had previously entered into secret negociations with the King of Scotland. All the other statesmen and courtiers joined him, no other candidate appeared, and sucli men as Ilal(>igli, ('"hham, and others, who were of opinion that security should be obtained against the Scotch, ^, h.^fore the coronation, by various conditions, were' 'iiip"pular, as enemies of the Earl of Essex, Besides, the long and mod(0 \1 S. [Cii AF. i\ . "increases, and IxM'omes so veliemcTit tliat some flame mav liiirst fnrtli m ccmNcciuence; fur the latter are iiLiiigry, eovetous, and im])atient; thev profit !)y the Kino-'s favour a^ lono: as it is nx ilirir c;oinnKriul. and endravuur lu lix themselves m u\\ puhhe offices. The Eim'hslu on tlie c)thi;r liajul. an- as averse to endure anything detrmieuial to thenisi^ve^. ns they are, in general, not much pleased vith tla King, and opruiy declare thai they were deceiwd re- specting his reputation and the opinion tlu y were led to iM)uceivc ui hiui. One person even h^t drop an expression, -tli'it they must have Scotch Vespers, h.ko the Sicilian; Notwitinsianding this discontent, a renewed attempt of Cohliani and Ixah'tuh, to , phiec Araiii^lhi bluart uu the throue, or to restrict the Kings power hy new legislative measures, failed." C) So long as so many differences continned la tween iingiand and Scotland, liie union of the t\w) erowns on one head, and the adoption of tla^ titl^ i4^ Kina- of dreat BriTam, couhl add buL little^ to the happiness and pow( r of tlie people; and James, therefore, eonreiv(a.l th*' phui of a conipletc union of botii countries into one kmgdom.(') Most persons, how- ever, thougiit tliat llic iiereditary right uf James, which was almost accidental, wTeat(^r tlian the possihie iiairi. Foi' tliese reasons, tlie eompreh.eiisne plan for «ui cntirt' union was rejected by tlu^ Par- liaments, and only tlic craicessions, in sonit^ minor points, relative to trade, to importation and expor- tation, to the adniinistration of justice, &c., were adopted on the lltii of August, 1607. Many years had to elapse, manv prejudices and passions were to hv dispelled b(-'fore the Scotch and English looked upon themselves as members of one great \N hole. '" Instead of an energetic King,'* said many, have got erdv a weak Queen, and Great Britain \Y V has become less than England was." In his external appearance and behavionr, James T. had nothing digmiied or kingly, lie had none of the beauty and engaging manners of Marv. and Ids rough northern prununciation was the more disagreeable, because his tongne was too thick for liis niontlo Tins defect likewise liindered iiim from drinking vith decorum. His gait was naturally, or throngli habit, awkw aid and slovenly; and vsiiereas Elizabeth believed that inairiiificence, even of dress, ouglit to cuiTcspoiid with the royal digiuly, James despised all extc rrial a|)pearance to such a degree, that he coiisUiiitiv htiil iiib clothes made after the same A el Hi 424 JAMES S LEARNING. >* fashion, and iii(i nut leave them off t [Chap. IV. tfu-v were worn to rags. ill niaiters relative to art and science, he was in general deficient in judgment and taste, and his learning alnio'^t nlways shewed itself in an ill-timed anci })idantic manner. Flatterers called him the Solomon of his age, wiiile others more acutely and more justly observed, that his mind was a repository for worthless trilies, and that he was the wisest fool in Christendom. Sir Francis Bacon, indeed, said, he possessed the three things whirli were ascribed in antiquity to the highly honoured 1 iermes, the power and good fortune of a King, the know- ledge and judgment of a priest, and the learning of a philosopher. But in truth, he never had the command over himself; acquired nothing of the priest but the spirit and art of controversy of those times; and, in learning, was chiefly attached to what was partial, exaggerated, and useless. His love of peace was chiefly founded upon fear, and the mildness which returned after sudden anger was the result of phlegmatic indolence. With ex- cessive pretensions for the royal dignity, he bore even improprieties, and in his jokes was dull and vulgar. Under the appearance of sincerity he often sought to deceive, and, as usually happtiis, was more frequently led and deceived by hypocrites. True merit seldom acquired any influence over him, 1607.] J \MES S WORKS. 425 and his appcuciit generosity led iirbi to childish^ unworthy profusion, and then to base means to obtain money. To liic female sex lie was nut merely indifferent but even rude, while he was treated in a similar manner by his favorites. His passion for hunting and drinking was not accom- pauiud With adventurous courage and love of in- tellectual conversation, but often deprived him of time and inclination to attend to the most necessary business. James's works, on Miscellaneous Subjects, shew more knowledge than judgment, and more fondness for writing than knowledge. The explanation of the Revelation of St. John is chiefly directed against the Pope and the Catholics. Tn Demonology, he endeavours to prove the possibihty and reality of necromancy; and. consequently, the existence of witches, hobgoblins, evil spirits, compacts with the devil. Skc. He likewise seriously enquires, why the devil has more to do with old women than with other persons. We might readily pardon all these fancies, if he had not acted upon them, and caused a great number of pretended witches and magicians to be executed. (^) Tn his work on the Rights of Free iMonarchies, he requires, on the one hand, that every King shall, like a good father, govern with wisdom and mild- ness; but on the other hand, he rejects all the means of pul)lic law by which such wisdom and V i l< 1 s ^ 426 James's wiiiiKb and upintons. [Ciiaf, l\ . raildness mav bo prdclnced, or tiu" n{)positc qualities puritied and rcstrainc^d. James juvtly connects the doctrine of sovereigiitv tiicorcUcally witli a lugiier buLirce and a sacred dele^^tioii. for whon it is once sacrificed to the iiierc pk^asure of every liiihvidLial and every niomeiit, stH-iirity, consistency, and ohe- dieiicc^ vanish. But lie tTroncously places Kiiii^s alone under the immediate protection of God . whereas every creatnro is in His haml, and is mtitled lu a peculiar mode of existence and development. Hence the subject, as well as the Kinir. has his nvvn m- viuiabie rights: aed when, on the one haiuL (-rniu- potence and ijifaHiheiUtv are clainied ha- tlie Knig, oil the other, there arises tlinnigh a natural oppo- sition, the equallv dangerous dncti-iiaa that the \ (iice uf God is always heard in the opinions of tiie masses. James affirmed tliat everv h)ri!u iAa,=rv ri^lit, had nu iuundation but his pleasure, and iliat the whole bodv of pubhc law was valid only so long as he did not abolish it. According to hmi, ail se- curities for the existing state of things refencMl onlv to the K iiiir's perMai, whence the opposite notioii was o-radualiv riroilu^ia'ih which, erroneonslv setting asideall person aland affectionate comm unity betwi en rulers and subjects, placed its whole depemhaice on forms. Elizabetii, notwithstanding her decided pc r- sonal superiority, spoke only of the affection and hwal sentiments of fin- people; James, on the cuntrary, talked of fear, obedience, submission, and affirmed 1607.] J\MES'S OPINIONS. — PRINCE HENRY. 427 that it was sedition to dispute what a King migiit or might not do in thc^ height of In's power. Soine- times, it IS true, he ackical he did not wi^^li to a.et contrarv to law and reason, but he pretended to be the sole judge of what was leo-al and reasonable. Wliatiw^er opinions may be entertamod of these theories, James certainly misunderstood the situa- tion of Gia at Britain, and his own position, when he took other Kiim'^ and kinuuh)ms as models, and said to th(^ French Ambassador, thiat he and Henry 1\. were absolute in their kinirdoms. and hv no means dependrd cm the counsels or concessions of Uu It -uhjects. James not only obstinately main- tained these prineiph's and notions against his nnnisters, but allowed fiis consort Uueen Anne sister c^f Cliristian IV.. King of Denmark, scarcely aiiv mlhuiice; her inchiiation to meddh^ in pub- he alhnrs was not supported by any intellectual su|H rifiritw ha which reason she could not but con- sidi I It as fortunate, when amidst her differences with her husband, lie chose his favorites with regard to her wisiies, and gave her money fur her mimc- diate expenses. Henry, Prince of Wales, who appeared to ha\e talents, and likewise professed despotic ])rinciples c^f government, (h'd not thereby acquire iiis father's favour, as might have been expected : on tlie contrary, he feared and suspected him, and lamented his death less than tlie people in general, who t xpected bt ttt i times under the Prince. 428 CECIL, li AKL OF SALISBURY. [Chap. IV, Among Jamo'?'^ Ministers was Kubci i Cecil, Earl ui :Salisbury, who was indeed inferior to his father Ciirghley in comprehensiveness of understanding and energy of character, but far -«iperior to all his competitors and rivnl^ m nrtivity, eloquence, knowledge of affairs, and political perspicacity. He was reproached for his former enmity to the Earl of Essex, and for a too great love of money. But Essex prepared the way for his own ruin, and self-interest never led the Earl of Salisbury astray as it did his great contempo- rary Sir Francis Bacon. It was undoubtedly very difficult under a King who, like James, required imphcit obedience and even flattery, to retain any influence, without too much compliance ; if therefore Cecil is not to be placed in the number of exalted and heroic characters, he is at least to be reckoned among the most useful statesmen. It is certain that after his death in 1G12, the public business was conducted worse than before, and the strict performance of duty, and integrity which prevailed under the reign of Elizabeth, disappeared more and more among persons in office. Even Francis Bacon, a man of the highest in- tellectual powers, was convicted of having, con- trary to all laws, taken money from parties in suits at law. Those who would excuse him say, that bad management, and giving way to his servants, had led him to his ruin, and that he had probably 1612.] lioBERT CARR. 429 never passed an entirely unjust sentence, for ilio sake of money; he however confessed that he had suffered himself to be bribed, and declined alleging anything in his defence. (^) He accordingly lost his office, was declared incapable of holding any place, was fined £40,000, and condemned to im- prisonment for an indefinite time. The King re- mitted the fine and imprisonment, but Bacon's honour was lost ; mean flattery did not regain him any influence, and the contrast between his mind, so .richly endowed by nature, and his cowardly unworthy character, must, on serious self-examina- tion, have appeared greater and more condemnable to himself, than to those who judged of hiiu iii the sequel, and who, for his other merits, were willing to overlook or to excuse his moral cle- ficiencies. No such palliations can be alleged in favour of tlic King s favorites ; thus Robert Carr, for instance, had no recommendations but a fine person and pleasing but superficial talents; while he was des-, titute of solid judgment, and his character merited the severest reproaches. Yet James created him Earl of Somerset, allowed liim, after the death of the Earl of Salisbury, the greatest influence in public affairs, and on his marriage with the dissolute, divorced Countess of Essex, presented him, accord- ing to one account, with estates worth one million. At the wedding, the Countess wore a coronet which 430 BrcKixniiAM. [Chap. IV. was valued at 400,000 rmwiis, and the dnthos of the Earl were envered witli jewels; nay, he spent. in silk and siHtf stuffs, 40.000 crowns. Likt^ most upstarts, the K.irl of Somerset was arrogant and insolent, nut merely to his inferiors and (equals, but even to the Kino-, who did not five houisr^H" irum tins unworthy slavery, nil the Karl and his lady poisoned their former friend. Sir lliorna^ OviThnry, chiefly hreau.e he had spoken of tlie latter as she deserved. However, only the meaner aeeoni|)hces l,^ tlie eniiu,^ were punished with death, whih^ the two pnneipals were pardoned. a,nd livrd h)nii:. cie- tt'vtad ajid duspiM:d.(^) Far from takmir warnincr hv his oxperKuiei^ m tins and >nnilar eircumbtances, James chose a new favorite lu Vilhers, afterwards "Dnke of Bnekiniileiin. He was hnnd^ouie and active, the most taegant dancer, the swiftest runner, &c.: In^liad tin richest wardrobe, the greatest nuinber ui love intrigues, was the first who employed men to carry him in n chair, and the first who thovc ni a coach and six. He amused tiie Kiie- with singing, dances, fetes, processions, anddrauiaiu' iv presentations, and wiien more po^^ erful rncentives appeared necessary, wns readv to assist in ah knads ui indecent and vulgar amnsements. llioagli in. some points iHinilding hhnselb his pridi^ was nnbonndiah his rapaeity nu- moderate, and even the Kmg was exposed tx) his capriee and insolence. At hrst lie took |)ieasure 1612.] BUCKINGHAM. 431 ni eiiimmgiydiscovermg secrets, and mhTjitly earrv- inu on t ourt intrigues, ])ut he laid aside all appear- auee of moderation as soon as he believed himself sure of the King's favour, or rather had fully estahhslu'd his authority over him. Buclvinghara was sincere rather from the impetuosity of his cha- racter tlian from love of truth: liberab more from prodigality thaii generosity; a liiciid or an eiuniy witliorit e]]nic(\ prudence, or discrimination. Hence he gained no faithful adherents, nor did he unchr- stand bow to form n])\c assistants. He had otrly the ordinary qualifications of a courtier, ami none of a true statesman, yet he was fnr a long time at the head of public alFairs. He acted in evervtbnn^ without plan or consistency, was not guided bv any great intcre^l for the welfare of his country, was no favorite with the people, nor a nolile character. Vannv and, presumption prodneed dissensions between him and tlm Minister Oliviirvz. who c^o- verned bpani; the nninrna^ m wliieli he paid his neMiii to (lueen Anm-^ at Pans offended Loins Xlll., :md he famcat'd tinit he laid [Hit down the intellectual saptaaority of Kielielieu by a witicism, calling hmi the fresli waJau' ridnairal. Cnmerarius, therefore, was right wluri lie wrote to the Chancellor Oxtenstierna, "so lomr as Piuekingham governs herein Eniiland, no good is to be expected;" others said, ^'faxor- ites are desio-ned ])v ChkI for the chastise- ment of sovLreigns and pee»ple, and he alwavs 432 BITCKT^'''!'- ^'■'• [Chap. IV. 1615.] EN(.LA\I) AND FR.WC'E, 4.33 .T^ploys the mo.i Nvicked for tl.Is futal pr.rpose. _It was to be foreseen that a Imhu hkc Jam. ., and favorites Uke Somerset and r>u(kin-liam, would not be able to maintam the dignified and cuiumuud- ino- attitude of EUzabeth, with respect to foreign powers. Yet, in general, the object u inch England ought to have in view appeared to be evident, namely, to keep equallv within bound. Ui^ pre- ponderating powers of Spain and Austria, and the French love of conquest, and to secure the inde- pendence of the united Netherlands. With respect to the latter, the notions of James were quite im- politic, because, conformably to his abstract theo- retical principles, he looked upon them merely as rebels. H was partly in reference to this that Henry IV. wTote to his Ambassador in T.ondon, "King James is so thoughtless in his words and actions, that very little reliance can be placed upon him . Hit reats at Rome, in Spain, and everywhere as he does with me, but does not truly attach bim- self pubhcly or secretly to anybody, moves in dif- ferent directions, conformably to any hnpo which those around him excite, but examines neither the motives nor the merits of the subject: so tluil, as T foresee, he will suffer himself to be deceived m everything." James's love of peace and the putting an end to the ^^ui■ with Spain, may, generally speakin-. be approved, but all his neighbours soon perceived that his love of peace was not founded on the riylii mntivc^: fnr whirb reason tlir French Ainljassador ri ports, "As long as James lives lie will un no account ever begin wm-. Init endeavour to preserve peace, even by injudicious and disgraceful means. In hates wnr frnm habit, principle, and nature, and, according to his own expression, w'Al avoid n like his own dnnmation, for he was liom and bred will a base and weak heart, and imagines, like i)n!ices -ivhn pro devoted to religion, the sciences, and indo- lence, that he can never bo compelled to go to war against his will, by his duty and conscience, or hv violent and legitimate reasons. Besides tliis, lie is ron'^rinns that, tin'ough liis weakness, negligence, and inexperience, he is not equal to the nianage- mrnt of pnblic affairs, and therefore keeps away from tlicm. And so lie now believes, that in time nf ]ieace he may more easily lay the burthen ujion others, conceal his own faults, and live, accordino- to his disposition, in the enjoyment of tranquilHty and pleasure." No firT^fm in ore skilfully took nd vantage of this disposition tlian the Spanish Ambassador, Gondomar. He wroir. ;a a later ]iorind. to Lerma. ''I liave so lulled King James to sleep, tluii neither ilie cries of 1ii^ daiiirhtor niui hor cliildron, nor the repeated remonstrances iuid rntreaties of his PcLrluiineiits and suhjrrts arc ablr' to awaken him." Gondornar overcame the opposition of some officers of state VOL, U F f ^34 -t Fm-nERK'K. (OrNT PALATINE \Cn w. }y Ijy presents and pensions, which m those limes hardiv anv'nody .u>u.a>u to cua*,. peace with Ku-luuL which doprivod the l)utci. nt all assistance troiu tliai tuaiiu}, . pa_i ^ ^ ■ n- 1 I .-.,-■. i-rtt-l un offensive and (Ictinisive Willingly li.i\r luuua ...1 ^-nici 1 - 1. iw.x^/^rpr was not arcoivi|Hi>iHMi, alliance, v.iiuiu iio^ (^er, wdb i partly because it was apprehended that thr Dutcn ilirow themselves critiri'lv into might in tliat ease ihc arms of France. It was hot .i. eluded, in iGOii. tlir tAvelve years' armistice with Spain 'that all hi- foreign relations assinned a pacific appearance, and James had v.n present mient that the marriage of his daughter Kli/nhrti, nm-Ii the Count Palatine Frederic, which was cchl.ratru ^Mth great pomp, on the 2tth of March. Ihi3, would occasion him new aud greater cares, h nuvs , suhjectuf much joy in England, that the mih.cnce „f Spain and, the Tinman Catholic. wa> k-ssened by this alliance, and the King uiore attached to the Protestants. But when Frederick accepted the crown of rxaic- mia, ill tl V vcai I i niR, the wishes of the Endi-^h^ who desired war, and the timidity ot tlie Kmg, were irreconcileably opposed to each other. Nor was James able to moderate or control t!u power of events anat. ai the very same time, Jnmc. promised the contrary U' the Palatine Ambassador. The Spaniards paid ilu King in his own coin, as clearly appears in the long and trdious negorintion. relative to llie marriage of the Pnuce of \N ales with the Infanta Mary, sister < f Phihp TV. Con- sidering tlie condition of religious an and con- ditions with, respect to religion roRo rnntiiniallv higher, because they believed that Charles haih- by his pfi cipltation, made it impossible to rorodc; nav. Olivarez plainl} declared, w^e must triki it for granted that His Highness, when he undertonk the journey, had resolved to come over to our i iiiirch Charles in fact made many concessions, and. on the 2Gtu oi November, 1623, the Papal dispensation was at length received in London; but with the addition that it would be null and void, unless all the conditions were executed, l^at the vorv first condition that the iloman Cathohcs in England should enjoy, toleration, and the free exercise of their religion, could not possibly be executed in the state of excitement which then prevailed. Though King James therefore swore to the con- ditions of the marriage, and gave a grand enter- tainment, at which, according to ancient custom, the dessert was allowed to be scrambled h)r. and the plates and dishes broken by way of rejoicing, essential obstacles still remained, and new ones arose in Madrid. According to the etiquette of the Spanish court. Charles saw the Infanta very bcidoni, and l)y steahln wherefore one morning, acting more like a \()\i-Y than a Pnncc, lie leapt over a wall, accum- panit ci l)v Ihukiimhani, mto her garden, to speak Lo lier. This, however, gave great offence, and the forward conduct of Buckingham, who did not spare even the Prince, was considered by the grave Spaniards as highly indecorous. It was still more unfortunate that liuckiugham completely quarrelled \ ith Olivarez, who was at that time so powerful in bpain, and said tu Inm, m the presence of the Prince and of Kinir Philip, '"tliat he acknowledged in every possible way the goodness of the King, but that he owed to the minister neither gratitude nor friendship." Olivarez answered, 'Hhis was quite indifferent to him, but with the priests, who liad been eonsulted, he insisted that the conditions relative to religion must be executed before the marriage, and as much liberty granted to the Roman Catholics in England, as had been granted Lu the Protestants b} ilLidolph, Matthias, and Henry IV." Buckingham, uhu had at first been so eager to bring about this marriage, was now equally desirous of breaking it off; returned with Charles to England, taking advantage of the favorable dispositions of the people and the Parliament for the Prince and himself, unjustly accused the Earl of Bristol of having conducted the affair badly at Madrid, and 440 ^y^_^j-^^„^.^„.l)0>lESTIC AFFAIRS. [CiiAr. ^ i! laid all tlic l.lame on tli<' Spair.vli nniri;^-) he cvin prevuiicd lo have all innnnvmicalum ^vitll i1 1)roken off, and. in the curt, w.ir to he dci-l.avrt aguiust it. "liut ihr SpauuiaW ^ay^Vab^•esso, -rt-spiM-rtthis k„...rtnin. a. wralc. poor. rtiMnut- .1. Ird by a tin.ul King and an mcxi-crienced Prince, they ridlcuh-d their anser, and talk, d of a revolt uf the nuce agahi.t llic cats." So low had England tallen, since the reign of Elizabeth and the glorious year 1388. ii ^^c uiru lo the internal affairs of the kingdom they appear equally unsatisfactory, in uic iii>t place, the King's ideas of his unlimited power and the pretensions of the Parhamcnt to a share xu llic government were so strongly opposed to each other, that it was scarcely possible to come to an under- standing. It has indeed been observed, that tlie despotism of the King was of a merelv speculative nature, and therefore innocent; but the opposition to it was called for by duty and necessity, because a recognition of those principles, whether expressed or impUcd, M'ould have legalized tyranny, and have sacrificed all political liberty in such a manner, that a sovereign of a more energetic character would have been able to appeal to it. Besides, James's notions were by no means confined to theory, but were carried into effect, when he, by his ovm au- thority, omitted to call Parhaments, conferred the right ui voting, exercised the most decided influence on the elections.C") prohibited, or at l,eabi disap- ''■*™^^'*^***— r- -" -TitMi|||inn;:L.L ^ 1622.] JAMES ANT) ins PARLIAMENTS. ""—^ """T i proved all deiiberatiuns on state atrairs, and c^iuscd members of Parliament to be arrested and j)unislied for expressions, wlurli ])\- mi iiicniis exceeded the limits of tlieir just rights. TiiL iiut unnatural consequence was that the Par- liament, in part excited by the King, gave way on its purl tu exaggeration and ])assion;(^^) and from endeavouring to maintain the rights it had hitherto enjoyed, was the more easily inspired with the idea of extending them, because James evidently aimtd at reducing them, er designating them as mere voluntary gifts of his favour. Nor in the end can the immutabihty of rights be considered in any improving state, as the highest object of wisdom and liappiness. The circumstance that James called no Parliament from the year 1609 to 1620, (with the exception of a two months' session in 1614,) and that in the last thirteen years of his reign scarcely any useful laws were passed, was the chief cause of the subsequent violent com- aiotions. With his very first Parliament, which was dis- solved on the 31st of December, 1609, James got into a dispute on grants of money, on the legal vahdity oi his i Proclamations, and the hmits of his spiritual power. At the opening of the second l^irliament, mi the 7f]\ of April, 1614, James blaming the conduct of the first Parliament, said, "that he would on his part do everything possible, 1 442 J AMKS A N 1> 111* PAKLiAMENTS. [ChaI'- IV, md wished that thov nu-ht act m concord au.i sm..- -Er,r qnam bonumr But nuUtcrs .0011 to„k ,1,'.' .a,v,c course as the first time, ^vhcret■orc the king, seeitm- that tlK. I'arhament first hn-u-ht for- ward its own \vishcs at^d o^ricvanccs, and did not „,o,,ptlv uraul whut he desirc.l, suddenly dtssolved a at the bcirmnin- of Jttnc. thonu-h ncarlv sixty bdls ,vhu.h had been n.truduccd,. uere thereby huulered trou. becoming taws. From that tunc he endea- vonrcd to manage with the ordinary r.Ncnues, or to raise money by other means, which cxctteART,I.\MENTS 443 lianient, and the interruption of the sittina-, winch appeared to ho unreasonable, led to more vehement cxiiressiojis respecting tlie management of foreign affair-- and the treatment of the Roman Catholics in England. The result of a correspoudeuce which ensued was, iliat li,,. I'arhaincnt thanked the Kino-, indeed, I'or all Ins goodness and concessions^ lint caused the tullowing declaration to be entered in the Jonrnals of the House of Commons. "Tin; iirivileges and riuflits of Parliament are an ancient and indubitable bntlirighl and inlieritance of the English, and all important and urgent affairs ill C'luircii \Uiix State, as well as the drawing up oi laws nnd the remedying of abuses, are the propter subjects of the deliberations and resolutions of the Pnrliament. The members are free to speak npon thi 111 in such order as they please, and cannot be called to account for them." James was so indignant at this declaration, that he struck it out of the Journals with his own hand, in the pn'cscnce of the whole Pruy Council cind cif all the Judges, on tlie 30th of December, 1621. For, F//.V////. Ill had no intention of abridging rights and pn\"tiugus, hut iicithrr wonhi he tolerate an eqiuvucal declaration which affected the royal rights. SecomUfi. tlir time chosen for this declaration was fjuiii/ improper, hccause he had iirst granted 444 JAMRS AND liiS PAilLi AM K NT? . [CllAP. IV. the desires of the Parlia,iiieut, aiul received its thaiiks tV)r so domir. Thirdl^i. It laid been hastily (airruai liirougli one afternoon^ when scarcely a third part ui the iiiem- !)i'rs was present. A week afterwards, on the Gtli of Jannary, 1G22, the King, with the approbation of Ins wla.ie councd, dissolved the Parhament, and pufihshed thc^ motives of his conduct. Among other points \w said, ' that tlie nicudiers had spoken disrespectfidiy e^f foreign sovereigns, and lost their Xwm- in useless discussion. ahout tin n- privileges and the rights of the King. Though he had dissolved this Parhauiunt he in- tended to govern well, and when a favorable op- portunity offered, to call another.' ^Un) ui the boldest speakers in both houses were soon after sent out of England under various pretexts; others, for instance the Earls of Oxford and Southampton, Messrs. Coke, Pinllips, Seldon, and Pym, imprisoned for different periods. The consequence of these measures was, that die extent of the royal prerogative was more strictly inquired into, and every person who was punished was considered to be a martyr to the good cause. It was partly on this account that James opened his last Parliament, on the 19th of February, 1623, with a friendly address, in which he touclicd on the affaii > ui Spain and the Palatinate, and ^^ arned the members against too anxious investigatiuub and 1623.] JAMES AND lliS PARLIAMENTS. 445 doubts. "He had no intention/' he said, 'Mo in- fringe upon their rights, \n\X tliey ought to aet in a similar niainicr and confide m him as a mihl sovereign."' The Mouse of Commons declared m vehement terms against the Roman Catholics, advised that the neirociations for a marriaore with the Iidmita should h; broken off, and in the end granted money for war against Spam. Some Roman Catliolic Lords, ivho refused to take the prescribed oaths, were excluded from the Upper nt)use, aiid tlie rmmhf^r of members of the Lnwer House was increased by the King's gradually gi\iug to fourteen ]daces the right to send members to Parliament. This last Parhament of James's annulled, with tla King's consent, all monopolies, and laid down a principle on which all British liberty is chiefly founded, namely, that every Ihiglisliman may do what he pleases, provided that he does not pre- judice the rights of his fellow-citizens, and that nei- ther the King nor any person in office, but the law alone, can limit this liberty. A general principle of thi^ nature left room, however, \i)y various interpretations and applica- tion ill iruhxidiial instances, at least, it did not solve all tie- doubts whieii sjirmio- e^p a.t thai time. Thus the Kimr f)eiieved tliai he was entitled to impose commercial taxes, because he concluded commercial treaties; and complained of the avarice of the Parlia- I \h II 1^ 446 THE PARLIAMENT.^-TIIE CHURCH. [Chap. IV. mentwlien it blamed liis bad managrcTnent and pro-^ fusion. T\w Kinir said tliat the extent of the royal domains had been reduced, that tiie vahie of inonov decreased, and that tlie miTeasmg expendituiv could not be defrayed with the old re^onrces. Tho Vni-- liament rephtMl that for truly n^efui cxpc^nses, nmuey wouUl not be refused, and tho avorsion to irraut snpphes proceeded ehietiy from thi^ King s rclusmg improvements o far right, as the Kmg wa.^ deficient in judgment anrl ei^rixv of character to disccAcr the true nuddlc course, and consistently to persevere in it. Thus 5 1623.] THE GUNPOWDER PLOT. 447 Ins complaisance towards Rome^ arose mncf] more froni fear of Jesuitical intrigues and murderers, f^"^) than from conviction of the necessity and ntilitv of greater and more generail toleration. Nay, he per- secuted the unfortunate Armmians even in the Netlierlands, merely because their system differed in some points uf doctrine from his own. Tiie Jesuits, who, by their owm confession, liad iitaai active even during the rcign uf Elizabetii, now redoubled their efforts in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and from their academics m Spam, baly, and the Xetluadands, sent many |)U])ils ac ross the sea. But their hope^ were dcfcuted ^\lHai Catesby, Piercy, and several fanatic Roman Catholics (a)ii.spired,iii i(jU5,to blow up the King and tiic\\ heile Pii'liament. Every preparation had titan made uith tiic greatcbL cauiion, a^al ilie tirne for tiie execution of tlie ])lot had arrived within l\vel\e hours, (^^) when a Knnian, (atladie NoliH-inaii. I„.ord Mounteagle, was waiaical by a letter not to a|)p(air ill Paa'liamenl, because a sealiiiii dreadfal blow frcam an invisible lamd, was impending. Tin Karl of bcUi^bury, to whian, labial Mrninteagle commnnieated the letter, left to the Kinn' the merit of having- first thuui!:lit fjf guiipowTler. The mvcstiu-ation tliaj. was ma(h\. eoin]detely pro\ ed the infamous plan. Some oi tla^ a(aa)niphees lied, othei's wcaa^ takcai and exe- cuted, but none of them manifested anv remorse. ?su dca^piv rnoted u-a^ the superstitions belief of the H« i,F.Li(.10L-b OUSPrTRS. [Cll.*r. TV. meritoriousncss of the cnornuvas nnno. Ihia priests nro .nirl to have endeavoured to remove any scruples that i-i-li' 1"" entcrtniTlc.l on tl.e subject, and to have given lu the conspirators the sacran.nt and absolution.(-) Garnet, their provincial, uasexo.uted because he had known of the conspiracy, and liad not e.„m!, and nominally the predominant Church, exerted itself to ihr e.tiiu.sL to maintain Ponf.n-uiitv m the doctrines and constitution of the Church, and supported on ali occasions tlie unre- 1623.] FCri,Ksi ASTICAL AFFAIHS. 449 strieted pretensions of the King, partly from con- viction, and partly to secure his support hi simihar circumstances. Almost ail the Enghsh ijisiiops spoke of him in terms of unbounded veneration. uiid deduced his right immediately from (IikL v.hereas they spoke with little respect of the J'aili a- meul, ui even extended liic King's absolute power to the riglit of assessing taxes at his pleasure. These notions, the increasing power of tin ( nnrt of High Commission, as well as the worldly-minded- ness and li)\ i of pleasure of many of tho'superior clcriry, mcreasiMl the violence and tlie power of the funtans; they were called the defenders of rrliiTious liberty, professors of the pure doctrine of ( alvni iniadiilterated with Arminiani^ni. and great praise was bestowed on the morality of their lives. Zealous |)jntisans of the rhiirch, on the other hand, said, I'uritanism is a cloak for the worthless, and, m the eyes of conscientious men, hardly better than a fooFs cap : thus the episcopal Churcli stands m tlt<> xxwv middle point, between the two beasts of the A|)oealypse, Puritanism and Popery. llie Puritans nndiuibtedly attached too much ini- portaiiee to certain externals, of which they disap- rr \ rd; such as the sign of the cross in baptism, the niiL^ 111 inarriage, the bowing at the name of Jesus, and the use of the surplice; but their adversaries were not more toieraiii ni these respects, and those who saw more elearly. perceived a more (hn-plv VOL. I. G g BCCLBSXASTICAL AFFAIRS. [CitAF. IV. rooted and iremTal opposiUou betw.rn them and ,l.e Church. Elizabeth, convinred that rehuums conferences more frequeuiiy xvidciud l.reaclus than produced peace, had ahvav^ prevented them-. James, however, on accoimt of eireum.uuitial comphvmts ,,t ,i„, Puntuu.., encouraged them, partly because he hoped to ,,romote truth, partly beeau.e he wished to shew himself as a divine and an orator. At the opening of a religious conference, bciweeii members of the established Church and Puritans at Hampton Court, ea .lamiary, 1605. the Ki..- deelared his respect lur the existing constitution ot the Church, and his aversion to alter it. Yet abuses might have gradually arisen which required correction, and the discussion was besides of use lu =Lup the declamations ut the discontented. But when the Puritans persevered m th. ir oiiinions, tliuuyii liie KiP.o- himself ulicn interfered in the conversation, his ideas were manifested more (h ci were as much at variance as God and the devil for tlie cummuu people came together ac- cording to this doctrine, and ignoraritlv criticised every King and everv government; he knew Im^ the Presbyterians had treated him and hi<= moiher, and how true the saying was, Nu Bishop, no King. In reference to these expressions, Arehb)>h..|) ( 1623.] ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. 451 V\ hitgilL said^ he was {'onvineed tliat tlic spirit of God s])oko through the King, and BLslio|) Bancroft added, 1 caii testify that my breast overflowed wit]) joy, because Almighty God has, in special mercy, givon us such a King as there has not been since the time of Christ. Lastly, it was declared in an r.fficial statement, that the episcopal Church had 1h ( I! found pure and blameless in uii essential points, aiiiL with the exception of some trifling changes m tilt prayer l)ook, every thing must remain as it was. Tt was ordered, subsequently, that nobody should preach on things that were not mentioned HI till ihirty-nino articles; nor on predestination, (lection, the spiritual rights of liic King, &c. A Mhr Puritans universally complained that the can SI ion had Iwcn decided against them, partially, and without the assent of Parliament, merely by royal piuciumations; but the) were not agreed w liether they might submit to the ordinances, and consider the Englisli u^ a real Church, or whether tliov ought to look upon it as a member of Anti- ciuist. Many of liic more rigid emigrated to the Netherlands and America, and those who remained behind and refused compliance, were punished^ or removed from their posts. But on the whole, the "^ Chureh gaiiit d \ ery hltie by this exclusion, aiid fte Puritans m Scotland opposed it still more flecich'div. /\ Ihese latter aimed at establishing a Church Gg2 :x^ itl *\ 452 ECCLKBIASTU'AL AFFAIRS. [ChaP- 1^. whollv iiulepentlcnt c^f all tompoiYii junsdicUou, without aiiv irracl^aiuii of di-mties, and divine St rvice entirelv destitute of art and ceremnmes. T|,,ir aiisterilv and doomy views of life degene- rattd in some into fanatic enthusiasm; in others into dark melancholy. F.ven the uiui. luoderate cleroy looked upon it as their duty to judge, without forrn^arance. of ila^ conduct of the King and Uiu en ai.l their favorites, of ministers, and of the admini- stration of public affairs, and to address the people on these subjects from the pulpit. Tbey extended thnr jurisdiction, added to the severity of liicir decrees of excommunication, which the temporal powi r was o])liu-ed ti) acknowledge, and dared not to lake off even if it was uiijust- Fhus, m the year 1593, a synod excommunicated all the Unman l atholic LorcK, Without regard to the Kings interference, and left them only the choice of being converted or of quitting the country. All this was diametricallv opposed to the pni- eiplrs of James. He therefore endeavoured to !)nug over the inferior clergy to his side, partly b) conc^essions, partly by threats; gained many of the knxvr Barons, who, since the year 1 5^4. had repre- sented the counties in Parliament, as well as those Lords who wished to obtain possession of Church hand<. or were afraid lesl ihey should be compelled to resign them. At this time the clergy obtained, m some measure, 1623.] ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. 453 i-r-preRentatives in Parliament; the General Assembly jiroposed for each place six persons, out of whom the King chose one. But these representatives were to propo:5e nothing without a special com- mission, and approve nothing- that might be inju- rious to the Church. They retained their office only for one year, and were responsible to the General Assembly of the Clergy. Whih mtiny considered this Parliamentary attendance as a gain for the Church, others vehemently reprehended all participation in temporal assemblies, saying that it led. if not to the subjection of the Church to the State, yet, in the end, to the restoration of tlie Bishops. Almost all assented to Bnchan's prin- t !ph\ that Princes, like the meanest subject, are a!!H iiahh for their crimes to the tribunals, and. in case o! resistance, may be compelled by urms and deposed , James, till he ascended the throne of England, / "^^ fmmd himself under the necessity of proceeding Willi uncommon caution and moderation towurdb tilt l*n sbyterians, but in the subsequent years his plans relative to the Chureh became more manifest, and were promoted by means of every kind ; praise, rtwcirdb, briber}, liirecilN^ deprivation, and banish- merit, often with violation of many legal forms. ihe Church wa^ to be subordinate to the State, and no religious assembly convoked without the Fuyal asbeiii. llie Bishops recovered f 1 iJi)K to I G I (i) 4M ARTICLES OF PEUTH aik.PTKU. [Chm . IV. ^„.t ui- Lhcir estates, and their seats iu I'arlianu-nt, a>,a became the heads of the assemblies; . v> i) t ■■!"»■ ,.„,. M u.^ u, swear obedience to them, aiul ....i.k-v to preach on the constitution of the Church, dial these new ordinances. In the year 1617 tho King effected manv other changes, and resolved thai what he ordered, by the advice of the arclibishops, bishop<^. a,ul a suffi- cient number of clergymen, should be law. At the same time he introduced into his chapel the chou-, tiic organ, and many other things that had been before abohshed; and on the 25th of August, ,niR. prevailed on the assembly of the clergy to adopt the five articles of Perth. These were, 1. The Sacrament is received kneehng. 2. It may be administered to sick persons in their own houses. 3. Private Baptism is allowed. 4. Children eight years of age may be confirmed. And, 5, certain holydays shall be observed. These points appeared to many persons the more obiectionable, as several difficult and disputed .loc- triULS were merely indicated, or impUed in thom: such, for instance, as the real presence; the necessity of baptism for salvation, the authority of the bishops, &c. These articles were, however, confirmed by the Parliament in the year 1 0'J 1 . l)y a majority of twenty-seven, after the royal couuuis- sioner had declared that no further innovations should be made. From that time, the 1M,^^< r ol the 1623.] KCCLESIAS I ;:;.•,!. ai'IaIUS. 1 f " 4,?.:) King and of the Bishops continued to increase, so thai Lvcii mere addresses aiici representations to the Parliament were looked upon as seditious. If the preceding priestly democracy often manifested gloomy austerity, presumption, and restlessness, the new episcopal aristocracy frequently shewed ^ moral degeneracy, and, together with servilit}, a lubL rt power of a different description. Hence James wrote to the Bishops, "the disobedient, seditions, rebellious crowd must obey, otherwise it resists dud, its natural King, and the laws of the land. The sword is put into your hands, there- fore make use of it, and let it no longer remain icile. »» \ Neither James nor his adversaries had any con- ('( ption of the essence of Christianity, which is the Inundation of all creeds, or of genuine toleration; nay. all considered the existence of two divergino- opinions in a state to be injurious and condemnable, and ea( li demanded the exclusive predominance of — Im own opinion. iliese diverse opinions were advocated in polemical and satirical publications with such acnmuny, that the government several times seriously interfered to prevent them. Its measures, however, were in general fruitless, and the Chureli and State were the subjects of more and more bitter censure. The l*uritans blamed, among otht r things, a royal resolution of the year 1618, relative lo the celebration of the babbaih. Accorduiir to a 456 SIR WAI.TKH R-\l..KH"xH. [CllAP. W , 1623.] Slil WALTER RALEIGH. 457 n\ 'OT? # 4 V?- u o a ^,,,,,,^U\ri uf a Dr. Bound, no iiiarnage or otli.r festr ill ought to be celebrated on titat day; noiic ])ut .puitiwi occupations allowed; one lull at the most be permitted to ring; and iniitli nn ciiccniil conversation b. regarded as sinful. iNow, though the decree of James permitted company, games, and amusements, only in those hours nf Sunday in which divine service was not performed, and ad~ nittrd only those persons who had already been .,t church, the Sabbatarians and i^iritnn^ tnrk the greatest offence at it. Un the other hand, a satire Against them said, "if H .d and bis Angels np- peared on the day of judgment in the purest white robes, the Puritans would run away and cry, that tbo abomination of the choristers overtook them." In addition to so many general grounds for dis- content and disunion, there were several individual grievances and acts of injustice. Such, for lu^umce, was the treatment of the proud and in)])( tnmis, but highly gifted Sir Walter Raleigh. His enmity to Essex had injured him in the eyes of the people, and his hatred to the Scotch prejudiced ihc King against him. Though, notwithstanding several violations of prescribed forms, he was not con vie ted of actual participation in Cobham's conspiracy, he remained ten years in prison, till h^^ paid, throiigli Ladv VilUers, 1,500/. to the new favorite, B.ck- mgham. An enterprise against the Spanish colonies, roiiHiiafidrd liy him, and wliicli was certain! v idetral, laili (1; and when Gondamar's influence in Loudon increased, was treated as treason, though some affirmed that iving James himself w^as by no means a stranger to the business. (*^) As this new aeeusation, however, did not induce any severe piii.islnnents, and the Spaniards continued their persecution, the old extinct procceduigs were rc- sunn cl, and it was resolved, witli ti.e liase assent of llicon, to ( at ry uito execution the former sentence 0! (1( iith without regard to the pardon whieli liad been, not mdeed expressly^ but tacitly given. (^') 11 le people, though before ill-disposed towards Ilaieigii, manifested praiseworthy compassion, and were indignant with the Judges, as well aswitli the KniL!. who was liovemed by the Spaniards. The latter, however, in addition to what we have just iiu^itioned, liad a particidar reason for their h.at!'c(l of Raleigh. He had. had I lie chief command in ffi'laiid, i^dien some Spanish prisoners were nias- sacrs (1 II cold blood, because they could produce no cc)i!iiijissinn from Philip. II.. and weri^' tliercfore treated as robbers. The splrndouT and deroniiii wfiicli |)revailed at the court of Elizabeth vanished but too soon, with every thdnir that was noble, without James's under- stuuduig iiow to make himself beloved in any otliei way. instead of being accessible, like Elizabeth, to all 458 >tatf. III" !;n(ii,\ni>- [Chap. IV, 1625.] STATK Ul Ji.NGLxVND. 459 ai lus subjects, the King was angry ^Mth r^vory one that approached him, wheieioie a {icr^uu Imug u rcmi.u.traucc rovnul the neck of one «f his hounds, with the following petition: "dear Csesar, we beg you lu speak with the King with our affair, for he hears you every day, but us, never!" Beauuiont, the French ambassador, wrote to his court, -T discover so many seeds of disease lu Rn-unuL v., much is brooding in silence, and so many events seem inevitable, that i am u.cliu.d to atiiriii, that fur a century fiXHii this tinns this kiiiudoni will hardly abuse its prosperity, except to Its own xmix^ \ can assure your Majesty lluit y(mi have more reason to reflect on Kinix J.iriies's absurd coTHluct, and pity ins subjects, than Id dn^ad his prnvcr. The courage of tlio Endi^h i^ bniMrd^m the tonih of Ehzabeth. What must be the situation of a State and of a Prince, whom the clergy pnhlielv abuse in the pulpit, whom the actors iei)rLM ui upon the stage, whose wife goes to these repre- sentations in order to iaiigli at him, who is defied and despised by his Parliament, and universallv hated hv liis whole people. His \ices debilitate his mind; when he thinks to speak like a Kinir hx proceeds like a tvrant, niu! when he condcsceiid<> he becomes vulgar. He endeavours to cover, under specious titles, disgraceful actious; and as tiie power to indulge in them abandons him, ht feasts his eyes, when he can no longer gratify his other vices. hi ,u-eni;Trt!, he concludes by resorting to dririkiiiir. X >tiiing is done here in a regular and reasonable mnnner. but, nccordinu" to the pleasure of Back- lughaiin an ignorant young man, blinded by court favour, and earried away by passion. The most important and urgent business cannot induce this Kino- to devote a day, or even an hour to it, or to iiiti rrupt his pleasures. He does not care what people think of him or what is to become of tlie kingdom after his death. I believe that the breaking of a bottle of wine, or any such trifle, affects him more than the ruin of his son-in-law, and the misery of his grandchildren." We would willingly ascribe some of these expres- sions to the dislike of a foreigner, or the excessive severity of a gloomy-minded observer. Yet Burnet liiniself says, "No King could be less respected^ and less lamented at his death. England, which acted so great a part, and whose Queen, Elizabeth, was the arbitress of Christendom, and the wonder of her age, sunk, under his government, iiitc^ ritter Uibignificance, and King James was the laughing- stock of his age. While hungry wTiters at home bestowed on hini the most extravagant praises, all foreign countries looked upon him as a pedant without judgment, courage, and firmness, and as the slave of his favorites." Lord Littleton expresses himself to the same effect: "King James possessed neither courage nor ability, and was equally despised 6 m 460 DEATH OF J..\MKS 1 [Chap. iV at liomi^ and aliroad;* His doatlu on the (Ub of April 1^2^. i^"^ ^^^^' ^''^''^ y"^^^* ^'^' ^^^^ '^^^^ '''''^^ ^^^'' taiidv considered by most persons as abapiiy event, and very few presaged tliat tbe ledestruetibU^ irenu^ of ort ati r convulsions would soon spring into life with redoubled energy. JSOIK'' TO rilAlTKM W. (1) Page 421. Queen Anne was likewise even profuse m ' her expenditure; and in 1610 there were 297 persons receiving salaries in the establishment of Prince Henry. Lingard, vol. IX., p. 120. (2) Page 422. Arabella, daughter of Charles Earl of Lennox, was descended in the third degree from Henry \ II. Respecting her hard fate, see Sjnsame Lettres et DepecheSy St. Germain, vol. DCCLXV., pp. 207—209—210. Biogra. Britann. Johnston, ^^, 372 — 458. Sawyer, vol. II., p. 8. Wilsons Life of James, p. 10. Lodge's Illustrations, vol. HI., pp. 178 — 217. Respecting Raleigh's and Cobham's plan, see Miscell. State Papers, vol. I., p. 377. (3) Page 422. On the 1 1th of July, 1604, the ?!( otch Par- liament gave directions for the examination of the plan. Acts of Pari., vol. IV., pp. 263-- 366. (4) Page 425. Le fait de sorciers et sorcieres a fort im- portune le roi. Un grand nombre a ete pris et en partie est execute, comme au dit Aberdeen 57, sans plus grand nombre aexecuter. Epistolce theologicce prcestantium virorum. Ep. 21 . (5) Page 429. Parliam. History, vol. I , pp. 1210—1241 — 1249. Pecuniam sine modo, sine judicio dissipavit. Non potest dici satis quantum in illo vanitatis, quantum iniquitatis fuerit. Johnston, p. 530. Wilson, James, p. 158. Me ^md himself. 'I find matter sufficient and full both to move me to desert my defence, and to move your lordships to condemn and -t.^-j^Jw'f^gi^i'g&'^^.ts^^^K'- It 41):^ MiTKb.- Cii AFTER IV. XOTE« ,— ril A l^TER 1 Y 463 censure mc " Aikln, vol. IL, pp. 203, 214-^220. Bacon died on the 9th of April, 1626, six years after his fall, and in indigence, at the age of 65. State Trials^ vol. II. , pp. 308— 314. Howell, vol. IV., p. 8. (5) Page 429. The King, the favorite, and all who possessed the power of aiding his return to public life, were besieged with letters, characterised to an almost incredible extent, by abject entreaty and unprincipled adulation. Vaughans Mem. of the Stuarts, vol. I., p. 288. Lingard, vol. IX., p. 252. (6) Page 430. The Countess confessed her guilt; the Earl persisted in denying it. Both were condemned to be hanged. State Trials, vol. II. , pp. 269 — 290. HowelVs Letters, vol. I., p. 3. (8) Page 436. There arose such a stench in the house of the Spanish ambassador, in London, that the neighbours com- plained, and an investigation took place. There were found quarters oi beef, mutton, and other meat, buried in the dung- hill, Avhich they would neither sell nor give away to poor heretics. Nor would they suffer any diminution of the daily supply, from pride and covetousness. The people loudly blamed this conduct, and said, "that two Spaniards belonging to the Legation had killed themselves by excess in eating." Rusdorf, vol. L, p. 115. (9) Page 440. It is certainly an exaggerated statement that on the Prince's departure all his letters to the Infanta were returned to him unopened. Mem. pour servir cL VHistoire de France. Paris, 1756, vol. III., p. 244. Only the last letters were sent back unopened. Vallaresso, MSS. de St. Germain,\o\. DCCXLL, p. 1208; and M^5. de la Bibliotheque Roy ale. According to Gongalo de Cespedes, p. 331, the parting of Charles and the King of Spain was polite on both sides. xMany presents were distributed, and Charles received among others, a Madonna by Correggio, and a Venus by Titian. (10) Page 440. He threatened punishment, and confisctttkm of property, if the people did not elect according to Im direc- tions. Aikin, vol. 1., p. 182. May's History of the Parlia- ment, p. 6. Hume, vol. VIII., p. 72. (11) Page 441. The House of Commons justly said to the King, " your Highnesses power is absolute, either negatively to frustrate, or affirmatively to confirm, but not to institute, with- out Lords and Commons." Vaughan, vol. I., p. 117. (12) Page 446. Thuanus, CXXIX., p. 15. When the Earl of Northumberland and some other counsellors recom- mended greater toleration, even Edward Coke said, 'Uhis was very like treason, because it was contrary to the rights and dignity of the crown." Lingard, vol. IX., p. 216. (13) Page 447. May's Parliam. History, p. 5. To the Bishop of Ambrun, who came to England incognito in 1618, James spoke favorably of the Pope and religious toleration, but would hear nothing of the Jesuits and the restoration of the church property. Deagant, p. 119. (14) Page 447. According to Welwood, p. 19, Sully had made the first discovery in France, and Henry IV. communi- cated it to King James. (15) Page 448. Aikin, vol. I., pp. 239, 274. Johnston, p. 402 — 425. Sawyer, vol. II., p. 170. Collier, vol. IL, p. 690. Khevenhilller, under the year 1606, p. 3102. History of James I., ^.274. ATea/, vol. II., p. 47. Zi^^rarr/, vol. IX., p. 36 and 433, endeavours to prove that the Jesuits were much less guilty than is generally supposed. Ua the ill treat- ment of the Catholics in Ireland, ibid. p. 191, and especially Carey's Vindicice Hibernicce, (16) Page 457. Macaulay, vol. 1., p. 134. Hut. of James I., p. 160. Rushworth, vol. I., p. 5. Aikin, vol. II., p. 101. V il. I., p. 165, 175. Thompsons Life of Raleigh, According to Lingard, vol. IX., p. 231, James had no know- ledge of Raleigh's enterprise, and by a royal declaration of . =1 4(;4 NOTES. "t:l!Al'l'-'K IV. June lei"' (Dysons Prodamat., vol. I.,; he was expressly forbidden .'. attempt any thing against other States, and especially Spain. (17> Page 457. James had never expressly pardoned Raleigh, but said, "he would keep this as a curb, to hold him within the bounds of his commission, and good be- baM. ur HowelVs Letters, vol. I., p. 6. From the Accession of Charles I., to tlie breaking out of the Scotch troubles. (1625—1637.) ( 1 1 A RLEs I. was bom at Dunfermlme in Scotland, on fhc ]mi, of YoYcmber, 1600, and, likr Queen Elizabc th, was twenty-five years of age on his ac- cession to the throne. In his youth he was weaklv and self-willed, but strengthened his constitution hv toniperance, and gradually acquired much skill ill hudily exercises. In consequence of a luccil de-- feet, it \vas difficult for him to speak fluently, and iiu wa5 bu destitute of gracefulness and atFahilitv, flint Ik was not able even to confer favours in an tiigdging manner. As iic had not interfered hi palilic affairs as Prince Royal, perhaps from obedi- ence to Ills iaUier, and had never expressed any decided opinions, most persons expected he would ao V ad with doable energy, and only a few attri- buted his former reserve to want of decision and ta fiiiH ss. The person who expressed the greatest apprthnisions, was the Palatine Ambassador, VOL, I. Hh mi ■\ -^ 466 CiiAKACTER OF CllAlU 1 s 1 [Chap. V. Wnsilorf: "If." said he, "the l!i■^^ Kr^^g trusts en- tirely to tlic direction of one man. mid disdain- sin- cere advice; if, like his fatlirr. lu neglects business, crives enr tc) informers and calumniators, raises dis- putes ^vlt!. his people, and lool.- v.vnn concession as disgraceful, he will become contemptible to his enemies, bring shame upon his friends, and en- tirely ruin the tottering state." At I Ik 1)eginning, however, the contrarv nf all this took place. The persons belonging to the new Court, were required to be strictly mnrnl m iheir condnct; fools and buffoons, whom James loved to hiixe about him, were kept at a distance; able mvn emplored. and artists and men of learnin- encou- rao-ed. The King read and wrote several languages, polseised a knowledge of history, divinity, and malhcinatics, and a taste for all the finr^ arts. V' Though Cliarln^^ was born in Scothmd, thc^ Lnghsh coii.idcrcd him as one of their own coiiiitrvmen, and his dignified drportmenl could nut fail tu please, ^^ luii compared with the loquaciousness of James, and his predilection for imworthv favunlcs. W ah respect to his projected marriage, tlaae were different opinions. After lim ill advised plan of marrying him to a Spanish Infanta, had not only been given up, but had led to nn uncalled-for ^^ai, it appeared doubly necessary that Charles shnnld strengthen himself by a closer alliance vmiIi I raucc. The mai I lagc contract with Henrietta Mana, sistrr 1625.] IW^ MARRIAGE. 467 of Lutiib Xlil,. waN concluded on tlio Hiiii of Xo- veml)rr. 1112 1, and a large dowry a.ssignc(i her. Souu aitcrward.s, Buckingham was commissioned to fetch the Princess from Paris. An immense mimljcr of very costly dresses, and a train of five or six hundred persons, manifested his vanity rather than the power and wealth if England. On the 22d nf June, 1625, Charles, then twenty-six )cars of age, was married at Canterbury to Henrietta, wliu was then sixteen; and it was expected iiom I } a 111 ui 1 1 V moral character of both, that the marriage wo! dd hi happy. Soon, however, occasion for mu- tual complaint arose : in the first place, Henrietta thought that she had not been received with as mat h pomp and respect as was her due, and was angry thai she was made to sleep m an old state bed fif Queen Fdizabeth's. Soon a ft or wards, she bad a tlisputi \viih Buckingham, because he desired to fnrcf^ his wife's sister and niece upon her, and witli the King, because he mcddicd in all, even tht rnnst trifling d( tails of her domestic economy. hhi the uihcr hand, Charles had reason lu corn- plain of tlio iirikindness and violent temper of his uife.(^) Till- Queen's own establishment was the chief cause of all tiiese evils; it consisted, accordiiiu to da marriage contract, entirely of French, and partly ui biguicd lloiiiai! Catholics. These persundod the hmii that lier conscience would not allo\\ her to Hh2 468 THE av ken's IIOUSKIIOEP. [CllAP. V. 1625.] C1E\IU.ESS I-IRST P\IIIM.\\1ENT. 409- 1ii \\ n be crownrd in tlie Engiish iiiaiuicr, ur tu be present at various ceremonies; they unseasonably attempted to convert Englishmen to the Ronu^ii leUgion; iii- tciTupted Protestant worship in the King s absence; stigmatized him as n rq^robate heretic, with sx iiuui the^ aLiccii ought to have nothing to do, and im- posed foolish penances upon her, whuii Ait did nut imphcitly follow their directions. The King at length lost his patience, and, ^^ ithout regard tu the stipidations of the marriage contract, dismissed tlie whole of the Queen's French household at once.(') All ui tiiLiii, a iiundred and twenty in number, has- tened to seek redress of her, but fnniici that the Kir,y his |)iM)pie, and no people ever more desirous to iiicrease tlic lioiiour aiul grculuciss of iU iiuvprcigu. Your Majesty will certainly receive ^aciously the faith fid anci necessary advice of your Fariiauicnt, winch cfiii liave no other object than to serve your Mau Nty ami tlu kingdom, t^y niir denouncing the evils which led to your Majesty's necessities and the ic)rii|)lamts of the people; wlnlc wo, at the same time, propose means to remedy them. Con- ticlrntly relying on their future removal we una- nimously declare, though we depart from the former proceedings of Pirliament, that we ^^ ill support your Majesty with supplies in such a manner and so amply, that you will be safe at liome and for- iiiidable abroad. We will also hasten this affair, as your Majesty's urgent wish and present circum- stances require." Though, on the one hand, these friendly promises were \ery welcome lu the King, he could not avoid, on the other, feeling some uneasiness at the conliiiucd enquiry of liic House of Coiniiions into the conduct of the administration, which in particular ihreatonecl thr Duku of Buekincrharii. In returning thanks to the FarUament, Charles added, "If you connect the grants of the supplies with the state- ment of your grievances, I consider this as an Hitnnation and not as a condition. Tn order hnw- 6 1625.] BUCKINGHAM. 477 ever, to answer tin:, pomt, I u-ii you, I ^un as rcaich' as mv predecessors to listen to your grievances, provided that you endea\oar to iind remedies for defects really existing, and do not merely look for liic cxprcbb purpose of discovering some grievance. Ynn niiist know also that T will not permit my uificers to be questioned or called to aeeoiint by you, and least of all those who are in higli posts and about my person. Formerly it was asked, 'Wliat shall be done for the man whom the King delighteth to honour?' Now, some persons take tronlih to enquire what can be done against tfu. man wl i n 1 1 1 1 1 a f\ n i u i hinks fit to honour. Form erl v you extolled Buckingham, for what reason will ) ou now accuse him? Hn is still ilie same, and has done nothing without my express command. I ^'i^li vi' I tn liasten in granting the supplies, for every delay will be most injurious to yourselves, and if anv evil arises from it, I think I shall be the last to feel it." This letter of the King was hable to many ob- jections. It \\a5 evident that he claimed the grant of supplies as an unconditional right, but considered the redress of grievances as a secondary consi- deration and a matter of favour. That in certain respects hv placed himself m respect to the Par- liament in a position, which, if not hostile, was yet constrained and unsuitable; while he so identified liimself Willi !iis servants and officers, that there 47b DIFFERHNCES BETWEEN CHARLES [Chap. V. could be no iden c t th( ir lespuubibiiit}, or even of an examination of their administration, without offence to the King himself. in this state of things the House of Commons beUeved itself called upon to perform its duly in two points at the same time; it therefore piovision- ally voted three subsidies and i hree-fifteentlis to put ail end to the embarrassments of the Treasury; but added, that the bill should not be passed till tht Kinir had heard and answered the grievances of the Parliament. The House likewise continued its enquiries into the conduct of the administration, ill which Mr. Turner, and Mr Coko in pnrticular, declait tl riiubi decidedly against Buckinghanu The Kiiiu- persisted in considering all this as an improper attack on his government and that of his father. He therefore summoned the Parliament to W hite- hall nil the 28th of 31ay, and thanking the Upper House, expressed his approbation of its proceedings. He regretted that he could not say the same of the Lower House, and had summoned it for the pur- pose of If pro\dng It tor its errors and unparha- mentary conduct. He hoped, however, that they would all return to the right way after tiic Lord Keeper had clearly proved that they had been wrong. The Lord Keeper in his speecli said, "The King will readily hear and answer your just complaints if they are laid before him m a legal manner, for no King loves his people more titan he 1625.] ANTi TTTK PARLIAMENT. 479 does, but none is more jealous of his rights, whick he will never sufifer to be violated under the pretext of Pailiamentary freedom. You have the rights of a deliberative, not of a controlling authority, and there is a difference between liberty and the abuse nf it. With respect to the Duke of Buckingham, the King is best acquainted with his conduct and services, and feels that the measures directed against him are an insult to himself and to his father, King James. He therefore commands you to end this unparliamentary enquiry, and to leave tn liis wisdom and care the future reform of those things, which you suppose to be otherwise than they ought to be. "The grants cannot and must not be delayed till after the redress of the grievances, and the King expects a final answer before next Saturday. If he does not receive it by that time, his Majesty cannot expect aid in that way, nor will he promise that the session shall be continued any longer." To this speech the King added that he had con- ducted the foreign affairs according to the wishes of the Parliament, and formerly no person had been more in favour with the House than Buckingham. ! delays and dissensions must necessarily be attended with the most fatal consequences; a friendly dis- position, on tiie other hand, would encourage him to go with the Parliament. Mr. Coke had said, it was better to be ruined by a foreign than a domestic 5 4^0 BirFERFxrE^ bfi'Wf.f:n riMULL^s [Chap. V. enemy; he, tli^ Kin^, thought tliat it was more hoiinrdhlr tor a >()Vi;rtHLrn to hr atlackril, ihIV, en- tirely destroy eci, than tf» he despised bv iiis subjects. Consider, ( so Charles cc^nehidt^d liis address,) tha.t the calhim', the duration, aiid {hssolutiun of Parlia- ment, depend entirely on niv power; aeedi-dirigiy, tlierefore, as I liud them to product^ good nr evil fruit, tliev will continne or rcasr to he. These declarations, whieh not only ealled in question some hitherto undisputed riirhts of tlir Farlaoiitrit, but threatened the annihilation of the main foundations of the English Constitution, cavp rise tu suck loud complaints, both lu and out of Parliament, that he caused his own siieech and that of tlu^ Lord Keeper, to be explained by Buckmgham Hi a more temperate sense. The King, said the Duke to thr Ibjusc of Coniuions, would grant more tiine for deliberation, and had fixed so short a time onlvon aceoiiut tif \hv urgent necessity of the case; nor w oulil he interrupt their enquiry into grievances; onlvlie wished th take some rrsohition respecting the supplies, lliough, according to ancient custom, this was aiways^ the last liusiness to which 1625d AND THE PARLIAMENT. 481 Parliament attended. They besides begged the King not to give ear to any insinuations, and not to judge of their conduct while matters were still under consideration and incomplete, but to wait for the end, which would satisfy him of their loyalty and attachment. About this time, when many persons hoped that all parties would follow the right middle course which had been pointed out, various circumstances and ill-judged measures concurred to increase the public discontent. Lord Bristol, who had been kept in prison for two years on account of his con- duct in Spain, without any legal proceedings havino- been commenced against him, complained to the House of Lords that no summons had been sent to him to attend its sittings. On the intervention of the Lords a summons was sent to him: the Lord Keeper, however, added, the King wished he should make no use of it, but, under some pretext, keep away from the House. Lord Bristol sent this letter to the House of Lords, with an observation that his old enemy, Buckingham, had obtained this demand, but that he intended to prove that the Duke had done wrong to the present and to the late King, to the State, and to the Parliament. The King and his favorite were so indignant at this boldness, that an accusation of high treason was made, in his Majesty's name, against Lord Bristol, which he victoriously refuted. VOL. I. I 1 480 DIFFERENCES BETWEEN rilARLKS [Chav^ \, enemy; he, tlu^ King, tliouglit that it was more' honorable for a sovereign to he attacked, na>% en- tirely destroyed, tluin to be despised by liis subjects. Consider, ( so Cliarles concluded his address, ) that the calling, the diiratunn and dissolution of Parlia- ment, depend entirely on my power; according]}-, therefore, as I find tlieiii to produce good or evil fruit, they will continue or cease to he. These \ieclarations, wluch not cmly called in (question some hitliertu undisputed rights of th. Parliament, l)ut tlireateiu'd the annilulation of the mam foundaticuis of tlie Enixlish Constitution, gave rise to sucli loud coni|)laints, liotli m and out ot Parliament, tliat he caused lii-^ own speech and that of the Lord Keeper, to be explauied by Buckingham in a more temperate sense. The King, said thi' Duke to the House of Commons, would grant mca'v time for deliberation, and liad fixed so short a tnuc only on account of tlie nrinuit necessity of the case; nor would lie mtenaipt their enquiry into grievances; only he wished them to abide by thc^ course followid l)V their predecessors, and not to look after defect. so much, as for means to remedy ihtun. The Commons, in tlieir answer of the 5th v' April, refuted each of the accusations made agauisi them, proved their right to accuse persons in oihrr. and promised speedily to take some resoliiticm respecting the supplies, though, according to anciciit custom, this was always the last liusmess to wlucli 1626.] AND THE 1 AHLIAMENT. 481 Pcirliaiucnl attuiuhaL Tiicv 'besides bego-ed the kiiiii' not to give ear to any insinuations, and not U) judge uf their conduct while matters were still under consideration and incomplete, but to wait for thi: end, which would satisfy him of their loyalty and attachment. About iiii> time, when many persons hoped that all parties would follow the right middle course wliK li hill been pointed out, various circumstances and ill-judged measures concurred to increase the puhhr discontent. Lorrl Bristol, who had been kept in prison for two years on account of his con- duct in Spain, without any legal proceedings having been commenced against him, complained to the House of T.nrrk that no summons had been sent to liini In attt lid its sittings. On the intervention of thf Jj)V(]^ a summons was sent to him- flir Lraal Keeper, however, added, the King wished he should makf no use of it. but. under some pretext, keep away from the House. Lord Bristol sent this letter ■n t]]c TTon^e of Lords, with an observation that his old enemy, ijuekiiigliaiii, had obtained tins dtiiiand, but that he intended to prove that the biike had done wrong to the present and to the ^^ King, to the State, and to the Parhament. Lie King and ins lavorite were ^o indignant at Ls lioldness, that an accusation of high treason ^vas made, in his Majesty's name, against Lord Rristo]. wliioli he victoriously refuted. \0L. i. I 1 > 482 DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CHARLES [Cha!>. V. This affair encouraged the lioiisc of Conuiions In draw lip articles of impeachment against Buckino-ham. and to present tiieiis, mu the 8th of Ma}^ to the Upper House. The chief articles referred to the union of many offices in his person, ill conduct of the war^ extortion, the sale of judicial offices, the procuring of titles of honour for his relation^, the squandering of liic pubhc money, his presumption in administering medicine to Kiim- James, &c.(^) Buckingham was certainly able to refute some of the articles of accusation. Yet the Comuiuus justly felt that the whole ad- ministration had taken a bad direction, of which Buckingham was the chief cause, and that the responsibility of ministers is often greater in refer* !Hc to certain errors which lead to impor- tant results, than in respect to isolated crimes. The Kinir caused two member:^ of the lluuse of Commons, M ssrs. Diggs and Elliot, to be arrested, because they liad expressed themselves m an unbecoming manner respecting him, on the pre- sentation of the articles of impeachment against Buckingham to the Upper House. (^) It appeared, however, from the investigation, that false reports had been made to the King, and he was obhged to set tlie two members at liberty. On the other side, a Mr. Moore was thro\\Ti into prison by the hhouse of Commons, on a complaint by the King, because he had said, "We are free, 1625,3 AND TTTF V\ KL! A\l EST. 483 and imist remain so, if the King will preserve his kingdom." Alter discussing what a tyrant can do, he had, however, added, " Thank God, we have no cause to fear any thing of the kind, we have a pious and just King." Foui tlays afterwards, Charles granted tho release of Moore, but had, in the mean time, involved himself in a dispute with the llon^p of Lords, hr committinir the Earl of Arundel to the Tower, without examination, and without assigning any reason. Tlie Lords declared that such conduct was nut allowable, and could nut be adopted except in cases of high treason, or when a person refused lu give security for his conduct. Tliough everybody knew that Charles was angry with the Earl, merely on account of some expressions in the House of Luds, tlie King affirmed thai lie had sufficient reasuiu and would one day make it known. If the Lords believed and called iiuu a gracious Kinu. they ought to confide in him. This turn and conclusion appeared so unsatisfactory lu the lluuse uf Lords, the \ao- lation nf judicious laws was so evident, and the danger to the safety of all so great, that the House resolved, on tlie 2d of June, since every remon- strance was disregarded, not to enter upon anv other matter tiil this was settled. Thus the King found himself obliged to give np his precipitate resolution, and to set the li irl at liberty on the 8th of June. ii2 484 SECOND PARLIAMENT DT^^^OT VFD. [Cli.Ti. V. On the same day Buckingham defended liimself before the House of Lords, and on the following day the King again called on the Commons to hasten the supply. He said, "That in case of their refusal or longer delay, he must call God to witness that he was not to blame." The Commons drew up ai. answer, in which they justified their conduct; objected to the levying of tonnage nnrl poundage, and requested the dismissal of Buckingham. But before they could present it, or the Lords make an urgent application to the King for the prolongation of the Parliament, he dissolved it on the 15th of June, and endeavoured to justify his conduct by a public declaration. The dissolution of t1ie first Parliament, he said, took place chiefly because contagious diseases were then spreading: to the second Parliament, the King had stated the existing dangers and the pressing wants of the Treasury. But instead of considering of means to remedy them, the Commons suffered themselves to be misled by some violent men, uiio had in view only their personal plans and objects; and after the receipt of the last royal letter, iiad caused a re- monstrance to be drawn up, which unjustly accused a peer of the realm, offended tiic dignity ui the King and his father, and contained a complete denial of all supphes. The King hence found himself cumpelled, after mature deliberation, to dissolve the Parliament. 1625.] Kl!.MUXbTllA.NCE. 485 The substance of the remonstrance of which the King complained, was tiie following: "The King has been induced by false representations to the measures w^hich he has adopted, and the dissolution of the first Parhament for instance, was not so much on account of contagious disorders, as Buckingham's fear of a just accusation. Formerly the examination of grievances always preceded the voting of the supplies ; now the power and the influence of Buckingham was our chief grievance, and the investigation of it naturally cost much time. Then a new interruption w^as made by the arrests of tw^o members of the House of Commons who were obliged to prove their innocence and to claim their rights. Besides this, the arbitrary levying of tonnage and poundage, not granted by Parliament, gave the more ground for alarm, as it is directly contrary to the law^s of the kingdom. The House of Commons, therefore, only did its duty in turning it'^ attention to all these things, and requests the King not to prefer one man to all other men, and to the public concerns, but to dismiss Buckingham. It will then devote itself with zeal and confidence to all the other business, especially to the supplies." The King, disregarding these arguments, believed that the right and power were on his side; he therefore ordered the remonstrance to be seized 486 UTTKlNr, }|.\\K [Chap. V. 1627.] WA i{ wrrii F-R \xrF. 4^7 aTid burnt, wherever it might lie found, and the Earl of AniTuli'i to hr arrested. Ill reference to all these measures and events, an impartial observer, Ru^dorf. the FaiiUiic Am- bassador, vvTites: "The King has dissolved the Parliament liefore anv Imsiness \\liatever was finished, in order to save his favorite from en- quiry. ('') Til us offending innumerahle worthy people, he chooses rather to please one man than to give way to the people and the estates of the Ivinrrdniin \u a just and legal manner. The King docs and orders nothing without Buckingham, who governs without restraint, while all ilie other Coun- sellors are subject to him, or are intimidated, or rejoice ^vIm n things go ill, because the favorite will then be more speedily ruined. Bnekingham. with the greatest folly, makes use of the King's friend- ship only for his own advantage, while he offends manv persons, and neglects the true interests of the country. Hence the King is hated, and the EngUsh government appears everywhere remiss as an ally, proud towards friends, violent without power and wisdom." Cardinal Richelieu expresses himself in equally severe terms respecting Buckingham: lit is of mean origin, ill educated, without virtue and know- ledge. His father was insane, his elder brother so mad that it \\as necessary to confine him; he him- self tluctuates between reason and follv, is full of irregularities, and is carried away by his passions. The folly of an enemy, guided by no rules, is almost more to be feared than his wisdom, because the fool does not act on the principles which are common to all other men. Reason has no toucli- stone \ licn opposed to such an one, for he attempts everything, prejudices his own interests, and is restrained by nothing but downright impossibility." The events that soon succeeded, proved iiuw correct]} RicheHeu had judged of the Dnke: a more prudent statesman would at this moment Imve tried every means to effect a reconcihation between the King and the Parliament, in order to obtain means to carry on the war with Spain, or he would have made peace with bpaiii, tu be enabled to do without the Parliamentary grants. Instead of this, Buckingham and his partisans dreaded every approach to reconciliation between the King and Parliament, and looked upon the continuation of the Spanish war as an affair of honour: nay, not satisfied with this twofold great error, he most absurdly engaged England, which already carried on the Spanish war without energy, in another war with France. The assistance of the Hugonots, and some less imp^rrtant motives, served ns a pretext; others however state, that Buckingham, fearing the influence <>( Uurrn Henrietta, wished to break off all connection with France, and hoped besides to acquire great military glory. He thought then to 488 CHARLES'S FINANCIAL ML.lhURES. [C IIAP. V. go to Pnris as a victorious Plenipotentiary, though he had been forbidden to appear there, because he had, on a former occasion, paid his court in an offensive manner to Queen Anne herself. His expe- dition to Rochelle m June, lf^27. (") entirely failed, and gave occasion for just reproaches, which could not be averted by the King issuing an order, tiial nobody should accuse Buckingham, or lay the blame on him. While the Duke, following his own caprices and personal feelings, quarrelled with France, he offended or shghted the Dutch, Swedes, and Danes. Christian IV., who was hard pressed in the German war, therefore advised his nephew. King Charles, to grant the reasonable desires of his subjects, and recon- cile himself with them, in order to obtain money and power to contend with really dangerous ene- mies. But Charles was much offended at this ad- vice, as an improper interference, and was brought, by his financial measures, into still greater difficulties. First of all an order was issued under the great seal, that all taxes, hitherto existing, though not granted anew by the Parliament, should continue to be paid, and this principal violation of the esta- bhshed forms of law, was followed by many other errors and acts of injustice. The farmers of royal domains were arbitrarily taxed; the Roman Ca- thohcs, (contrary to a solemn promise,) were ex- empted, on the payment of larger or smaller sums, 1627.] CHAKLES'S FINANCIAL MKASLllES. 489 from the penal statutes; the burden of tlie naval armaments or the payment of ship-money, was laid upon the whole kingdom, especially the sea-ports; tonnage and poundage were levied without respect to the objections made by the Par lament; an attempt was made to change the current coin ; and lastly, orders were given to sell all domains, forests, chases, ponds, fisheries, gardens, mills, houses, castles, rents, fiefs, the tithes, &c.: or immediately to raise the rents. As all these financial measures, which were injudicious or unjust, ur both, did not bring in sufiicient money, the King ordered, on the 16th of October, 1 626, a loan to be levied, to which every one was to contribute, according to certain rules, which were arbitrarily laid down. Tn the ordinance issued for this purpose, is the following passage: "The King is compelled to adopt this extraordinary mea- sure by necessity, and by the circumstance that there is not time to call a Parliament. This, how- ever, is not meant to form a precedent, or deprive Parliament of its rights. Certain people indeed say, necessity may be alleged every year, and en- deavours made to levy taxes without the Parliament. The King, however, is resolved not to suffer such speeches and intrigues to go unpunished. He will besides summon a Parliament as soon as it can properly be done, and as often as public affairs may require it. If the people now pay cheerfully and I 490 rilAMLEb b FINANCIAL MEAblRES. [Chap. V. willingly, this will excite confidence in it^ clisposi- tioii^ iiud iiuliice the King tlic* iiioru speedily tu udupL that measure." Tu tlii- plausible argument in favour ui the un- usual proceeding, it was answ^erccL if the King had liot ciissohrd the 1^ I rllamcnt precipitately aiul witli- out reason, the supplies would long since have been granted in a legal manner, and the want of money removed. The King indeed declared that this proceeding should not serve ns a i ul , Imh u is itself a violation of the rule, and takes away from the Paifiamont n most important and undeniable right. Besides, it seems absurd to purchase, in a manner, t\\c royal eoiiiidence by t1ie payment of illegal taxes, and to be punished for words and ap- prehensions whinh appear equally just and natural. Lastly, the King quite arbitrarily puts off the call- ing of a Parliament till certain unknown occasions may occur, as if the annual right of granting taxes were not a sufficient ground, which determines both the time and the object of the meeting at Parha- ment. Instead of listening to these and similar argu- ments, the King and those under him, blindly per- sisted in the course they had once entered on. Those who refused to subscribe to the loan, had soldiers billeted upon them, were pressed into the sea or land service, sent abroad, reprimanded by the King in the bitterest ami iuuht offensive terms, 1627.] HAMPDEN. DR. SIBTHORPE. 491 I dismissed from their offices, or imprisoned nt once. Yet so little was received liicit people said, this was iik( fishing with golden hooks, or cultivating tlic land with ivory ploughs or silver spades. And in fact, begging and plundering were employed almost from house to house; and with the greatest offence to all his subjects, and a fatal diminution of the respect due to the King, only small s\mis \\ ere collected, whereas legal and prudent conduct would have readily procured far greater resources. Among those who were arrested for refusing to cuiitiibute to the loan, five gentlemen. Sir Thomas Darnel, Sir John Corbet, Sir Walter Earl, Sir John liLveningham, and ^ir Edward liaiiipdcii, scntured to try the question, and affirmed, that an order of iiic King or the i*ri\y Council was not sufficient ground to arrest any person without allegation of the cause, ur lo refuse setting him at liberty on las giving sufficient bail. Hereupon a solemn trial, which excited universal attention, took place, in the Court of King's Bench, in which it appeared that the Kings had certainly acted in many cases in this manner, but that it had been expressly prohibited by the Magna Charta and six subse- quent statutes. At the same time the court employed certain clergymen to enforce its notions of the absolute power of tlie 'sovereign, from the pnlpit. Thus Ih. Sibthorpe said, in his sermon^ "Only the King gives 41)2 1)R, MAIN W A ring's SEilMUN. [ChaP. V I; law s and does what he pleases, where his command is there also i^ the power, and wli) dare a^k hiin, what doest tliou? When Princes order anything whicli ^iihjects cannot perform, because it is con- trary to the commands of God or to the laws of nati!rf\ or in it'^elf impossible, they mu^t siitlcr the penalty of their disobedience without murmur, com- plaint, or resistance; they must manifest passive obedience where active is impracticable." In the same spirit T>r. Alain waring preaciied before Charles : "The King is not bound to observe the laws of the kmgdom, respecting the rights and privileges of the subjects. E\ciy royal command, for instance, in respect to taxing and loans, binds the consciences of the subjects on pain of eternal damnation. He who resists commits a great sin against the law of God and the supreme power of the King. 1 i ' is guilty of impiety, disloyalty, and rebellion; for the coii^eiii ui Parhament is not necessary for the imposing of taxes, &c." W u wuLild willingly look upon such expressions as mean flatteries of servile court chaplains, or as the unmeaning results of partial theories, had not Charles reprimanded and dismissed from his office, Abboi, .Vichbishop of Canterbury, because he would not allow the sermon by Sibthorpe to be printed; had he not subsequently rewarded Mainwaring in a manner which gave oflFence, and elevated him to the Episcopal dignity. The dis- 1628.] TTI » P\ltlJ\MENT SUM>roXED 493 content excited by these theories, and the adminis- tration which was conformahlr to them, continued to increase, so that only a few officers and clergy about the court approved of this mistaken course, while in the deliberations of the Privy Council, the deficiency of all the means employed was more and more plainly pointed out. At length, the celebrated historian and antiquary. Cotton, plainly declared on the 29th of January, 1628, two things are wanting, money and popularity. But these two things can- not well be separated, uii which account, that great statesman. Lord Burghley, said to Queen Elizabeth, "Gain the hearts of your subjects, and you will have their hands and their purses." The present mode of obtaining money is contrary to the laws, becomes daily more difficult, and besides produces but very little. The King ought, therefore, to remove all doubts on religious affairs, to introduce rigid economy, not to maintain a standing army in the country to excite suspicion, and Buckingham ^liuuld make iiimself popular by being the first to propose the maintenance of the public liberty and the calling of a Parliament. As the distress was urgent, and the Duke easily and wiliuigiy persuaded himself that he could in this manner for ever turn the opinions of Parliament 'H his favour, the King, by his advice, summoned It to meet on the 26th of March, 1628, and set 494 THE king's speech. [Chap. V. alinvc seventy persons at liberty ^v'n- li.id l>een arrested for return- to contribute to the toree.l loan. Twcuty-seven of tiiciu xsete nmnediately elected into the House of Commons, and hrmighi vdth them, if not i.assion and a desire of revt uge, yet the firm resolution to adopt every means to render such inrnnds oi, prupcri) aud personal liberty impossible for the future. The King, in his opening speech, said: "The times call for actions and not for words, therefore I will say but little, and wish, as Kings ought to be patterns for their subjects, that you may imitate me in this, and qiiirlxlv come to a decision. The danger threatens all, the necessity is notorious, and I haxv called a Pariiament to provide means for uur o\Mi safety, and the preservation ot uur aUies. Every one must now act accordiug to ius conscience, Nvbereforc, li, svhich God forbid, you should not do your duty, and refuse to contribute to « lint the stjiie needs in these times, 1 am bound, for the dis- charge of my conscience, to employ tliuse other means which God has placed in my hands, to save what the folly of some individnals otlierwise l.rmgs near to destruction. Do not take this as a threat, for I disdain to threaten any except mv rqnnls. but as an exhortation, from him who b} nature an.l duty is chiefly concerned for your preservation and vouv 1 willingly forget and forgive what 1628.] 'i'lilRU i'AULlAMliNT 495 is past, provided that you follow my directions. lall again into tlie former erron eons happiness, 1 \ \ 'ill \ ^ Hi aiicl do not C(nn*ses." As soon as tlie Ku.g had ended his speech, the lAU'd Keeper detailed, more circumstantially, the state of domestic aiid foreign affairs. His Majesty, said he, "has applied to the Parliament for a grant )f money, not because it is the only, but because it In the best mode; not because he has no other means, bui because it is most agreeable to hi> goodness and to his wishes, for the welfare of his people. If it should fail, necessity and the sword f the enemy will compel him to take other means. TliLiciore do not forget the direction which his Majesty has given you; I repeat it, forget it not." Even the warmest friends of the King could not but confess that these speeches were devoid of all friendliness and courtesy, and touched in a tone of ill humour, upon things which it would have been bcLtcr to have passed over in silence. Those who saw the matter in a graver and more unfavorable light, said, "at a moment when the King is forced from his illegal course by extreme distress for money, and Parliamentary assistance alone can save him; when there are many grounds for bitter complaints, he speaks in the tone of an absolute monarch, again threatens with illegal measures, and calls ill question the rights of Parliament, which is Uie centre of the Enghsh Constitution." 496 P.\ l-n/lAMENTAR\ DLiiAlEb. [Chat. \'. The majority (^f the true friend^ of ihrir cmmtvy, ill tlic iluusu uf Coiiimons, without sulfeniig them- selves tr^ he friirhtened into senile submission or |)ro\(>ki(i to violent opposition, resoht d to proceed with temper, and in such a niaiiiirr. tliai tlit^ King shciulii have no pretext to di>bolvc the Pariiament, or t I sidopt other arbitrary measures. According In thpir^preceduig manner, however, together with the (h liberations on the pubhc wants, they entered on discussions relative to the administration, bil- leting of soldiers, forced loans, arrests, and other griovances. Some very remarkable speeches were delivered on these subjects. Thus, Sir- Francis Seymour, on the Ji I of March, said, "This is the great council of the kingdom, and here, if not here alone, his Majesty may see, as in a true glass, the state of the kingdom. We are called hither by his T\Tits to give him faithtul counsel, compatible with his honour, and tliis we must do without flattery and fear. Let ii^ therefore not imitate Cambyses' judges, who, uii his putting the question to them, replied, the will of tl 10 King is law, and he may do as ho pleases. How eaii we talk of grants, if the King is convinced that he may take at his pleasure, and while it is preached from thi ^nilpit that all we possess is his by divine right? In such manner, clergymen forget their vucation, and become ignorant statesmen: they are ready to sacrifice their oonscience for a good bishopric. Princes, who extorted the most from 162B.] i'ARLlAMENTAR\ DEIiATES. 497 their siibji^cts, were always in the trreatest distress. He is not a o-ood subject who will not willingly and freely ^aeniice his iiie wiu'ii the service of the King and the good )f the State really require it; but he is !!o good subject, but a slave, who sufferN his property to be taken away from him against his wilL and his hbiTtv acrainst the laws of the kiiior- do I !!^ I I !i Sir Ibibrrt PinHips i.isod ^till stronger language: the ancient festival of the Saturnalia," he said, "the slaves hnd for one day liberty of speaking and ai ting. Not so Hi England, where every one is froo for life. What avail useless words about rights and pn\ileges in Parliament, if it is speedily dis- solvocL and nobody secure at any other time of his person and property." *^Xow/' said Benjamin Rudyard, ^'^it must he dccidLd whether Parliaments shall li\e or die. It is !iot w( Ihbeing, but existence that is at stake. If the Kiiig coiitiiiues to take one way, and the Par- lianirnt anoth(a% the State must be ruined between theiii. We iiave more need thaii ever ot wisdom, at n moment when our ])ersons, property, and evervihinof dear to us is in (nn'stHui. hi-t us l)v all nioaiis avoid dissension: h^t us trust tlio Kino:, that he mav trust us: for advice wit lion! Tiionev, and monev without a redress of grievances is partial jhkI uisnliicient. Let us endeavour to bring tlie Kiwij: '>vc r til jLir side, then we shall easily obtain VOL !. K k . J I 3 S Si i 498 P^\IlLl AMENTA RY DEBATES, [Chap. V. frniii liiin pvci'v thiiiu' reasonable, and. u\ fact, there can bi" the less ditiiculty in coiiiiui; to sucli an aoreemont, as tho one party cannot exist wiiIhjui the other. Sir Thomas Wentworth, afterward- I'^afi rii' Straiiurd^ who had himselt' heiu imprisoned for refusincr to contribute to the lr)an,(^^) bitterly com- piaiiicd of the eunduct of the administration, and then continued: 'Tt is not the King, but bnd ])n)jeetor5 have extended his rights beyoiid thfir (bie proportion, which fnnn'ily constituted the licinnoiiv of tiie whule. They have reduced liie (invii t ) [inverty, by consuming the revenue in advance: they ha\e estabh>Lcd a privy council, wliicb. impriNons us at \t< ])]easure. \Vli;it liave th( V nibbed us of, or rather what ha\ e they left us, with which, after our property has been annihilated, we eari assist the King?" In eoiiehision, ^vv John Cooke summed ii]i the sex'cral ariruiiieiit^. aiiil ^aicL "We all aii'rei' that money nni:>t be granted tn tbr Knii!-. and ;ii)iises retb'essed. Tlu' inilx' (UftVaaaiee v( upinion relates to tile manner ef niir furl! it i- deliberations and decisions." At iengtii it was resolved to discuss, in two (hthn-t !it eonimittees, the wants of the govern- ment, and the ifi'ievances of tlie pef ^'lc^^s became more and nnrr." ;ip- parent. Tt was ob'^eT-x^cMJ,. tluit the actual wjuit nl money was not the greatest evil, but that the 1628.] GRANT OF SUPPLIES. 499 governmcut has fallen into it. and ilint wirat was LH-anted has not been |iroperly employed. Till libitv is secured, (added AVentworth,) no new grants must be made." The members of the House of Oommnns. who were more clear-sighted, were b\ no means disposed to a breach with the King ai thi^ moment, so that even Pym said, ''Deeds are b( tt( r than words. Let us therefore hasten our resohitions on the supplies." Accordingly, on the i Ith of April, five subsidies were voted, a sum, not indeed sufiicient to meet all the wants, but larger than had hitherto been granted, and even than the Kmcr lumself expected. He said, therefore, ''On this day 1 have risen higher m the estimation of all (l!rist( lidom than if T iiad gained some battles. I love the raihament, I take pleasure in it, and promise that all shall enjoy as much liberty as ever VwiN I njoyed under the best King ot the coirritry." iiui kmnrham, too, made a speecli in praise of the Farnameut uu tins occasion, wiiich. however, was (aaisidered as presumptuous; because he said, ''Hitherto he hud been tin- favorite. Imf beo-JTod the Ivmg now to give that title to the uiembers uf FnrhanKiLt." A> the grant of tin five subsidies was 011I3 a |)n)\-isional vote, and no time fixed wluni the money slifiuid ])e levied, anrl c!^ the discussion of the grievances wmt on nt tl.e same time, the Kinc ^Hgici them, on the iDih of April, after so good K k2 i i ■ ' I' t i 5U0 DlFFl'.UENCES BET\^ EE:\ tllAHLES [Cli.-U". V, a befrimiinir. to cliHMcir the qiiestiuu nf flu- supplies (|uicklv.5 aiul in preference to all oilwv matters. Tlic Commori*^;. on the same diiy. drrw up an answer, of which the followino^ is the substance: "It is an ancient nirht i)( Parharnenl to detcrmme the order in wliieli tlie matters before it shall be treated, and especiaily to dchherate on the orie\ances before matters of taxation. We lia\e, however, taken haitli uito consideration at the same time, and granted more than ever was done before. We are also convinced that the prerogatives uf the cruwu and the liberties of the subject are equally necessary and salutary. We. tlierefore, rt (pic^t the King not to listen to partial insinuations, but to relv on what will shortly be laid })efore hiiii/' The first law which, was presented to the King bv tlie House of Cuuiniou^s un the Mth ui Ajiru, related to tln^ redress of abuses in billeting of soidii'rs. lie replied Lo the Speaker, "It is nut the tniK* to enter into discussions on tlie privileges of the iluu.se, but lu do what the occasion calls for. 1 am no L ss regardful than you of the maintenance of your liberties, but delays may equally endanger vour rigiits and mine. I shall answer your request in due tnne."'(^^) The House, liowever, was tbc^ further fi-om husptaulinir its dehbaratiuiii upnii liic gnexauices, as It seemed unreasonable that tin King d. laved 1628.] AND THE PARLIAMENT. fif ^ I infh;finitel\ his answer to a simple petition, and yet desired the grant of mr)uev to be made immediately in ordrr then, as they feared, tu dibbolve the Parliament. The more easily to remove, as he hoped, all these doubts, the Kine, in an unusual manner went himself to the House, on the 28th of A|)ril, am! di elared, through the Lord Keeper. ''Thai he irave his word inviolably to nuuntain tiie Magna Charta. and all tlie confirmations of it, as well as aii tlie rights of the people, and to govern acconlnig to tht laws. Tn tin's royal word and promise they uerulci find as much security as in any law, ami he rcfjuested them to ])e satisfied with it." However satisfactory this promise appeared, it contained nothinp; that was not already comprised iu the Curoiiatiuu Uatii,('^) which had not preventcKi all abuses. The principal object was to remove doubtb and abuses by precise legal enactments, th.at the interpretation and application might not depend on personal goodness or arbitrary will. In this spirit Px njamin Rudyard said, "The object of Aiagna Chartu am! cahcr laws is, to convert the undefmed royal authority into a definite and Iciral one. Hut as all and every point cannot be ])recisely defined by laws, there remains a certain free space in whicli eoiilidiunx.^ nmst i)t^ placed tn the Kino- whose |)ower does not subsist against tin laws, but iogetluT Willi them. On the father hand, there are In 502 DIFFERENCES BETWEEN Cil MILES [CiiAi. V. certain points which have lately been l)r wiii be wur^e 1628.] PKllTiOX OF lUCniT. 505 than they were before." The most singular arirn- ments were adduced in favour of this a(hIition; for instance: that otherwise the children ui Irish rebels could not have been confoha) in the Tower for life. Still more must we be surprised that Sir Edward Cuke observed on tin's occasion, that this had hern for the benefit of the children so confined, lor othi rwise they woiild have become Catholics. Thus, thi most zealous friends of civil liberty often conrhicted themselves in those times as the bitterest enemies of religious liberty. Aft'T lin^ dobntes were ronrhided, M\\ Cilanville explained the views and motives of the Lower House to the House of hords, and said, among othta- obserxations, "We have wished and wiU wibii nothinn- ^nt what obedient and fjyal subjects may ask, and what a gracious and ja^t King is able to grant. For. ns we require certain liberties for our- selves, so we acknowledge the great and legal prero- gatirrs of the King, and do not tinnk to diminish them.'' Tfien came the proof, that the addition proposed by tlm Lords w^as either nnnecessarv or iusigiiilieant, or cuutrary to the mam object. The power nf tin' Kinir is regulated by the laws, and the Conimoub would by no means argue that they miirht be dispensed witli in certain cases, depend- ntg on the Knig's npnnon aionca The admira!)k^ and thoronu'h explanation «)f C^hmviHe induced the Iji'vils unani!nou.slv to wathch'aw their (idchtnan and i'li 5 t m r€ 506 PETITION OF Kii.HT. [Chap. V. 1628.] PARLIAMENT AK i DE BATES. 507 tlie priition. of ng-iii receivc^d. liic assent nf both Houses. 11 1 e following is the substance of it. I. I\() taxes, loans, benevolencies, &c., shall be ordered and levied without the consent of I'ailia- ment. I!. Xn person shall be arrested, rondmniod, or depri\ cd uf ki^ property, without the allegatiuu ui the reasons, according to the ]n\y< of the land, and b}' judgment ui In^ })eers. III. Soldiers shall not be arbitrarilv liillci rd on till' Citizens, cuiitrary to tlie ia\V5, aiid nu citizen shall ])(' trie d ;rnd punished by martial law. i\ . Ao uiic may interrupt ur ^5us|)rnd liie course of the laws in individual cases, or create extraor- dinary courts of justice. After some further attempts of the King entirely to prevent this bill had failed, it was preseiitrcl to liiin (ill tlic 2d of June, 1628, and he answered, "It 1^ !!iV will that justice be adiiiinistered accord- ing to ilu 1 ivvs and customs of ihc kingdom, and that inv ^nbjects haxc no uTound to romplain of n Mohition of their true liberties, to the pn-servation of wJHcli I fvvl myself in mv conscience as much Ijound a^ to the maintenance of m\- preroratives.'* This an'^jwor did not adx-anne tlie husinoss in any manner, because it was not in a i^arliamcnlory foriie bv wiiieh a bill is rorivrrtod into a law. Moan tunc, iiiipatient at the complaints which wen made on this occasion in the I.ow er House, the King ordered them not to discuss things which implied ur inigiit lead to reproaches against him, his government, or the officers of state, but to terminate their business without delay, it being his intention to dissolve the Parliament on the iith uf June. This command, which fixed an arbitrary limit to the proceedings of Parliament, or appeared to i in- duce the in to mere passive grants of mcmey, excited so much astonish nn lit and such deep felt grief, that it ^^as a long time before any one ventured to break silence. At length John Elliot said, ** Our sins must be very great, for witli wliat zeal and what aifection liave we endeavoured to gaiii tiie heart of tlir King. False reports must have drawn upon us thi^ mark of his displeasure." At thi^ moment, just as Elliot was going to enter into a more par- ticula) chscussion of the conduct of the ministers, Mr. Allen, the Speaker, very unexpectedly declared that ho hnd orders to interrupt every one who should speak unfavorably of persons in the King's service. On which Dudley Diggs exclaimed. ^'Tf we are nut tu speak of such things m Parliament, wo had better go home than remain mute and idle here/' Nathaniel Rich said, "We must not be silent, for we might indeed thereby save ourselves, hiu |)huige the King and State into rum, we must, togetia r witli tine T.ord^. present our remonstrance tu the Kmg." "The ivmg," continued Kirlon, "is « ii.:* ^M, A- j08 P.\!-iLf.AMEXT,\RT i)F.!!.\TE&. [Chap. V. 1628.] PETITION OF RIGHT. r)09 as good a King as ever was, but the enemies of the State have prevailed with him^ tu extirpate whoin, it is fr) ]](» lioped, there vill ])c no want nf hearts, arms, aiul swurils/* "It is not the Kiiiir," said Ceskr--. "' wlio fori) ids us to discuss the affairs of State, but tiie Duke of liuckiugham." "What object have we liad," said R^ibf rt Pliillips. '''but to serve the King and to make him great and irk.irious? If this is a i rime, we are all, witliont exception, guilty. ^Vhat ^hall we do it all mir hiuuble representa- tions are of no avail, the object of which w^as not to east reflections cm the government^ but tniix tu acquaint tlie Kiim ef tlie dangers which threaten liim and us. We are compelled to act m this man- ner In- our indisputable duty to tin- Kmir, the ceinritry. and posterity; and if we nnt.y be inter- rupted in sm h a manner, we must cease to be even a, eonneiL I eonsnha* tiiat answer as the most afflictinu' message, and as the greatest loss in the Avorid. .Let ns, however, rontinne to be wisp and lmnd)le, and submit a fair declaration to the Kinir." . Herenpon it was resolved that no Mon'ilier of Parliament had lost sight of the respect winch was duc^ to tine King. But before the further disrnssion^:, wdueh were chiefly directed against liuckinghani; were terminated, a roval order came for botli Houses to adjourn nnrnediatciy. A subsequent very vagn.e declaration <)f Charles was tlu^ less calculated to satisfy the House of Common^, because it liad received news (4'* the raising of troops in fireign jiarts. Charles, therefore, and his favorite, at length thr^imdit, tfmt. not entirely to lose the supplies, and to prevent an accusation of tlie Duke, tin rt tnsal ledherto made should be revoked. On the 8th of June, after a new representation from tin- ( onrnion'^. the Kini;^ erdled both Houses and said, "M\ former answer was so maturely weighed and approvetl !)y so many prudent persons, that 1 could by no means conjecture it w^ould not satisfy vou. To nvoid, however, every equivocal inter- pretation, and to shew yuu thai 1 have no reserva- tion, T will satisfy you with respect to the w^ords as well as the substance." After the Eiii had been again read, tin King gave his sanction by the cus- tomary and legal form, ^uiijaii comma il est desire. 11 then added, ''This sanction contains no more than 1 meant to give by the preceding; fur it was intended to include in it all your liberties, as, ac- cording to your own assurance, you neither can HOI- \\\}] abridge my prerogatives. My principle is that the liberlie:^ uf a people always strengthen the rights of a King, and that the latter are chiefly intended to defend the former. Yon !n)w see I new readv I have always been to fulfil your wishes, on m side I have done what depends on nun amd if tnt Pnhnment should notwithsanding not end haj)|nl\^ ft \ s ;s , It Will be your fanlt ami ihiI inine.^ pro(jf of its unmixed joy and gratitude, the m 1 if t I'ii * 1 r. / 'W^ ^ 510 >1AI\:WAR!XG CONDEMXKD, [Chat. V. House' o( C niniiioilS granted uii tiiu llitli ul J 11110, V, ithont reserve, tin five subsidies previously voted, aiicl the- King ihougiil that now all was ended on both Sides, niid that no motive for further deUbera- tion 11.(1 It - lutions remained. The Commons, on the otiii ! hand, were convinced that it was not siitMeii nt theoretically to lav down certaiii principles and (ontiriii privileges, but that it was their ris^ht and dntv to make practical use of them, and to proceed to particulars, (unless all they had done were to lu? in vain.") and examine v.iiiii abuses in the administration might be redressed. P>\ doing this, thev vro;i:(l equally consult tlie advantage and honour ui the King and that of his subjects. Accordingly the prosecution of x\lainwaring for the above-mentioned sermon, was continued before the Upper limse, and he w^as sentenced to be excluded fur ever from all offices in the Cliureh, to pay a fine of £1000, to niaTce a recantation and apuiug) , lu remain in prison at the pleasure of the House, and his sermon to be seized and Imrnt. Ill the order issued by the King fur the execution of tin last resolution, it was said, to take away all occuMun and pretext fur scandal and uflfence, Mainwarino'- sermon should henceforward be ntitlur printed nor sold, but given np: for, though hr had meant well, yet through ignorance of the law-, h(^ tjad (h'awu ii|)>ai hiiii^elf Uie cen- sure of Parliament and 1 ia condemnation of his ])ook. 1628.] commons' REPRESENTATiaM. 511 iU o A representalioii to iJu- Kiinr wus more impor- tant and comprehensive, in which the House of CoHiniuins stated its grievances. They related to thr arrogance and influence of the Roman Ca- thfdics, to the too great force of the standing army, tilt raising of recruits in foreign countries, the levy- u of taxes not voted, the conduct of the war and f foreign aflPairs, the decay of the fortresses, the cicrhne of trade, and the excessive and pmiicious nitirtenee if tha Duke of Buckingham. The King^ (hsph/asetl at this representation, answered, that though he saw that they understood less of all lea se things than he did himself, he would, however, take the contents (»! their representation into his ron si deration. He also persisted in saying that he took every thing upon himself that had been done hy Bin kinirliani anal the other Ministers; they were iunucent, fur tiiey had in all cases acted by his (^rdcn's. The 11 u use uf Cominuns. not moved by these ' liservations, which did tlie greatest harm to the l\nig hiinsuii, reipaested hmi lu recall a proposal of the 3d of February, 1628, respecting the levy- iiiii uf the cxcibc, L'ccause it was inconsistent with tie r'mdits of thr Parliament and with the Petition u[ Kigiit. lu the same si)irit and for the same rea- sons, tin House drew up a remonstrance against trir (hitirs of t(Minage and poundage, which had ne*! heen granted i)\ Parliament. The i\ing, who t i 12 1' A R L I A M K X T P R CI R O G V E D . [ClIAP. V saw ill ail this oiilv prriiiciuus iiiiiuvatiuub^ ami im- proper interference lu bis rights, snnnnonecl liotl] the Houses on the ^ikh at June, 162^, and ^aicl ni substanc(\ " M"y Lpeetini^ thr real meaning i'S h. At the time when that pmuioii was in contemplatiun, the iwu Houses declared, that they liad neither the intention 1628.] THE KiSUb ^1'EECH. 513 nor tiee power to abridge my rights; whence it foHows, that I did not grant my subjects any new liberties, but only confirmed the ancient ones. To shew, hoWLAer, the purity of my intentions, and tlint T noitln r repent of what has been done, nor mieiid to deviate in any respect from iny promise, f declare, that such circumstances as those which ioimerly appeared to trench on your liberties and gave occasion to the P( tition of Rights, shcdh on the wni-d of a King, never again occur, Ihn. with respect to tonnage and poundage, I cannot do with- out it; and you have no more power to take it from me, tliaii T have inclination to give it up. In con- clusion, 1 command you all carefully to mark my wi Ills, as they contain the true sense and meaning of viiit I Liarited you in your Petition of Rights. I his is addressed especially to you, the Judges, liiTanse tlie interpretation of t]m laws belongs to you ah)ne, under inc-; for neither the Lords nor the Commons, nor both together, (whatever new Hoctrmes may be atteiiiptcd to be set up,) have any niihi w liati vrr to pass or to interpret laws without my assent." After this speech, which, by the King's order, was entered in the Jouruais of the House of Com- mons, tlie Speaker presented the bill of supply, observing, that bo lnrg:p a sum .(} ne\Tr h' >re been granted in so short a tune. It received, with some uther biiib, the royal assent; the l^arliament VOL I L 1 II r H IV) .. i' ■i ®?B^ .^'v^ 514 REMARKS. [Chap. V. 1628.] BUCKINGHAM ASSASSINATED. 515 was tlicii |)ron)gaed to the 20th of October, ItiiS, and afterwards to tlic 2nth of January, 1629. While the speech ui the Knig and the prorogation of the Parliament were approved by on!}' a few persons, who thought that the right was on his side, others said that the remonstrance at which the King had taken offence w^as moderate in its form, and in its substance well founded: its object was Ijy no means to abridge his just rights, but to remove the causes of former injustice and to bring the adiiiiiii?>tration into harmony with the Petition of Right. Nor is the question, whether the crown can do wiUiuut certain revenues, or whether they shall be refused to it; but that, according to the ex I 11 -^- voids of the Petition of Right, every tax must be granted by Parliament. From this ancient, and newly confirmed rule, the King cannot make arbitrary exceptions, nor are vague words and pro- mises sufficient, when the formal consolidation of the law^ is m question. The Parliament well know that it by no means possesses the legislative power without the King, but if the latter claims it for himself alone and the judges who depend upon him, this leads equally to the destruction of the due relation between him and the Parliament, and to t lie establishment of an illegal, arbitrary authority. \Vhih ilir King hoped to make himself popular by measures against the Roman Catholics and Jesuits, and prohibitions of the sale of Mainwaring's bermon, he, on the other hand, excitt i! alarm, by bestowing on the latter, in direct contradiction to the decision of the Piirlinment, a ricli living, and on Montague, who entertained similur opinions, the ]iT>hoprie of Chichester; and on the detested Laud, the bishopric of London. He also caused the Petition of Right to be printed, at first only in a few copies; and then, not with the legal Parlia- mentary confirmation, but in a mean and equivocal manner with the first answer, which was rejected by the House of Commons, and subsequently with- diciuii b) himself. (^^) The produce of the newly granted taxes was employed in equipping a fleet to succour the Protestants in Rochelle, and Buckingham was on the puiiit of embarking at Portsmouth, as Com- mander-in-chief, when he was assassinated on the 23d of August, 1628, by a heutenant of the name ot 1 1 Itori. In a few hours all had deserted him, wiiu had been so highly iionoured and flattered, and thr l)ody lay in a comer, on a mean bed, watched iiy a single servant, in the hat of the assassin a paper was found, the contents of which were: "He is a c.ward uiul disserves not the name nf i soldier and a knight, who will not sacrifice his liie Uir Cod, his king, and his country. Let no mail praise me for having accomphshed this deed, ou the contrary, let those accuse themselves wlio have been the cause of it. If God had not for our Ll2 I I * i! . 11 I .H; 5in FELTON'S MOTiVES. [Chap. V. t sins deprived us of our understanding, this man would not have n iiiained so long uupuiiibhcd." It appeared, iVcmi tlu investigation, that Feltoii \\nd no accomplices, and had iiefore he coininiiicd llie deed, implored God on his knees to dix vrt liim from his purpose if he did wrong, bin uiln i wdse to confirm him, and give him strength in execute it. To a clergyman, who did not knnw him. he said publicly at church, "Pray for my friend Felton, who is melancholy and nut of his wits." W 1m h he was bitterly reproached for his crime, he answt 1 1 d, "Buckinghain has twice unjustly passnd me over in piuiiiotion, and has been declared by Parhament an enemv to his country. T havo dono what all wished for, and at what everybod} njoices now that it is done." And, in fact, the joy at \h\vk- jnirham's assassination was so great, tiiai ii n)uul !U)t hut appear offensive, nay, fraifid. to rvrrv uuprciudiced person. For it was not merel) that a dangerous statesman was removed from the stage, but peupk despairing, in the trouble of the times, of the sufficiency of noble means, were content ^nth a crane in order to attain certain ends. Putting lii^ personal feelings out of the question, the Kinu iiiiglit consider that he gained, b) the death nf Buckingham, inasmuch as he was placed in a niiK !i more fa\orable situation wilh lubpcct lu th.; Parlianiont, and it became more easy to give the g(>v( ri nu lit a new direction. Tlicbo coubider- lt)29.] PAKLiAMjLM AC, A IN ASSEMBLED. 517 atinns may have contributed to the resolution to summon a Paiiiamoiii to mcuL on the 2()th of Jannarv. 1029 On tliis occasion the King said, "Tilt dispute about tonnage and |Hiuudage mav be easily tc'iDiinated if the meaning of my words and aLiiuiii ib lightly understood. \ did not demand that tax as a right, but ,/,/ fjene esse, and meant to shew ) uu, nut the rigiit, bat the necessity of levying it, till Vim should give your consent. And I was con\ iiiced that tiiib consent was delayed only from want of time, and not want of good will, and hope, that as } have removed your objections, it will soon be given. Let us not be jealous and suspicious of each other, but act in confidence and concord, and biiiig this session to a happy end." Without examininir whether this declaration of the Kmg entirely agreed witii hi^ former words and views, the House of Commons accepted it graJi fully, but did not suffer itself to be thereby deterred from entering into discussions on many ot th< points ahoady mentioned. Such as the pi Hit 111- ni the Pt tition of Right, the promotion of Mainwaring, aud especially the btatu of religious atlaa'r^. whirli increased from day to day the excitement of people's minds. When the Kino- ur-i d the passing of tin ^ money-bills, he was an- swered, that rehgion undoubtedly had the precedence of tonnage and poundage; and when he, then, re- ttiriiig Vu his unlimited supremacy as head uf the I I l< t . ,'' j'i lb A' loLF NT UiSPUTES. [Chap. V. Church, ordered tlie Pnrliament not to iiioddlo with things liiut did nut euiiecin it, no attention was paid to it. Oil tlie contrary, from that moment, the dispute ruiaiivc tu the Church and Ecclesiastical Law, increased in such a manner, that it ahnost exceeded \\\ extent and violence the dissension on laws relatii to civil affairs. In order to defeat resolutions respecting rehgious matters, or against tax-collectors, who levied taxes which had not been voted, the King had recourse to a piurogation of the Parliament, by which, however, those matters were delayed which he wished to have settled, and the reciprocal enmity was increased. Winai the Speaker of tiie House ui Cunnnuns, uii the Jcl ^ f March, after a long interruption of the sittings declared, that the King ordered a new adjournment till the 1 0th of Marcli Some members answered, "That ^iir1i a command could by no means be given to the House of Commons, as an adjournment, depended upon itself,(^0 but as soon as some necessai y things were finished, it would, however, comply. Herenpnn Sir John Elliot read a motion for a representation to the King upon tonnage and poundage, whirh the bpeaker, John Finch, iu consequence of the King's order, just received, would not suffer to be put to the vote but was going to leave the chair. The moment, however, that he rose, in order to witlalraw I Inlhs, Valentine, and some others came forward, and the 1629.] PROROGATION OF FAKLIAMENT. 519 first said,(^«) "By f md ron shall sit still here till we please to close the debate.'* '^Iw Edmunds, and some privy counsellors, in vain endeavoured to release the Speaker, and to support his opinion. Many opposed, and Mr. Selden exclaimed, "It is very blameable that the Speaker, a servant of this house, refuses, under any pretext, to obey. If such obstinacy goes unpunished it will be con- sidered as a precedent, and every Speaker may, at any moment, interrupt the business of the House under the pretext of a royal order." When Finch, notwithstanding this exhortation, refused with entreaties and tears, to prolong the sitting, his relation and countryman, Peter Hayman, said, "This brings sorrow over our country, and disgrace upon our family. For all evil, nay, our ruin, which may ensue, will appear one day as the consequence of your base conduct, and be spoken of only with indignation and contempt. If, however, the Speaker persists in not doing his duty, he must be called to account and another chosen." During this dispute, Elliot had drawn up a protest, which was read by Hollis, and adopted by the majority, though not without much noise and confusion. This remonstrance was in substance, "That all who should seek to extend or to in- troduce Popery, Arminianism, or other heretical doctrines, who should advise the levying of tonnage and poundage, without consent of Parliament, or 1 \ l! 520 PABLIAMENT DlSSOLVl-.l). [Chap. V. .( ^vho should {;' V O^ '^ru( TEN Ml.vlBERS ARRESTED. [Chap. V. >tect obedient ulBcers, but pnni^li disobedient subjects, and consider as uiiwortliy ui our pro- tection, those who refuse to ])\\y tlic taxes hitherto u'vit (1. A false report is spread that a new i^alia- moTit will he called. Ihis depends entirely on our will, and the abuses which have taken place have deterred us from this course; yet we shall be in- clined to such a step as soon as the people more clearly understand our intentions and actions, when those who have been led astray have become sensible of their error, and those who caused the cessation of Parliaments shall have been iiinished." Conformably to this declaration, ten Members of the House of Commons were ordered i > be arrested, and their effects to be put under seal, six days before the formal dissolution, llollis, Elliot, Hubart, and Hayman, were first summoned before the Privy Council. Mr. llollis, being interrogated, re- plied, ''That if he had seated himself in the Lower Hmivi; ;,l)ove the Priw Counsellors, it was paitly accidental, and partly because he thought they luiii precedence only in the Priw Council; that he had come to Parliament animated with the greatest zeal for the Royal service, ' and if his ^Jajesty were now dissatisfied, he begged him to looiv ujiiiii him rather as an object of his clemency than of his power." On this the Lord Treasurer said, "You iTionTi rather of his clemency than of his justice/' but Hollis repeated, I say of his power. 1629.] PROCBBDIXG?? AGAINST ELLiUi, ETC. 523 11 hi it. being questioned respectinir his lancruage in the House, answered. "I am ready to account ffir my words and actions to the House of Commons if it calls upon me to do so, but here I am only a private man, and need not answer for anything that 1 did as 3icmber oi Parliament." Hobart spoke to the same effect, and added, ' I should like to know by what legal authority I can be examined here, as no power on earth ever has iluinandcd, or has a right lo demand, an account of ^iiat is done in Parliament. However, I do not hesitate to confess, that by the direction of the House I locked the door and put the key into my Hayman likewise did not attempt to deny the woiiIn which he had addressed to the Speaker on the 2d of March. Being asked what he would have done if the King had given Idra, as Speaker, the same commission, he said, '' I would have thrown niv^olf at his Majesty's feet, and begged him to give the commission to some other person, as the Speaker was above all others unfit to exe- cute it." The judges, being questioned b} thr King re- specting the* objections of the persons arrested, docidrd th;ii iho question did not relate to the whole Parliament and its rights, but to the offence of individual "Members, respecting which the courts <>f justice had instituted proceedings on former occa- •f. - iinrrhii MiitTi a» SENTENCE ON ELLIOT, ETC. [Cni V. 1629.] DlVEESiT\ UF UPiMuXb. 525 sioPxS.P) Besides, there wtTf. us m thr present iiLstance^ such heavy oflfences that I'luiiMiaentary pri^'ileges covild he no proteetioii (nnn pnssecLition and punishment. 1 he sentence of the court was, that the aeen^ed ^hmilrl he fined from £500 to £2000, and lie imprisoned dairing the Kings pleasure, and not hberated till ihev should give secunt) for their good behaviour, submit and acknowledge their fanlt. All the judges, except one, agreed in this sentence; some of the persons condemned were h!)erated, after paving the fine and giving security; others died ifi prison, because they eonld not. or wovihl not, eoinpiv wuli tlie con- ditions. Elhot, being attacked by severe iihiess, in consequence of the nnhealthine^s of the prison. wTOte a petition to the King, requesting porinission to enjoy fresh air. The King, however, returned It, saving, "Not humble enough." fO hi all his suiBFerings Elliot remained eonrageous, euergetic, and Lindauiited, and would rather suffer death tlian deny his opinions. He died on the 27th Xuvcinber, 1632. By these declarations and punishments, ( luiii- thougiit that he had gained all the unprejudiced, and friglitened all the ill disposed,- but in truth these events were by nu mcan^ judged of by all alike, and with the difiference of opinion, were con- nected the iiiUbL opposite wishes and Lopes. The Court party, (which liked to be called the legal and 5 conservntive,) said, in case Parliament will not give \va), GuvernniLiit mubt be carried on witiiuut it, and it^ dissolution brings relief from senseless zealots and presumptuous fools. At boiue future time, win II the Members and the people have be- come Wise, it inay be called together again ur not; for nobody has the power < r the right to compel the iviiig uii this puiiit; nay, if we enquire into tlic highest, the divine right, it knows nothing of Parlia- ments, Upper aiid Lower Houses, elections, and Speakers, but simply orders the people to obey the magistrates. And not iiierely the Clergy but the judges laid down t!u principle that the King can t!(> no wrong, and the Parliameiit could tlie less Innit the King's al)solute rights, as he is the source rif ;\\\ nirht. and may, if it appears necessary, dis- pen>e with all laws. The petition of right, which is now so often appealed to, is, however, notiiing f)ut a petition, wlneli the King wilHngly grants, as far as it is for the we-Harr- rif his people, but alwavs disrt^uards when ininrv uiiulit result from his attend- ing to it. If many persons represent the niatter in another Hirht, it is only to make themselves {)opular. Hio Kinir'*^ ricrht to deeide in eeelesi- astical and rehgious affairs can be still less disputed, tlijui his nnlimited antliontv in matters of tState, and h ast ut all can his right be doubted to give uneonditional orders to all norsons in oflBce. It is » an absurd innovation to make them answerable to 526 u\'EH>rrv i)h uPiMoxs. [Chap. V. 1629.] DIVERSITY OF UPilMUNS. 52' n any person but to liim. Wlii'n thcv exrriite his commands, ilicy always du nglit, aiid are free from all respuiivihiiity. Tlinse wlio took a different view of tlie subject answer( il : whether the King will have the power to govt iTi without a Parliament, the future will decidi ; but tiiat he has no right to do so, is mani- fest frniT! the clear letter of the laws, and the cus- tom of centuries. His rights are inviolable only if he acknowledges and performs his duty, and he is no less subject to the law than any ether person. Wliat the Puiliament politely called a petition of right, became, by the royal sanction, a law, l)iuding all parties, and he wlio denies this, very significantly indicates that still stronger guarantees against the arbitrary will nf the King must 1m' f aind. With respect to religion and eternal salvation, a foreign more than papal despotism, can be still less tole- rated than unlimited tyranny in the State: lastly, it is quite absurd that officers who violate the plainest laws, should be freed \)\ a reyal order from all responsibility. Ab our i^pace does not allow us to enter into a detailed examination of these several a iews, we V, ill inake only two observations. Firstly, it was a great error to believe that these important political and religious questions interested unly a few turbu- lent spirits, and tli it when these were gained by favniiTR or terrified by punishments, nothing more would lie heard uf them. Secondly, the first view logically includes the rejection uf all formai public rights and of all legal securities, and leads almost necessarily to the idea uf doubling the power uf the latter by force: and ( f opposing the absolute power of the King, (which pretends to be above all laws,) the equally erroneous doctrine of the sovereignty of the people, which claims limitation from all restrictions of law, and leaves the caprice of every moment to decide. ^Meantime, very much depended upon the persons whom tlu King would employ, and how he would govern without a Parliament. With respect to the former. Clarendon, a partisan of the Court, says in substance: "The Lord Keeper, Coventry, a prudent, well informed man, who never went beyond his sphere, sometimes censured as inactive because he would not assist in the innovations, the consequences '4 whieh he foresaw. Tho T.ord Treasurer Weston, not without talents, but immoderately ambitious, profuse, alternately too forward and too timid, without elevation of character and sentiment, and suspected of Catholicism, only not by the Roman Catholics themselves. The Earl of Arundel, the possessor of many antiquities, a humourist, pro- perly speaking ignorant, who, in general, cared \ery little about Court and pubhc affairs. The Earl 3 'I S L^^l 528 KARL OF STRAFFORD. [Chap. V. 1629.] THB.EARL OF STRAPPORD. 529 of Peiiihroke, able and esteemed. Init dovoted to ail kiiicl^ of pleasures^ especially to women. The Earl of Carlisle^ an experienced roiiitu r. and well versed m foreign aflFairs, but a boa \i\ant, and prodiiral in the extremo. Tlio Eavl of llulhiruL pliant, and not to be depended upiao Hio I'^aii of Montfromery, a good judge of dogs and liorses." it 1^ u\ idcnt that all the men here named would not have been capable of directing the affnirs of State even in tranciuil times, much lesb at so critical a moment. In fact, two other men soon acquired more decidtal influence, namely, Tiionnis Wenlworth afterwards created Earl of Strafford, and Laud, who had been raised to the see of Canterbury, after the death of Arcldiishop Abbot, in August, in23. Tiic iirsL was a descendant of the \\ enlwurilii who had distinguished themselves in Parliament in the reign of Elizabeth, and liad Inmijelf adx'ocated the rights of the people with energetic vehemence; had snpportcd to tfio utmost tlir pr'tn, inn of right, and snflVrod fi,im>tdf to be tln'owii nito prison for refusunr to eoutrihute to the loan lUegalh' imposed. SuKM' tfiat time, (though not without the fault of the (J()urt,j indications of more serious designs had appeared among the friends of tla popular party, yet notlnni!' had, heei! done lo ranse n total ehange of opnuoii- and principles. If, therefore, btratfbrd, fodrAviriL^ tlip honora/ole mvitatic^ii of the Kmg, hfici ithfuiiy united with him, and acted with energy la for the fueservation of his rights, as well as those of tht people, lie would merit implicit praise. In- stead ol tiii5, he liurried to tlie opposite extreme. ami tilt reby proved that Ins preceding actions rested on no solid foundation, or that lie was one of those d( inagogues who, as is so often the case, are but tyrants i\\ disguise. Whatever his defenders may say, it shews no consistency, no unity of prin- eiples and siaatiinents. for a man to? sutTm- Inmself to be imprrsoned to-day for not paying an unvoted loan, and to-m.orro\\^ to assist m imprisonim^^ others ha refusing to) pay the unvoted ship money. Strafford mcontestably possessed great energv of nnnd and will: from the moment he got the power rato fns hands, he was disposed to make use of it hkr ih( tyrants who sometimes appear in the lus- turv i>f the world, nnd are, not without reason, celebratial. Hut wliuo he indiscriminately set aside nil the demands of trie age for the attain- ment of this egotistical object, and recognized no law but his own will and that of the Kimr. he in a great measuia ju'oduced the evils which lu desired to eond)at, ami bfindly plnncod himself and his iiiaster into the same rum. A triii} great man wonhl have mediated between t1ie two parties in sui h a manner that they musl m the end have ac kiuAviedged that their own safety was to be iuund Hi his guidance; whereas now, after pas- ^ni ! Mm I y 590 ABCHBIftHOF LAUD, [Cff.^p V, sinn is allavcHl, all iiiav pitv, but iioiit' can whollv iustifv liini. Laud aetcai wnh respect in the diurch iii the same niaiiner a,s Stratlnrd iu reirarcl to the State. Botli were of an efjuailv veheiiieiit temper^, but Strafford knew \-er\- weii \vliat was at stake, and vet invited the decisivo contiict in too irrfai! eonti-- deiice m ins uwii powers. Land, who was of a less comprehensive mind, could not at all eoneeix-e iiow any reasonable objection could be made to his ideas and intentions, and thonrrh he wa*^ him^eU' most obstniate, looked upon all contradiction as criminal obstinacy. He nndonhtedly nave his attention to the restoration of tiie ciiurclieN, to the appointment of able clergymen, tlie promotion of leaniinir. and was in Ills |)t rsonal concerns well meaning and blameless. But all tliese good qnalities disap- peared wlu-n lie attempted and was called i![)(m to govern, and ret understood nothing of the times and i)i the sta,te, and looked at the Llmrcli m a whoiiv |)artiaL and on that account more tyrannical poHit of vn*w.(^--'j A stramre concurrence of circumstances, and a peculiar temper ea' nuinv ndnds, at least, wa^ required ludore so poor and narrow a spirit could ac(piire such inipurtanee. It in true, im deed, as has often, happened m our own days, tluit dextentv in ('inploymg certain pohlund and 1630.] TREATIKS OF P\i WE —-¥V\ \SCV.^, ^m theological formula, easily learnt by rote, passed lur an indisputable proof iji extraordinary talents and infalhble wisdom. I'lie relations of England wnh foreign piowers had constantly decreased in importance since the death i^\ Elizabeth. It was neither dangerous a^ an cufunv nur important as a friend. If the Kin^j- ni- tranled to irovern witliont a I'arliamiuit, h,e must abnve all things put an end to the useless wars, which vswr prosecuted with Iitth^ \'iireei,r. Accordingly peace was concluded with France iu May 1629, a.ml With Spnin in November 1 hoO, with less dilliculty because Charles gave up the orio-inal pnr|)oses h)r winch he had begun the wars. This, h(jw( vir, by no means put an end to his pecuniary embarrassments. As lie wa^, however, convinced that In possessed the right of levying the taxes re(|uired for necessary expenses, as he had before told the Parliament ("^) that if it longer delayed to em]doy its apparent right of granting money, the ftucc would be ended, he now proceeded in the course which he had before entered, and found hi his couiisellors, whose sentiments were as despotic as Ills own, willing instruments for his new resolutions. Without any regard, therefore, to tin' petition of right, which was directly opposed to such measures, toanau'c and poundage were levied, a tax on soap. salt, candles, wmcn leather, coals, &c. imposed, and thf L'ustom-liouse officers ordered even to search M m2 532 FINANCIA ASURES. [Chap. V. houses (-^) for goods whicli had not paid the duty. Each coiintv was called upuii. iu- nw i^vdvr "MOX£¥. 533 however. arosf\ when tln:'^ Kino', for the purpose of equipping : S86 OPINION (IF i LA REN DON. [CHAi . V. 1630.] AfFAlRS OF TIIE CHLRCii. 537 were* a,t least cfiiplnvrr! for ii:YC'dt ohjects, or if ulunjus deeds and successes nii^lit serve as an excuse, now tlie enormous revenue do(^ not suffice even for the ordinary expenditure of peiice^ and is dissipciti (1 at Court or in some other undue manner. If Ntjiiie violent persons carried liieii upiuiuns and intentions beyond what has just been stated, yet Clarendon himself, the most zealous advocate of t!ie l\inQ\ could not approve his mode of govem- nieut, and sajs m substance: •"Tiic dis.suiutiuu of the Parliaments was rash and fooHsh; for if some 31einbers 5,poke with warmtii, iiuy, wnh xioh^nce, yet they did not exceed allowable bounds, made judicioiiji proposals, and were led to express just censures, by many follies and excesses of persons in utiicc. riio five subsidies iJioinised hv the se- cond Parliament, did not indeed cntirt Iv pro\T[de iui' liie existing wants, but so large a sum liad hardly ever been granted. The more unsatisfactory did tlir I'easons appear wliieh were nssio-ned for the dissolution of the Parliament, the more injudi- cious tho riL''(a'oiis levy of the money, as if it were already maul (1 in a constitutional mannci and in due form. X of withstanding so many grounds for anger and distrust, the newly summoned Parlia- ment merely DrniKrht forward the reasonable peti- tion of light, puicliascd it fur five subsidies, and was again dissolved in a fit of passion. That the thoughtless Buckingham, who was unacquainted with tin; Constitution, nctvd m ^^vch a mann.er is less to lie wondered at. than that Lord Weston, wiifi was well versed in Parliarnentarv business, imagined he could attain iliC object in his irregular course witliont a Pitidiament. Lastly, it had a very bad efifect thiat the taxes arbitrarily imposed were de- mandrd not merely de facto, but as a right, accord- ing to the decision of judges, who thereby forfeited the esteem of the people, and that, at the same time, notions were announced wlucli could not but f^lTc lul every man vdio loved liberty, still more than the oppression itself. The Church presented a counterpart to this confusion in the aflfairs kA tiie State; the prevailing episcopal system stigmatized on the one hand Catholicism as superstitious and tyrannical; on the other, tin Peformed and Puritans as arbitrary and anarchical. In order to strengtlicu itself against the attacks of these two parties, the Church entered into strict Jtlhance witli the Court, iind justified tin/' newly-founded royal papacy, for which it was iii'atefuiiy alieA\od to emplov it in rnroiv points for its own njhuitage. Laud, in particular, acted in thi=^ ^)\xW with that vehemence which is usual! v l)roduced by firm conviction and narrow views. The Poman CatfiolicN. pressed m\ ail sides, lioped for llic protection of the (lueen; while the King- was not inclined either to offend the l^rott/siants or to Mulak his coronation oath. And vit this was )38 THE CfU/'RCH.— THE PURITAXS. iCiiAt. V. 1630.] I UK PriilTAXS. 539 [i I done, when lie dispensed with the Ecclesiastical Laws for money- urui endea\"OLirtnl to secure the assent of the (/atiiolu-s to his ahsohite niodt^ of go\"eriinier!i. For this, tho hiitor beeaine duublj odious; and besides, were divitled anion ir tli em- selves into a Josiiitiiail and an .Vntijesuitioal |)artv. Wlien Laud, to niaki* tlie celebration of divine wrirsiiip more sulennn eanscal pa/nitings, crusscb, altars, &e. to lie restorech he was called a, yiapist, thoiiirh ho eia'tainiv never liiouiriit ot layinu' his powcn' at tfie feet of Rome. When ,ho and the King: ahovv'ed all knnjs of diversions on Sanila/v, this was cahed pnanoting tlie most iiorrd)le cor- ruption c>f morals, thoiiLrh no nujre was intradiai thtin to priATnt gloomy austerity, and ar'oitrary eondemna,t!on of what was inno(n*nt.(^) LnnJ certaiidv acted in ail respects withj)ut tact, and evervthin()rldly- ininch-dness ami correii'ition of the Episeoprd (hiireh. *'\Ve art' Ccdied l^uritans," said they, "bi-eioaso we desire eonsistentlv to complete tlie rc^formation whicli has sto])p(il lialf-wdv, and to restore cor- rnptcai Hiristianity to its pnstino purity: because we conrai4:e(iU.^h' defend tln^ laws and libmljes of the emintrv, contradict unworthy courtiers, proud prekites^ useless projectors and extra \agant nobles, are zealous for Cod and Ins servicm disapprove of swearing, i!n|)iuus talkirii^ and profanation of the Sahhatln and rather listen to serious conversation and, gooii Sermuus, tlian ftillow nseless vanities. ■ IV^ this the adversaries of the Puritans re])lied, '*Tkey ari^ enemies lu the King and the existing govemnient in Church and State, rebellious hy])o- (uites, who. III the excess of tlieir vanity, call themselves saints, while all their holiness manifests .itself iiiilv Hi absurii tnties; in broad;~brinmiecl fiats unci crop|)ed heads. Men, who are anif)itiOus, hvpo(aatu*ah licentious, plunged m debt, and otlier wuithiess t fiaracters, assume this easy external shmv of grouglit to |)!"v into liie sacred ark r)f the State, and merited the severest con- demiiatiofi." Instt ad of allaying by mildness the violence of uppositioe. I..^au(l summuacd tlie inovt di sting mslied people before hiiis. and inflicted punishment if they had ill aiiv uiauiM-r transgressed the laws of (Tnirch discipline. lir attempted to support morale by means wlneii ineliidcd on undue tvranny, and werr^ worse than the evils which they were intended to cnmlat: the extent of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction was daily enhirged, all innovations opposed, (though Land hiiiisclf iiiTinvated,) the censorship of books made uiore severe, dissenters removed fruru their posts, and even lavmen refused permission to leave their country, and live according to tiieir n ligious persnasion elsewhere, till tbev produced an eccle- siastical certificate of their entire agreement with the laws and custom^s of the cbnrcb. T?v this foolish tjrranny, Ilaslerigg, liaiupdeii, IH ui, and Cromuell, 1630.] V 11 \ N N E . — n AST \S I C K . 541 who were on the point of sailing for America, were detrtiiied in l.mxland: an event, apparently msig- mlicanC ;irid yi t productive of the most important eoMse(jeiences. As always happens in these cases, intolerance and resistance increased tugetiicr; nay, the attacks on flu ( piscopal church soon exceeded all bounds of nas(hi';itioii mul dca-ornni; fur luslauce, m the writings of Leighton, Bastwick. Burton, and Prynne. ThiA' called the Archbisiiop an arch ofl&cer of the devil, tfic ilisfiops, satanical lords, abominable traitors, ravening w^olves, unjust asscrtors of ilie royal rights, contemners of the Holy Scriptures, promotor^: of superstition, popery, and inipu'iy, ser\ aiits of the devil, &c. Tn PfTOue's Histrioma vtix. we read : "onr English siioru and frizzled madams have lost all shame, so many steps in the dance, ^^n many steps towards hcli: dancing is the chief honour, inlays the chief ]deasure of the devil. Within two years, 40,unfi plays have been sold, better printed and more sought after than Bibles and Sermons. 1 Imst \\ho attend liie |)layhouse are no l)etter than de\ils niearnatfn at least like those wlio Irunt, ])}ay at (•n.rds, wear wigs, visit fairs, &c., they are in the hm-h road to damnation. And vet their nrmiber IS so great liiat it i^ proposed to build a sixth eha|)el to the devil in London; whereas in Hrnie, in the tune of Nero, lliere were only three; ehurctt yS 545 "PTIYXXE (^0\ DKMXKl). [Chap. ^' i; u music is nothing else than the lowintr of stupid beasts. The chonster^ bcliuw out ilic Leiici' as if they were oxen, bark the counter-|)iHiit like n pack uf hoiiiidN, gruuii out their shaki/N hke bulls, and grunt the bass hke a herd of swine/* Hiesc\ and similar expressions, gave the greatest offence, because it was supposed that IN vnne meant tu coiii|)ar(* the Kiiiir with Xero. ami to m^nh the Clueen, who was fond of balls ami niasciuenuies. These iihi'a l^intans, it was attirnaal, ileniand a new ehiireli; ra/w laws, new^ aiimisements^ ii new Kmg, and eadpavfai!' to excite discontent m the people. Prviuie said m Ins defence, ^'That he intended only to attack rd)uses, and express his conviction, l)ut liy no means to offend individuaL, and least of all the King and Uneen. or to compare his Majesty's government witli that of Xero. On tin- :3Uth t)f June, ]ho7. the court sentenced him, liastwuk and Burton, to })ay together a fine of 1 rnO(H)/,. tf> If )se their ears, to stand in tln^ pillory, to be branded on both cheeks, and impribuned fur an indefinite period. f^) Tn the execution c^f the sentence, deliberate cruelty was eiiiploved: they were put into the pillory at noon, that their faces might be exposed to tiie burn.i!iLr In^at of the sun; with Prynne's ear, part of the cluak was cut 'ickiinwh-cigi' Uw riiw with which, tho Kins: eiulcavDiu'ed bv laws; and r('iiHla.Lioiis to produce salutary effects. But tlipse vrrv iaw^ mid regaiations I'lroxc thai a false cxpt ctation was entertained of making real improvements l)v tho intrrferenco of o-nviaaiiiipnt in petty matters. Taxes on wine aud other articles, regulations for tho woiirht of waggons, the jjacking of buttt r, the number of hackney-coaches, and numberless other things,^^) could not excite any general uiterebt va themselves, and least of all divert, (as it wa^ wislna] they should,) the attention of tilt tH')|)lo, from the concerns of the State and the (■iiurelL l>ut it is neither njinatnral nor in- (iiscniiiiriateiy biameable, that ii is not till times of prosperity and happmess that men ehieflv direct their attention ttj these objects, and thai wishes and hopes become more decided. Po long as the daih necessities of life absorb ail energy and thought, a weakness and fear render it impossible to ()p})osc the deficiencies of social life, a negative traiuinillity and satisfaction prevail, which the timid or tvra,nnicnl consider a^ tlic indication and essence of piTfccr health, and uridiaa as a model, to the mama of revohjnuiiain' times. But t!u^ deplorable state of thnii!-^ i- nv'^--i frequently produced when, instead (^f ibih nroniotniir pniitical. spiritnah and intellectual iiiiprovement^ morbid indifference and 1637.] GENER \ HiSERVATIONS. 545 passive obedience are recom^ lended, and mankind are required to forget, or banish from their minds, all higher considerations in the gratification of the first wants of ordinary existence, and in the absence of minor evils. VOL. I. N n 544 OBMBRAL oB-^l-.it\'A'i-iuXS. [Chap. V. 1637.] GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 545 ! i^- w1ik4i ahvavs Irad^ in destructiTKR V. When the Parliament applied to the King to grant a fast day, he answered, "That fighting- would help their Protestant bre- thren more than fasting." He, however, consented, only it must not come too often. The Commons, on the other hand, said, " Religion must first be attended to, and then tonnage and poundage." Whitelocke, p. 12. (14) Page 501. The words of the coronation oath are, *' Will you grant to hold and keep the laws and rightful cus- toms which the Commonalty of this your kingdom have, and will you defend and uphold them to the honour of God? Yes." Sanderson s History of Charles^ p. 26. (15) Page 504. Leave entire the sovereign power wherewith your Majesty is intrusted, for the protection, safety, and hap- piness of your people. Rushworth, vol. J., p. 510. This forcibly reminds us of the celebrated fourteenth paragraph of the French charter. (16) Page 515. Israeliy vol. II., p. 138, endeavours to jus- tify the King's conduct, but, as it seems to me, in an unsatis- factory manner. (17) Page 518. Pari, His, vol. II., p. 488. It was said, *'The King had indeed the right to dissolve and prorogue Parlia- ment; but not to adjourn it." Neal, vol. II., p. 171. The refusal to adjourn was so far useless in the end, as the King might prorogue it. (18) Page 519. We find several Noblemen active in these movements; thus, HoUis was son of the Earl of Clare, Na- thaniel Fiennes a son of Lord Say, &c. Lingardy vol. X., p. 101. (19) Page 520. Earl Carlisle, and two or three others, begged the King, upon their knees, not to dissolve the Parlia- ment so suddenly, and in such anger : but all the Counsellors unanimously advised the dissolution. So they were not more calm or prudent than the King. (20) Page 524. Salmoris Trials, p. 103. Whitelockey p. 12. i: NOTES. — CHAVTEK \ *1^ Elliot was especially reproached with having said, '' That your Majesty's Council, all your judges, had conspired together to trample under their feet, the liberties of the realm. liashworth, vol. I., p. 667. HallaMy vol. II., p. 6. (21) Page 524. Sanderson, p. 135, seq. Brodie, vol. II., I 233. Israeli, vol, II., p. 231, ascribes the King's anger to the circumstance that Elliot compared Buckingham to Sejanus, and therefore indirectly characterized him as Tiberius. (22) Page 530. Laud was a very ass in anything but Church matters. Lilly's Life of Charles, p. 48. Lingard, vol. X., p. 5 — 285. Hallam, vol. 11., p. 53 — 61. Warwick, p. 73—81. (23) Page 531. You must not longer delay to discharge your illusory privilege, else the mockery will be withdrawn. Brodie, vol. II., p. 219. (24) Page 532. On the 23d of March, 1637, a new tariff of duties of custom on importation and exportation was published with reference to preceding royal ordinances. (25) Page 535. Bibl, Regia, p. 249. Brodie, vol. II., p. 389. Lingardj Vol. X. p. 27 — 33. The judges fell into con- tempt, by sacrificing the national rights. Neal, vol. II., p. 267. (26) Page 538. It was, however, not proper, and gave offence, that clergymen, by reading the royal ordinance from the pulpit, seemed to encourage the people to worldly amuse- ments. (27) Page 542. In 1663, a part of Prynne's ears had been cutoff, and he was branded on the cheeks with the letters S. L., (seditious libeller). Rushworth, vol. II., p. 1 — 379 — 382. Sanderson, p. 218. Monteth, p. 62. (28) Page 542. The following is a similar story: among the papers of the former Lord Keeper Williams, a letter of the Canon Osbolston, was found : ** The little vermin, the hedgehog, hocuspocus (Laud) is engaged in a great dispute with the «P 550 NOTES. — CH.Vi'i LK V. 4J Leviathan J. ni Weston)." Williams was fined £8000, for not having delivered this letter to a justice of the peace, ind Osbolston £5000. Ifr was besides deprived of his post, and his ears were cut off. Short, vol. IL, p. 96. Even Armstrong, the King's fool, was banished, because he had spoken disre- spectfully of Laud. Rushworthy vol. II . y>. 1 — IT I. (29) Page 544. For several examples see Rymer, For instance, London was noi tu be enlarged, and every person who had not a settlement was to leave the city. All hackney- coaches in London were prohibited under severe penalties, be- cause they incommoded the King, the Queen, and the Nobility; were the cause of danger, made hay and straw dear, &c. Rushworth, vol, L, p. 2—316—317. Vol. IL, p. 144— 283—301. END OF VOL. I. \\ phtnted by j. and c. adlard, Bartholomew close. £9i-i!?*B'A UNIVERSITY !'!" ill I ill 1 1 Ou ^/ ■'■:.: -^ iii C O LIJM B I A U N I VE R S f T^' 1. 1 1^ R A R I E S This book is due on the date indicated below, or at *' expiration of a defini<^** r-e>^irM^ t^f-r^^ the date of borrnw*- " ' '^'^ by th 1 4 ' 'I •1 ^ 00 - »^ >0 ^ «" • '«i^ • ,.~^ CNi cr ^ p~4 <^ >-i. I FtB 6 i^ij ^ \ Coliiiiitjia HiiiurrsitP III tfjr Citt' of ilriii liork LIBRARY m A i;, THE POLITICAL illSTO];Y OF ENCLAXD, !)nn\(, Tiii: idti,. i.ih, AiM) i^iIi ciiNTUiiiES. \ / . I BY FREDKiUrk \"03. KAUMEK PROFESSOR OF HISTORY I\ THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN. VOL TT. FROM rrir riu \KrxG out of the scotch troubles, to the RESf Hi. \TION OF CHARLES f! 1637—1660. J 1^ / \ \ \ LO X D O X ; AnOLPHUS RICHTER & CO. 30, SOHO SQUARE; T. CLARK, EDINBURGH; AND .MiLLIKIN AND SON, DUBLIN, M.DCCC.XXXVII. i / CO-XTKNTS OF V(H. ! L \ CHAPTEH ( fRINIBP BY J. BHIMMER, 59, OHKEK STREET, 80U0. ^ I From the breaking out of the Scotch troubles, to the opening of the Long Parliament. 1637 — 1640. Scotland. The Parliament. The Church. Charles visits Scotland. The Lords of the Articles. The Articles of Perth enforced. Objec- tions. The book of Canons introduced. The English Liturgy in Scotland — Opposition to it. Tumults in Edinburgh. Petitions against the Liturgy. The four tables formed. The royal ordinance. The Assembly at Stirlin?. Royal declaration — Protest against it. The Covenant drawn up — its contents. The King's objections. Con- flicting opinions. Negociations with the Covenanters. The Marquis of Hamilton, King's Commissioner. The Covenanters defend their conduct. The King makes concessions. The Covenanters not satisfied Cfoneral Assembly at Glasgow. — The Bishops protest against it. The Assembly dissolved. Mutual accusations. The King and the Covenanters prepare for hostilities. Cardinal Richelieu offers assistance to the King, which he declines. Peace concluded at Berw i. k 'I'lic (General Assembly convoked Thr f'arl Traquair, King's Commissioner. Parliament assembled, but soon prorogued. Deputation sent to London. Letter addressed to tlie King of France by seven Scotch Noblemen. The King's declaration. The complaints of the Scotch. Laid and Strafford Rigforous measures of the GoverriiiK nt 1'iie English Parliament assembled— ft commences with examining the grievances. Rudyard. Pym IIh l\iiig's message, urging the grant of supplies. — He goes to the House of 2 4 8 () B 4 IV. COME.\ is. Cf^X TENTS. V. / f ^ Lords for the same purpose. Violent debates on the subsidies. The King comes to the House, and dissolves the Parliament. The Con- vocation of the Clergy. The affairs of Scotland The Kincr's finan- cial measures. Letters of M. de Montreuil on these measures. The King's pecuniary embarrassments. He declares war against the Scotch—The Scotch army enters England— Defeats the Earl of Northumberland-The King retreats to York, where he convokes the Lords, and by their advice summons a new Parliament. Armistice concluded with the Scotch. Notes— Pao-e 1 —-77. CHAPTER n. From the opening of the Long Parliament, to the breaking out of the war between the King and the Parliament. 1640—1642. Conflicting opinions. Parliamentary elections. Earl of Bedford. LordSaye. Lord Mandeville. Lord Essex. Pym. St. John. Hullis. Vane. Parliament opened. The King's speech. I.enthall chosen Speaker. Grievances. Committees appointed to enquire into mono- polies, &c. Complaints against Strafford and Laud. Strafford im- peached. Archbishop Laud arrested. Lord Keeper Finch impeached. ^Negociations with the Scotch— The armistice prolonged. I'ricnnial Parliaments. The King is alarmed— His promises. The impeachment of Strafford proceeds— His defence and trial. He is condemned. Sentence of death passed upon him. The King intercedes for Strafford. Strafford's execution— His character. I'li. Lun^r Parlia- ment. The Convocation of the Clergy. The affairs of the Church. Attack on the Bishops— Proposals to exclude them from the House. Debates on the Bill. Arguments against the Bishops— Their reply and complaints. They resolve to withdraw from Parliament. They are sent to the Tower. Civil affairs. The Arm v. Peace concluded with the Scotch. The Scotch Parliament assembled. Charles visits Scotland— He makes various concessions. He favours the Covenanters. i'i.e Irish rebellion. Irish grievances. The Earl of Strafford go- vernor ,.! Ireland— His arbitrary measures approved by Charles. Exaggerated statements of the massacre of the Protestants. Mar in Ireland. Sanguinary measures. Lord Clanricarde. Embarrass- ment of the King. The King returns from Scotland. Violent debates in Parliament. Remonstrance *u t].. King drawn up— Sir I^Muiird Deering's speech against it-It is carrie'd. Sir Ricliard 1 Ourney the Mayor of London. TIk King goes in state to the city. The remonstrance presented to tlu King — His reply. He publishes a refutation of the remonstrance. New differences between the King and the Parliament. Tumults. The party names of Cavaliers and Roundheads first introduced Royal proclamations against riots. Petition of the Commons. The King's conciliatory answer. The King orders five Members of the Commons to be accused of High i reason- He goes to the House to have them arrested— They are warned, and retire. Resolutions of the Commons. Petition oif the city. Tumults in London. The King leaves London. The King's offer to the Parliament. The Queen goes to the Netherlands. Bill against the Bishops— Bill respecting the Militia—The Bill passes both Houses. Negociations with the Kin : — Correspondence between him and the Parliament. The King refused admittance into JIull The declarations of Parliament. The Parliament lavs before the King nineteen propositions. Apprehensions of war between the King and the Parliament. Speeches of Whitelocke and Rudyard against war. Preparations for war Royal standard raised at Nottingham. Notes— Page 78—205. CHAPTER ITT From the breaking out of the War till the delivery of the King to the English Parliament. 1 642— 1 647 . The state of parties. Situation of the King. Prince Rupert. The Earl of Essex. Proposals for peace. The battle of Edgehill. Negociations resumed. The corporation of London address Parlia- ment and the King to restore peace. The negociations continued. The King dissolves the Parliament, and summons a new Parliament tt) Oxford. — The House of Commons refuses to break up. Bristol taken by Prince Rupert. Hampden killed. Battle of Newberry. LordFalkland killed. — His noble character. The death of Pym. The violence of party. Exorbitant expenditure of Parliament. Heavy taxes imposed. The King's declaration — He makes offers of peace— ^-Petitions against it Great riots. 0ioth parties desire to gain the ScotchJ The Marquis of Hamilton — Marquis of Montrose. Parliament meets at Oxford. Royalists defeated at Marston Moor, by Cromwell Fre'-li fiegocia- tions. The Earl < f Essex. Cromwell's speech in the House — He proposes the self-denying ordinance — Its importance. The affairs of the church. Law for removing paintings, &c. from the churches. \ u i » t VI. CONTENT DeRtructiori rf works c,f art in the churches. The P.irli ann nt tiikf s an oatli fu the Covenant. Proceedings against Anli! :>ln.}. Laud resumed-~"I!e is condemned and executed. Severe censorship ui the press. Assemblies at Westminster convened to settle the affairs of ^ the church. The Presbyterians—The Independents— The Erastians *** -^/riu Levellers. Toleration. Satire on sectarianism. Disputes between the sects. The misery of the country. Fresh negociations *- for peace— They fail. Disposition of foreign powers towards the King. Spain. France. Letters of the Frpnch Ambassadors, Brienne and Sabran. The Marquis of Montrose. Affairs of Ireland. Lr.rd Ormonde governor. The Irish Church. The Earl of Claniorgan'. negociations. The Nuncio Renuccini. Treaty witli tin' n'^niaH Catholics. The battle of Naseby gained by Cromwell. Ih.' KiiiL^s correspondence taken and published. Proposals for peace. M. — Montreuil undertakes to negociate with the Scotch. The Kin? flies ->. from the Scotch camp. Conversation between him and lit ii*ier>oii. The King and the Scotch. Agreement between the English Parlia- ment and the Scotch. The King is delivered up to the English Parliament and conducted to Holmby House. Notes— Page 206 313. CILU^TLU l\ From the Delivering up of the King till his Execution. From 1647—1649. Sf afM ..f Parties. Tlie King arrives at Holmby House. Character < 1 Fairfax-- I H Oliver Cromwell. The arm\ IVtitions of the army. The army and the Parliament. Tlie King carried off from Holmby and brought to the army. Petition from the City ol L ndon. Declaration of the army. London petitions. The demands of the army. The Scotch. The Army comes to London. Ihi hidtptiidciUb blamed. fhe ideas of the King — His proposals— Negociations with him. The Levellers. Flight of the King to the Isle of Wio^ht. Cromweirs letter t*. 1! numond — Cromwell's intrepidity — His designs. Four Bills sent lu the King. The Scotch object to them. The King rejects them. Treaty with the Scotch. Debates. Cromwell's declaration. The law of non-address. Anger ^f the Scotch com- missioners. Disturbances. Law against theatres. Heavy fines imposed The church. IMie Parliament. Presbyterian intolerance. I r// CONTENTS. va. Negociations ivlih Char1p« !?«« ^ "**^ ^^occn at Freston. • D T vjiaries. Itemonstrance of the armT^ n u ^ in Parliament. The King's declaration „ *:' '^'^ ^^"^7. Debates the army and brought to Hu t PrT^^^^^ '^^"" .T"' ^^ '^ Members of the HouL arrested b Col P^de cT T '''''''' London. Hu^h P^tPrc t T Cromwell returns to niign l^eters. Impeachment of the Kmo- ^n /^^ letter. Protest of thp «;.^f u . , ^^"»- ^^^^ Queen's rrorest or the Scotch against the armv Lettpr ^fM Grignon, the French ambassador. Charles to hirson H I • '' on death. The court fnr f . • .i rr s«n— His meditations -His condel tS^^l^^ Tc' /'' '''""'^ ^^^ ■f-on. bishop of Lend n TarfelT :.^^^"^" Charles. Observations. No^ll-P^ SH-^^' ^'""^"''- "^ UlAi'i'Lii V. From the Death of Charles T tn fh. t> * J ^naues 1. to the Restoration of Charles II. From 1649—1660. Diversity of opinions. Parliamentary resolution. Th i, .,■ London T,. state of p.Ue. ^u'^^:^^^: great aexterity— His first Parliament. The ParU«m«^f ^• solved. Cromwell ■^r^^ ^.\. ^m ^ i- me Parliament dis- . v.romweil ana his officers draw up u ConstituHnr. a^ i • ^'^^^^ I-rd Protector-He ^oes in statP fn wk . ^ n A ^ ^""^ -nd..„., . Bebatrdii;r:.ei"r«;L^::;;T ^ ho})s ai'e to examine tluur Dio- ceses, appoint Clergymen, on the proposal of persons duly authorized, and suspend them, \\iih ihe advice of the Clergy. The Bishops, on the other hand, are subject to the censure of the General Assembly, and. M .1 1 1 A if found guilty, to be punir>hed, with the advice and consent of the King. All the Clergy are to swear allegiance and obedience to him, and to acknowledge that he is by law the only and supreme ruler in the kingdom, as well in temporal alTairs as in reference to the preservation and purifying of religion. No person, on pain of suspension, is to speak against these decisions, either from the pulpit or elsewhere ; and, above all, none shall discuss the question of the equably or inequality of the Clergy. 13y these resolutions Presbyterianism was essen- j^ tialh restricted, and the royal power extended. At the same time nu pains were taken to deduce the Epis- copal diuniity from an unconditional divine appoint- ment, nor was any right connected with it which could never have been exercised by the other Clergy. In ihe parliamentary ratification, however, in 1612, the clause in the above resolution, by whicli all the Bishops are rendered subject to the General Assembly, was purposely omitted. In the year 1617, James — caused an ordinance to be drawn up, by which every- thin.u should have legal validity which lie should decide, on. the constitution of the Church, by the advice of the Archbishops, Bishops and a certain nunihor of the Clergy. When the remonstrances against these regulations became louder and more violent, the King punished or removed th.e refractory Clergy, and wrote — ** This point may l)e passed over as supertluous, because the rights of my crown srive ClirRCII ly SCOTLAND. [Chap. I. 633.] CliARLES IN St;Ul-LA>*D, -y me more tliao is there laid dowii. On the one liaiic], I shall do nothifiix rontniry to reason ; hut. on the other hand, a^ my lieniand is just and religious, vou must not believe that I will suffer rnvM If to be contradicted or o[)pobod." After James had thus obtained ]]i> will w itli re- speet to tiit* eon>titiition of the Churcli. lie [iroeeeded, with the support of tlie llishops, to the doetrine also ; anti, in 1618, the Articles of Perth, which we have already inserted, were enforced in an nndue manner: for at tliat time the deputies of many (hstricts were not in the Asseml)ly ; no discussion was allowed ; the decision was left entirely to the Royal Commis- sioners and to the Bishops ; tlie \'ote was taken n|H.)n all the five points together, and every one who opposed them was threatened with deprivation. Yet fifty-tive Clergymen votetl ai^ainst them ; and the apparent majority was obtained only by insidiously putting the qne.>tion in this form----^'' Will von consent, or disobey the Kino; f^ In the same manm-r, James aimed at chaneinorthe Scotch Liturgy ; for as in a kingdom there could be only one King and one Constitution, so also only one form of divine worship; and hereby too all the cen- sures would 1)0 done awav with whicli the Catho- lies passed on the differences and variations in Pro- testantism itstdf But before tliis plan was executed, James 1. died, and it was hoped, that the new King would better understand the disposition of the peo- J plc'b minds, and not p^erbi^^t m tlie eour.-e t)f his J I ill 't pedantic father. Large sums, which the Parliament ; voted in September 1625, with very great readiness, woiiid. it was hoped, increase the Kings confidence, - and render liiin more inclined to listen lu the wishes of his hereditary kingdom. But when the same Par- liament, in the year 1631, confirmed all the ordinances hitherto issued on religion and the Church, the wide difference of opinion was manifested ; fer while one party approved both the form and the substance of the resolutions, the otlier com])lained of puirtial consul- tations and illegal voting, and while the King ne- glected and disregarded the complainants, the corre- spondence became more and more violeni, till Dr. Leighton recommended the extirpatiori of all tiie Bishops, and called the Queen a Canaanite and an idolatress. His language was without doubt very indecorous, and his propositions highly intolerant; but a change of temper and views could l)e as little effected by his punishment, as by that of Prynne in England. Leighton was scourged, put in the pillory, ^^ liih nose slit, and his ears cut off. He remained in prison till the Long Parliament restored him to liberty. The hope that Charles's own presence in Scotland, wcrald put an end to all misunderstandings failed ; for, not to mention that the very formalities of his coro- nation, on the 21st June, 1633, were blamed by many as Papistical, the mode in which he endeavoured to enforce his will in Parliament, and his treatment \ b I O LORDS OF THE AIITICLES. [ClfAP. I. of those who opposed it, easily excited a suspi- cion that he wished to govern in Scotland, as in Enghmd, with unlimited power, and without a Par- liament. In the same spirit he had abolished all that had formerly been done to the prejudice of the Crown, (especially during some minorities) with respect to the grant of estates, rights, church patronage, &c. and thought he could justify this conduct by prece- dents, and the assent of the principal Judges and Officers of State. On the other hand, it was affirmed that acts of violence in former times ought not to he alleged as examples for the present ; and that Officers of State and Lawyers entirely exceeded the limits of their sphere if they would first arbitarily decide what was prejudicial tu tlieCnnvn. and then declare, that because it was prejudicia], it miglit be arbitrarily /^ abolished. Another subject of complaint arose from the elec- tion of the Lords of the Articles. Eight liishops. '"entirely dei)endent on tlie Crown, first of all chose in the usual manner eiii:ht Nobles, and these sixteen then chose sixteen other persons among the I)e])uties ^ of the Counties and Towns. These thirty-two indi- viduals, as Lords of the Articles, decided evervthing the more certainly becan.-e no subject was laid before Parliament witliout their advice and assent ; and the Parliament seldcmi had mon- than a few sittings, the first to choose those Lords, and the last to confirm . their proposals without discussion. Tn general the 1637.] LORDS OF THE ARTICLES. 9 I powerful Ko])ility were angry that this form of election made them much more dependent than in the Popish times on the Bishops, who w^ere now held in disre- spect, and that the King contemplated to restore the church lands and tithes to the former holders and receivers. Charles, on the other hand, not only believed that this last measure was conformal)le to iustice, hut also calculated on the i^ratitude of the Bishops, and looked upon thein as the ecclesiastical authority appointed by God, and the most firm and indispensable support of his throne. He did not, or would not, see that they were hated by the Nobility, the Clergy, and the people ; and that he only weak- ened his owm authority, instead of confirming and maintaining it. The Nobility hated them, partly for the reasons stated above, partly because the King had by degrees confided to them many higli offices of state, and had given them a seat and vote in the Privy (ouiicil; the inferior Clergy looked on all higher dignities in the Church as damnable excre- scences, cind complained of the pride, the extended juris(lictu)n, the riches, and the worldly conduct of their opponents; the populace joined in these last complaints, and designated the Bishops as Arminians ^ ' or Roman Catholics ; party names, which roused the passions the more because no clear idea was attached'" to them. The Presbyterians of all classes complained "" that since 1618 no General Assembly had been held, and tluit the ancient Constitution of the Church had/ \ 10 ARTICLES OF PERTH. ["CnAi-. T, been abolished in almost every particular, the inore precipitate did it appear in the young King, at once to sanction the recent regulations iu the Church without consulting the C'lergy, who were acquainted wiili the subject, tlioiigh it was well known tluit they had been either obtained l)y artifice or extorted; that in general it wa^^ of tiie highest impurtance tu the |)urity and freedom of the Scotch Church never to forget that the Reformation had proceeded from the |)eople and had been accomplibhed })y the people; that the King, theref()re, could by no means come Ibrward as unlimited legislator, or supreme head of the Church, and enforce his arbitrary will, as if it were divine truth. On the contrary, thev alleQ:ed tliat he was himself, in this respect, subject to the law of the Church — nay even to ecclesiastical penalties. . , Such was tlie prevailing temper and mode of thinkinf?, when Charles left Scotland, in ilie year 1633 : but, instead c^f takino: wamiiio: and avoiding every appearance of English iriiiuence, he conceived tliat his right in tlie affair of the Church was unli- mited, inviolable, and of divine origin; consequently, that it was everywhere equally valid, and ought undoubtedly to be enforced. Thus, relyirjg upon right and power, he expected easily to keep down public opinion, or guide and new model it. In contradiction to these hopes, the com])laints - respecting the Articles of Perth wt re renewed with increased violence after his departure. The Assem- 1634.] ARTICLES OF PEBTII. 11 t blv at Perth, it w^as objected, had not been sum- moned in a legal manner, was without any liberty, and had adopted offensive superstitious resolutions, at varianci^ with the pure doctrine. Thus, it is idola- try to receive the sacrament kneeling; it is an essential part of it that every one should break the bread himself, and, after having taken a piece of it, present it, together with the cup, to the person sitting next him at the table ; baptism out of the Church is an abuse, and promotes the error of its absolute necessity ; the consecration of children by imposi- tion of hands by the Bishop is a Papal custom ; and the celebration of certain festivals a Jewish supersti- tion. By these and similar assertions, so many doubts were raised among the people that they preferred celebrating divine service in the open air, in a manner which was said to ])e truly orthodox, rather than go to the Episcopal Churches, where the Articles of Perth were adhered to. In order not to excite more animo- sity, many Bishops took no notice when Clergymen contradicted those Articles, or did not conform to them. But when the King was informed of these particulars, he did not agree to the proposal either to let the abhorred regulations die aw^ay without no- tice, or expressly to abolish them ; but commanded them to be everywhere strictly enforced. in order that there might be no doubt remaining respecting the nature and contents of the laws of the Church, the Iving ordered liie Bishops of Ross, ^ i ^ > 12 BOOK 0¥ CANNONS. [Ch \i' I. ^i Galloway, Duinblane, and ALerdeen to draw up a collection of them, wliifli was to be examined and corrected by Laud. On the 23r(] of -May, 1()35, Charles confirmed this new l)0()k of canons, by virtue of the ro\al prerogative and the supreme authoritv which, belonged to hini in the affairs of the Churcli, and cunimanded ihat it should \)e evervwhere received, observed, and ex^^cnted. Jn thi^ book it ib afhrmed, aniuug otlici' things, tliat the King lias the same rights as the Kinix^ of Jiidah, and whoever vidk his unliniited power in question is liable to excommunication No Clergyman is to say extempore [)rayers, to instruct yuuth without per- mission of the Bishop, or to exercise any ecclesiastical functions, till he ha^ :=iguud thi-b book of the Canons. There shall be no discussion or treating on the ex- pouiid.in^ of the scriptures, or other religious subjects, except in the residences of the Bishops, &c. As soon as this new l)ook of canons arrived m Scotland the ])eople made the loudest compkiints, and said. How ran tlie Kini^ f)ut furlii a:^ laws uf the Church, M) many ordinances imposed by the arbitrary authority of liis father, and attempt to give tiiem permanent valiihty througli liis sanction^ Nay, this !)Ook of canons does not even contain the pre- ceding ordinances alone ; but, under the pretext of collecting them for more roiivenient use, a ninnber of innovations have been smuggled in : f-r instance, respecting the Lord'> Supj^cr, marriage, confession. 1635.] BOOK OF CANONS. 13 consecration of priests, &c. Without the concurrence and decision of the assembled Clergy, the Kuig cannot pass any law affecting the Church, and Scot- land has never recognised his temporal papacy and unhmited power. Whatever he decides on this sub- ject, Avhatever he orders imder the penalty of excom- munication, is equally impious and illegal ; finally, it is altogether absurd to require that the Clergy shall, together with tlie canons, receive and swear to a future liturgy, with which they are nut acquainted, and which is not even yet composed. When some persons observed, that as it was stated in the canons that no doctrine and discipline in the Church could at once be perfect, the Scotch Church should be at liberty to make remonstrances to the King on the subject ; it was answered that Laud hail inserted this clause only to deceive and to quiet people's minds, but in truth to retain the King s unlimited right of decision. And why suddenly and violently persist, contrary to right and reason, in imposing, by force, what the authors themselves do not consider as perfect, and ought, therefore, to submit to more mature deUlieration *? ^ Instead of taking w^arning by these weighty and ^ violent objections, the King and his Councillor Laud considered it to be his right and duty l)y no means to sto]>]ialf-wav, l)ut in ail cases to impose his opinion, as divin(3 law. Since the Reformation, the Scotch Church had almost always adopted the liturgy of r \ <* ^^ 14 LlTLlUiT. [Chap I. Geneva, and was tlie more averse to the English forms, "because Calvin, in a letter to Knox, had said, " I see in the English liturgy many absiirtUties, and do not know why so much ploasnreis tnhcii in tlio dregs of Popery." Liiud, uu the other hand, end- avnuin] to bringthe English liturgy still nearer to the Catliulie; not hicaiHt' he desired lu restore Popery, hut because he approved of greater splendour and solemnitv, and perhaps, as some are of opinion, wished to reconcile the En^li>!i Catholics with thc^ nrw institution^, and draw them away fruni Rome. Now if this, as w^e shall see in the sequel, gave great offence evnn in Endiind, it was still more dangerous to attempt such innovations in Scotland, which was especially devoted to thf rntbrmed rcligiun, or Calvinism, and wliere everv Clergyman considered it as an inalienahln and sahitary right i hat every thing was not prescribed by theliturocv, but that it wa^ hfi to liini freely to speak and to inaw acturduig tu cncumstances, and iruni immediate inspiration. Laud, who at the Kmg'^ coruiiatiun m Edmburgli, had already affirmed in a sermon, and in^ a manner ^ offensive to the Scott li. the necessity uf unity ni the external forms of tlio (liiirch, caused Wedderburn, Eishop (»f Duimblane and Maxwell, Bishop uf Ross, tu draw^ up a iww liturgy i'w Sciitland whi(h on the whole re^rniblodihai of Knglanil.f*) After il had been examined \)\ the Bishop of Norwich, and T.aud, as if he had been the suporior Ardibibln-^p ot' Scotland, 1636. IJTURGY. 15 {\ had made manv chamies in it and brouLdit it still nearer lu the Calnulic fomi, k received the royal sanction, and was sent to the Scotch Privy Council, composed ehieiiy of bibhops, which did not make the least objection to it. On the contrary, on the twentietli of Decemher. 1636, it caused notice to be given, by sound o\^ trumpet, to the effect that, thoneh the King did not doubt that all liis sub- jects, clergy and laity, would receive the new liturgy with all submission, he. how^ever, thought it necessary to acquaint them tliat he had eonlh^med it according to liiN wdl aral pleasure, and commanded everybody, undor the severest penalties, to conform tu it, and al^o tin.! f)v the following Easter tvvo copies should be provided for use in every parish. Tnimodiately after this notice, loud roiiiplaints arose, similar in the main points to those we have already communicated. Competent judges had long since shown the essential defects of the Englisli liturgy, and to these, it was alleged, w^ere noW' added great errors respecting the sacrament, consecrations, crosses, images, saints' days, &c. How^ can a foreign Archbibhup, and a King wlio is by nu means duly acquainted with these matters, without consulting the Clergy, who alone possess authority in ecclesias- tical legislation, forcibly, impose such things, and violate the rights as well as the conscience of every individual ? Even tliat which miirht be proved to be the best form oUif^ht not to be prescribed in. such ! I I . :l — ■ »-^\i,.;"Ss^-** 16 iJTtiinv. [Chap. T. a manner, liow miicli leSh ouglif everytliing to l)e thrown back into foolish superstition *^ Some indeed said that the alterations were well meant, and con- tradiction might offend the King : liiit the question here did not relate to opinion, hut to truth and conviction; and the contradiction is not dirrcted against the King, but onl) against liis ibolisli Counsellors, who propagate error. Under these circuinstances, some of the older and more prndent Bishops, among whom was the Bishop of Saint Andrew's, declared that it was to be appre- hended that the forced introduction of the Liturgy would give occasion to serious dibturbances ; (^) whereas the younger Bishops, nominated by the King, mo>tly from pride and li'vity, were for proceeding at all events; and many other men apparently agreed with tlieiii, while they secretly hoped that by such blun- ders and preci})itcition the Episcopal constitution would tlie more raiiitilv and mevitablv hasten tu its destruction. To the report wliieli was hereupfm tranNniitted to London. Land indeed replied that tliey should ])ro. ceed with caution, and not violate the laws of the countrv ; vet, in contradiction to this direction he insisted that the wliole plan .sliould bo carriod into effect. A threat was at the same time liohl out that timid persons would, be n'moved. iind thoir places entrusted to abler men. But, instead of coming forward with moro decision Ui37.i TUMULTS IN EUINBURGH. 17 4* 4 and firmness, the men who had given the warning thought they had already done enough to avert the impending danger; and the violent party obtauied a proclamation that the liturgy should be introduced, in one week, on the 23rd of July. Though such a notice caused a very great excitement, not the least was done to allay it, and no steps taken to preserve ordor, or put down any opposition that might be offered. The overw^eening confidence of one party, and the secret wishes of the other, tended to the same result. On Sunday, the 23rd of July, 1637, in the Cathe- drnl Church of Edinburgh, when the Dean opened the book to read the new liturgy, the audience (chi( fly women and maid servants) raised a dreadful clamour, clapping their hands, coughing, and scream- ing, so that, finding it impossible to proceed in the service, he was obliged to retire. When the Bishop, following the Dean, ascended the pulpit, and exhorted tho people to order and tranquillity, not only did the t nnult recommence, but a stool was thrown at him, wl]i( In had it not been accidently caught, might have killed him. (^) The exertions of the Archbisho}) of St. Andrew's, and of the Chancellor, were equally unavailing; and it was not till many persons, dis- gn. still at this scandalous scene, took part with the civil magistrates, that the rioters were turned out, and the doors closed. Ihit divine service was scarcely resumed when the noise at the doors w as repeated ; l5 V TL?i;ri/rs l\ i:i)iNBi hcr. [rnAP, T. the windows were broken, and the Bisho]' on leaving the cathedral, was insidted, peUud, and ditreated. In most of the otli'i- churches it had ])een found c(jually iHi[)U5^ibiu to procci'ii witli ihr reading oi'tht/ liturgy, from similar opposition. Ill rdl these disturbances no respectable person had appeared, and tlic niagistrates of Edirdjurgii loudly expressed tlii ir lUsapprobation, and prmnised to give their assistance. Confiding in this, the Vn\\ Couiuil llircatened every rioter with di\'ith, and the Bishop laid the city under an interdict for one montii, so that divine service was for a time altogether sus- pended. These measures, liowever, inspired but Hlile terror, as it was soon found to be extremely difliendt to discover and punish the authors of the first tumidt, and it could scarcely be driu!»lrd that in lie* In-^t instance, women and servants had indeed begun it, b it that clergymen and eminent laymen were in. tlie back ground, wlu) h ul approved the object, if nul everyni(^ansofnttainingit.(^) ^fill greater indignation was excited by the episcopal interdict, uhiuli punish- ed the innocent as well as the guilty, and equally set aside the old and new liturgy. 1 hv aHair was represented to the King in as nvild a light as possible, and a.^ li" nunc but the mob had ttiken part in the disturbance. Hence Charles .still believed that everything iniglii be carried by perseverance; and tlnit it must be carried, in order that the respect duu lu the magistracy niiglit ik^i l,)e > til** I 1637. j TUMULTS IN EDINBURGH 19 utterly destroyed, lie therefore blamed timid con- cession, did not tlunk it necessary that some persons should come to London to make him l)etter acquaint- ed witli the circumstances, and declared that it did not appear how nuy genuine improvement in the Church could proceed from such desecration of the Lord's Day, such wickedness and popular tumidt. In Scothuid, Oil the contrary, many said that the popu- Irue had, by a divine dispensation, spoken first, like Balaam's ass, and this was a thing w^orthy of notice. Alexander Henderson, therefore, one of the most eminent of thu' Piuitan Clergy, declared liimself wiUing, together witli his colleagues, to state in the presence of thr^ "Bishops all the arguments against the liturgy. The Earls of Traquair, Roxborough, and Sonthesk seconded thisproposab because it would quiet the people, and prevent new tumults. The Bishops present in the city replied, however, that it was not advisable thereby to call their authority and rights in question, or to subject the liturgy, confirmed by the highest temporal and spiritual authority, to such an examination. At length, how ever, they consented, upon certain conditions to be first submitted to the Kiuix, to enter into discussions ; but now (so rapidly did opinions and demands unfold themselves) those Clergymen rejected the offer, and insisted on fhe convocation of a General Assembly. The King, dissatisfied that his previous orders Inid not been instantly obeyed, gave new^ and more c 2 \ -1 20 TrMri.TS. PETITIONS. [c IL\}' positive directions, in consequence of wliidi tlic Scotcli Frl\\ Council gave noticr at Eclinhuni:!], on the 17th of October, that because the inhabitants had hindered the reading of tho b'tiirgy, mid donn violence to their Bishop, the supreme Court of Justice should i)e removed to Lmhtiio-ow. and a book recently published against the liturgy be confis- cated and liurnt. At the same time all di^riissions t)ii tlie atl'airs uf the Church were strictly prohibited, and every person who did not beloiiLi,- in Iho city was ordered to quit it in twenty-four liour>, on pain of beinc: prosecuted for high treason. These orders excited the greatest di.-cuiilLnl ; and people ;5aid it is unjust to ])unish a whole city for the faults of indivi- duals, io burn writings against the liturgy, and, from mere apprehension, to expel quiet people from the city. On the follow^ing day the discontent rose to a new tioimli, and acts of violence were committed against the Bishop of Calloway, the authorities not having the means at their command tr, restore order: unv. it appeared that there was a diversity of opinion in the Privy Council it.solf wiih respect to the measures to be adopted. Meantiuu^ the number of petitions ai^ainst the Hturu'v ^raihualh; increased to sixtv-eirdit. The more ukhU rate requested that tlie King would not consider wliat luu! happened as a mere vain noise of foolish women, but reflect that the questiuii was the maintenance of \\w pure religion, which they ,7 ^ \ Mul I . PETITIONS. TABLES. 21 valued above property and Hfc. The Clergy fiirther alleged that the liturgy was unchristian and po])lsh; that the manner in which it had hci ii drawn uj) and continned was contrary both to law and custom, and that in general, the people had been educated in other opinions, and were averse to innovation. Lastly, the nio^t violent directly demanded that the Constitution of the Church should be changed to a Presbyterian form . The Privy Council, which feared greater excesses and evils, and hoped more easily to guide a small number, at length consented that, if the citizens and country people, who flocked in extraordinary numbers to ii^diii burgh, would return home, and the others would behave themselves peaceably, deputies might assemble, in expectation of the King s further direc- tions. Accordingly there were formed, on the 26th of November, MSM, four Tables, for the nobility, the clergy, the counties, and the towns; each of which prepared its own special affairs, and then laid them before the principal table, where all the four estates united to come to a resolution. Meantime the King had been informed of the increasing opposition, but still blamed the supineness of the authorities, and thought it sufficient to declare, in December, 1637. that he was attached to the true religion, and did not desire to attempt anything against the rights and liberties of ihi/ kingdom. Such an unmeaning declaration was the less calculated to give \ It ' \ 22 ROYAL ORDLXANCE.S. [CliAP. 1. satisfaction, because the very point in debate was, in what true religion and legal liberty consisted. When the Privy Counc il, don])tless by the King's instrnc- tioiis, went so far as to announce to the deputies of the tables that it would receive no more petitions again.-3t the Bishops and the liturgy, the deputies answered, that the Bishops ouglit to be excluded from tile royal councib and not allowed to vote in matters uhic !i concerned themselves; (^) tliat ail the evils which iniuiit yet ensue were iu be attributed to the royal council, on account of its refusal to iln justice. By all these proceedings the King was again ofrended, arul, un the lliih oi' February, 1638, he issued an oniinance to the following effect: For the mainteiicince of true religion, and the extirpation of all superstition, \m have caused a new prayer book to be drawn up for our kingdom of Scotland, rnid after mature examination have confirmed it in all its partN. We tlierefore consider the petitions presented again>t it to be violations, both in their form and contents, ofonr roynl authority; and all those wlio havi' signed them, or who attended the meet- ings held for that purpose, as having rendered them- selves hable to the severest penalties, botli in their persons and properties. Being convinced that all lias proceeded from false zeal, we are indeed willing to pardon what is past ; but positively command, under the pain of treason, tliat no further examination ' 1638.] ASSEMBLY AT STIRLING. 23 and discussion on these subjects shall take place, that our will be executed, and the persons assembled at Stirlinir cpiit that place in six hours. Petitions, on the contrary, wliieh do not offend our authority, will continue to be attended to by u.^ iu future. Against this royal declaration the assembled depu- ties immediately delivered the following repl) : The liturgy is full of superstition and idolatry, and cannot be imposed without the assent of a General Assembly of the Scotch Church. It is unjust directly to refuse to listen to our complaint against the Bishops ; till they shall have purified themselves from the accusa- tions brought against them, we cannot recognise either their ecclesiastical i ights, or their participa- tion in the Privy Council, or the tyrannical constitu- tion of the Court of High Commission. All our meetings and petitions have no object but the maintenance of the religion, laws, and liberties of the kingdom. We, therefore, confidently believe that his Majesty, with his accustomed goodness and justice, will listen to our petitions and complaints, in such a manner as may be expected from a gracious King to faithful subjects. We further pray that God may grant him to reign long and happily over us. /\ This protest was not only publicly read and posted up iu Stirling, but distributed over the whole king- dom, and received with such approbation that a new and still more important step was soon taken. ( ) The discontented Ijelieved that without a closer 94 THE COVENANT, [Cjiap. T. connection, and a more positive statement of their objects thev ivc^ulcl eertiiiiilv be oblieced, in the en(L to yield to tlieir more powerful opponents. On this account, therefore, Henderson, and the advocate Johnston, drew up, with reference to prececUng ex- amples, a bond, or covenant, wliieli was examined by someLords^ and aitenvardN, on the 1st of i\Iareii, 1638, accepted and sworn to in Edinburgh. ])y a great number of persons of the higher and lower classes. It contained, in tlit^ fuNt place, in violent terms, an unconditional rejection of the doelrine and coubti- tution of the Roman Catholic Church, and a conhr- mation of preceding unions for the reformed religion of 1580 and 1590. Tlien f(>llowed an enumeration of all the Scotch Acts of Parliament lor the esta- l)lishment of the new religion, and a vow never to ado|)t any innovations which essentially tended to Popery, and never to acknowledge the spiritu(d and temporal rightb of the Eishops, till a free General Assembly of the Church, and a free Parliament should have decided on all these matters. From tlie knowledge and conscience of our duty to God, to our King and country, we promise and swear to continue in the profession and obedience to the true religion, and to defend it to the utmost of our powt^r. In like manner, with the same heart, we declare before God and man, that we have no intention or desire to attemiit anvthinir that mav turn to the dishonor of God, or tlir diiiunutioii i^i' th(^ King's greatness THE rO\-KXANT. 25 « i 1638.] and authority ; but, on the contrary, we promise and swear, that we will, to the utmost of our power, with our means and lives, stand to the defence of our dread sovereign the King s IMajesty, his person and authority, in the defence and preservation of the afore- said religion, libertieSi and laws of the kingdom ; and also to tlie mutuMl defence and assistance, every one of us of another, lu the same cause of maintaining the true religion and his Majesty's authority, with our best counsels nnr bodies, means, and whole power, against all sorts of persons whatsoever. Nor will we be persuaded in any manner by insinuation, entice- ments, threats, &c. to abandon this blessed and loyal union. But, as we cannot expect God's blessing on our measures unless we live in every respect like Christians who have renewed their covenant with God, we promise to act and persevere, puljlicly and privately, in all piety, moderation, and justice, and to perform all our duties to God and man. In the temper which at that time prevailed in Scot- land, this covenant appeared so just and wise, such a praiseworthy establishment of civil and religious liberty, that within one month it was adopted almost universally, with the greatest enthusaism, scarcely one out of a hundred refusing to sign, and swear to it. Only (^atholics, strict Episcopalians, and courtiers rejected it, but as the success, which surpassed all expectation, was regarded as a new proof of the holi- ness of the undertaking, they were stigmatized by the T THE KINGS OBJECTIONS. [CuAP. I. zealots as atheists, ur not ailiiuttud by the Cier*n to the sacraments. (^) When the King received inibrniation of this new Covenant, lie was very indignant but delayed giving a decisive answer, in order to eniplo} the interval in strengthening his compulsory measures. Meantime, however, the Covenanters were still more active, and reinforced their party in such a manner, that (lie objections of the King, when they were at length expressed, made httlr impression. He severely repri- manded thi'iii {])]' h;!ving, in a wholly illegal manner, concluded a covenaiil. imposed oaths and obligations, evaded all participation of the anthoritie^ and of the King, and arbitrarily decided on affairs of Church and State, withoni the Parlinniont and General Assembly. He* said, that in their declara- tions and actions, the following erroneous doctrines were implied : — '* 1 lie majority of the people has the right to revoke the resolutions of the Government, and to enter, without the royal permission, into associations, against n\^ persons, that is to say, there- fore, agcunst the King himself. It may refuse when the honor of God and tlie welfare of the Church are concerned, to obey the fcumiiion^eb of royal authorities and tribunals, and refer to the Parliament and General Assembly. The latter, if the King does not convoke it, may meet by its own authority, and he is Ijoiind to contirm its resolutions. In like manner, theCenercd A >einbl\ has a right to rescind 1G38.] CONFLICTING OPINIONS 27 the resolutions of the Parliament, if it interferes in the affairs of the Church. Lastly, if civil officers refuse to execute ecclesiastical decisions, they are lial)le to the highest spiritual penalties, and to lose their oiiices and property." From all this it appears that complaints of indi\ iihial cases and precise objects, were even at this time inti- mately connected with discussions of general ques- tions relative to the State and Church, passive ol)e- dience, the right of resistance, &c. Thus, for instance, royalists affirmed tiial it was wrong to compi ^in of the new liturgy, as it agreed, in all essential i)ar- ticulars, with that which was adopted at Al)erdeen ill 161 6 ; the observance of which indeed the Clergy had often arbitrarily taken upon themselves to dis- pense with ; that the most offensive diversities had hence arisen, and that, to the disgrace of all religion, people had spoken so rudely c^f God, and prayed in so seditions a manner, that no libel or satire could express itself witli greater want of decorum ; that because the King was actuated by a laudable wish to put an end to this scandal, an oi^position was raised, such as only Philip IL had met wnth m the Nether- lands, on account of the most excessive tyranny ; and a pretended holy covenant w^as concluded, Avhich however very clearly called to mind the means and the objects of the league. In Scotland, as in France, many had with precipitation, signed a document with the contents of which they were wholly unacquainted. /^^ u^ 2d CO X 1 • Li c -T r xn o pi x i oxs . [Chap. I. and of the consequences of wliicli they were quite unable to judue; that, in the end. ail tended to the complete overthrow of the i-oyal (iower, and to the introductinn of democracy in Chiiivli and State; nay, that the exaggerated puritanical doctrines of Knox, Buchanan, (iloodman and nihers, unexpectedly and remarkaljly coincided, with respect to the rights of princes and people, with thos.'^ of the Jesuits, whicli they professed it to be their greatest duty to combat. Thus Cardinal Bell nrmine says, ^^Tn Imman states the power of the King is derived from the people, because the people^makes the King. Properly speaking, the power is immediately in the nmiiiiiide, which may. if there is well-fonnded reason for it, change the monarchy; into aristocracy, ordeniucracy. Especially obedience is at an end, when a prince changes his religion. Such a one ma^, wuh ihi; genmal assent, imy lie shalL be deprived of the sove- reign power." That in this spirit, Linautiioiized per- sons had already overthrown the King's laws, and without any oliicial rank or commission, withont waiting ihr tin- Parliament, or General Assembly, luid placed their own arbitrary will upun the throne, declared every one who differed from them a heretic, openly affirmed that the Bishops must be hanged, and asserted that the most sanguinary war was better than the smallest error m the ducinne and discipline of the Church. The Covenanters endeavoured to refute, or at least i. ^^ , 1638.] CONFLICTING OinNlONS. 29 to correct, these views; and said : Tht^ liinrgy wliich was introduced at A])erdeen by compulsion, and witli a violation of all due form, can no more bind us than a new one imposed by the King; besides, the freedom of speaking and praying, left to the Clergy, or justly claimed by them, is more valuable, it comes more from the lieart, and goes more to the heart, than an unalterable prescribed dead letter. If the Kin^ a])peals to his conviction, every Christian has the same right in religious matters, and no English Archbishop may here act the Pope; nor can the King, whose temporal authority alone we acknowledge and have acknowledged, decide in spiritual concerns. If the points in dispute are indifferent, as some affirm, why are they enforced with t}rannical zeal*^ 11, on the contrary, they are of great importance, there is double ground for complaint that no legal consulta- tion and decision preceded. If petitions and remon- stances do not avail, if the King and the nobility will not put their hand to the work, tlie people may and must effect the reformation. And yet they have not exceeded the due limits in favor of the genuine doc- trine, as the Bishops have done in their blind zeal for prejudices and errors. If the King'sincerely assists us, if he renounces the error that every opinion differing from his own is a violation oi lub honor and rights, it will not be difhcult to come to an understanding u}H)n every point; for the King of Scotland is not subject indeed to any man, but certainly to the laws x y^ I i ^'vw^^^z:^^::::: 30 ON THE COVENANT, [Chap. 1. V nf the Chiireli and State wliieli lie lias sworn to ob- serve ; nay all christian Kings, since the overthrow oi'tlie Koman Empire, are in the same circumstances, and GTOvern under this condition. Bnt if our father the King and our mother the Church disagree, it ivill unhappily cost ns, their children, many tears and uiueli blood. About this time some Bi.-hops and Prhy Ccuii- cillors hastened tu ihu King, and explaintnl to him ])y word of moutli. the state of thiui^s, more particularly than he had huhcrto h.-en acquainted Willi them. Various opinions were expressed res- pecting the measures tu he adopted; some afhrmed that severity, such as even Queen Mary had exercised after the murder of Kizzin, would doubtless have put down all opposition ; others, on the contrary, repre- sented that tiiere were at that moment, no means whatever to obtain anything by force, however trilhng. The Earls ofl niquair and "Roxburgh, therefore, pro- posed that the King, in order to preserve obedience in civil ati'airs, nught yield in spiritual concerns, and endeavour to separate the agitators from ihe muderate. This proposal, however, was the less approved, as Charles considered the adoption of the ne^\ covenant as the most scandalous sedition; and the Covenanters, on their |)ai1, confiding in tlieir increasing power, demanded, en the 28th of April, the abolition of the Ihurgy and the canons, of the articles of Perth, and of the (\)urt of liiirh Commission; the exclusion / 1638.1 NEGOCIATIONS WITH COVENANTERS. 31 of the Clergy from public offices ; the calling of a Parliament, and of the General Assf^mbly of the Church, ^vc. ^e. nay, the moderate Traquair soon afterwards bitterly complained oi' thie f >lly of the neonle, daily more and more excited by seditious ser- mons, who demanded the exclusion of the non-cove- nanters from the sacrament, arbitrary deposition of Clergymen and IMagistrates, &c. (^) Instead now of taking a clear view of the state of things, and separating the impossible from the possi- ble, the unjust from the reasonable, and following a straight course to a determined object, the Court went on from day to day, and hoped to conjure the stoiTn by sending the Marquis of Hamilton as the Kini^'s re])resentative to Scotland, with instructions to puliiish some royal proclamation, according to cir- cumstances. C^) His first demand, that they should renounce the covenant, was peremptorily refused, and the more lenient declaration, that the liturgy and t lie canons should not be enforced in a manner not autho- rized l)y the laws, and tliat tin Court of Hidi Com- mission should be remodeled, appeared the less satis- factory, as a just suspicion arose that Charles was not sincere, and w as merely seeking to gain time, in order to complete his military preparations, and then to carjy his point without restriction. In fact his answers to several reports of Hamilton were to the eifectthat, if the Covenanters did not accept the above proposals made to them, they should be declared 32 NEGOCIATIONS WITH [Chai-. I. traitors. He* was sensibl(\ he said, that force alone; cordtl compel o])cdience. For the present, Hamilton might feed thcni with hoj^es, that they mi^ht com- mit no follies, Ijefore he was sufficient]} armed, and able to repress them. However reluctant lie was to haAe recourse to it, and whatever disasters the em- pl ovm en t of force might hriiio- with it. lie could not expose his crown and his honor; a.nd this he wrote to him with no other object than to prove io him that he w^oidd rather die than grant such nnrea- sona])!e and condemnable demands — lor tlial to vield in these points, and soon afterwards cease to he King, was one and the same thing, and tliat as h)ng as the covenant existed he had no more power tlian the Doge (*f Venice, }mi the more the Covenanters ventured to attempt, the more would his proceedings against them l)e jn^iified. While Hamilton was embarrassed by such ecjui- vocal directions, the Earl r^f Lraid(^nn, a zealous cove- nanter, declared, on the other hand, that the) knew of no bond of union betw^een the King and the people, buL tho^e uf religion and the laws. The new declaration of the Commissioner that if th.e Cove- nanters would dhbfeoive, the King would ^lispeud tiie liturgy, ami limit the powers of the Court of High Commission, or else restore order b) iurce of urin:^, led to a counter declaration that thoTxiim- was WTong in w i>hing onlj/ lo suspend liie liturg}, and ufi/j/ limit the powers of that Court, that he was wrong in i 1638.1 SHE COVEMANTERS. 33 ' t s'W'T^-^ calling a union condemnable which was legal, and whicl^ thcv would not renounce till religion and peace had" been re-established by a free and com- 'vhcnsive constitution of the Church. At the same ^ time the Covenanters endeavonred to prove, m a pamphlet, that as soon as a prince behaved like an enemy of the truth, and was careless in promotmg the good of the Church,, the latter had the right to provide for itself and call a Synod. Hamilton, who had been to London personally to make a report to the King on the state of affairs, returned on the 5th of August, and brought permi.s- sion to call a General Assembly, if they would submit tc, ilu- lollowiug conditions:— the restoration of the deposed Clergy, and the removal of those who had been arbitrarily put in their places ; the retaining of the Bishops and their rights ; the exdusion ot lay- men from ecdesiastical discussions : the re-establish- ment of peace, the cessation of a!! unusual meetings, ^ &c. When Hamilton could not carry these and other demands, he reduced them to two points- first, that no lavm.u should vote in th- General Assembly; secondh . that this latter should decide nothing con- trarv to the laws of the kingdom, Imt submit its proposals, only in the way of petition and represen- tation, to the i>arhanu'nl which, was to be summoned. The Clergy would willingly have consented to the first propos'al, in order to increase their own authority, though they were to divide it with ihe Bishops : but vol.. 11. , ^ [ J *~x THE COVENANTERS. [Chat. I tlir three oilier tables opposed, i'or tlu^y were !)y no means ready to renounce their own co-o])eratioii. and be>i(l'.-> thev iiul uiily aimed dt ilieologieal ehariges, but also desired to connect with them and execute jiolitical chaiigcb. The acceptance of the second eoiulition would have rendered the General Assembly essen- ticiliy subservient to the Parhamenl, am! was so totally at variance with the Presbyterian notions that it was rejected like the iirst. The ho{H* that divisions respecting these points woulil un>c among the Covenanters proved abortive; on the eentrary, they resolved that every person should sign their Co- venant, on pain of exconiniunicatnvij, nnd thnit if tfie i Kin(>: did not i^ive a satisfactory answer by the 21 ^t of September, they wenld Mrnnnun the General Assembly by tin ir own authority. Haniihun aaain hastened to Englaiul a.nd prevailed upon the King at length to concede wluit lie was no - longer al)le to withihold. On the 9th of September, 1638, a royal orcHnance was inbllshed, to the fol- lowing effect : — -Tliat till' Liuiru'w the Canons, and the Articles of Perth were aboH^hed, and the Court of Ili^h Commission suspended; — the Bisho|)s to be su!)ieet to the censure of the General Assembly : every one to agret^ to th^e Confession of Faith and the Convention of 15S0. On the 21 st of November, 1638, the General Assendily is to meet, and Parhanient on the 15th May, 1639. In conclusion, the ordinance says : As tfie rnor^^ recent (hViurfjances have not iO3>?0 nuVAL CONCESSIUNS. 35 been occasioned from dislike to the government and evil intentions, l)ut merely ironi the fear of in- novation in Church and Lc^gislation, we will i)ardo]i and forget all that is passed. ^ The King had in fact now granted all that was at "^ first dtnnandeth and the more moderate expressed their joy without reserve, saying that any doubts which yet remaim/d might h'e discussed and decided in the legal manner that was now offered. Others, on the contrary, remarked that this concession had been extorted from the King, and it was to be ajipre- hended that, as soon as he ieh himself strong enough, he would be the more likely to return to his prece- dino- measures and ordinances, as this declaration \yas drawn up in sucli a manner tliat there was room enough for evasions and equivocations. It was m vain that some objected that there was a sufficient remedy for such a case in the power of the general sentiments of the people. The more zealous Presby- ^ terians published an answer, in wfiich it was said : The royal declarations cannot allay fear and suspicion, or heal the wounds in Churcli and State. The Kimi is w ron^ to call this fear a panic terror, whereas it has been caused by important changes in the Church and State. Besides, the King has always laid such an excessive stress upon these innovations, that a mere suspension of them is not sufficient ; for the sake of future safety there must be a positive > condemnation of tliem. Tlie King indeed convokes D 2 86 OBJECTIONS TO THKM. [Chap. I. '< a General Assembly of the Clnirdi. but he at the same lime deprives it c^t' \\< lihciix hv iiitrndiirini^ the Bi>h()})s as nit inbers of it, whereas they ought only to cippear before it a- prr>on> accused. Besides, thoii^li the Confession of Faith of 1580 airrees on the wliole with tluit t.f the Covenant, we yet cannot ado})t it, because oiii- latest union is thiixby indirectly condemned^ all tin' tx|lanations, caused and rendered absolutely necessary by the circumstances of the unies, fall \o the groun.1; itnd because in that older declara- tion nothing is said of a c oniniun defence kA kmw Church and on r faith. Besides, such a change of Confession, and such a useless increase of uaths, would make us appear fickle and inconstant in the eyes of Protestants and Cathulies, or at lea^t give room to the interpretation, that together with tlie present constitntion of the (Jhurcli, an ...ath wa- also taken to liishops, liturgy, and caiKais. Onh the ado|aion and retaining ul uur C ovenant removes all dr}ul)t>, and includes the adoption of the Confession of losU. On the other hand, if tlir la>i alone were to lie insisted on,, and the Covenant rejected, this would be as if. afn r ailo|amg the whole Bible, one should afterwards swear only to the Old Testament, and say noihiug uf the New. Soon afterwards the most vehement accusations against the Bishop^, whieh were even read in the pulpits, were puhh^hed. I'hey were said to be guilty of simony, profanation of the Sa.l)!)at!!. pKa-jni-v. iiicest and I 1638.] GENERAL ASSEMBLY. ♦1 — heresy: nra. the foolish prophesies of old women and young girls against them and the King were treated- as infallible, divine revelations. (^^) It wa^ only at tlie very beginning that some signed the King's Co- venant of 1580, as it w^as called; but after Hamilton had not been able to obtain in the Privy Council a con- demnation of the above protest, the majority returned to the new Covenant, and so many means^ were em- ployed to elect only the greatest zealots foi the new^ -'' General Assembh, tliat the friends of the King ^. looked with the greatest anxiety for its opening. On the il.^t November, not only 260 actual Mem- bers had met at Glasgow, but also, in spite of the prohibition, man) party witnesses, voters, assessors, complainers, &c., so that an eye-witness relates, that ** on aeeoLint of the great crowed, the Deputies could not get to their seats, and impudent clowns made 50 mueh noise and uproar in the house of God, that if it liad taken place in my house, I should most certainly have turned them out. Even the galleries were filled chiefiv with women of various classes." Scarcely had the Marquis of Hamilton, after the con- clusion of the sermon, caused his full })owers to be read, when the right of voting in spiritual affairs w^as refused to him and the Royal Counsellors ; and no re- gard was paid to the remark, that if this right was given to every elder of the Church, men high in. office and entitled to it eould .>till less be excluded on ae- eount nf new and unfmnided opinions. GEjN'EHAL A.bSEMBLY. [Chai-. L 1638.] THE ASSEMBLE l)ISSOL\ KD. 39 A i ii -^ A seeuiHl (lisputt^ nro.>e ^embh, who, tlioui^h they had sw^orn fidelity t(* th;' Bi-hops. vet for the most part condemned Episcopac), could not be at the same time accusers and juelges. On the contrary, the Arclibi>hops and Bi>honb urdained b} God ar * undoubtedly entitled to precedence, direction, and decision of llie ailai]-> of the Church. If tlien, so the Protest concluded, the Holy Fathers at the Council of Chalcedon decided that it ^va.^ a crime, a sacrilege, to degrade the high dignity of the Bishops to the lower rank of the priests, it would l)e quite absurd to subject the former to the judgment of the latter, or rather to a tribunal which, contrary to all the laws of the Church, consists half of Clergy and half of Lahy. For the rest, the Bishops take God to ^vitness they do not make this objection because they are conscious of a crime. On the contrary, they offer to give an account of their actions before their natural J udges, or even before his Excellency the Commissioner. But, m the present state of things, they could not be silent without sacrificing the inte- rests of Religion, the rights of the Clergy, and the honour of the King, As a proof how far they are from wishing evil to anybody, they declare (whatever ill treatment may await them) that they are ready, after their innocence is proved, to resign their places nito the hands of the King, and if possible to sacrifice their lives to allay this stmm. Tins declaration, which could not be refuted if <^ Episcopacy was recognised, could not embarrass men >. who uneonditionally rejected it beforehand, and con- - sidered the system of Presbyterianism as alone true - and Cluistiam When HamiUon saAV that the Assem- ^ bly aimed at tlie overthrow of the whole Constitution of the Church, as it hitherto existed, and would allow the King no more right than a single member, he dissolved it on the 28th of November, saying, at the same time, that it was not proper that Laymen had often more votes in liie Election of Deputies than the •tf |Sts 40 M I T I A L AL L L 5/v 'I IONS. [Chap t. 1638.] MLTtAL ACCUSATIO^'S. 4 ! -> \ Clergy, or entirely separated themselves from iliem ; and tliai the former, contrary to llie ordiu trices of the Church and to reason, voted on the most abstruse theological (|ue:5iiuii^. ('-') Young uneducated noble- men, nrniin IS whom the law declared incapable of luauagnig their own aHairs, decided in a ■maniKM- never before heard of, on matters of State, the Church, and Church discipline. Nay, there were among tliose elected even persons outlawed and deposed, as well as persons who deined all Monarchy as unlawfiiL In the earlier Covenants, a supremacy of ihv Lajiiicn aiul aiinihihition of the "Episcopacy had never been thought of; the^e fundamental errors must be aban- doiit (I. new and suitable elections must be made, and then tiie existing evils with greater safety and mude- ratlon mii^lit be remedied. Henderson, as President of the Assembiy, rrpiiud, that a> tJn/ Marquis served his Master witli alleetion and loyalty, ii was on the other hand ihelr dQly to take core of tiit' kingdom of Christ and of tlie (linrch. He put the fallowing questions to the vole, whethui thi' Assemblv >honld proceed in its ])usiness notwitli- standing the royal proliibition, and whether il should judge the Bi^llop^ ; and in tlir hrst heat, both were answered in the affirmative, tliuugh, as an eye-wuness reports, mnny of tljcm would ])ro])[d;h, have sh[)t away if the decision had been left tiJ! the n^-xt nioru- ing. C') Hannlton was, however, the less abh^ to prevent it, as it was approved of {ii\ateiy by ;bome of ^, Pnvv Council and puldicly by the powerful Earl ^ oi Arg}i^> by which the courage of the Assembly was ^ ven much increased. They endeavoured to ju.tify this conduct by preceding examples, and if some saw in ii ^mly proofs of former despotism they said that dvd and religious liberty could not be preserved m any otlier manner. D For tin. purpose all the lii.hup.were deposed and proscribed, all Synods held under their direction rejected, the Book of the Canons ami the Articles of Perth condemned, the Court of lli,u tin- _'7ih Fchmary, an nns'ivcr under the title of J )r(laration of his Maj(.',-,t3 to mlunu all his faitliliij Sulijprt'< in England (>f the seditious attempts of some Scots, -who, under the pretext ul ieligion, aim at tho total sub- version of the royal atithority, (") uhile some were of o] anion that th^' Kinij oneht to yield implicilly in all religious matters, and uoi, beccin a tuulest with opinions am! vipers wTiidi had already taken sueh deep root; others, aiii,.ug uhuui were Laud and Strafford, affirmed that the rhtnih and State were equally attacked by ihe Scots, and lu 1639.] lUl lit:l.lKl.'b UllKRS. 43 .etie-al that a career of sedition had been entered upon ^n .vhieh -i was impossible to stop, and the final object of v,l>.u h was not to be seen. Besides. ,]„. .vould soon carry their demands beyond the limits of Scotland, and ^^ ould force their mock nms- dom upon the English, if tlie King did not interfere ^v'th all hi. power to restore order am! obedience, as honour, justice, and duty undoubtedly commanded. While Charles, in conformity with these views, pre- pared for Avar, the Covenanters, by stratagem or violence, obtained possession of ammunition and royal castles. Vvied contributions, summoned all good Christians to arms, and entered into a closer league ^vith France and Holland. \lready, in the year 1635. when Charles was in- clined to Spam. Richelieu wished to cause him trou- bles at home, hut uone broke out at that time. In the sequel the Cardinal offered io the King and Queen his fvienclsliip and assistance against the mal- contents, if ihev .vouhl uot impede the enterprises of France against the Spanish Xetlierlands. The Queen, however, replu.! th.at Hicheli.u ua. not amoug the nauiber of her friends, and that she required nothing of him ; and the Km- >a,d, that he would not suffer 1^ I,,;, .1,1 •Hill tliat he refiniff"^ no an attempt ujuiu firlgtuiu, aiiu .nai uc ic ( an! to punish (li>el)edient subjects, as lii» authunty and the English laws were sufficient fortltt.t piirpose. When "Richelieu heard tins, he exclaimed. - h^ vnll boon be found that 1 am not a m;e-. to be despised." ■-'f I 1 44 PKAl L WICK. [Chap. I. > Hcsent the Abbe Chambers into Scotland in upcn negociations wiili fh Puritans. Many of the chiefs, who were actuated l.iy [political views, willmgly accepted French money to attain their object ; though this was kept secret from the zealous C ovenanters, as they bnd even refused connections v;it]] flic Gt'i=. man Lutherans for fear of drawing down upuii ihtiu-. selves the wratli o( God. Til the Scotch army, commanded by Leslie, ('') there was miirli proving, singing, and preaching; but little attention was paid to uiiiitary exercises, and many were doulitfy] whether such resistance to the King could be justified, till a declaiaUun iruirt linn dtniaiidt (I rntire submission on pain .f treason, on which l^ was attempted again to establL^i ihc right of resistance. Meantime, however, as the Covenants ers had many friends in England and at the King's court, a iver bptvre-n the two kingdoms seemed (|uite mmaturai and even impious ; and as the military resources of Charles were very inadequate, ('') peace was concluded, after short negociations, ou the ibth of June, at li.rwick:, to the following effect (^^) >-- The armies on both sides shall be disbanded, the fortresses and Tuilitary stores given u|) t.a tlu^ Kmg^ the |)risoners exchanged, property and >hi|.s j.Iacrd urukr sequestration be restored, and all ddlVr-nces respecting the affairs of the Church aiul Stite he dt'cided by the Rynod and Parliament, t^. be summoned 111 August. The Scotch, on their side, now fleelared 1639.] GENFRAT^ A t considered tlie protest of the latter against their a])uUtion as a means and a handle to call in question, nnder more favoraljle circumstances, w^hat had been decided, and to restore the f^irnier institutions. All lie,' rfiorts ofTraqnair to obtain iroin the Clerg\,, whii assembled in August, an alteration of their former resolutions, failed. He had reason to be satislied that ^ouu passages were drawn up more temperately in respect to the Bishops, and more precisely with respect lu ilie King. When he at length declared, in the name of tl.o lattt r. tliat his Majesty, wiiliuul regard lu hi:^ own inchnaiiuns, and many other more important reasons, consented, from i'Xtraordinary goodness, ihaL he, the ("oni- missioner, to put an end to all dissentions and for tlie entire satifeiactiuii uf hi^ j)Ubjects, should cunlirni the resolutions of the General Assembly at Clasgow^ tlie grealeftL joy wa^ manifested, (^^) and the Synod declared l^efore God and man, in its own riame and th?ii of liie wlioiu kingduui, lliuL tht-y had not ihe remotest intention to undertake anything against the (uixiiity (d'tlic Crown ; on ilie contraiy, ihey ackin)w- ledged that all their happiness depended on the well-liemg of U\r h/nior, who wa> (iiid.^ \ n-ou'rrrnt for the defence of religion and the mauitenance of }u>tice. Idiat if he defended the ehart^-r. nbi-riv, and ^ 1639.] SCOTCH PAllLiAMKNT. 47 the laws, Ihev wondd support him with their lives and fortunes, and on all occasions give proofs of their loyalty and obedience. The Court pari), and slili more the Episcopal party, were veiy much dissatisfied witli this result : the former aiWniwil t li at i lie Earl had arbitrarily ex- ceeded his instructions, the latter at once stigmatised him as a traitor : wliilc he himself maintained that, under existing circumstances, this was the only way to prevent a new lunl open contest. However, only one-half of the dispute was hereby settled, for the Parliament now to be opened was resolved to act for civil liberty as the General Assembly hud Ioy religious liberty. It drew up in succession the ioilo\Ning Laws : -The Lords of the Articles shall no longer l)e elected in the manner hitherto practised., but by each Estate for itself; the King grants no Scotch titles of honour to any foreigner not settled in Scotland, nor gives to any foreigner the chief eommand in towns and fortresses, without the consent of ParUament. This consent is necessary for every change in the coin. The Lord iiigii Ireasurer and the Lord Keeper of the Seals are not entitled by custom to a seat in Parlinncnl. The right of ihu Privy Council and the validity of Royal Ordinances shall be more precisely defined. When the King was informed of these and similar proposals, he was very angry, and wrote to Kreil i i a- quair : it seemed that salutary improvements were not \^ 48 SCOTCH PARLIAMENT PROROCT'F.rJ^ fCiiAP. 1. aimed at SO much as the entire destruction of the roval auihnritv : he slunild therefore prorogue the P;irliainent till June 1()40, When this wa> done, on the l-kli ed' Xovenilxn' 1()39, the PaiTiamt^nt iiuleeJ obeyed, but appointed a Committee to atttial tn the business in ilie mean time, and declared tliat a |iroro- gation of the ParUament before the business in hand wa=^ completed, not onlv was contrary to the assur- ance given in the peace of ikrwick, liut that, accord- ing to the laws and custom> of the country, from time immemorial, the consent if the States themselves V was necessary in this case, f ^ Tt was equally a subject of complaint that numerous English garrisons lay in Scotch towns, and that the Scotch who trailed in England and Ireland, or sought for offices, were /\ required to tak. the Oath of Supremacy. In order to represent these and other points to tlie Kins: in the most earnest manner, the Earls of Loii- doun and Dunfermline, with some other Scotch, re- paired to T.ondnn where Lord Traqnair liad preceded them, and learnt by experience that, in times wlien passion prevails, eqnitahle and coueilia!liow tliat we are more desirous for thoir reformation tliaii for thrir destruction. Tii the con- trary ease, we liope that God, whose representative we a.re, an! wiio i^ a Ciodof Truth, and x.lio severely chastises all fiilseliood and treachery, will no longer suffer his lionour to be despised in our person, and insulted f)y gros^ hy])oerisy, nndor tin- false pa-otoxt of r( lio'iun. He will rather arise and scatter his and our enenues. With respect to the noble English I >eople, whose glory it has been to Ik u:overned by l\ina:s tor ^o many eonlurio>, \\o donlit m^l that all svill like true subjects persevere in tiiuir attachment to \ 1640.] COMPLAINTS OF THE SCOTCH. 51 us and tlie Monarchical Coubiituiiou, a.nd not suffer themselves to be deluded and seduced into anarchy ; but, after the exam]^le of our privy counsellors and servants, w illingly support us in a just cause, in which onr honor and safety, as well as their own, are so deeply concerned. As soon as the Scotch were informed of these accu- ^ sations oi" the King, and of his preparations for war, they complained most liitterly that senseless zealots had induced him to designate a whole nation as rebels, traitors, and hypocrites. They threw back upon their opponents the accusation of not having punctually fulfilled the conditions oi' tin Peace of Berwick, and justified their measures by the duty of defending their religion, country, and laws, against the attacks of the episcopal Court party. If some individuals of the populace had been guilty of ex- cesses, or if persons of distinction, through excessive apprehensiom had gone too far, an inquiry might be made, and, if necessary, punishment inflicted. — But this must not be used as a pretext to make war upon a \vhole people, or to require it, in slavish sub- mission, to sacrifice all thnl it liad obtained, or trust for the iuture to arbitrary will alone. The King's repeated promise that he would maintain the Chureli -- a nil govirn according to ilu/ laws, was an enapty -^ form, because his actions did not agree with it ; and by the Church, he understood the obtruded Episcopal Church, or aimed at its re-estabiishment. E 2 m 52 LOUDOUN S LETTKR. [Chap. I. 1 and rejected all I'lirtlh'r imperatively necessary im- provements of the legislation, as was evident by the late arbitrary prorogation of irn Puiiiamont. With respect to the iibove letter in particular, many of the Scotch, atlirrntMl, in G:onerah wlimi i'vcry tiling valuable is at stake, it is natural, uav lawful, to look for assistance; hut a mistake to take it fur granted that 5iRh assistance could be alTorded only by arms, and not as well hv intercession and mediation. Be- sides, thai letter had never been officially drawn up, approved, or dispatched. The Eail «.t hnudonn. mi whom tlie King was now obliged to lay the eluef blame, confessed that he had drawn up the letter and sent it to lii> frienvls fur their ;3ignature , but that it had been approveil by a few only, rejected by others, and never sent to its destinatiun. Ihat if any !)lame attached to him on this account, yet as he head drawn it up before the Peace uf Berwick, (which others denied) he was already exempt from accusa- tion and liunifehment b} the ;5ubie(|Uent aiiinesly. The Kinii: idmself said he had intercepted tlie letter, ('-*) and Ltnii^ XL declared, in Mav, ibdU, to the Enudisli Ambassador, Li icester, thatheliad received no letter from the Sculcli, that he liad nothing to do with them, and wovdd never assist rebels against their King. ('■') 'lhi> declaraiion i> hardly cjuite eonsisi- ent with the truth, at least, it is proba!)le that another copy of tho letter came into the liauds of Miche- lleu. ("'} Tlie latter, however, did not manifest any 1640.] LAUD AM) .STRAFFORD. 53 activity ai that account, and it was noi proved tliat anv person in Scotland, besides Loudoun and his six associates, had taken any pains to effect n closer ronnectiun with France. Loudoun himself was ar- rested on the Ilth of April fm the purpose of a stricter investigation, and the Court party, at the head of which were Land and Strafford, considered the rebellion of the Scotch to be so evident and so fulls proved, that they did not entertain a moment's doubt that all England was of the same opinion, and would most eagerly and zealously support the King, if fc Muniaoned a Parliament. But these men,> swayed by violent opinions, knew neither men nor the state of affairs, and the iioliuu of calling a Par- liament did not arise l)y any means from a sense or rnnvic tion of political duty a& Statesmen, but want of money, wliicli, notwithstanding the most arbitrary measures, was such that it was not posssible even to pay the civil officers and servants their ordinary sa- lary, htiU It ss to defray the expenses of great military armaments. And, on the other hand, at this moment, when it was of the highest importance to pacify and gain the people's minds, the unvoted taxes, for in- stance the detested ship-money, were levied with the greatest rigour ; and the Ecclesiastical tribunals proceeded wdthout any indulgence, in order to show that the (a)nrt had hdl confidence in its cause and its rights, anil did nut think of summoning' a Parlia- ment from necessity. i\ 54 KM.Lisll A t\ I, I AMLjNT. [Chap. I. 1640.] THE PAH! I AMENT.— GRIEVANCES. 55 When the King did nt length call a Parliament to meet nn the hitli .\|*ril. 1640. the feelings and liopps which had Idthcrto been partly quashed or suppressed, revivi'il witli doiihli' fVirce. Though the Established Chiircii, for instance, had many adherents in Eng- land, the maioriu' ihouuhl it incoiu'enieiit aiul absurd to attempt to force the Episcopal system u|'uii another people wit II great expense and exertions. 1-5rit above ail, ii \va> feared that the complete victory of the King m Scotb.iii(l w^eild for ever destrov the Did,) be rights (if England winch had been laid aside fur ten vears. Aftt r diaries had opened the Englb-b Parliament on llie Kill] nfA]irrb UmU. wiih n short speech, the Keepjcr of the Seals, Lord Finch, made a long dis- course, III whielo with much i hat was good, there was also a great deal that was singular and alisurd. lie comparecl fhe Kami- with l^hnobus, nmj }n> -ubjects witli Phatiai. and said that the Parliament :5huuld heware of attempting to guide the chariot itself. Then followed bitter coiri[jkiirits of the dibobedience, treachery, and rebelliiai nf the Scotch, nil wluili the King could not, and would not. }j\ nii) means bear. Kesolutions, he continued, winch aim at iniprove- raentfe, give room for much dL>cussion, in order to l)nng the truth to light and produce conviction ; but if the question reiatcb to necessary and eviiK iit mea- ■■*■ ^ sures, deliberation and delay are out of place. This I for •or is exacu, ilie state of affairs at present ; vv'lierefore the Parliameiit in.y lav aside aii long discussion. a,e grant money; after which, the Ki.. pledges ,,: .vord that all other matters shall be In'ought ward and discussed. The Lower House chose Mr. iranviUe for its speakev.on whose introduction Finch r,„ ,he second lim.. bigWy extolled the King, and then added. " cursed for ever be he who would make the smallest innovation in this happy government ! This exdamation was greatly applauded, because every one interpreted it his own way. Though the King had represented the speedy granting of taxes for carrying on the war as a duty and had besides produced Loudoun's letter as a proof of the greatest guut. the first days of the session were passed in forming committees, receiving petUions 6cc. and even after these preliminary affairs had been fiui.hed. the House of Commons still deferrcu the Scot.h nffnir.. and affirmed that grievances ought to take the precedence of grants of money, and Uome.lic .angers and w.n.. ul foreign ones Benjamin liud. yard who had already distinguished himsdf m foru.i Parliaments, recommended mutual moderation on this occasion, and said. " Princes are jealous of then power. ai.l nations of their libemes ; _ but affairs do Lt ..0 on uei unless both are l.crt with,n theiv ^^. bounds." Pym spoke on the following day. t h. ! .ui, Apul, to the same effect, and proceeded on the pnu- ..q.lr !ha1 liooks had been permitted ; Pro- testants persecuted for matters of no ir.ipurtance ; the ecclesiastical jtirisdictimi extended ; exorbitant rights given to the arrogant Bishops, and the U5age5 of the Cdiiirch a]*l)itrarily altered : monopolies had licen granted; the forests extended , merited punishment bought off; Courts nf ( ommission introduced ; sol- diers quartered on the citizens ; taxes of many kinds levied witliout Innng voted : the doctrine of passive o])edience advocated ; and Mainwaring, its deiender, promoted witliout regard to the objections of Par- liament. The chief grievance, concluded Pvnu is doubtless the not assembling of the Parliament, which, by the ancient unrepealed laws, ought to meet every year. This is the more injurious, because the best and most salutary meaR^ of strengthening all 1640.] THE PAliLlAMENT.— GRIEVANCES. 57 the !)onds of affection rtnd eoiitidence between the King and people is lost, so that the people cannot produce their petitions, nor the King provide for ins wants in a legal manner. Almost all the grievances here enumerated were v so founded in trutli, and the facts complained of so contrary to the laws, that the House of Commons, in the next following days, appointed several committees, in order, after a more careful investigation, to draw up a statement of grievances to be laid before the Lords and the King. Under these circumstances the King^ summoned the two Houses to Whitehall, on the 21 >t of April caused the Lord Keeper of the Seals to acc|uaint them that they ought to be the more prompt in granting supplies, as in tlie sequel they would either be of no avail or must be miudi larger. Ln the same manner, he said, Ireland, confiding in his word, had on the second day after the convocation of the Parliament, granted liiui mx subsidies. The King had never intended to make ship-money, whicli had been parti- cularly mentioned, a regular annual revenue, but had levied and expended it only as a temporary measure for the general good. At the conclusion of his speecli, the Lord Keeper said, '' His Majesty commands me to tell vou tliat you can propose nothing for the secu- rity of your property and liberties which lie is not ready to grant. He has shown you motives, means, and ways, to make this a most h.^ipy and blessed d8 DLbATKS. GRIEVANCES. [Chap. I. n Nj Parliament, if you demonstrate to him on voiir side good will and confidence ; — this will oblige him, and secure you more than anything which suspicion and jcaloub) can devise." Til tlic discussion of this Royal ^Tessage, wliidi took place on the following day, very numerous at- tacks (indications of the future) were mad*- njion the Bibhups. i'urmerly, it was observed, the ['relates were often useful mediators between the King and the people ; now, on ihe contrary, they pretend to be more active than their predecessors, and wi-n* than the liiwb. rhus they have discovered a new and lititer form < f ('on>titution, by which tlie King is to be absolute ; diid they require much gratitude lur liiis invention, thougli they thereby bring him into a thousand difficulties, and alienate the hearts of the people from liim. The result of the debates was the more favorable to treating of the grievances before the grant of siip- plit -, !)eennsp many members were secretly cjuite averse from a civil war with the Scotch, and were least of \idi a manner that the House 1)roke up at five o'clock in the afternoon, in order, if possible, to come to a final resolution un the following morning. According to some accounts, those ofiicers consi- dered the KingN demand a> proper, anil thought to obtain more liy firm conduct. According to others. Vane acted maliciously, or even treacherously, wholly suppressing the King s declaration that he would be contented with a smaller grant, and purposely strlv- mg tu cause an open breach. But, at all events, the affair was by no means rendered desperate, or con- cluded, by Vane's having made that declaration on the 4tli (^f May, either wdth or without orders; on the contrary, the King might very easily have corrected any mistake on the following day, and have caused the debates in tlu House to be continued in an amicable manner. Instead of this, Charles summoned both Houses on the 3rd of May, and said, addressing his discourse, bow^ever, entirely tu the Lords :-^ " However disagrei able the occasion is which leads me to enter this House, 1 must acknowledge that the Lords have so readily listened to me, amd have shown me so much attaehment. that it is not their fault, an) mure than it is mine, if this Parliament does not come to a happy end. Great stress has been laid upon grievances, and 1 allow that some exist ; l»ut certainly by no means so many as is affirmed, i am aLu ready to redress them, and that rather out (if r^irhanlent than through it. in the same manner 1 Will maintain the English Clnirch, as it has been constituted, with or without the Parliammit. To delay is the worst mode of refusing ; however, 1 do not ascribe the blame to the whole House of Com- mon:., tor univ the malicious stratagems of a few / b'^ Dissoi.rriov OF the PAIUJ AMENT. [Chap. I. N/ seditious men have led to these misunderstandinos. With respect to the liberties of the people, for wIi'k ]] so much pretended apprehension is felt, no King was ever more concerned than I am (r-r tlie seciiiitv of property, personal liberty, and true religion." i'o these words the Lord Keeper of the Seals added : " My Luids, and Gentlemen ul ilic House of Com- mons, his Majesty the King dissolves this Par- liament." (^'') In a detailed justification, issued immediately afterwards, tlie King reproaches the House oi Lum- mons wiili useless delay, unbecoming examination of Ills mode of government, improper attpinpt^ to place him and his officers in an odious light, culpa- ble presuinptioii. as instead of granting the supplies at once they wanted to negociate ^^lt]\ him and extort concessions ; lastly, malice, euiniinir. and the endeavours of the leaders to attack and shake the State aiul ( liurch in their essential foundations. Some members if T^trliament were arrested imme- (hately after tlir^ dissolution, their papers examined, and proceeding- commenced against them, m the same manner as on a loi-nier occasion, whieh had been so severely blamed. This dissolution (^f tlio Parliament was, witlneat all doubt, the most precipitate, the most foolish and unjust measure that the King could pos-ihly have adopted at this moment ; and it is an evident proof of the narrtvw views and uilatuation whicli then pre- 1640.J DISSOLUTION OF THE PA ii Li AMENT. 63 vailed, that in the whole Privy Council only two men, the Earls of Nortliinriberland and Holland, opposed it. Vane participated in the fault ; but no blame was at that time laid upon Inm, and he was suffered to retain his office and dignities ; while Mr. Windebank, the Secretary of State, wrote, '' The dis- solution is a great misfortune, but was the only course to be taken, and the King can justify his conduct be- fore G od and the whole world." All well disposed persons in the wlinle kingdom lamented the im- mense mistake, and it was welcome only to the King s enemies, because they were convinced that no Parlia- ment would proceed, without new and greater provo- cations, to the object which they had already proposed lo themselves. ''1 heartily rejoice,'* said Haslerig, '^thnt the King dissolved the Parliament;" and St. John said. Things must become worse before they are better. An as- sertion which often occurs in revolutionary times, and which generally seeks to hide political nullity and moral indifference under the appearance of prudent foresight and magnanimous courage. Un the dissolution of rarliament, the question arose whether the Convocation, which was summoned at the same time, was thereby put an end to, or whe- ther it could continue its proceedings and come to independent resolutions. Some lawyers, who were consulted on the subject, answered the question in ill*' affirmative on ifir strength oi" precedents, others (;4 THF ("0\\'0r ATI 0\. [Chap. I. WIO] SCOTLAND. t)5 denied it. alleging n latt r law of the reign of Hinry VJ I L llie first n|)ini()]i waf^ approved by l.aiiil riiiii the King. Many of the resolutions now atl()|)!rtl would perhaps have ])een received witfi a|i|'rt)l)ati<)n, in niuR tranquil tnnes. It gave uiTenee, however, that the immutaliriity of the whole (loctriur ami cun,>5titLition of the (liurch was laid down as the Supreme T.aw, and was to he confirnied by a new^ oath. (^^) Nay, liiat the Clergy, going beyond tlieir sphere, taught the divine unlimited riiiht of the Kiii^ m Clmrcli ruid State, in such a luaiiiKT that no powers of tlie Pope or of the people existed, and the duty ui pus.^iVL obedience was not to be violated either by attack or defence. Every Clergyman was. on lertain tixed Sundays, to declare and defend from the pulpit these doctrines, which indirectly anniliilateil the right of granliiig the supplies. The King readily confirmed these resolutions, and thought hiru^eif islruiig in his union with the Bisliops, w hile the people became more and more violent and attem.pted to ^lunn the palace of the very uii|)opular Arehbishop Laud. (^^) At the same time, the hopes of the SeoU'li increased of spreading their notions m England ; for they were accurately informed by their friends and it. putiub ui the course of public atlViir.^ there, and received promises, partly sincere and partly delusive, of future support, if they should unexpect- ed! v meet witli considerable resistance. WhtTi tilt' Kirii>- p-rurogned tlie Scotch Parliament almost at the same time w ith the English, the former paid no regard to it, but met of its owm authority, in June, IG iO, referring to former examples, and proved in polite language the necessity of an immediate dis- cussion nf the public affairs. This led to a refutation ^ of cil! till' aeensatiou.N lately made h\ the King, to the adoption (>t ahnost all the propositions of the preced- ing year, and ;i confirmation of the ecclesiastical reso- ^ lutions. Instead of the Clergy, newly-elected Lay- men were admitted into the Parliament, arl)itrary Proclamations declared not to have the force of law, the Privv (Counsellors made answerable and depend- ent on the Parliament, taxes imposed for the defence ef the country, and the royal authority confided, rid interim, i? a Committee of the Estates. It was fur- ther decided, that nobody should 'oe declared a rebel or a criminal unless by a resolution of the Parliament, or by the sentence of his legitimate judges. Thus the ^ King came at the same time to an open rupture with Scotland, and the most serious differences with Eng- land, because he obstinately adhered to abstract prin- ciples, and never accurately comprehended the state of the ever-changing, agitated w^orld. A inst sovereign, as Charles so often calls himself woidd liave beconiti reconciled tu both nations; a prudent one, at least gained the friendship) of one of them ; at present, nobody was on lu^ side, except those flatterers wlio declared arbitrary will to be legal, and most errone- ously ascribed to it invincible power. vol,,., !i. F riNAXriAL MKASl RES. [CiiAP. T^ / This dispoNition to arhi*rar\ |)roceedmgs was ma- nifestt^d in ('Oiitradictioii to tlio Kings (Icclaratloi] after the dissolution of i^irlianuait, in the levying of soldiers, and taxing all classes by his own authority. He not only had recourse to the f)l(l tinaneial niua- sures, which have already been enumerated and cen- sured, but in proportion as the want of money became more urgent, p>roceeded, with a. bold disdain of all lec^nd means, to more violent and UHju.^t measures, as the f()llo\ving extracts of the reports of French Aml)assadors and English Statesmen, sutiic k iitly pro\e. ^i. de Montreuil writes on the 21tl] May, 1640, ('') '• Scarcely had thr King dissolved the Par- Uanient wiun lie found himself embarrassed ]n)\v to pay tlie arm}', anil ihai-efore sent on Fridav f(^r tlie Mavor and Aldermen of London, demanded of thena a loan of two millions, and gave them time till d ues- day tu eon^uli on the ways and means of raising it. But he sent tV^r th<-m again on Sundav. when the Mavor answered liini very ingenuously that he was endeavouring l)y all means to olitain tlie money, but submitted to his MajONty whether it was advisable, in the present state of things, to employ force against the peo|)le. Hereupon tlie iving .^ununoned four of the four and. twenty Aldermen of Fondon, and ordered thoni to give him the names of the richest per.^ons. Instead o{ this, they answered that this was impossible, because in. trade and commerce e\-ery- ihmir was fluctuatnig. and it could not be known i640.] FINANCIAI MEASURES. wliicdi merchants were ricli. mid wfncli were poor. ririN an:5wer displeased the King so much that he caused them to be confined in four different prisons." On the 14th of June, and the 2()th (d' July, Moni- tteuil writes: *' There are daily disturbances in the Counties, chieily on account of the Soldiers. The inhabitants of Kent, Essex, and other places refuse to serve by sea — the Militia of Oxford will not serve either by sea or land — the Soldiers in Somerset have in»treated their Colonel Lansfort — the recruits raised m Dorsetshire have thought fit to kill, and to hang u} by the legs. Lieutenant Moore, who treated them rather rigourously — in Suffolk, some soldiers have put on tlicir shirts over their clothes, and repre- sented and ridiculed the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Court of lligli Commission. Notwithstand- iiur these symptoms, workmen are daily carried off frri!'. of Septembir, — the 1640.] WANT OF MONEY. 69 Secretary of State, Cottington, surprised the Mem- bers of the Erst 1 ndia Company, who were assembled to debate on the sale of their pepper, and had resolved to sell ii to several private persons for 700,000 francs, payable in four instalments. Cottington said to them that he sequestrated all the pepper lu the name of the King, who would take it on the above conditions. He added that the King was not obliged to them for it, but they, on the contrary, owed him thanks, because he intended to employ the money produced by this pepper for the preservation of their property, their lives and their liberty, of all which the Scotch wanted to deprive them. On this occasion Cottington spoke of the latter in very injurious terms, but received from the merchants only the answer that as all the per- sons interested were not present, of course no resolu- tion could be taken at this moment." From other sources, it appears that the King imme- diately sold the pepper, purchased on credit, below the purchase price, levied ship-money as before, and dispensed Cathulics, on payment of money, from the observance of the laws. All this, however, produced biit httle: on which account Charles wrote to his ^liiiisters that if they could only hold out till the end of xiugust, lie iioped for a successful termination of the Scotch war, for that through the internal dissensions oftheHebels, and the impatience of the people under the intolerable burthens, the prey was ready to dro]) into their hands, and that it would be a pity t( V rr a U ANT OF MONKY. [Chap. I. ENGLAND. miss it for want of money. In several letters and report.N of tho Keeper of tho Great Real Cottington, and the IVeasiirer ^^ iiulebank, they sa\ , the mer- chants and eitizens comjilain bitterh' of the ])lan of coining bad money ; but your Majesty lia^ no reason to ref^ard thi>. a=i they certainly will not lend vou atiy. Before } our depart arc, your Maje-ty ruiinnaged everv eonier where there was any hope of lin(Ung money ; but to employ coercive measures in these disordered times appears to the Lords, on account of flic' dan- gerous eouboquencc^, very hazardous. Tlh' Mavisr is such a beast, and th. Aldermen, his l)nthn n, such cattle, as they will bo neither driven nor no for themselves. Notwithstanding tins extreme pecuniary distress, such numerous mutinies of the soldiers, sucdi mnie- raOlissati.-factinr. at the npprmcliinti- war, ihp Kinrr caused prayers to be put up in all the churches for the success of his arm?, nnf] on tho 2211(1 nf Auirust issued a declaraliou nf tlir fuiio\s lug ifuur ; The Scoteli iiav rejected ;ill clemency have soueht. un- der religious pretexts, to nudLrniiuf the reyai [uiw, r. and hn^tilcly attacknl Kugland. Tf hnwcvt-r ihey confess their cnnie^ and soHcit pardon, it ^!l;dl Ite granted them; otherwise every one who is puilfv shall suffer the merited [>urd>liineii! of treason and sedition. Two day> previous to !hi> royal dcclariition, the Scotch, to the amount of 20,000 foot and 2,o(H') 1640.1 SCO-n i! AHM"* i-NTKR> V.rse entered the English territory , observed at iii-st strict di-^cipluu., and met with a friendly recep- t;„n m want soon con.pelled them t.. live at t,ie expense of the country, whereby the Uo^^an C atho- lics especially were excessively burdened, nay plun- dered. They printed declaratiuu., ui order to jn-ove tliat tlR) defended God. religion, and liberty, and that the attach wa. commenced by the iU-advised Kin- (") Soon afterwards, they required the con- firmation of their previotis resolutions, the revocation of the above accusations, and the calling of an Eng- lish Parliament to establish peace l)etween the two kingdoms. More seemed to depend on the ubC uf arni^ than ot, written declarations. Though the soldiers in the Scotch army were for the most part inexperienced, thev liad good uilicers, and bore, as a sign of their enthusiasno the Scotch arms in ilieir standards, with an mscnptlon iu letters of gohf--' For Christ's crown and the Covenant." The Earl of Nortlmm- berland. the King's comiuander-in-chief, was gene- rally ill. and Conway, the commander of the cavalry, thr.m-h nnskilfidness and cowardice, suffered him- self to be so defeated at Newburn. that tlie Scotch were able to occupy Newcastle and Durham, and the Kuig was obliged to retreat to York. His army, indeed, still aine.unted to 1G,U0U lufantry and 2,000 cavalry ; lait tliey were nothing less titan inclined to fight, and it was feared that, froitt the impossibihty of ^. 72 A5.:5EUilLV AT YORK. [Chap. I. |iiiiictiially paying and supporting so great a number fri a long time, most of them would desert. Ill tlii^ distress some persons, recollecting former examples, thought of summoning the Lords to York, and most of the Counsellors assented to this opinion, partly because they saw no other resource, and partly lH;'eaii>'' lhe\ hoped liiai tin-' would be the quickest means of obtaining money. Persons of more penetra- t!i n. hinvever, remarked that the Lords would certainly speak of nothing, and propose nothing hotter, than the snriuiioiiiiiu' ri n Parliament. This measure would certainly be attended with inconveniences and dangers, hut \vi it was doubtless wiser to govern according to th* hiws and the general wish, than lonLrer to sufinait i* ihe present embarrassments, and at the end to have this resolution extorted by the Rebels. I'wenty Earls and Barons presented a re- monstrance in the same spirit against the war and the mode of government hitherto followed, and this was succeeded b} similar addresses from London and other parts nftho kingdom. . hi tiii.^ dibtrc;^.- and confusion, ^ay^ Lord Claren- don, between a proud enemy rendered presumptuous by succo.^5, arid an arni), if not wholly bcduced, yet diNCouraged, in a seditious country iiuhriod t«. the Utijt I- ciinid^L reluctant courtiers and ollicers, and wdtli a treasury entirely empty, thi« Convocation nf th.o Lonl,^ wa^ re^olvod on u;^ ihe nearest resource, !>} whn h in fact the summoning of a Parliament was 1640.] PARLIAxMENT CALLED. ARMISTICE. 73 like wise decided. Accordingly Charles declared, on i\w 2hdi of September, to the Lords assembled at York, that lie had resolved, by the advice of his Queen, to summon a new Parliament for the 8th November, 1640 , i^nl dial at the present moment, they had to decide what answer should be given to the proposals made by the Scots, and how the army should be supported. After much disputing, an armistice with the Scotch was concluded at Ripon, on the 10th October, on the condition that £.850 ilaily should be paid to them for two months at least, for the subsistence of their army. ('') Thus the King, who was not able to pay one army of his own, undertook to provide for the subsistence of a second, of the enemy; or rather the fate of the two armies and the terms of the Peace to be concluded with the Scotch at Lundon depended entirely on the English Parliament, and no longer on the King. A '1 ( ' Ji NOTES. TO CHAPTER 1. i'J I\OTRS.---C HA PTlMi L (1) Page 2. The electors were firee teiiaiits of tlie Crown, who liad an income of 40 shillings per annum, and resided in the County, Brodie, Vol. L p. 428. (2) Page 14. According to the '* Memoires de Madame de Motteville," Laud entertained the mistaken untioii tliat the coinnieiicemenl ought to be niaJc wiih changes in SeotiaiiJ. (3) Page 16. Even Land himself confesses tliai some Bishops " went not tlu' riirnt way." Lir'id Troubles^ p. 75. (4) Page 17. According to Burns, the stool wa> thrown by an old woman named Janet Geddes. Israeli, Vtl. IIP {». WJ. (5) Page 18. Guthrie, Mem. 20, affirms that the tunnilt did not arise accidentally, but wa^ the result ot measures concerted between some Clergy and Nobles. QV) Page 22. l^ven Montrose, among othused, for bringing in those tlnngs, not m the ordinary and legal way.'' But what way was that? MiscelL State Papers. Vol. II., p. 114. (12) Page 40. When each Congregation sent a Lay Elder entitled to vote the Clergy were always in the minority. (13) Page 40. " If it had been delayed till the morrow, it is feared many would have slipped away." Baillie, \). W^-, 1 lie sittincrs continued from 10 or ii oclock till 1 r 5. " So we are all relieved of the expense of a dinner." p. P)l. (14) Page 41. They identified their case with the preserva- tion of civil and religious liberty. Cook, Vol. II. p. 469 ; Neal, V( 1 IT p. 282 ; Afonieth, p. 40. do) Pao-ell. Grotius, in reference to tlie above proceed- ings, wrote to Oxenstierna : *' Nunquam vidi bellis civildnis meliores fieri homines, qui verus est Ecclesiae nitor, quod praecipuum Deus et spectat et postulat." Grotii E/nsioice. p. 1127. (16) Page 41. The Assembly dissolved itself on the 20th December. Cook, y\k 4.72 501. (17) Page 12. Idu- Xinir complained ofseanihiknis hhels, transgression of his orders, preparations for war, refusal of the oath of supremacy, &c. The latter had no legal force in Scot- land. 7??^/. Re^ia, pp. 175 — 177. (18) Paue 44. It was said that Leslie was discontented be- cause the King had not made him aPeer. Howelh VolVI. p.. 38. (19) Page 44. In this war I never lieard of so much as one hiuse killed bv either army. />?////, lUst.. nf James I. ayid Ch'^rirs, Vol. P p. 37. 76 NOTES TO CH \f^TFn I (20) Page 44. The King was very sober, meek, and patient. Neal, Vul. p. 239; Baillie,^. 180. The King's general, the Earl of Arundel, possessed neither experience nor military talents, and was indifferent to the disputes about the Liturgy. Hamilton also wished for peace. Trarwick, p. 113 ; Sanderson, p. 250 ; R'ishyvorth, ^p. 83—946; Hardwicke, Vol. II. pp. 136— 138. (21) Page 46. After the conclusion of the peace at Berwick, I^ords Kinnoul and Euthven, as the promoters of it. were pelted with stones by the devout wives in Edinburgh, to quicken their zeal. Guthrie, p. 51. (22) Page 48. It was not the same in Scotland as in Ens- land. Vol. I., chap. 2, at the beginning. (23) Page 50. Nalson, Vol. I. p. 276. According to Burnet, Vol.1. I II. Montrose drew up the letter, and wrote raye (a fish,) t/fv ^oleil, instead of " ray," or " rayon du soleil." (24) Page 52. Traquair had obtained the letter for the King, for which reason he was afterwards accused as the grand incendiary Rushworthy p. 956. (25) Page 52. Chambers, a Scotchman, Richelieu's chap- lain, conducted many secret negociations. Sanderson, p. 287 ; Lingard, Vol. X |). 85 ; Guizot, Vol. I. p. 189. (26) Page 52. It seems that only a duplicate came into the hands of Charles, and one copy to Paris. (27) Page 62. This was called the Short, by way of contrast with the Long Parliament. Ludloiv, p. 4. (28) Page 64. It gave just offence, that liic iunu oi the oatli had an " et csetera" annexed to it. Orwc. Life of Baxter, Vol. 1. j'. 2G. . (29) Page 64. On the 9th of May placards were posted up, inviting the people to plunder the palace of the Archbishop. The attack wns. however, repulsed ; manv wlio had been made prisoners were rescued by their companions, and only one of the ringleaders was hanged to deter others. Collier, p. 72'2 ; Fqns- iolm Theolo(/i€a Proestantium rironiitt, p. 558 ; liushworth, MOTES TO CHAPTER I. * * 1085 • Seneterre Ambassades en Angleterre, Vol. I. fol. MSS. de St. Germain, Vol. 773, in the Paris Library. (30) Page 6d. Ambassades en Angleterre, St. Germain, MSS765. , ^ • . N^ n,T.o^ (31) page 71 The Scots pay (at the begmnmg) for all they take, unles'^s they meet with a recusant, and them they plunder. Le/ter of Vane, MS. Coll State Papers, LL. 158. (32) Page 71. It was also determined that the Scotch, if the money were not regularly paid to them, might levy it in certain counties. Military preparations were not to take place during the armistice ; private injuries were not to break it, and there was to be a free trade between the two countries. Mon- teth, p. 61 ; Nalson, p. 463. I >i CHaPTKH I] Fr om the Ojiennig ot the Long Parliament to the breaking out ...I' the War !)etue..ii the King and the I'arliament. [1640—10-42.] With tl-c exception of the narrow-minded zealots whu fancied that Englami .-nuM and onirln t,, be go- vorni-.] without a Parliament, !!,,■ nation inanifested thegreatest joy at its being convoked. lint at the same tim.- the contrast of views and principles between the advocates and adversaries of the Kii^^ liecame stronger and stroncjer. Tin- former said, tiic King has been led into wroi!t year, and set at HI), ity all y^r^^^n^ uho were inijirisoned lor not ubeyiiig the Ordinances relative to taxes. EvlU exi.>t, and it is proper to reniedv them, Init with moderation and coniidence, and witti- out I'orgettiiitz that l''i>o-i-i!ul ...i;, , . . b iiii^, mat i.i.giaua enjo)s many ino.vt nn- ])ortant ad\antagcs before other eouiitriJs. 'rims Spain, Germany, and Austria are higher taxed; i64aj tONri.lCTiNG OI'lXiONS. 79 France flourishing and peaceful withemt a Parlia- ment ; and the power of the King, which is already very much dimiiusheclcanuot be further limited with- ^,„',niHrv to all parlies. To this it was replied,^ -It is not distress that compelled ihe King to such mistaken measures ; but absurd principles, obstinately defended, have led him to illegal and im})ni.lent steps. Tt is nothing but tlie utmost need that now apj.a- rentlv Inangs him back to a right course ; but m ,,,i,h' ho has neither changed his opinions, nor be- come sensible of the wrong he has hitherto done. As long as every temperate remonstrance is followed by a dissolution of Parliament and arbitrary arrests, every refusal of ^.,lpplies by violent extortions, every legal ,,pj„,sitlon l>y accusations of treason and sedition, nothing, or 'next to nothing, is done or gained to place public atlairs on a good foundation. With (he argument thai it is wor.e m other countries sla- very of every kind might he justified, or at least excused, and' therefore arguments of so little weigiit ought by no means to determine the measure and the ohjiict of our exertions. If itrecii.itate changes some- time^ injure freedom, cowardly i.atience certainly leads to U-rannv, and the good that still exists is more iVe.picntly ascribed to decayed institutions than really derived from them. It is our task to turn to practical advantage the more enlarged views of civil liberty and public law, to remedy existing abuses, and to place indispensable ameliorations on so firm 80 PARLIMENTARY ELECTIONS. [Chap. U. II i! a tniiiiijalitsii that iii^Npotisiii may iiPvpr 1)0 al)]*^* to destroy them." Neither of these opinions wn- altogether destitute of truth, and if the first seems to derive douhle effect from Hi]1)^er|iie-nt evont>. yet wo must not forget that at that moment tlic lianger did nul appear iu come from the oppressed Parliament, but from Ilia King; and th(^ most fait hilii oi hi:, Iriends, isncli a> ilyde, Falklai.cl. Cape], Grimstone, also recommended es- sential ciiange.s in tha hiws and in llw ajinimistrntion. Nay, wliile some, more from timicHty and prejudice tliaii from profound lr!.>iudit. 'prophesied nothinii but evil from tho prospects of revohition whaih they foresaw, i»thars ^aid, tiiobo who fear insurrections of the peoph- ara like aldldren who are afraid of a death sdicad (art (iUt of a turnip with a randlo in it. At all tmies there are over ardent zealots, irut they do rail f>ata)me dangerous till tho nnmorous and mo- derate par! of the people have real cause lor ilis- f'Ollti'llt. Ill consequence of the prevalence of these various opinions, the Court lind not hcen able to exercise miu-li iiithience on the Fariiamealar^ eicclion:., aud tliey were differently judfrnd of accordimr to 1]^, dif- ferent pioints of view from which iIk v were coiilem- pkited:. Ruscharf say^, that amoni,^ the |)ersons elected, some were uneducated, uriaequauiled with the artN and seionces, some really enthusiastic f.ar the ngirt.^ of the P'oopie, and some were mere mob I64U.] ELECTIONS. — VIEWS. 81 I o ■I •iitors. A naaaig those of higher rank many looked dowFi in contempt u})on the peo[)le, as if ihey were hiaii ruereiy to obey, and but few found the true laechuiiu By far the majority of the members of l^aiHanu lit w^ere certainly men who were resolved, to I hie l)c^t of their knowledge, conscientiously to pro- luete tiic houour and happiness ol their country : and, though we are not disposed to cloak and excuse tlieir subsequent errors and crimes, we are, on tiie other hand, equally remote from joining in the sweeping sentence of condemnation which has sometimes been undeservedly pronounced against them, under the cover of greater penetration and purer morality. Even in the House of Lords several joined tlie p^opu- far party : such as the Earl etf Bedford, a rieli and prudent nuin, wfio probably wished to raise himseU* aral Ihn friends, but not to overthrow thi* Couil : Lord Say, poor,but dexterous and ambitious, and from conviction an eneniv to the establislied ( lioreli ; Lord i\Iandeville, though not austere iu his way of life, yet a great friend to the l^uritans ; Lord Essex, partly gained b) hn^ iiattery. Ihe leaders of the House of Commons displayed more intellect and character, though scarcely one of thcni appears free from the prejudices and passions of those agitated limes. Pym was a man of experience, knowledge of l)usin(^ss, and eloquence ; St. John, the friend of Bedford, rebcrvech ^Jiul of an austere gloomy disposi- tion uf riund ; llolUs, open and violent in his friend- 1' 82 PARLIAMENT OPENED. [Chap, II, 1 540. J CilUlCE OF THE SPEAKER. 83 ship a.b 111 enmity; the 30iiiigcr \'ane overhfaicd by religious enthusiasm, clear-sighted in tlic choice of means, immoderate m Lis objects; ilampdni well versed in tht^ laws, possessed of great i^rudi nee and self-command, .^tddom speaking, yet everywhere exercising influence ; uncommonly dexterous in phuisibl} and imperceptibly obtainmg the truimph of his own views, or at least in discomfiting those of his opponents. it was doid)ted for a moment whether if would not be more adxi^able to assemble the i^irlinnient end of London, for instance at York; but the majorit} tliougLt it more advisable that it should meet at a greater distance from the Scotch frontiers, and not to nianife.'>t imy distrust townrd^ ili^. niiuhtv capital by deviation from established custom. On the 3rd of November loin thi^ Kino- opened the Parliament with a speech, in wliu h he said: (') " The knowdedge which T hnd of the drmands of my Scotch subjects induced me to summon tlie last Par- haiiitnt. and had 1 thvii been believed, matters would never imve come to the situation in whieh we now see thi^ni ; hut it it> no wonder that men are so back- ward to persuade themselves that ^ueh a great sedi- tion would arise from sneli a smnll berrlnninG:, Now. however, when the honour and safety of the kingdom are at htake, I am resolved freely and openly to throw myself on the love and attachment ei mx n n std)jects." Afti r the King had stateil the repulse of the Rebels ami the redress of real grievances as tlie two principal objects for calling the present Par- iiaincnt, he concluded witli the.->e words: " T wi^h that you, like myself, may banish suspicion and mistrust — at least it sliali not be my fault if this Parliament is not a happy one." Lord Keeper Fincli in his speech praised the King and Queen in an exaggerated, at least unsuitable, manner: justified the assembly of the Lords in York, which was meant only as preparatory tn the convoking of Parliament, which liail been determined upon ; stated at length the affairs of Scotland; and proved, from the engage- ments entered mto at lupoii, tin necessity of putting a speedy end to the difTtn'ences. and of granting bupplies. Aftt r the House of Commons had chosen for thrir Speaker, not 1 homa.^ Gardiner, who was favored by tilt Court, but Lenthal, who is praised by some, whilt' otliers blame his narrow-nnndedness and igno- rance, it proceeded to the examination of the elections, and declared all luiil am! void when the person elected had bv word or deed supported any illegal proposal, or had derived advantage from it. (') While tlie majority commended this proceeding as just, some observed that it was extremely difficult to determine where illegality began or ended : and, besides, this wliule examination was properly not the business of the House, but of the electors. Some blamed the g2 94 GRIEVANCES. [Chai. II, S[u't'clii;'s uf tiu: Kinu' ail*! 1 lie Lord Keeper, above all it was thought censurable that the Scotch were called Rebels, iioi\vith>iaiHlii]ir the eunelu^ion of peace, and the good reasons that were given for their resistance. In i.n'der to alla\' thi^ unfavorable dispo- sition, the King, on the 5th ofXovember, attempted to justii}' this expression, or at least to excu&e it, hy observing that it was proper as long as the Scotch were in arms agairi>! Iiim. Two (lavs later, that is on the Ttli of Xovmiljer, Pvrn. as in the preceding l^irliairaait, niach/ a vorv circumstantial representation of the existing griev- ances, and >m(\ tlv redress of them does not hinder the King's service ; on the contrary, the movement is facilitated l)y talxini^ away wti^htN which impede it. Hereupon he repeated the lairaaiih^ that the King can never do wroni^. and laid all thr blame upon the ^linisters. On thi^- occasion Benjamin Hudyard affirmed lla-y nnisf di-li 1,h Tate first of all on. the affairs of religion, and ja'efer God's business to every other. He then justified the accused Puritans, and said tlirit whoever guided his actions by divine or human laws was designated by calumniators by that name.— Lastly, he eouUuued, whoever can behold the misery and distress of our State without emotion lias neithc r head, nor heart, nor ^oul. Thus, doubtless, theKinir himself, m the nv>i | lace, is in great embarrassments ; but it would be contrary lo duly, nay inlrturian, to att-(^mpt hereliy to gain im advantage over him. We 1640.] COMMrriHKS APPOINTED. 85 .houlii theu our:.elves commit the crime that wo laanie m others, and at the same time forget that we eannot liud our uwn advantage except in him and through lunu Unhappily, false counsels have too ^^^^^1^ prevailed, and those who talk the loudest of the uuiimited power of the King have converted it into a vcny wiaik and inefficient power, have exhausted his resources, squandered his revenues, have every- where taken a wrong course, and have unworthily aiRi disloyally laid upon the King alone the blame of their own faults. The King always has need of the strength, the heart, liands, and property of his suh- jects ; the people always require the justice, protec- tiun, and clemency of the King, and this reciprocity is the most solid and delight ful bond c»f union. W liat- tver may be determined, 1 pray that it may be done V if]] n^ much {gentleness and moderation as the wel- fare of the Ivmg and tlie nation permit and require. In the first place, ('(unmittees were appointed to examine the subjects that had been brought forward, and some important matters were taken into consi- deration, in the House itself— such as monopolies, the arrest of members of Parliament, illegal judg- ments, &c. (^) On all sides complaints and accusa- tions were l)rought forward against the system of adauuistratieai hitherto followed, and |)articularly against the equally odious ministers Stratford and Laud; and the apprehension that they might, as on former occasions, procure from false principles an^T St) bTliAM'ORl) iMPKACHED. [Chap. II personal fears, a precipitate dissolution of Parliament, quickly suggested the idea iluit tlie Parliaiiient must at once leave useless speeches and mere defence for serious attack, iuiil immediately overthrow those who were their enemies and the enemies of the people, in ordt r tu he at lihertv to make the necessary im- provements. On the 2Ki nf Nnvemher, on Pym's motion, the door, of tlie House of Commons were closed, and in th.:^ same sittimr nn impeachment of Sfrafronl for high treason wa. agreed to, and :,unt un ihe same day to tiicHonsp of Lords, with the request tliat iliey woulil exclude the Earl from their sitluig^ am! have him arretted: that the House of Commons would present as soon a.> pu^.biljk the iuriher proposals and proofs, f*) The question whether, on the ground of a mere general iiDprc.ved aecubatiou, the puni-hment required eonhl in- intHct-th was answered in the affirmative, iii eoii^idrraiion of Strafford's well-known conduct and the dignity of the House. Th- Karl. it lb probable, had long ih)iihte(l whether hr .liouhl expose himself m London to the attacks of lii.^ enemies, or, wliai would lia\ e been attnidiHl with no difficulties, remain witli the ;irmv, or return to Ire- land. ( ) At least, it is said that, on his request to he allowed to remain at a distance, as he could scarcely be of any use, but might fall into the hands of his enemies, lie was answered that the King could not dispense with his services, and that, so true as '6401 STHAn'OlU). I All). CINtU, WINDEBANK. 87 Charles was King t^f England, no one should hurt a hair of Ins head. Oil ihr day uf his arrival, Strafford went holclly to the House of T.ords. hecause he intended, it was said, to accuse some of the memhers of the Lower House of traitorous connections witli the Scotch. He found the doors closed, knocked loudly, and when they were opened, proceeded with a proud and gloomy demean- our to ins seat. What was his astonishment, when he was ordered to retire to iho iloor till he should he called, and compelled to hear the order for his arrest from the House of Commons, not standing, but kneeling. As soon as he came down into the street, the assemhled multitude cried out, '^ What is the matter — wliai IS liic mailer r and he replied, *^ A trifle, I assure you." Ihit those who knew better, exclaimed, *' A uitic indeed !—high treason a iriile!" Will a Strafford, the most pow erfid and most de- tt ruviiud adversary, had been so easily overcome, notwith.^tanding all tlie interest of the King and several Lurds, there was no diiiicuit) m arresting Archbishop Kaud in a similar manner, and in pre- parinL^ to impeach Finch and Wmdebank. Finch, htiiii^ informed df this design, defended himself in Ihe Lower House, not without ability, but was not- withstandino; accused of having voted for the disso- I'itieii of Parliament, illegally levied money, ^c. l>oth Finch and Windebank, fearing an unfavorable result, fieri to France, where thev pubiidie^l pam- 'i i 88 FINCH DFBATKS. [CliAi. II 1()4U.J SCOTLAND R9 phlets in their justificatiou, (') which certainK |)roved the cxairgcration and passion nf their accusers, hnt by no means their own iniiucence. lliev were if not ill-disposed, certainly inconsiderate and im|)ru- dent statesmen, and even Lord Falkland, imc of the nolilest characters of tliat age, when he presented the impeachment of "Mnch to the i"ppcr House, ob- served that his iiiglit itself was an evidence of his guilt. He was an ineflieient speaker, an \mi\iM judge, an unscrupulous Keeper uf the Sea], nnd Ids lie a constant aim in uiulernune by intrigue and violence the fundamental laws of the kim>:doni. Thur> the King was deprived, m ale\v day^J, of nil his servants, who. partly liy foolish tlatteries of his unlimited flower, had brought hmi into this ttxiuble, but whom hf' still continued to consider as tht- most faithful servants he had ever had : and. in fact, it cannot be denied that they were personally attached to the King, luid desired to promote his interests; but this attachment was the more prejudiciab be- cause it was uiiitetl with narrow views and arbitrary notions, wliich, eii account of their verv attaeh- ment, were tlie more readily listened to, and acquired double weight. It was eertauil) now impossible for the King to form and maintain a ]\Iinistr\ in contradiction to the viewi, of the Parliannnt. The debates of the latter, which foiiii tlie whole contents of the iiistruetive histerv ef the snhsenueiit period, are variou>ly lilended together ^ for which rea- ^ son it 1^ advisable, m order to facilitate the view ef the subject, first to separate the affairs of the Church from those of the State, and ihen to give an account of the trials of tlie accused, especially of Strafford. Iinmediateiy on the opening of Parliament the negociations w itli the Scotch were renewed in a Committee. Here the former again declared that they were devoted to the King, if he would only remove his evil Counsellors, Straffonl, Laud, and Hamilton ; they were also ready, as soon as every thmg was regulated in Scotland, to assist the English in equally salutary objects. From these and other reasons, the | popular party considered liic Scotch, not as enemies, but allies, and were ready rather to pay and maintain theii army, than by its speedy removal and dissolution, perhaps, give the King again military superiority. Though Royalists and Episcopalians loudly censured this conduct, and the northern Counties which suffered l)y liaving the Scotch quartered upon them, did not fail to send petitions and complaints, the Parliament prolonged the Armistice, and commanded all declarations and ^aritin^s ai^am^t theScotch to be delivered up, and on occasion of votes (»f money for their army, called them not enemies, or rebels, but brethren! The King of course w as not able, under these circum- stances, to apply according to his pleasure the scanty i^rant- of money. (') At the same time the Commons drew- up several A 90 IltlKNMVL PARLIAMENT. Chap. II. 1641. J THE king's promises. 91 hiU> to remedy the defects and grievances which liave been abovomentioned. A]] legislative power, iiidi |H luicnt iA' the Parliament, for instance merely l)y lityal Onlinances, was to cease — no monopoly to be reiu-wi il -the Star Chamber, the Court of High Commission, to !)e abolished— the forest laws amended— no Ship-money or other iiiivoted tax levied —mr} every person to be prosecuted and punished who had bctai cuiicerned in sucli iriatLers.(^) A lall brouglit in nn tlu' IHtli of January, 1(111, was even more important ; il wa.^ ui the following tenor. In case the Kiiiu does not summon a Parliament every three year^. ilir i ight is transferred to the Lords : if thry neglect it, to the Sheriffs and other Ollicers; and if i [icbe omit h, to ihe Citizens and Elector^ thorn- selves, who are then to meet by their own authority and procrrd to the Elections. No Parliament shall be dissolved withuut its own consent, before the lifticth day. — The King, said Lord Di-by on this ocoa- sion, has by himself alone but limited pow . r , miiUd with liis Parliamont. no Monarch of A-ia has so much power as he to remedy abuses. To expel bad Ministers is only ciispelHng the clouds; liv llie n^ w bill we shall (il)iain perpetual sunshine. The Kinir. alarnuul hy this inm of affairs and these resolutions, summoned both Houses lu appear before liim on the 25t]i of Jannarv, 1641 : comohiined that many things had been [»recipitated, while more important matters, (meaning the supplies,) did not ;uiva!iee : and urged theni not to lose sight of the ditTerence between improving and ehanging the con- stitution. He approved of liie former, w^as averse from the latter, and engaged to co-operate in every- thinix really useful both in Church and State, and restore everything to what it had been in the best tiiiiP^ of Queen Elizabeth. If anything in the levying of taxes appeared illegal, or too burdensome, he would remedy this aLo. relying on i lie attachment of luis subjects, and likewdse summon frequent Parliaments ; onlv in the latter respect he could not suffer himself to be stripped of all las rights, or to give them up to every sherifT and inferior officer. These and simi- lar remonstrances could the less induce the Parlia- ment to depart from the course on which it liad entered, as the contrast betw^een the characters of Cliarles and Elizabeth was too evident, and the lead- ers uf I he Commons by no means considered the restoration of all things to any former state as the main object uf their cilorts. Thus Charles was com- pelled gradually to confirm all those Bills witlnait alteration, and uii the IGth February, 1041 , even to tlie Bill for triennial Parliaments. On the same day, the House of Commons voted four subsidie.-, and the greatest joy and satisfaction everywhere pre- vailed. The event was celebrated by ringing of bells, fireworks, kc. and a cordial imion seemed to be per- manently establislied. And yet, contrary to the Kings hopes, two points W 92 IMPEACHMENT OF STRAFFORD. [Chap. II. 1641. J STUAFFORl/s DEFENCE. )H were not decided !>\ t!i!> cuiicessioii. whirfi most deeply aHected ])t){li his feelings and his inineiples/^) uairiei}', the prt)ceedini4'.> on the Enrl of Strafford, and the attacks against the Eishops and the Jista- bU^hed Cliiireli in general. Aftor tlie arrest of Strafford, a ( laruiiittee of the House of Commons was engaged m dr^iwing up the articles of unpearh- ment against him, and collecting proofs in support of them. Jt was alleged in the former that btrstlfonl desired to introchice art)itrary power into England; that he advised ih*' King to reihieo llu- people to obe(hence hv force, — tliat he shamefuHx u rannised over tlie Trisli,--^-fa\"(»nred tlie Catholics, — was self- interested, —increased tlie animosity between Eng- land and Scotland. -conducted the aniiv Ijadlv, liated and counteracted the Parliament, and iteeiared that the Kin^ was excused before God and man, if he made use of liib autliurity and eiideavuured to help himself. In the |)roceedings, wdiieh cummenced un tlie 21 >t Marcli, 1641, and continued till the middle of Aprih Stratford defended himbeif Willi 5U much {»resence of mind and ability, that some of the points of impeach- ment fell to the ground, and nut a single one juslitied an accusation of high treason. On the other liand, it was remarked that a law i*f EtJward I. enacted, that, since every act of troasoii ecnild not be severally enumerattHh that hliould lie |)Uiiished as sneh. which Parliament declared to lie so. But, independently of ft r Iheijuestion wliether so old and obsolete a law was still v.did. a hiter declaration of Parliament could not witlio^ut injustice be applied to precedini facts. For this reason, greater stress was laid on tlie assertion that it wn> undoubtedly treason to endea- vour to subvert the fundamental laws of the king- dom : and they invented a kind of accumulative or con- structive evidence, by which many single words or actions, in themselves of little ur no importance, should, when united, amount to a full proof of trea- son. At the ccmlii^iou of the proceedings, Strafford made a general speech in his own defence, from which we extract the following passages. • It I,, hard when anybody is called to account on the strength of a la^v wdiieh no person can point out. {'') Where has this fire been so long l)uried, during so many centuries, that no smoke should appear till it burst out at once to consume me and my children? Great wisdom it will bo In your Lordships, and ju,^i providence for yourselves, for your posterity, for the whole kingdom, to cast from you into the tire those bloody and mysterious volumes of arbitrary and constructive^ treasons, and betake vourselves lu the plain letter of the statute ; and not seek to be more learned than your anees- loi-fe ill lie, cirt of condemning and killing. I am tlie first, after a lapse of 210 years, to whom this alleged crimp lias been attributed. Let us not to our own destruction awake those sleeping lions by rattling ui) 92 JMPEAl. iiMKNl^ OF STRAFFORD. [CHAi\ il. 1641.] STHAFFO]U)*s PEFENCE. H3 were net ilecided liv ihib ecjiicession, ^vliieh luobl deeply aftected both his feelings aiul liis piinciples/^) "namely, the proeiedmgi) on the Earl of Strafford, and the attacks against the Bisliops and tlie Esta- blished Churcii ill general. After the arrest of Strafford, n Committee of tlie T[ouse of Conrintiiis was engageij m t|i*;iwing u{> tlie articles of impeach- ment against him. and collecting proofs in support of them. It was alleged m the former that Strnflferd desired to introduce arbitrary power into England; that he advised the King to reduce the people to obedience by force, — tliat he shamefully tyrannised over the Irish, — favoured the Catholics, — was self- interested, — increased the animosity betweiMi Eng- land and Scotland, — conducted the arm\" Ijadly,— hated and counteracted tluj Parliament, and declared that the Kini^ was excused before God and man, if he made use of hib authurit) and endeavoured to help himself. In the proceedings, which commenced on the 21fet March, I64I, and continued fill tlie middle of April, Strafford defended himself with so nanch presence of mind and ability, that some of tht^ |)oints of impeach- ment fell to the ground, and not a single one je.stified an accusation of high treason. On the other hand, it was remarked, that a law of Eihvjird I. c^nacted, that, since every act of treason could not be severallv enumerated, that should be punished as sucdn which Parliament declared to be so. But, independently of the question whether so old and obsolete a law was still valid, a late r declaration of Parliament could not without injustice be applied to preceding facts. For this reason, greater stress was laid on the assertion that it was undoubtedly treason to endea- vour to subvert the fundamental laws of the kmg- dom ; and they invented a kind of accumulative or con- structive evidence, by winch many single words or actions, in themselves of little or no importance, should, when united, amount to a full proof of trea- son. At the conclusion of the proceedings, Strafford made a general speech in his own defence, from which we extract the following passages. '^ It is hard w hen anybody is called to account on the strength of a law which no person can point out. ('") Where has this fire been so long buried during so many centuries, that no smoke shor appear till it burst out at once to consume me and my children? Great wisdom it wdl be in xour Lordships, and just providence for yourselves, for your posterity, for the whole kingdom, to cast from yon into the lire those bloody and mysterious volumes of arbitrary and constructive treasons, and betake vourselves to the plain letter of the statute ; and not seek lu l)e more learned than your ances- tors in the ait of condemning and killing, i am the first, aftrr a lapse of 240 years, to whom this alleged (rime has been attributed. Let us not to our own destruction awake those sleepang lions l)y rattling up i . 94 bTHAFFoRDS DEFENCE. [Chap. II. STRAFrORBS TIIIAF 95 a company of dIi! reeoriis wliieh lia\-ulaiii for bO many ao-es iiecrlected and forgotten. To nil my afflictions add p.ot this my T.ords, thai 1 lur my nwn sins be the means of introducing a precedent so pernicious to tlin laws and liherties of my native counlry. For though those giiiih-nuMi at \]w bar say they speak f(M' tho eoiiinionwealtli, vet in lari it i> I \\\w defend it, and shew the inconveniences and miseries which must ensue from >nch proceedings, linposr not, my Lords, so many dangers and difficuhies upon .Minis- ters ( f State, that no wise man, w1m> lias any honor or iDrtiuiu lu lose, can serve the counii \ with cheer- fulness and safety. Tf you woiah everything hy grams and scruislcb, no persons will in iuiure eiigage in public business."^ — The Earl concluded by saying, " I tliank God i have been, by His blessing, >uiil- cientlv instructed in the extreme vanity of all tern- porarK eri j'^vments, compared tu theinipurlance ui our eternal duration; and so, mv Lords, I submit with all tranf|uiriit\- ui" niinu lu j our judgment ; and, whether it shall be life or death — Te Deum laudamus." Whitelock, wlio himself presided at the examina- tion, says (^^) : *' Certainly never any man acted such a part, on >rK'h i\ tbt^atro, wiih. more wisduni, con- stancy, anal rhiquence, with greater reason, judgrraaif and temper, and witli a bi'tler grace in all \n> words and gestures, than did this great and (^xcilb nt person ; and In^ nmvt-d the In^arts of all his auditors, some few excepted, to rennjrse and pity." But the times had 1641.] already taken a turn when all enthusiasm of feeling passed foi- weakness, and only tliat of the nnder- stauding was honoured, though every distinction of that kind leads to error, and at last to crime, Ihit be- cause, notwithstanding the accumulation and union of single points, the accusation of luL^h treason %vas not to be proved, the form and name were changed, and 1 I'ill of attainder was proposed in the Lower House, in order to avoid the appearance of par- tiality, the King had consented that, to obtain proofs, all the Privy Councrllors should themselves disclose the secrets of their joint deliberations. Nothing of consequence resulted from ihi:^, but very great stress was laid on the circumstance that the younger Yane found among iiis father's papers a statement, accord- ing to which Strafford had advised war against this kingdom. Though the Earl, with iuur others, denied this accusation ; though several swore that this was not the case, and that every unprejudiced pcrbon could see by the context that not England but Scot- land was meant, many took advantage of this circum- stance to justify their own rigour, and to inflame the people against the King. Lord Digby, who intended to defend him, thought it however (either from convic- tion, or to soften contradiction,) necessary to say — " Strafford is now hated on account of his actions, and will in future excite terror })y his punishment. He is a veiy dangerous Minister, to whom God has given rare tnlents, and the devil a b;ul api^lieittion 94 STRAFFORD S DKIENCE. [Chap. II. a coiniu,inv of old roconU whujli luivulain for so many age^ iiefrk'Ctetl aiui iuri^uUen. To all m\ afflictions add not this my T.ords, that 1 ior my own sins be i\\e means of introducing a precedent so pernicious to ih^' laws and iihorties of my native comitr). For though thoM gentlemen at the har say they speak for ihe coinmonwealtli, yot in fart it i- 1 who defend it, and shew the inconveniences and miseries which must ensue from >Mch rroreodings. Impose not. my Lords, fco man) dangers and difficuUies iipou Minis- ters of State, that no v.ise man. who has any honor or iurlunt' iu lo^^o, can serve the country willi cheer- fulness and safety. Tf you w^eigh ever\tl]ina by grains and scruples, no persons \siil m iuture engage in I )ii1)lic business." — The Earl condinad by saying, " T thank God i have been, by His bic.-^sing, buin- cionilv in^trnctod in the extreme vanity of all tem- porary enjt)\ iiionts, compared to tiie importance of our eternal duration; andso, mv Lords, I suliinit with all tra!]{'|niili!\- of inmd io your judgnnai! ; and, whether it shall be lile or death — Te Deum laiidamus." Whitt'lnek. wlio Idmself presided ai the examina- tion, says (^^) : • ( ertainly never any man ac ted such a part, on sneh, a tin atr».'. witli more wnsdi»m, con- stancy, and eloquence, witli greater reason, judgment and temper, and wdtli a fietter grace m all bis words and ge.Ntiires, than did this great and excellent pMcrson ; and lie moved tlie lionrts of all liis arulitors, some few except ill, to remorse and pity." Lut the times liad 1641.] STRAFlOnUS TRIAL. 95 already taken a turn when all enthusiasm of feeling passed for weakness, and only that of the under- standing was iionuurecb though every distinction of that bitid leads to error, and at last to crime. But be- cause, notwithstanding the accumulation and union of single points, the accusation of high treason was not to be proved, the form and name were changed, and a bill of attainder was proposed in the Low^er House. In order lu avoid the appearance of par- tiality, the King had consented that, to obtain proofs, all the Privy Councillors should themselves disclose the secrets of their joint deliberations. Nothing of consequence resulted from this; but very great stress was laid on the circumstance that the younger Vane found among his father's papers a statement, accord- ing to w^hich Strafford had advised war against this kingdom. Though the Earl, with four others, denied this accusation ; though several swore that this was not the case, and that every unprejudiced person could see by the context that not England but Scot- land was meant, many took advantage of this circum- stance to justify their own rigour, and to inflame the people against the King. Lord T)igby, w^ho intended to defend bun, thought it however (either from convic- tion, or to soften contradiction,) necessary to say — "Strallbrdis now hated on account of his actions, and will in fnttire excite terror by his punishment, lie lb a very ilaugcrou^ ^.iinister, to whom God has given rare talents, and tlie devil a ])ad application m STRAFFuiUi tONDKMNED. [Chap. II. 1641.] STRA FF; > III. >, 9 of them ; iie i^ the ii:reat ai)u>tatr who wiekcdly gave ii|) tlie >tate and liberty, iiat a;>, nii tha:- other side, no trea>ori is proved, anothitT liiil euiLrht tu be drawn up, whieh ^lla11 not affect the lite of the Earl, but prev en! Irun from doiii^ anv harm f"or tlio future. Every one ouglit t') banish passion from his heart; for th.ono;li T l^now tliat this great ami wise assembly has none, 1 speak to individuals only, on account of the w^eakness T feel within m}'^elf Away, therefore, with personal hatred — away witli the idea that we iniist be severe against the Earl beeauso the peo].le hate him, and would be incensed if our sentence were not Idoody — away with tlio notions theit a man ac- cused of treason ought not to live, and that no one is safe as lono; as this man is permitted to exist." Not- wdthstanding these and succeeding remarks, 2U-1 members voted for, and 59 against the Bill, whose names w^ere posted on tlu following day at the cor- ners of the streets, with the inscription, ''Strallord- ians — enemies and traitors to their country." When St. John presented the Bill to the Lord- in the nan.ii' of the Commons, he said, ''He who trans- gresses the law appeals in vain to t1m law. and lie wdio allows otliors nu icgdl treatment cannot demand it; and lliat nui\ be done to him whieh he has done to others, it i» true we make laws for hares and deer, for they are beasts of chase ^ but it has never been eon>idered as cruel i»r unjUbt to ^lioot wolves or foxes, wherever thev are f)inid, for they are beasts of 4 prey, l^' ^^^^ same manner a stew^ard jilace? traps for polecats and other \ ermin, for the security of his preserves. Dangerous disorders prove fatal if they are not counteracted in time ; and errors in ini] ort- ant matters, such as war and marriage, leave no time for repentance. Besides, it wonkl liave been tx)o late to make a law if such a one had now been w ant- ing. Strafford endeavoured to overturn the laws of his country, whicli had so lorig protected him and his ancestors; he iiad oonunitted not a malum nnia prohibitum, but a malum in se, contrary to the {lainest dictates of conscience an I nature, which nideed have no law, but likewise need none, because they are themselves law. Besides, m matters of this kind, the Parliament has indisputably the riglit o'i Hie and death. As in this manner Strafford's danger became greater, and violent petitions asrainst him were pre- sented from many places, the King with some friends thought to save the Eai h liv entirely withdrawing him from business, and letting Say, Pym, Hollis, and Hampden take the most important offices of state. This plan being given up, either because the King changed his mind, or for other reasons, those leaders were again offended, and Charles considered it his duty to act more decidedly in another way : he there- fore repaired on the 1st of May to the Parliament, and said: '• T have attentivelv considered all the. debates, Ijiit can the lesh tiiul the Earl guilty of^' VOT II, If 98 STRAFFORD. [Chap II. high treason, o> ho never thmicrlit f,r hrnnxiniy the Iribh Army to Englamh and nubudy e\cr advised me to change the legislation of this country. Hovrever willingly I yield to tlu wishes of the people, I can- not act against my con=;cience, and have 1)y no means deserved that the raiiiament shoulil aitcnipt to constrain nic in this respect. On the other hand, I acknowlt'dge the improper conduct of Strafford, and am content that he should 1) * incapacitated from holding any public office." In this cunildcntial declaration of the King the Commons would see nothing but a violation ui their rights, and two days later there was a riot, in which the mob demanded bread — and ilie executmn of Strafford. On ihe 7th of May, twenty-six Lords out of forty-six declared the Earl guilty ; the Bishops, instead of energetically opposing a sentence of death, having meanly retired, under the pretext that a sentence of deatii wn^ to he pronounced, in which it was unbecoming for ilitm to take a part. Q~) When tlie sentence of death was laid before the King, he was iii tlie iin>4 ilr.,'iidfnl enili;irras>ment. ^^irafford had indr d already written to him, on tin 1th of May, — it bad always been bis opinion, that it was only hy a muni understanding betw((ai the King and tile |a.'(>|)h,'. throncfli ibe Parlinmeiif . tlint a happy and sahitary government was possible, and h was doubly pai!ifiil to liiui to be accused t>f having desired to pro- duce dissensions. On the one side were the honor STRAFFORD, ^J\) ■ l6il.J and happiness of himself and his family, life or d< atln _-onthe other, all ihe evils which might befall the King and the kingdom. After mature deliberation he requested the Iving to confiini the ilili, as lus (Strafford's) assent acquitted him of all reproaeli before God and the world. {'') While many atlimied the noble mind of the Earl manifests itself in a bril- liant manner, in his readiness to fail a victim for the restoration of peace, his opponents looked upon the let- ter merely as a trich'. in order to obtain his deliverance: but he could by no means induce the King to condemn an innocent person, contrary to his own eonvicti.ai. ii 15 true that (throwing justice, power, and judg- ment only into the scale of the Parliament,) even then, it was assumed as a principle, that the King was bound to submit his conscience and Ids under- standing to the conscience and proposals of the two houses. However, the King considered it as his duty to send by his son an affecting letter to the Lords, to the effect that, if it could be done without divcnntent. mg the people, ii would be an mlinite consolation to him if Strafford were not executed, but condemned to imprisonment for life, and tu death only in case he should attempt to make his escape. T f they would so far yield to luio in thi>. tlial he might, as he wished, use clemency, this would make him, not indeed more veiling, but vet much more cheerful, in redressing their grievances and fulfilling their wishes. But if he i:v}i\i\ not otlierwise satisfv hi^ people, he must wo STRAFFORD S DEATH. [Chap. II. indeed say fat justitia. Q^) The answer was, that the sentence of death could not remain unexecuted without danger to the King, his consort, and his chil- dren. Juxon, Bishop of London, wliom the King consulted, persisted in saying, that if he was not convinced in his conscience, he ought by no means to confirm the sentence : whereas Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, declared that the conscience of the King was here distinct from that of the private man, and it was his supreme duty tu du what was necessary for the preservation of liiinself and his kingdom. Thu5, [pressed on all sides, plunged m doubts respecting his moral and political duties, and unable to obtain any tiling from the Parliament by a pro- tracted refusal, Charles, at length, gave his assent to the Bill. In vain did the Earl entreat thai the exe- cution might be deferred a few days, and take place in the Tower. (^') Reports of conspiracies in the royal army, and apprehension of some change of circumstances, made the Parliament refuse both requests, assigning as a reason that every delay would excite tiie people to fresh disorders, and a private execution might give rise to a belief that the Earl was still alive. On the l^ih t f May, 1641, he sub- mitted with great firmness to the fatal stroke. In his last speech, he heartily forgave all his enemies, testi- fied his attachment to the King, the church, and the country : declared that he had always believed that Parliaments were, under God\s assistance, tiie bc^t 1641.] STRAFFORD S CHARACTER. U)! means to make the King and the people happy ; and prayed to God that so Idoody a beginning might not have evil consequences, and bring down severe punishments. By one party, Strafford has been represented as the noblest, most innocent martyr for the purest cause in the world ; — by the second, as the worst of criminals, whose death \va« entirely merited, and absolutely necessary for the establishment of liberty. An impartial examination confirms neither of these views, but leads to a judgment between the two. Strafford iiad committed no criTne which desprved death according to the laws, and he had justly said. " 1 see nothing capital in their charge ;" and the pro- ceedings against him were carried on with acrimony,, and with a violation of many forms. On the other hand, he had behaved, especially in Ireland, in indivi- dual cases, in the most arbitrary manner, in order to maintain certain general principles, and his plan, to free the King from all restraint, by an unlimited right of taxation and a standing army (^^), was indeed not treason, according to the letter of the law, but more dangerous and more wicked than much that was designated by that name. For this reason, the popular leaders said: that the question here was nut the application of tiie letter of the law to cases which were foreseen — -but anew action, nay, a \\h*)le .series- of actions and intentions, for which a new law, and a new ]>nnishment innst ho hiid down and applied, for 10^ STEAi ford's character. [Chap. II. the safety of tho rnnntiy. If the existing law was m.uillcient to avert tin most dreadful danger, it ought not to ho meanly suhniiUcd to. but means to puniJi such great criminals, must be sought and found in the omni])olence of legislation. Lord ilus- sel speaks in a similar manner : ^traflford, he says, encouraged tlio King to persevere in his resistance, aiul taken ail m all, was a man of Molent passions, drstitiite of highor prinriploR and oi genuine eleva- tion of miiul Tlie l)oldness of hU character, the power of his ehiquence, his virtLIe^ m [uivate rit;e and, above all the unjust manner \n which he was condemned to death, have relieved hi. memory frnni the alihorrence in which it u ould oHierwise be held by every friend of his eoiintry. And Yaughan says: If we blame the sentence wliich was passed upon Strafford, it i. not ^o inueh uii his account, a. ibr the sake of the laws, whieh lie trampled under foot, and of lib. rty, whieh he betrayed. btratYuid wa^ the ablest, and in one sense the most faithful, of Charles's Counsellors, buthe midertoob a task t.. wluch he was not equal, and which he coukl not have executed without viol itmg ill the existing Pi ws. H e failed in attaining what Hichelieu at that time purposed, and executed with tar greater energy, aiicrundrrviTv different eircumstances; yet a more (^levated point of view, and more genuine fi(lt/b,iy to the Kintr. would have happily led iii Kngland to a,, far greater nlijeet. Strafford never knew how to ooni- 1641.] STf^ AFI'UitD. 103 mand or to gain his enemies, but only to inflame them. Even on this accounl, he was not a statesman, in the hicrher sense of tlie expression, and in the lonq- rnn, scarcely, a really dangerous enemy. Hence Pym^ Hampden, and others of the same sentiments, of whom the l^ei 1 hard they ought to be whipped into their riglit senses, so easily and entirely overcame him.n But precisely because the victory over the King s system was so decisive, and lie had already granted every iliii g advantageous to real liberty, it appears dotiblv wrong that the Parliament was not satisfied with the fall of Strafford, \ ithout violating the exist- ing? law. nnd oivrim i iHtrospective power to the newly adopted pruaiple; that, without a suflieient motive, it stained tiie road i o peaceful improvement with blood, and after the King had sacrificed to it his erroneous principles, wantonly inflicted the deepest wound upon his heart. A milder course would have proved a better guarantee for liberty Q^); by Straf- ford's death, on the contrary, thr breaeli l)ecame incurable, all nobler feelings became subordinate to cold calculation, arid in order to attain the object nearest at hamb that which was far greater was, in truth, sacrificed. From hlie moment that the aff'ect- incr entreatv of Charles for the life of his servant and friend was refused, the very trace of everything pleasing and biiiniane, in the relation between King and Parliameni, wa^ lost, without an indemnity !)eing lOA §TRAFFORD. [Chap. II. IcHiiiU for it on any other side,-— nay. without the po>>i}iili!y i^i' ever finding it. . ^\ liat a t liange of viows and situation since the time of tlie great Elizabeth, when, amidst all the greater and smaller discords, a loud chorus of fidelity and unanimity at last bursts through , w iien all go- veniment and nbt liience assume almost the form of a romantic love poem, and the Q iieen and the people nut vie each other in manifestations of l^indness. Incapable of forming the slightest conception of this vigorous life. James T. placed obsolete notions and vain abstractions on the throne, and Charles, though a man of more worth, persisted in the same errone- ous course, till his adversaries, likt wise forgetting the fir=t liealtliy state, proceeded from defence to attack, exceeded hiin m error and partiality of views, and overturned the existing institutions to a far greater extent than btraiibrd ever intruded. A greater King would never have been placed under the necessity oi consentimr to tiie execution of Straflbrd :-^])iit, nn tlie other side, an obstinate refusal woul 1 not have removed the dangers, and we can scarcely jinlge so harshly of Charles for yielding as he dia Imnself, inasmuch as he reproached lllnl^el^lor it in ihr bitterest manner, lu his death, and attributed tu it almost all his subsequent misfor- tn.nes, P) The greatest rejoicings took place in London on the execution ni: the Earl, and the windows of those 1641.] Lu:nG PAivLlAMENT. 105 who would not illuminate were broken. Richelieu, on the other hand, said : the English are mad in cut- ting off the best head in their country. Uigby's speech in favour of Strafford, which was printed, was burnt by order of the House of Commons, and Mr. Taylor expelled, imprisoned, and declared in- capable of ever sitting in Parliament, because he had called the execution of the Earl a judicial murder. On the 5th of .May, when the Lower House was deliberating how the urgent pecuniary embarrass- ments were to be remedied, a Nobleman from Lan- caster offered to procure the King ^650,000, till the actual receipt of the taxes, provided he would promise not to dissolve the Parliament till all abuses were done away with, and not without its own con- sent. This notion was immediately taken up with the greatest zeal bv the Iktilinnentar) leaders, the bill drawn up, read twice on the same day, contrary to the laws, and for thi third time on ilie day toliowing, pushed with equal rapidity through ilie Upper House, and laid before the King. Since large sums are required, says the preamble, and cannot be obtained without eredit. and credit suffers through want of confidence, and none can be found to lend, for fear of the dissolution of the Parliament, the Kmg will not interrupt,, prorogue, or dissolve the two Houses, or one of them. withon.t thieir consent, f^) Tlie I'rivy Counsellors advised the King to absent to this Pill, 106 LU.NU i'AULiAMliM\ [Chap. IT. bernii?:e othenvi>o no nionov wa^^ to lie obtained either by grants or loans, and iliis concesbiou wuuid satisfy the Parliament, and produce confidence and moderation. On tin lllh of Ma\, the day when ("har1c> ^icrried the sentonrr for the execution of Stratford, he al^o gave his assent to that Bill which led to his destrnction. In tlio uneasiness and sorrow caused hy the k)ss of the Eail, the King and his Coimsellors had not paid duo nttontion to it, and by no means appreciated its imjHjriance. (^^) The i^irlia- mrnt was equally in error, when, after having suffi- ciently limited the nnul power, it abohshed, by that Bill the salutary equilibruim, and the due reciprocal action, of the several jujwers; essentially injured the representative constitution, and founded a democratic oligarchy, vd the expence oi the righib ui the King and of tho people. Straff*ord's death and lliis law, "which pruduced the Lung Parliament, iunn the culminatinir point, from winch the natural and neces- sary aaiehoratiun uf defects changes into a disastrous and violent revolution. Let us now consider the cniirel) biniilar direction which was taken liv the affairs of tin' c hurch. xUlcr the ch5:5uhition of the last Pa.rhameni. the Clergy, as weluive seen, continued tlnuriMiberations in ilie Cunvucation, passed resohit ions reialive to the doctrine and tlieiplme of the Church, granted money tu tlie King, ^--'j tiro w u|) a new^ oath for the uncondi- tional immutability of the existing constitution of the l^lK] THE CONVOCATION. 1U7 Church, and expressed themselves respecting the rights of the Kiiig almost entirely on the system of unli^ mited power and divine right. Hereupon the loudest coiiiplaiuts were made in Parliament, and on the 16th December, 1640, (-^) it was unanimously resolved, that the English Clergy has no right, in any Assem- bly, Synod, or Convocation, to pass resolutions on the doctrine, constitution, rites, discipline, &c. of the Church, without the consent of Parliament: the points adopted in KjIU, and banctioned by the King, are therefore not obligatory, are contrary to the rights of the King and tiic I'arliameiil, to the lawb oi' the kingdom, the freedom and property of the subjects, tend to excite dissension and rebellion, and produce the most dangerous consequences. Nay, not contented with thus annihilating a separate legislative auihoriiy for the Church, the Prelates who had attended tlie Convocation were fined in immense sums (from c£500 to i:;20,000) and many matters relative to the Church afterwards decided by the Commons, witlioiit any |.ar- ticipntion of the Clergy. Thus, witliont consulting the \\mn: and the Lnrd>. they drew np many directions respecting the plating of the altar>, the removal of all crosses and pictures, the abolition of kneeling, &c. Those who did not obey were condemned and pu- nished, as favourers of idolatry, and no regard paid to the cun^ideratiun that, by the indiscriminate applica- tion of thoM' directions, many w^orks of art and fine liiouuiaeut:^ would be destroyed. loe AFFAIRS OF THE CHURCH. [Chap. II At tlip oTieniTio: of tho FnilinTnent thero w ere m it many faitlitnl adherents of the Established Church, hut Fresb} ti rian prim ijles gradually gained ground, and numerous petitions against the Bishops and the ConNtiiutiDii .if the Church in general were presented ; among others, one on the 11th ui December, 1640, from London. All that history, experience, learning and passion offered either for or against was brought forwrinl ill Parliament, or discussed in printed pam- phlets. Here it must suffice to give the following short extracts from the very long debates in Parliament, to characterize the substance and the form oi Uiese dis- scussions. As early as the 28th November, 1640, Sir Edward Bering required that a Committee should be appointed to examine into the tyranny of the Bishops; wincii, in connection with ih London petition, produced more accusations and increased the zeal against the i]i5hup;5. Uii this occasion. Lord Digby said in their defence, on tlie 9th February 161 1, "Improvement maybe salutary, but a total ovri'thr n^ of ihc ronstitiitiofi of !]]. riiurchmust be injurious. Ihc Lunduupttiiioii does not come from tht- ( 'itv and the Magistrates, but fi nm individuals, and contains anunibcr uf wicik, nay, ridiculous arguments, wliich are adduced with undue presumption. But we ou^rhi nut to suffer ourselves to bo implirnted by passions in ihc errors of the multitude, ^^■ln,h ahva).. ha. recourse to extremes, and considers that as the best which is the most opposite to the momentary object ; 1641.] AFFAIRS OF THE CHURCH. 109 of its hatred Great and sudden changes in the Go- vernment are seldom just, honourable, or appropriate. The evils which we experienced under the Episcopal Constitution do not necessarily proceed from it; and no better and more practicable one has yet been pre- sented to n>, which shall be liable in future to neither defect nor abuse. But future evils, it is true, when opposed to those which are present, are generally un- der-rated by the human imagination. An abolition of the Bishops would doubtless be succeeded by the au- thority of an Assembly of Clergy : that is, the raising lip such an n.nlimited ecclesiastical power that it will excommunicate even Kings, and give them up iu Satan; whence every inferior person may infer what in such cases he might expect." Nathaniel Fiennes hereupon defended the form and the substance of the London petition, and then endeavoured to show thnf tlie Episcopal power might be dangerous to the temporal puw cr, and on the other hand the Presbyterian might be kept in check. Then he complained of the ceremonies of the Church — the mixture of spiritual and temporal affairs, the exces- sive power oi the Bishops, with respect to the in- ferior Clergy and the Laity, unequal division of Church revenues, the appuiniment of bad preachers out of ani])ifion, self-interest, or other objectionable motives. Benjamin Eudyard spoke to the same effect as Digby; but, like Falklanii. was nut i\jr liiMmr the ^ 1 1 in TlIF TllSlinpS. [Chap. II. mi.] THE iUhilOFS. 11 Loudon p.etitioii aside, but for instituting an c i]r|uiry into amelioration?, ivith nut destroying liic \\ hole. This resolution was agreed to by the majority, and after further debates, a P^ill wn- brought in and passed, on 3d May, Ibil, that no Bishop should in future till any other spirit u; lb temporal, or judicial office. Very remarkaiilc debates took place in the Uppei TTouse upon this llilb TTall, liishop of Exeter, in opposi- tion to ii, aihrmed that it attacked the foundations of the Constitution: for though a Eishop nr Clergyman slir lid not exercise any temporal function, or make it his principal object, yet, as experience proved, he might give lii.^ Country and his King wholesome ad- vice. Otherwise it might at length be affirmed, that he should not possess and manage either a family, or household, or property. But in trutli i^ was evident that their assailants did not so much consider the loss ot tini' , engagements in worldly affairs, &c., as wish that thu P)isbnps should lose their anticni nghi;., and then niiluence, in order to open a door for unbounded innovations. Yiscouni Newark spoke to the same purpose: The Bishops, he said, liave for centuries done their duty like the temporal Lords, and now yon winiU sud- denly, w ithout reason and occasion, deprive them of their most sacred nglits— if this is justice, it is cer- tainly ^Mw^v^^'^^^iw^• Bnt thepartiripation andco-ope- raticii ill diL .Cibhopb in tin Legislation and Admi- rn-tration appears far too important and -alutaiv. for I the rare a.n 1 I rilling neglect of unimportant affairs to be taktnmto accuLUil against ihcni. Besidub, what is now alledged against the Bishops might be easily applied tu the temporal Lords ; in short, you are spoken of in other words, 7nutato nomine de vobis. Pretexts are never w^anting when people make it their business to look for them, and who is able to stand when ailirmatiuii passes ^ox |)roof? If the mean- est subject is represented in the Lower House, how can this noblest privilege be denied to the Clergy, without the greatest injustice and folly. The Bishup ui Lincoln continnod : This Bill is contrary to the coronation oath, according to which every iigliL i^ lu be protected, and rh fended. The whole history t»f tin Church, even Calvin and Beza, prove thai Clergymen may and onoht to have an iniliience on puljlic affairs. This is not opposed to ecclesiastical affairs; and only the Popes, who de- sire to make the Clergy wholly subservient to ihem, endeavoured to separate them from th^ State, nay, to oppose them to it. What wouldhave become of the Re- roniiaiion, if this prineiplo had been formerly adopted, andCrannier, tor instance, excluded from public affairs and i^i! liamenf? Besides, the proposed penalties for any interference m ailair;^ that mavbearhnrarih called temporal are excessively severe, and the law. witb- t)Ut any reasonable luutivc. made applicable onl\ to Commoners ; while all Xoljles, if they obtain ecclesi- astical oliices, areexcepted, probably toentice the Lerds 112 iii£ lilisHOPS. Chap. II. 1641.] THE BKSHUPS. ii:: inemitionslv aiid precipitately to give ~ their rmisent. The Bishop curichidcd Ids speecli iiitlif words of St. Paul: ''If the foot shall say. Because T nm not the hand, I am not of the body, is it therefore not of the body '? But now are they many members, yet but one body. And the eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee ; nor again, the head to the feet, 1 have nu need uf you?" After these attacks upon the law. Lord Say spoke ill favoui ui it : i liere is no idea of destroying Epis- copacy root and branch, but only of lopping off the absurdities which ignorance, ambition, or superstition have at different times engrafted upon it, and which are iiicoiiipiitibic wuh ilie vocation v( ilie iin^^liops and tlie Gospel; whose directions, and the example of the Apostles, should be a pattern and model for the Ei-hops, otherwise they ])nrdeii lib ir con- sciences, and become odious and contemptibk, by what should give them respect and dignity. The history of the Lhurcli, lou, bhows that llicy have in tliis manner Ijiought great evils upon Christendom, and 1 auaed more bloodshed than any other persons. Hence their struggles wdth Princes, their unreason- nl)]' ness, and their close alliance witli lli Pope. 1 his has indeed ceased ; h\\\, instead of it, they are ft- whidiy dependent ou ihv Kiiiaa do not sit as free men ill the Upper House, and consequently lla ii votes are oiilv prejudicial, 'i'hat lucir right is nld d()e> not pru\e 11-, goodness; if it is founded on law, the lawgiver may alirogatc it, and what thi^ l^iiiiament resolves cannot be a violation of the rights uf Parlia- mnit. As soon as a })iiilding falls to decay, it niiist l)e repaired, and liu* general good takes precedence of all other considerations. To this Lord Newark replied : I take it for granted that the Bishops may take part in public affairs, and uiat this is not prohibited by the divine laws. It would therefore be unjust to attempt to bind the clergy, in future, by laws, in making which they were not allow- ed to give their opinion. The experience of thirteen hundred years is in favor of the system hitherto pursued; nay, there is no nation in the world, that has not consulted and employed its clergy and priests lu the mn^i iiny-ortant affairs. Besides, their age, their profession, and tlieir knowledge entitle us to expect the most mature counsels from them, and the faults indivK liials ought not to be indi^crunmately ascribed ^ i-^ll- Afh 1 these and similar opinions, the Lords resolved that the Archbishops and Bishops should retain ihi ir seats and votes in the Upper House, but should not be members of the Privy Council, or tlie Star Chamber, or Justices of the Peace. Ai ilie moment that the Lords were preparing- to submit, and I o prove to the Lower House the rea- sons fur tin ir changes and modifications, the latter, iaqatient at the delay and opposition, proceeded in Its increasing zeal much further than iuany of ihe advocates of the Bill had themselves at first desired. \ OL. II. J / 114 THE lUSHOPS. [Chap. II. Supporifcll)}' Haslerig, Vane, Cronuvi 11 ;!ii(l others, Mv. 51. Juliii drew up a bill for the total abolition of all Bishops, Deans, and other officers connected wit b the Episcopal cuii:.titution. It wi. passed on the 27th May, by a majority of 139 !< IU8, and from its coutraot lo the iir^i moderate b.ib received the name dF tlie root and branch bill. The Lords, seeing tlieir conciliator} proposals rejected, licreupon threw out the first l)ill entirely, on the 7th June, and on the I2tb. i»r the same liiuiiLli, Sir Henry \ aut defended the second in the T.*nv r House. The Bishops, said he, as experience has proved, are equally injurious to the Churcli and State, and may be com])are(l to salt, wbiieli iniixlii tr. fii' i}irr«wn away when it ha;^ lost its saviHir; and in tact there is nothing in tlnnn worth preserving or I'l/pairioi!; ; lor, iir.^t of alb tiic mstitu- lion of Bishops originates in popery, and is closely coimectecl witli it ; secondly, it wa^ foundud and cherisheil bv r ride and ambition; tliirlly. they are kninvii !)y thnr fruits. For from thence have pro- ceeded numberless acts of tyranny — they di fended an 1 promoted uniimited power — interrupted the course of iii>t ice— caused the quarrel between iMii^hnui aiul Scotland, and huidureii every good mea>urr m the Upper House by their votes. Yes, iUnl Inib evid'-iiilv ilfli vr-ri-d tiicin into oiir hand, and we must follov; this indication of Providence for the ^ood of ilic Stale and ( liurch. To this Waller, the poet, replied Tlie ecclesiasti- M 1641.] THE unsllir!\S. 15 cal and temporal constitution of England are so blended together that one cannot be chan^t'd without materially affecting the other. Wliy shall tlie prin- ciples so often quoted, " nolumus mutare leges Anglice,'' be no longer mentioned 01- regarded? Tt \< Ijecause the people are again.st it! liut uttaekb iVoni that quarter invite us to use the greatest precaution ; for if they alone are sufficient to lead to concessions, what shall we be able to refuse to the multitude "? As soon as the constitution of the Church is over- tlirown, flic next petition will perhaps demand an xVgrananlaw \ and, as many arguments are now taktui frnni the Scriptures for the abolition of the Episcojjal digmt), there will be no lack of quotations from the "Bible in favcu- of an equal distrilrution of land and estates ; and if a | prejudice is excited against the Bishops, because many a poor man may have suffered by thcin. there will be a tliousand examples at bia.nd \o prove that midtitudes have been harshly treated by their landlords. We must therefore correct and regu- late ( piirions by declaring for the improvement, but not lor the abolition, of ilic Episcopal system. Instead of being induced, by these and similar arguments, to retreat or nioileration, the Presbyte- rians, consistently with tlieir view, went further, and uu the loth June made a UHJtioii lor the abolition of all canons and chapters, and endca\ oured to su|s|Hjrt it b) iiiaiiy arguments, which we have no room to III ' / Hi) THE iiibliOPS. [CllAP. IL 1611. J TliR BISHOPS. 1, 1 7 detail. The canons, said ?im l)y no iiiraii> apply ihrir lu-opcrties and revenues to the oTio-lnai purposes, and do not in any manner perforiii thi it iliities . they are not i-roprK'tur., but only holders, and the l^arlia^ liam. nt lias a right to make new and salutary regulation, iur the property. Thus we shall have m future, not a poor, but a richer, more flourishing, and ^^,, learned Clergy than any other country in the world. l^enjamin Rudyard saw tlif^ niatter m ano- ther light, and .aid : One thing disturbs me beyond nil asure in our important dehntos. and staggers my reason : iiamelv, that, m cuntradiction to the wisdom of all ages, the principle is set up. Xo reformation without, dc^triiciiun. The ([uc^tion respecting the best consiitnnon nt the ( iiurch wa^ nut only discussed in Parluimeiit. but caused a general excitement m tbo minds of the people. Shoemakers and tailors contended with the most vehement zeal, for and against the Eishops, and prayers and fasts wore held b) rrumy of the godly, especially I)} th.o women, that God would no Icnger de- 1.^^^. .^^ destVnctioii id' the ungodly Episcopal ( liurch. Lord Brook aftirmed, in a pamphlet, that the Bishops were c>f itm) low origin to ^it m the same house with the Noble Lords. Tn conformity with theso views, tlirv were often I roa tod with contempt in the Upper House, and never allowed precedence in the ] ii!)lir ceremonies; nav. on the dih of August, the thirteen Bishops who had latterly taken a share in the debates of the Convocation, were criminally accused, and on the 23!\! I'f October, Pym addressed the House of Lords in favor of the hdl i'or abolishing the whole Episco- pal system. The Bishops, it was said on this occasion, are prohibited by many ecclesiastical laws from interfering in temporal affairs ; they are unduly dependent on the King, and nevertheless behave with arrogance towards the clergy and laity. In the enqniry respecting their usefulness or their expul- sion, they, being a party, ought not to vote ; they have only a lif:^ nixht, are neither a distinct estate voting apart, nor representatives of another estate, and can therefore noither have any share in the legisla- tive authority, nor hind it for their own advantage by reference to custom or prescription. The Bishops in reply affirmed : Our riglitb as an estate in Parliament are not contrary to the laws of the Church , Iur Iroiu tliib, we exercised a beneficial influence on temporal affairs, and have been on good terms With the Government, especially since the ad)olition of Popery, which was chiefly our own work. Everything human is liable to degenerate — therefore it is advisable to repair, but not to destroy, till we have something better to substitute. To take away our right of voting because we are a party (^^), would be condemn/ing ns beforehand; and the objection that we have no inherent rights would apply in a higher degree to I lie Lower House; ancl that of f>ur not iill sincerelv attached to them, but a series of various events rendered lam every day less alilr to allonl tliorii ;u]\ rompetent supju^-t ; besides which, their expulsion liad grt'atl) diiiiiiii^hcd tiie niimhor of his adherr-nfN in the Uppei- TTouse. Having thus brought down the course of theEccle siastical di-putes to a remarkable crisis, we have now to resuHie the narrative of the civil affairs of England, and th( II the important history of Scotland and Ire- laiuL Afti r llii tall t f Strafford. Laud, and the other ^.Iinisters, the Ivmg considered it imprudent and un- becoming to entrust the management of affairs to their adversaries; Lul tlie insignificant and unpopniar per- sons win) MUTOunded him were unable to stem or to diruct the torrent, and wlit-n In- Oio Into omploved eminent patriots, they either required hhu wholly to submit U) thi: will of the Parliament, m- Inst iln-ir po- puhu ity as soon as, being placed in a ihfferent point, they ceased tu consider this as useful or advisable. Consequently the athnmistration, as opp sed to the Parlianicait, now suffc^red bv foo o-reat weakness as formerly by illegal power, and, with tlie increasing attacks uu the royal auiliorit}, it was not nnnatural that the idea suggested itself, w li t !ier a support might not be tunml lur if in ihc army. With tins view, officers well affected to the King endeavoured touttani tins object, and a petition w^as drawn up. containing among other pouiiN tliat the King >hould nut be limited in his concessions and resolutions. Tt may appear doubt fiil how iar ("haries and liis Queen rin- mediately co-operated or assented ; but the nego- ciations were certainly not entirely concealed from them, and some of their pretended friends had perhaps prematurely and purposely made the plan Imowm While the King affirmed that he had nothing to do with the whole affair, and iliat it was unimportant, because it had only been talked of, and nothing had been done, others alleged that he had seen the out- lines of the petition, and had approved it by affixing a C. R. to it. However this may be, the Commons turned these circumstances to their advantage. On the 3rd of Ma) lu 11, they made a report on the very dangerous intrigues, the object of which was to separate the army frum liie Parhament, and to introduce foreign troops into the country. (^^) Actuated by real or parti) feigned apprehension, a Protect w as drawn up, the object of win" eh was to maintain the religion of the couutr), and the union oi ilie three kuigduins, which was sworn to by both Houses with very little opposition. At tiie same time the Speaker, hnving received directions to that effect, satisfied the army, b) a declaration that it was intended to provide for it, and to a.ct withotit secondary views, solely for the welfare of the State. Thus all passed over apparently as an insignificant question, but in fact led to important consequenres. ^1 * -fj u PEACE WiTii THE SLOTCH. [CHAi>, ff 111 Parliaimtit ilie suspicion ixaiiied ground that Charles liitiiiilid by every possible means to recover his uiilirniteil authovhy, from which it wn> inferred that every ineans was allowable to avert so great a danger. VmiIi this view, Vvm laid before the Upper House, on the 24th of June, many demands of the Coiiiiiiuiis for the disbanding of the army, the dismis- sal of evil counsellors, rigorous treatment of the Papists, the protection of the country, &c. Both the King and ila Parliament had lost all confidence in the army, and both now wished for a reconciliation with the Scotch, because each party hoped to gain them to its own side. Hence nearly all their demands were acceded to, and in the peace of the Tin ui August loll. 1! ivas stipulated (28) that the acts of the late Parliament of Scotland shall be acknowledged as laws. W jih respect to religion and divine worship, as great a conformity as possible shall be introduced in h )t|j kingdoms, and no person censured on account of the Covenant. The Scotch receive from England <£.300,000 for thoir friendly services— all the decla- rations, ordinances, writings, &c. acrainst them are suppressed. No person shall receive an olhce, or have access to the King, uhu ha^ bcuu judged mca- pabL by sentence of Parliament. No war shall be declared })c tvveen England, Scotland, and Ireland, withont I la consent of their respective Parliaments. Ihe King ai ilil> moment, no less pressed ],v the Ermlish ! luin formerly by the Scotch, earnestly desi'-d \'. 1641.] SGOTCII PAlilJ \MEiNT. 123 a reconciliaiiiai witli the latter; nay, if possible, to obtain their assistance against the English. Bui, for this very reason, his plan of going to Scotland of- fended the Conunnris, who made a great many objec- tions; as these, lanvever, could not move him from his purpose, the Parliament adjourned, after liaxing appointed Committees, with great powers, wliicli partly conducted the business in T^ondon, and partly accompanied the King to Scotland, and in fact kept him under a strict superintendence. The Scots had in the meantime opened their Parliament on the ! hli of June 1640. without wait- ing for a Royal Commissioner ; because the King's solemn promise to cnll it, given at the conclusion of the peace, could not be defeated by continual proro- gation. This was accompanied ])v the following declaration ; That the proiogation of Parliament without tlio consent of the Estates is contrarv to the laws and liberties of the kingdom, without precedent, and in positive contradiction with the conditions of peace. They then proceeded to confirm the Covenant and the new church laws, and in the year 1 nil after a further prolongation, a second session uf the Parlia- ment was opened witli similar declarations and reser- vations, in July, Charles caused several |aoposals and concessions to ])e laid before it; which measure wub the less calculated to attain his end, as he at the same time urged a | rori>gation, and thereby awakened their former suspicions. i II ' s 124 CHARLES VISITS SCOTLAI^D. [Chap. H ^^ At length, notwithstanding all n|)^tncles and diffi. cuhies, he set out ior ^^cutkiiJ, aiKi en th,^ Hitfj ^^f August 1641, rnadp til'' H^llnwing speech in ParHa- ment :-" Nothing has ever been ^u mipleasant to Tue as t' IG41.] LiiARLES MMTS SCOTLAND. 1 2-1 h^ \m ihappy differences between me and my piM j)le, aiiJ 1 have longed for nuthuig more ardently than to see this day, when I hope not on]\ t) clear up Mil iiiis understandings, but also to berome tho- roughly acquainted with my native country, and to become knowu b) u. 1 will not repeat, for I helieve you are well aware of tliem, the (lilllculties i liave had to uvcrcome, m order to visit you ; hut 1 irnKt observe, had not affection for this kingdom been the chief motive of my journey, excuses might easil\ have been found to send a Commissioner in my place. In the same uiauner, I entertain no dnuhit nf your attach- ment, and thad yon are ready, in confonnit) with your oath, to maintain the royal power which has been transmitted to me by a line of a hundred and eight ancestor^. The object of mv vi^if i>, ip. a few words, to fulfil all promises and settle all diffej. nces, and that nut >ai|)ta'lieialiy, leea whedlv and heartily. For T can assure you that nothing is dearer tu me tliaii to give my people universal satisfaction. As a proof that these are not mere empty words, I wi^h that every! long relative to the religion and li])erties of the eouutry l)e settled before you proceed tu other liusmess." In conformity with these offers and laumises, the I.- /* King successively consented to the folioAving points. The acts of the late Parliament lia\e legal force. Every Estate chooses its own Lords of the Aiti- cles. All proposals are in future addressed, in the first instance, to the whole Parliament, and are re- ferred by it at its pleasure to those Lords for exami- nation. Tliere shall be no war between England and Scotland without the consent oi their Parliaments. In cases of attack or internal troubles, both kingdoms mutually lo assist each other. JJurnig such time as the Parliament is not sitting, special persons shall be appointed for the preservation of peace. As the King's absence in England prevents him from being thoroughly acquainted with the qualifications of iuch- viduals, he will appoint the Privy Counsellors and other important ofiicers according to tlie proposals of the Parliament. The persons appointed are answer- able to the Parliainent and the King. Agreeably to these legal enactments, the King favored the most distinguished «'f the Covenanters, and gave them offices, or pensions and presents — even to Henderson and Gillespie, the latter of whom, notwithstanding, vehemently opposed reconciliation with the King iri 1G48. These measures diffused the greatest joy, and on the King s departure the Estates declared, in a solemn address, that he had given them entire satisfaction with regard to thieir rehgion and liberties, and that n contented King left a contented people. He too was himself persuaded \ ii (# ; ill ]26 SCOTLAND. [Chap. II. that lie had ^u eiilirely gamed Scotlnnd, that in case i>f need it would support lilm in his disputes with England, or ui least remain neutral. On the other side, many of his old Scotch adherents complained thai he had sacrificed them and the rcn al authority, and favored and exalted enemies who now Jiiade great promises. Inn WDuki keep none of them, and would advance new demands. If he agreed to the abolition and condemnation of the Episcopal system in Scot- land, lu.nv (M)uld he think ofmaintaining il in luigland; aial it the admmiblration came into the hands of the Scotcli Parliament 1j\ the appointment ui ollicers, hs'W could he resist similar demands from the English House of Conmions? In adchtion to this, there were persons in ^rotlnnd who mnelnded from the extent of the King's concessions tliai liity w ere not ?^enously meant, and that self-interest w^as at tlie bottom. Some who called themselves the mobt gudly of the godly, especially women, raised n new outcry under various pretexts; did not even bpare iienderson in their reproaches; and, in contradict! )n will] flicir ionurr experience and principles, insisted iliat the CoTonant owjhi t) lie forced upon evervl)ody, even the English. These and other expressions and en- deavours did not nf j)}j discourage the King; for he believed that he liad done nghl m e\ej'v essential particnlar, and ititri-l^y gained li is objects. But an event now occurred, of such importanee that every- thing else became insignificant in comparison, and L 1641.] liUfeli REBELLION. 127 the position of partir- was totally changed, almost entirely to liie disadvantage of the King — w^e mean the rebellion of the Irish Catholics. In order to place this event, wlncli has in general been partially and falsely represented, in its true light, we must again recur to earlier history. (^^) At the conclusion of the reign of Elizabeth, Ireland had u entirely subdued, and a portion of the people had i)ee so far been gainers, that the English laws were applied to them, and the former almost unlimited privileges of the chiefs were limited. James I. had very decidedly resolved to civihse Ireland and make if happy; and many, referring to the measures adopted by him, have not only confirmed this praise, but have represented tlie state of Ireland, from 1603 to 1641, as healthy and prosperous, and aflirmed that the Rebellion had commenced in the last year without ground or occasion, merely from presumption and barbarism. This view, however, may be proved to be in the mam false. It must be owned that much was done under James I. to promote order and civili- zation. The old !h itish laws, by which every crime could be atoned for by fines, were abolished — some other injurious customs annulled — the rights of the Lords were more strictly defined ; waste land:, culti- vated, settlers encouraged. &r. "Rut in all this there were partly great evils concealed, and m part others stdi greater were opposed to them. TIeuee the Irish had occasion for heavy complaints. t 'e ^\- 128 IKl^ll REBELLION. [Chap. II. 1541.] IHibii UiiiLVANCKS. X mt^ tj/ -vvhieh we iiiay suiri iii) a> {blio-\v<: — Nd In.}. Parli la- int'iit h-dr. })een called since 1587, aiul owr country has never been represented in the Ei]gli>ii f'jirliament, whose laws bind us. ('') \Yv are still looked upon as savages, and the defence of onr religion, customs, an! possessions as a crime. We are expected to consider it as a favor iliat King James, in 1613, granted an amnesty ; but, not to mention that we had committed no crime that required a pardon, the law makes injiumerable exceptions, and disappoints every hn\n' ilijii wTiN fiiiiiidefl upon it. Above all. the cruel immense confiscations of estates are the greatest in- justice and ihi^ most arbitrary punishment. No title avails, and every legal pretext is taken advantage of to expel the Iri>h from their possessions, and trans- fer them to strangers. Cunning, fraud, perinry, briber}-, are employed vritb the most shameless ef- Iruntei} [ov these shameless purposes; nay, what iiinits sliail he fjimd to such arbitrary proceedings, when, under the pretext of the right oi conquest, every title to an estate, as far back as the time of Henry II.. was called in question, or for the alleged fault of a chief, all the innocent vassals were deprived of then- projKrty ^? Did not the English House of Coinnions, on the eoiitiseatioii of O'Xeal's estates in 1583, ])rove the unlimiied_ right of the Kings of England to lie^- pose at ihoir pleasure of all Irish landed property, by the fact that the Indi came from Spain, and tluir leaders Heberus and TTegemon had submitted lo the English King Giirmond! Tn a similar spirit. King James seized upon 380,000 acres of land, not accord- ing to law or justice, not by contract or cession, but un the stress of those foolish fables, and of the still subsisting right of conquest. At the same time the declared object was, that no Irishman should have any part in the new settlements, and that none should remain, even for great sacrifices, in the possession of his hereditary estates. Their expulsion was songlit, in order to attract, as it w^as alleged, a more noljle and civilized raeo of men : though these settlers, in truth, were for the most part rapacious adventurers or indigent rabble. Willi this political injustice, religious intolerance was intimately connected. Thus all Catholics were in fact excluded from the acquisi- tion of landed property, by the condition imposed upon the settlers of taking the oath of supremacy. None of them obtains a public office of anv kind : their ciiurches and chapels are violently closed, their cleY^y expelled, their children delivered to Protestant guar- dians. Under innumerable pretences, such as not attending divine serviec, ility are punished, and reli- gion is always alleged as a motive ; while both in the temporal and spiritual courts selfishness and intole- rance are the sole springs of action. All these i^rievances of the Irisii were perf-ctlv well-founded, though they very naturally gave suffi- ^'K-iit reason to ri;erimiiuitions on their perfidy, iero- ^^ty. and intoleiance. Language, manners, religion. 130 iiUSH GRIEVANCES. [Chap. II. and the state of rivilizatioii v^^nv diilVrcnt : tlio mas- ters and tenants wire diametrically opposed to each otTier : interests essentially difTc^ront were everywhere manifested; and nowhere was there any political v^isdom, or religious tolerance, to soften and reconcile tliese contrarieties. The Catholics considered the Protestants as infidels — the latter, oji their part, called ih^ former idolaters ; each party thought it merito- rious not to tolerate the other, hut to extirpate it. 'i lie Priests, attached to Rome and Spain, appeared, besides, to the English as rebels ; and because the Protestant Clergy were for the most part ignorant of the Irish language, they could exercise no useful influence over the people. In addition to iliis, they w^ere divided into such as were very rich, who pos- sessed several livings, but attended tu none, and in such as were wretchedly poor, who could acquire no respect, and were too easily led to endeavour to im- prove their circumstances by unjustifiable means. Such was the state of affairs when Charles I. ascended the throne. The Irish readily came forward with an rilur to a b^) is t him, and lo liiaijitain 300 ca- valry and 5,000 infantry, if he would grant greater toleration in religious matters; but \\u> | luposal v>as rejected, chiefly through the interference nf the Jii^hops. Tv^o \-car;3 later, in 1628, tin; Ixiiiir, wliose distress became more urgent. v;a> more compliant, and rd tlie eainebt request of tiie. lri>h can^HM.] the riiarter of Graces to be drawn np It contained 1641.] IHELAXD STRAFFORD. 131 scarcely ari\ thing but urgently necessary aiid reason- able regulations, respecting the I)illeting of soldiers, I he limitation uf the military laws lu limes of v,ar, the pardon of ei hiiinals, judicial forms, monopolies, hereditary rights, and the oath of supremacy, in particular, it decreed that 60 years' possession shoulJ constitute a legal title, and protect the possessor a^^-ainst all claims from the crown, and from all other persons. If this humane and just course had been persevered in, the most salutary eff*ects for Ireland must have followed. Thai liiis was not done was the fault of llu King, and, above all, of the Earl of Strafford, whom he appoinicd Governor m the year HJ32. For if, on the one hand, he provided, with correct judg- ment and laudable energy, for the establishment of schools and of linen manufactories, the extension of trade, the suppression of piracy, &c. ; yet, here as elsewhere, his will, or his pleasure, was in his opi- nion the supreme law, and as he acknowledged no pubhc law, how could he acquire real political wisdom? -1 round," says Strafford, -the State. the Church, and the people of Ireland, in a state of perfect dissolution. Nothing was to be effected with hind looks ami |)leasant snule.s ; stronger measures were necessary. 1 have therefore raised and rewarded the w^orthy. lumishedand thrown down the perverse, and not changed my conduct till they repented. None but thorough measures can bubdue the spirit of the tinus. antl the elevation of the roval K 2 1 « 5 -s 1 H K I \ X D - ~ ST 11 A !-• ! O H D . [Chap. II. m I Ml Mi| power must be the most important nay, the sole object of my c:evi'rnT]i^nit/' Iri^himi la^ m Oict every eoiiiitry) undoubtedly required a vigorous and power- fiil governiii? lit, To substitute this for the tyranny that had hitherto prevailed, and to connect it with tlie (haritr of Graces, wouldiiavc been the proper business of the Governor, Instead of tliis, as the aljove empty words themselves show, he adhered to the notion that tlu* Tri>li were still too barbarous to be troati (1 aeeording to justice and the laws ; and that lilt' kingdom was, in the strictest sense of the woivl. a ( MHiquered couiitr\. From tli'*>t' li.irsh and arbitrary notions he drew" the inference, which was defended during his tnai, but whu :i m tni'h was equally foolish and condemnable— that all the Irish, without exception, had forfeited the rights of ritizens and of men, and tlmt it depended wholly on the royal favour, what and how much should be granted them. " As 1" (so lu' writes on another occasion) '^am sure of thp Kinu, I ^h:dl danr-- merrilv wiih all tht^ rest. "Wliit has Majesty pleases to command 1 will most iviiiin^lv exocnte, wluih^u' it aorecs with mv own inclinations and i)| anions or not/' From this point of view l!it> Kings haughty favourite looked upon every I rishman, as a being who could in no case claim rights, and whose (iiitirs were summed up in the single princ Iple of passive obedience. But as means were wantiiui: to ohtain !)\ force tho prinripal object, that is, supplies of money, the Earl did hdI disdain to t 1641.] 1 1 { t: 1 . A .\ I) .^^^Tii A r r ohd. 133 »» employ artifice, i hu.s he represented in thie Ihiman Catholics, that, if they did not voluntarily pay him betimes, tho government would be obliged to levy the severe legal fines, for example, for not attending divine service; and to the Ih'otestants it was inti- mated that the King, if they refused him assistance, wuuld be obliged lu grant greater concessions to their adversaries. That, as a faithful servant, he would certainly advise the King to try first of all the usual means to supply his wants ; but that if he should be disappointed in iiis expectations, he would prove to them, at the head of an army, that right and reason were on the side of the King, liut instead of acting on the only true principle, that every division m a state is injurious, Strafford thought it wdse not to reconcile the Protestants and Catholics, but to oppose them to each other, and in the end to threaten both with the illegal use of the royal powder, lie maintained that taxes imposed by royal authority were as valid as Parliamentary grants ; and at the opening of the Parhament said, that it was entirely below his masters dignity tu bargain every year, ^uth his hat in liis liand, whether they w^ould be pleased to do something for their own preservation, \Oien John Talbot made some objections, he was driven out of the House, and arrested till he begged pardon of t lie Governor on his knees. We will not attempt to decide how far Strafford s threats, or some other means, had an \ mfhience; but it I i34 IRELAND. ^STRAFFORD. [Chap II if eertaiii tliat the Irish House of Commons cheerfully and Tolnntarily granted six subsidies, an uncommonly large siiiii, an dnoiv ju.^ii) expected a solemn con- firmation and furtlur development of the Charter of Graces. But Strafford tlioughi that, as ho had this time obtained money without granting anythino-, he might bpare the confirmatiou fur another time ; nay, he and the King, whose sentiments were similar, were resuh ed enUrely to evade and defeat it. They therefore now said plainly, that some of the conces- sions in liiat Charter were only occasional and tem- porary ; others no longer necessary ; that others required a more accurate investigation, or might be carried into effect by the ordinary officers. Lastly, Strafford positively rejected the most important point, that sixty years undisputed possession of landed property should constitute a good title, even against the claims of the Crown. Accordingly, innumerable enquiries now began; and, with mild and plausible words about maintaining the laws, the most glaring acts of injustice were committed. Thus almost all the grants of Queen Ell/ ibetii, the clearest documents, were declared null aiui \ oid, under subtle pretexts, and the possessors expelled, or forced to pay large sums. It appeared from the way of procedure that there was no sticli thing as landed property in Ireland : as if all title to it should vanish at the discretion of the Government the King. Strafford boasted that the Kings 1641.] 1 R E L A N D . -— S T il -\ F FORD. 139 nr .^y^vcr in Ireland was as unlimited as that of any ',inec 111 liio world, and that the pernicious conces- sions were now for ever lun.'il to sleep. "Because hvelve iuivmen, in liie jcar 1636, would not. agree- ably to his opinion, deprive theii' fellow- citizens of tluirland, ilic L. overnor fined each of them J.4000. iraprisoned them till they paid, and compelled lln in .,, i„„ pnnl.Mi on then knees. The Judges received four shillings in the pound of the first year s incomes of all the confiscated lands ; and Strafford wrote to the King: '' Each of these four shillings paid, once lor nil, will add four pounds tu your Majesty's reve- nue." Instead of disdaining these and other base ways and means, Charles answered, to the complaints that were made, that Strafford's conduct was not haibh, and that he approved of the EarVs serving him in this manner ; and the latter affirmed, (when a strict account was required of him in the sequel,) for his justification, that it always had been sof') and still worse, seeing that, according to the laws of war, innumerable people had been hanged in InliiKl without any legal fonnalities. Though, in ihe proceedings against the Eail those legal forms iiad undoubtedly been violated, ids conscience must have told him that he had burdened liimself with tiu weight of this guilt in a much greater degree, and had found, in the pretext of promoting the gene- ral good, a sufficient justification for the exercise uf his own arbitrary will. I dt) IRELAXB.^..^ STRAFFORD [Chip. II. IR!-If IU::iU:.L{J()X, i.i/ It was natiira] t nough that, after StrafTunrs arrest, the praises which had been extorti it imm \]\v Iri-li bv fear wtrc cliangcd into loud complain I - ; and the lri>li I'orl lament contrived, bv arbitrarv roGrnlations, to reduce aiiiiu>t to nothing the former liberal grant of money. The Kiiie wn^ ^o incensed m this, that he fjave order- to take the new decision out of the Parliamentary journals, though only tli'^ -nme pro- ceeding wa:5 employed against hini whidi lie had former! V approved with respect to the Charter of G raees. Being in greater distress, ho now confirmed its contents ; but the Irish House of Commons, encouraged Ire vv hat wa:^ doing in England and Scot- land, extended its demands, and the most lively hopes and plans were conceived by the whole people. Even the most prudent and moderate could not but wish, after eenlLirie;^ of oppression, for the independence of the Trihh Parliament, the appointment (f Irishmen to manage the affairs of their own eountiy, free trade, and the exercise of religion, civil rights, and llie admission of lidOKiii Catholics to public employ- ments. All these claims, say most authors, have been again justly forfeited for centuries to come by the rebellion of the Irish Catholics in the year 1011 On the 22nd ot^ October, immediately b* lore the rebellion broke out Alac Mahon informed the Lords Justices of Ireland, that a general cunfepiracy was prepared, according to which the Ponian ( atho- |ir> were on a certain day and hour to nnakt/ them- iG4i.] selves masters of all thr fortresses, especially the castle of Dulilifn and to massacre all the Protestants uithuat exception. Notwithstanding this informa- tion, three hundred thousand Protestants were mur- dered wiildn a short time in a most dreadful and cruel manner. Such is the tenor of the story whirh has been a hundred times repeated, with the addition that the happy Irish had no grounds for discontent, and had been seduced only by superstitious infuriate priests. This is the accusation: the result of un- prejudiced investigation, on the contrary, is, the Iii-li were impelled by nnml)erless reasons to take advantage of the apparently highly favorable circum- stances for the improvement of their civil, rehgious, and political situation ; and thought, if the Scotch liave been so commended for their Covenant, directed agaiiist the King, a union for him, against arrogant subjects might be still more easily justified But such a union had not been concluded when Mac Mahon gave his essentially false and incredible in.- formation ; nor was there ever any general conspiracy to murder all the Protestants. The troubles which arose in Ulster from local reasons, spread slowly and, mostly through the fault of the English magistrates, over the greater part of the counu} , and the number of the Protestants who perished by violence or in open combat, is reduced to about GOOO. (^^) As our space does not allow us to prove these assertions by a cletaih-d narrative, the following par- 138 IRISH REBELLION. [Chap. II- ticiil irs mrnt serve for their confirmation. Supposing tlicit .Mac Gallon's information of a general conspiracy fiillv iiiaturcd to break out was true, his discovery did not throw any obstacle in the way of its oxecntion; for till' iiuuiber uf the Protestants was to lliat of the Catholics at most as one to ten, and thr (Tovornment had lie means at its command to prevent tlie explo- sion ill the whole country, or even in DuliHu : ilie castle of whicli was garrisoned by only one company of soldiers. The many thousand men, who it was iiret^iidrd were ready to enter the city, nowhere made their appearance; and only in Ulster, tin land- owners wlir^ liad Ij en expelled from their estates, and their t'qual}}' iihjrircd vassals, made an attempt to recover liy force their hereditary property ; but, after the lai'se of six weeks, the disturbances had not ex- tended l)evond, the boundaries of that province. The nuraerons letters of tlie Earl of Clanricarde, governor of the eountv ot'dalway, confirm what 1:2 here said. Thus, on the l-liii of September, he writes: ^' We were at iir>t very nuich alarmed by reports uf a gene- ral eon>i iracv, but we have become easy again since we see that nobody mt)ves, except some remnants of discontent«'d, Iri-li iii the north, and in the settle- ments in th^ county of Leitrim. Tn some places some loose vagabonds have been guilty of plunder; but, witli the exception of Pi uiikcU and Moore, 1 do not hear of it >ingh Irishman or Englishman of any note whn has taken part in the movement.'' The 1641.] IRLSIf nKBLLLlOX, 1:5! > subsequent official reports show how and why the evil spread. At thi head of the Irish Government were the Lords Justices Parsons and Borlace, — the former of mean origin and without education, but active, artful, extremely selfish and covetous; Borlace, an old sol- dier, indolent and entirely subordinate to his colleague. Instead, then, of cnrefully examining the statements of .MacMahon. tlie two Justices, actuated by absurd fears and other secondary views, sent the most ex- aggerated reports to the King and the Parliament, and .issued proclamations which took for granted the universal guilt of the people ; and, notwithstand- ing their entire want of military resources, spoke only uf coercion and punishment. They were indeed obliged to confess, so early as the 29th of October, that there had been no general conspiracy of the Cathohcs, and to allege that they only meant the really guUiy m ilie province of Ulster. Yet they did nothing to check the evil : hut acted precisely as li fhe breaking out uf a rebellion were welcome te^ them, and as if they and the Privy Councillors wished the number of the guilty to increase, that there might he occasion lor greater punishments, and a more ex- tensive confiscation t^f estates. /\ wish was now generally expressed that ilie prorogued Irish Parliament nugiit be again asseni- bled ; most of the members being rich men, win ; ivere so extremely uitcrebtcd m the restoration of tran- Ml) <«^ISH RKBELI.IOX. li ; n in ^Chap. II. quillify ill at they would readily grant the means to efifect it. l>ut 1 'arsons and Borlace desired to rule alone, and leave the evil to take its own course, that they miglit have the more ground for accusation and punishment It was foolish and unjust to manifest suspicion of all th- members of Parhament nt once, nay to withhold from the whole people the legal means of consulting on the critical state of affairs, and adopting some resolution accordingly. This na- turally excited discontent, in men who had hitherto been peaceable, and raised the courage of the uiilji]- Iriit : because, without a Parliament, means were wanting to oppose them effectually. 1611.] lUi5ll ilEBELLlON. i 4 1 I !1 f onsequence of these reports, the EngUsh I'ar- liament, in the absence of the King, came to a reso- hition to prepare everything for an active war against the Irish, and issued a proclamation to liic iuliowing effect : That by the treacherous and wricked excite- ment of Roman Catholic Priests and Jesuits, a con- spiracy had horn formed for the bloody murder of all Protestants and loyal Cathulics of English origin, as well as for the total destruction of the Royal authority and of the present Government. Thus the English Parliament went beyond the accusations of the cre- dulous, and increased the number of the guilu l)y designating everybody as such. Pardon was, it is true, at the same time offered to all suchi as should repent ; Imt as it was added that no Papist should be tolerated m Ireland, the offer of pardon not onlv -ie- nified nothinir, hut aj^penred like bitter irony and illegal cruelty. Unhappily everything concurred, natural rude- ness, religious zeal, unlimited thirst ef vengeance on the one hand — arrogance, self-interest, and injus- tice on the other — to give to this Irish contest a character of inhuman severity and ferocity of which there are but few^ examples in the history of ihr world. (^^) For, whatever may be allowed tor exaggeration, however certain it is that blame must he attributed to both parties, there still remains liiit too much that cannot be denied. But if the follies, the vices, and the crimes of the Long Parliament, if not forgotten, are yet thrown into the back-ground, and judged of with less severity, the same equity should be shown to the Irish, who had more reason for complaints than the English and Scotch of those times, or the Americans and French of a later period; and the more moderate Irish, when the zeal of tlieir countrymen and the measures of the English Gover- nors gradually obliged them In take a part in the movement, exerted themselves to the utmost to introduce order and consistency into the whole enterprize. Four and twenty men, nobles, clergy, and citizens, placed themselves at the head of affairs, and made use of a seal with the motto : Pro Deo, I'/'i /iVr/c, et Pafria ITihernia. In the oath of luLii unioin they sw^ore to maintain and defend tiie rights of fhr' King, the Parliament, and the subjects ; 143 lUiSii REBELLiuN. [Chap U. B and in November. 1M41, asked notliinor l)i|t ^x]i^{ ., reasoiiable Government ought voluntarii) to have granted them long before : namely, the abolition of all penalties against Roman Catholics, as they were willing to be obedient subjects, admissibility to offices, the right uf acquiring land, wliicii was ex- tremely limited, and amnesty for the past. .\]] these demands were refused by the English House of Commons, nay, it was so infatuated or so insincere that it attiibiitcJ the Irish disturbances, wholly to till perfidious and Popish Counsellors of the King. llie liibli asked more justly, K ii noi more legal and pardonable if we conclude a union for the main- tenance of our religion, of the royal prerogatives, and of the true liberty of the people, than when others do so in order to have an opportunity and pretext to diminish and undermine the Kinsj's lauTnl authoritv. Unitict Irishmen, therefore, recognized the rights and authi lity of Charles, but rejected the actual Guvernor> ill I)ii!)Hii, Iiocmu-o ihcy ciitin-K depended on the seditious party in I. Xot\vith>taiiclini^ tin events, many wort in Roman Catholics in Ireland theniM-lves (ioubtril whothtT tlie course that had boon adopt oil was fully to be justified and was likoly It) l.;iid, 10 a happy issue. For this reason, the noble Lord ( I inricarde, (a half-brother of the Earl of Essex,) for exanijilo, though a Catholic, took amis fijv the existing order, and for the Protestants. i>- ' ; i ( r'!*eeethn2^ ariiiinients and 1641.] LORD CLANRICARDK. 14;: Wlo.ai tliis waskin-n\]i to Lords Fingai, Netterville, and others, w^ho w^ere at the head of the Lrisli Union, they wrote to biin, asking : Why do you act against those who combat for their religion. King, and country ? Yon, being a Catholic, will never gain tlie confidence of your adversaries, nor escape their ])er- secution. Consider with what disgrace all ages have branded those w^ho were lukewarm and backward, in supporting their afflicted country. Even the hea- thens place it next to their gods, and before parents, children, and property ; nay, for the perfect justifica- tion of our cause, is not the service of the living God our object"? Do we not strengthen ourselves by perfect obedience to the King, w^hile our enemies, as far as lay in their power, made the majesty of England contemptible in respect to foreign princes. The King must condemn every one that displeases them, and dares not extend his favour further than they think good. Without their permission, he dares not come to this kingdom, and they declare those as their enemies who would accompany him. They endeavour to destroy the freedom of this coimtry, together with the rights of ihc^ King, and afhrm that all their resolutions are binding* upon us. Yon, my Lord, are a Catholic, and by the merits of your Worthy ancestors placed in an elevated sitnation. Do not suffer matters to come so far that you sprinkle their graves with the blood of men who have de- voted themselves to our just cause. Do not act so 144 miCI \ND .[Chap. II. that tliis kiiigdoni liiay be despised by all nations, aiul tlie basest slavery be called Irish sul)mission. Let 11- liiiitu lu defend the honour of our King and master, who suffers under the oppression (I thePurita- nical anarchical faction, and let your support be given at tiii' ri-^ht time, so that you may appear to have been induced, not by the power of the victorious party, but by the intrinsic merit of the cause itself. This is the request ui ail liiL Catholics in Ireland, and the wish of your affectionate friends. When faithfui subjects of the King, iii Ireland, might justly doubt what their duty and conscience demanded, Charles iiimself w^as placed by llie insur- rection in the most unpleasant situation ; for, though lie bad not tiio ^^nialiest share in its breaking out, yet it was believed that he and his Counsellors had a hand in It, ii! order to maintain imbnutefl power by means of tlic Catholics, and to paralyse the eflbrts of the I'^ngiish and Scotch Protestants in favour of liljc ity. Nav, it was affirmed, witli deliberate false- hood, that on tlie l^t October, 1641, he liad given instructions to sequestrate the estates of all the Protestants in 1 relanrl, and to arrest them. Because his declarations to the contrary did not meet witn entire credit, he, in order to remove all ^iispirion. left to the English Parliament, even while he was still m Scotland, the entire direction of Irish affairs. Ac( ordingl} , it resolved, on the 8th December, l ^ 1). lii'\ t(l wa.^ ciitirely pacified and gained, and Eng- land, if moderation and prudence rlicl not entirely vaiii>li, iiiiL-i likewise consider his concessions as siiliitiiiit for the foundation and protection of true liberty. Ami in iact, even before Charles's departure for Scotland, all those evils had been remedied by laws which liad been originally and justly com- plaiiiid of; for instance, the Star Chamber, which judged without a jury, and often in a selfish and too rigorous manner; the Court of High Commission, the arbitral \ levying of taxes, especially of tonnage, poundage, and ship-money, the severe application of the forest laws and feudal customs, the oppressive increase of the army, &c. But, in particular, by the law on trivaiirial Parliaments, and the non-dissolu- liuii of tlie one now sitting, the preponderance of powt r !i ill been so transferred from tlie Iximrtothe two Houses, that he might justly say he had alreadv icraiited so much that there wmuld be no rea- son tu wonder if he now refused something. ''I shewed, says he in another place, by con fir mi iig those lawi., the hiuhest confidence, and hoped ihat I had for ever tiinu d suspicion and jealousy out of doors. But 1 certainly did not mean to turn out and exclude nivsr-lf" hi proportion as the Kings courage and bis popu- hiritv, rspeeiallv in London, increased, the apprehen- sions of tilt tiiiiitl and over-zealous were revived, and three days before his return from Scotland, o^^ the 2'2i\d November 164L a struggle on this subject took }>laee of such duration and violmice as fsatl never before been seen in Parliament. One pai1y wished to address a Petition and Pemonstrance to the }\mg, while the other objected tu liotli. In the Peti- Iff)]] lliev requested that Charles would draw up all I evolutions in a Parliamentary form ; that he would remove the Bishops from iht Fpper House ; and all evil-nunded, wicked, and suspicious persons from liis Councils, and employ only those who had the confi- dence of the Parliament ; lastly, that he would annex to the Crown the estates to.be confiscated in Ireland, iii urJei tu defray the expenses of the war. The Remonstrance contained a circumstantial enumeration of every evil which had been anywhere mentioned or touched upon since Charles's accession to the throne, pal together above two hundred grounds of complaint, and affirmed that the King was surrounded by a wicked parly, wiueli wdshed tu change the religion, calumniate the Parliament, and had been for years the cause of all evils, ii is necessary, saiii tlie advo- cate of these two documents, to lay them l)efore the Kuig Miiil the people, that thev may learn how mat- ters stand, and tlnit no fiult of the (ioveiinueiit may be ( oneealed. Ail I lie Jiew better laws have been only extorted from the King. The inclination to abolish theni sti]| exists ; incapable Counsellors are still listened to, and large sums expended, in order tu obtain means to put (town all lifserty. Tlio preceding l2 Ik REMOySTRAXCE. rcn\p II. conduct of the King in England, and his endeavours to draw Scotland into h\> own interests, authorize severe censure, and produce the necessity of demand- ing more ample security f^^r tht ir rights and greater power. To thi:. the moderate replied: That the evils complaiih tl r.f were removed, and no reason existed again to enumerate them with such malicious accu- racy and detail, and to complain of them. That they hereb) offended the King, destroyed that reciprocal confidence wliich was so necessary, and impelled evervili ing to a violent breach, while all that was really salutary might be obtained by an opposite moderate course. Sir Edward Dering, otherwise a warm adversary of the Court, said on this occasion: *' Thi? remonstrance, if it is carried, must make such an impression on the King, the people, and the Par- liament, our contemporaries, and posterit) , liiat no time can efface it, so long as history shall be written and read. T.et us not rashly and inconsiderately re- solve on anything that must afterwards be subjected to a long and rigorous examination. In th^ whole kingdom there is not a single person who requires or expects such a declaration. All are grateful for VvLal hah been already done, and rely on you for the future. V\ ho would dream of a representatiuu, a ixmonstrance, turning to the lower classes, that it would relate histories to the people, and speak of the King in the third person. I do not see the object of such a proceeding, at least I htipe thnt I do not see 1642.] REMONSTRANCE. 149 it —and, if the whnir is without object, the single points may be more rigorously contradicted. Thus, for instance, it is said, the Bishops had attempted to introduce idolatry into this country. What •? Plain, formal idolatry^ Name, then, the nature of this idolatry. Prove that all the Bishops desired it, or commanded it. Who has seen, heard, or read these commands '? Beware how, in this age, which is so fond of accusations, you attribute to all the faults of a few. it is said that by abolishing the Episcopal constitution of the Church, knowledge and learning will not be discouraged, but promoted and diffused. Fair words, but 1 see no deeds ! If you could cut up the moon into stars, you would have the same moon in small pieces, but you would have lost its light and its influence. I have cause, so he concluded his speech, to speak very seriously of all these matters ; for I see and I know the great plans which lead into other ways, and my apprehensions are not removed, but increased by this Remonstrance. I vote against it, because a great portion of its contents has not been submitted to any examination, or is unfounded ; because I foresee no good, but only evil conse- quences ; because we pass over the King, and treat with the multitude, from which the remedy of any abuse can never be expected." The speech of Sir Edward Dering was afterwards liunit. and he himself expelled fnnn the House. The ParUamentary struggle continued from three 150 VEHEMENT DEBATES. [Chap. II. 1641.] ENTRY OF THE KING. 151 ^1 o'clock ill llif ciftenioo!! nil tors o'clock the luliowing morning, with such vehemence that the members were OR tfii' pnint otMrawirm; llieir swords upon each other. At length the zealots triumphed by a majo- rity of ! Ifi to 108. It was, says an eye-witness, the sentence of a faint and exhausted jury, bai what weight t]ie former attached to the Remonstrance, and how iiuicli they intended thereby to place iht King in a very unfavorable situation, and to dopnve him of }ii5 newly-acquired popularity, is evident from the fact, that ( n mwelL at tb.e end of the sitting, said to Falkhuuh that if that motion had not been carntJ, he, with, many w-ho thought lil^e him. woulsl have sokl their property, and never seen England again. Sir llichard Gnrney the Mayor, and the Alilermen of London, acted in a direct!) contrary spuii. As poon as the King had arrived at Whiteliall. they repaired thither, with many of the princij a! titizens. to welcome him, and invite him to the c ity. The Recorder made, on this occasion, a mubi cunlial and affectionate speech, to which the King immediately replied: "' As my voice cannot rearh everv one, 1 must wish that you would heartily thank all the good citizens of London for the affection ihcy have shewn me on tliis day; in fact, I cannot sufTiclently express the satisfaction which ii gives me, ior I now seetfiat all preceding tumults and disorders came solely from the cuiiiiiiuii people, and that the belter and greater jHirtion of the city was always loyal, and devoted to xny person and government. I am equally rejoiced 10 observe that all the false reports spread concern- ing nie, during my absence, have not made the slightest impression upon you. On the other side, I can and w ill assure you that I return with as cordial and friendly sentiments to my people, and to you in particular, as loving subjects can desire; and 1 will prove it by governing you all according to the laws of this kingdom, by protecting the true Protestant religion, and, in case of need, by sacrificing for it my life and all ihcit i^ dear to me." The entry of the King and his family into London took place with the greatest solemnity. The high officers of state, many lords, all the magistrates, and the most distinguished citizens, took part in it. The city militia lined the streets, the houses were gaily decorated, and amidst the ringing of the bells and the sound of music were heard uninterrupted shouts of ''Long live the king! God bless King Charles and Queen Henrietta Maria !" After a grand entertain- ment in Guildhall, they accompanied the King tu his palace of Whitehall, when he embraced the Lord Mayor, and again returned his cordial thanks to him and to the city. This harmony between the King and the citizens, and tiie everywhere increasing attachment to his Ma- jesty, increased the anger and the apprehension of the zealots, especially because many affirmed that drawing up and delivering a Reinonstrance, witkioiit 159 THE COMMONS. [Chap. II. the participation of the consent of the House of Lords, was claii-eroiis nncl illegal. Jeflfery Palmer, a lawyer,' having maintained this assertion with mucii learning and eloquence, he was committed to the Tower as a fomenter of troubles ; and even then the principle was laid tlowTi, tliat the House of Commons represented the whole kingdom, while the Peers on the other hail (1 were private persons, possessing only private rights ; therefore if they did not do whai was ne- cessary for the preservation and safety of the kingdom, the Commons must unite with those Lords who had in ore sympathy with them, and directly address the King. At the same time, the innovators so vehe- mently attacked the conduct of London, and contrived to represent it in such an equivocal hglit, that the Magistrates were obliged to present a declaration to the two Houses, to this effect : As several persons have misinterpreted the expressions of our attachment tu the King, as if we intended to adhere to him and to abandon the Parliament, we wish that all the world may know, that we are resolved to live and die with the latter for the general good. Oil the L.t December 1641, the Petition and Re- monstrance were presented to the King, to which he promised an answer at a future opportunity. On the 2nd December, he went to the House of Lord., to pass the bill relative to tonnage and poundage, on which occasion the Speaker of the House of Com- mon, made a speech upon the present state of affairs. 1641.] THE REMONSTRANCE PRESENTED. 153 tli^ rebellion in Ireland, the pacification of Scot- land, the activity, merits, and loyalty of the Parlia- ment. He then added : The history of these times will appear to future ages like a paradox, when they hear how peace has risen up from the root of discord , and harmony proceeded from disunion and treachery. Two armies in the field, both ready to strike the first blow, and both united without a combat. Nothing can make these truths appear credible, but the know- ledge of your Majesty's piety and justice, which have accomplished these wonders by kindness and courtesy, without employment of violence and force. This mode of conquest, this war without bloodshed, has been the rule of the most powerful and valiant mo- narchs ; and your glory is more increased by the preservation of one subject, than by the death of a thousand enemies. So you have erected to your sacred memory a monument of glory for all future ages. The object of your Commons is, guided by your pious and religious example, to preserve religion in its purity, without mixture and addition, against subtle innovators, and with Uicir lives and fortunes to establish the throne, and to protect your sacred person aiHi tin beams of Majesty (your royal descend- ants) against treachery and sedition! The King replied, to the effect, that Scotland was entirely paci- fied, and he recommended Ireland to the care of the Parliament. But here, instead of findmg, as he had hoped after his concessions, unanimity, quiet, and 154 TH L i\ 1NU5 iiEFLY. [Chap. II. satisfaction, he found jealousy, fears, and alarms of dangerous designs. He mentioned this, nut as in doubt that the aflfections of his subjects were les- sened, t-n lii"^ reception in London had been a conso- latory and happy proof to the contrary; hut because he hoped tliat his presence would disperse these fears. That he had as perfect and true affection for his people as ever any prince had ; that he repented of nothing? that he had done for the good of his people, and would do it airain, if it were not done : and would willingly grant everything else that might be of ad- vantage to true liberty and religion Ihai \v always sought his people's happiness, for their nourishing was his greatest glory, and their affection his greatest strengtii. Meantime the House oi Commons had, contrary to Ubual custom, printed the Petition and Kemon- strance before the receipt of the King s answer, which offended him again, but perhaps hastened his reply and refutation. The following are some passages : Yoiii Petition contains many things which we cannot admit ; nay, which we do not even understand : thus yon speak of a wicked and malignant party prevalent HI t]iv Government. Whenever facts and proofs were |)!odiiced, w^e have always caused even the highest officers to be called to account and punished, but xiwm insinuations, without the indication of persons and lucts, cannot form a ground for any legal proceed- ings. With respect to the ckpriving the Bibhops of 1641.[ I li 1:.. KING ON 1 Hi REMONSTRANCE. 155 their votes, and religious reforms, nothing has come to us in a Parliamentary way ; but we are ready to do what is necessary, with the aid of a national Synod. "But we are very sorry to hear in such general terms corruption in religion objected, since we are per- suaded in Oil! conscience that no Church can be found upon the earth that professes the true religion with more purity of doctrine than the Church of England does, nor where government and discipline are jointly more beautiful and free from superstition, than as they are here established by law ; w^hich, by the grace of God, wo will w^ith constancy maintain while we live, in their purity and glory, not only against all invasions of Popery, but also from the ir- reverence of those many schismatics and separatists wherewith of late this kingdom and this city abounds, to the great cUbhonour and hazard both of Church and State ; for the suppression of whom we require your timely aid and active assistance. Your desire of not alienating the forfeited lands in Ireland is a proof of your care and love ; but it may be doubtful whether it is seasonable to declare such resolutions at present. Willi respect to the licmons trance, the King ob- serves, 'Mhat the publication of so many grievances was the more ill-timed, as almost all of them iiad been redressed by his co-operation and assent ; and ou his part there wa^ nothing to prevent further reforms. Only an nt!ein|)t must not be made to overthrow evervtlunt^ aiulerthis la'ctexl, and to scan- 156 TLIE hiSG ON THE REMONSTRANCE. [Chap. II 1641.] NEW DIFFERENCES. 157 H dalise and defame the pious authors of the English Reformation ; but to check and put down the insolent speeches, writings, and sermons, by which the peace of the Commonw^ealth is disturbed. As we have embraced every opportunity (so the King continues) to make our people more happy, we hope thai ihey will, ^vith equal delicacy and readiness, confirm our rights and maintain our honour, on which their own safety and preservation so essentially depend. If, on the other hand, the laws are violated, or disregarded and undermined upon specious pretexts, misery and con- fusion must everywhere ensue. Therefore no decla- ration can be more acceptable to the people than ours, that we are resolved, not only duly to observe the laws, but to maintain them against all opposition, even at liic liazard of our hfe. " Lastly, we conjure all our good su])jects, of what degree soever, by all the bonds of love, diitv, or obe- dience that are precious to good men, to join with us for the recovery of the peace of that kingdom (Tnland), and the preservation of the peace of this; to remove all their doubts and fears, which may in- terrupt their affection to us, and all their jealousies and apprehensions, which may lessen their rharity to each other, and then (if the sins of this nation have not lu'i'pared an inevitable judgmnit [nr iis all). God will \(t make us a great and glorious King o\Lr a free aiul hiappy people." K)t withstanding these w^arningsand recommenda- tions, new alarms and disputes daily arose. Thus a 1)111 of the Lower House respectmg the formation of the Irish army met with difficulties in the Tapper House, because it was stated in it that the King had no right to levy troops, unless in cases of w^ar with foreign powers. As Charles was extremely desirous to hasten the armaments, he suffered himself to be persuaded, probably by the malicious advice of the Attorney General St. John, to go to the Parliament in person on the 14th December, to recommend that the bill might be passed as soon as possible, reserv- ing his and their rights. The two Houses took no notice of the w^ell-meant objects of the Kings propo- sal, but attending only to the form, declared unani- mously that it was a violation of their rights if bis Majesty took notice of a bill still pending, proposed alterations, or expressed his displeasure against some persons for matters moved in the ParUament : and they desired that he would punish those who had wickedly advised him to take such a step. The King, who after what he had experienced on a former similar occasion, might and ought to have foreseen this result, declared, on the 20th December, that he had no intention whatever of infringing the privilege of Parliament l)y his speech of the 14th, but only wished i ' bring about more speedy resolutions, and tD lac ili- tate their agreement with each other. Neither had he intended to express any displeasure with a Member ui ParUament for his proposals or votes. The question 168 NEW Dli-l^KKENCES. — TlMli/IS. [Cuap II how he had obtained the knowledge of the hWi was easily aiii^wered, because it was already iiinttd, nor would he ever require a man of honour to ije an in- luniK I*, ii liit) were as little di^pubcd to infringe liis I iLrlit cis lie was theirs, there would ])e no further di;5putc upon that subject. The bdi, however, passed without reserving his right, and he gave his assent lu 11 , ill order to allay the ferment in people's minds. At tins same time the attacks upon the Bishops, wliirh \\« have above related, occurred, as well as the dispute with thr King about the appointment of a Governor i.t the Tower, and tli. Giiard of the Parlia- ment. (^^) While the party attached to the King complained iiiat the Commons disdained no means by speaking, writing, printing, preaching, &c., to inflame the people, to excite sedition of all kinds, to free the giii!t V, and to impede and to disturb the Magistrates of Louche 1 1 in ihedr useful exertions ; it was replied, on tie/ part of Ue Commons, that these reproaches were ralhrM- merited liy the accusers, and thiut the Members e>f Parhiament therefore lived in great apprehension. x\!i iiiipartial examination shews, that tlie Commons did not agree to the laudable proposals of the Upper 1 1 ri II >r for preserving public tranqiiillifv, partly he- cause many believed that they recognised in the voice of the people the voice of God; nay, that {thers di- rectly favoured those disturbances, and considered the mob as a necessary and useful alh . Even Pym deckircd. '* God forbid thai we ^huuM drnrn-e our 1641.J CA^AIUR^ A.\D ROUNDHEADS. 169 adherents of the ir eourage, at a time when we ought to make use of aii friends whatever." The same man had said before, the law makes the differenee between good and evil, between just and unjust, ii you take away the law, everything falls into confu- sion, and licence, envy, ambition, fear, then take the place of law, whence the most pernicious consequences must ensue. On the other side, as the lawlessness of the people increased, and young noblemen and officers thought ii i* be their duty to step forward iu defence of the King, in which they too, both in words and deeds, went beyond due bounds, the party names of Cavaliers and Roundheads arose. On the 28th December, the King issued a serious proclamation against riots and disturbances ; and on the following day Mr. Smith again brought ioYSMini the subject in the Commons. He began by saymg : '^Praaint meto draw your attention to some impedi- ments which oppose a more rapid discussion of important affairs. We have received not only sensi- ble petition^ uf worthy men, but others from idle and ignorant people, wdiich deserve no attention wliativi r. Still more offensive, however, is the riotous assem- blage of the populace that surrounds the House, and wickedly attempts, ^vitli outcries and violence, to pre- scribe to us what we shall do, or not do ; whiin we shall accuse, or not accuse. Our excessive patience encourages and increases this illegal rage; whereas serious measures w ouid easily restore order. 1 hese 168 FETITION OF THE Cu M MONS. [Chip. JI measures ought to be employed by the Magistrates, and a guard ought to be formed for us, which, in case of need, might disperse the rioters by force." In con- formity with this proposal, the Commons presented to the King the following petition : " We, your Ma- jesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, who are ready to give our lives and property and the last drop of our blood to maintain your throne and person in great- ness and glory, throw ourselves at your royal feet, to express lu your Majesty our humble wishes respect- ing the great apprehensions and just fears occasioned by wicked intrigues and the design of ruining us ; for threats have been uttered against single indivi- duals, and attempts made to destroy all. There is a malignant party which is bitterly opposed lu us, and which daily gains confidence and strength, and has already dared to imbrue its hands in the blood of your subjects at the gates of your Majesty's palace, and in the face and at the doors of the Parliament, and has even used threats and insolent language towards the Parliament. We therefore petition your Majesty immediately to provide a guard for the pro- tection of Parhament, under the command of the Earl of Essex." The King, in his answer of the 3rd January 1642. complains nf the continued suspicions and unfounded apprehensions. That he was wholly ignorant of the gioiinls of them, and solemnly assured them, that if he had, or should obtain, an) knowledge or reason to 1642.] THE Kl.NGS A.^bV^LK. 61 believe, the least design of violence against them, he would punish it with the same severity and detesta- tion as if it was the most heinous attempt against his Crown. He solemnly pledged his royal word that the security of all the Members of Parliament, and of each of them, from violence, was as much his care as the preservation of himself and his children ; and if this general assurance should not suffice to remove their apprehensions, he would command such a guard to wait upon them as he would be responsible for to Him who had charged him with the safety and pro- tection of his subjects. On the same day in which Charles made this so- lemn tranquilizing declaration. Sir Edward Hubert, the Attorney-General, appeared in the House of Peers, and acquainted them that the King had com- manded him to accuse of high treason Lord Kim- bolton and five members of the House of Commons, viz.. Sir Arthur Haslerig, John Hampden, Denzil Hollis, John Pym, and William Strade. They were accused of endeavouring to subvert the constitution ; to make the King odious by calumnies ; to seduce the army ; to excite war at home and abroad ; to alarm the Parliament by concerted riots, and to govern it at their pleasure. At the moment when Deputies from the House of T.ords gave notice to the Commons of this circumstance, the Sergeant-at-arms, Mr. Francis, appeared anfl d-^manded, in the name of the King, the arrest of the persons accused. The Com- vol.. II. i 16^ t\M. HA i DEN. &c. ACCUSED. [Chap. II. moiis re[)lie(l they woukl immediately take this im- portant atuiir into liieir most serious (lellhtuation, and return an answer, in uM due submission, as soou as possible, and also take care that the tiv- niombers slionid answer every legal accusation. Their arrest was refused, and it wa^ resolved, with the assent of the Lords, that the seals which had f)'een affixed by the King's nr.lcr to tlie doors and papers of the accused, sliould in^ ininiediately removed, and that they themselves sliuiiM appear in their yilaces in the House as usual. Every arrest of a Member of Parha- ment, said they, ib illegal and null , f; owever, they will be produced to answer to every just and le^-al process, as ^ve are all as ready, as in duty bound, i i do justice against evil-doers, as to defend the rights and liber- ties of Briions and if [Parliament. Not taking warning by this declaration, the King, in his anger, resolved to effect the arrest of the five members himself, in the House of Commons, on the f dlovnng thiy. ('') But they received information of this secret plan, either through the Countess of ( arh>l or thi^ Freneh Ambassador, on which they were ordt red !)y the House to withdraw, in order to prevent any violence being used. Immediately after, the King appeared with numerous aiti iidants, who, howrvtT, Stopped at t!ie door, when he went in, Beatcd hiniseir in the Speaker's ebair, and made the Ibllowing spe(x-h — ' I am sorry for this oceasion of coming among yuii. Yesterday I sent a M-rtreant- 1642.1 THE FIVE ^T EMBERS. 163 at-anns to a|)p!"e]iend sonn^ persons accused by my com TT! and of liigh treason, to wliieli I expected obe- dience, and not a message. Ant! I must deelare unto von here, tlni! al!)m*t no King tiiat ever was in Enghuid shall be more careful of your piivileges than I, yet yon mnr-t knov,'. tliat in eases of treason no person has a privilege; there fore 1 am come to k]H)w if any of the accused pen-nns are here. For T must tell you, that as long as these persons are liere, I cannot expect that thi- House will be in the right way." The King asking the Speaker wlietlier the accused were in thr^ House, or where thev were, Lenthal f 1 11 npon his knees, and answered — '' 1 have in this place neither eyes to see, nor a tongue to speak, except what the House, whose servant I am, commands me; and i I >ei^^ your Majesty s pardon that I can ^ivc no other answer. ' ** 1 see," continued tlie Kinij, "" that the birds are flown, and expect frum ) ou tliat yon will bend thieni to me as soon as they return ; but 1 assure you, on the word of a Khilc. thai I never did intend any force, but shall proceed against them in a fair and legal way : and as 1 eannot di* what 1 came for, i tliink fit to repeat what I have said formerly, that whatever 1 have donc^ in lavonr and to the good of m\" sub- jects, I inirnd to maintain it. I will trouble you no more, hni irll vou ihnt I expect that as soon as they come to the lionse, \ou udll send them to me, other- wise I nn.,ist take mv own course to tind thenn"" M 2 1()4 TiiL Fl\ E MEMiiLiiS. [Chap. II. At the moment when the King left tho House mam called after him, "'Privilege! priviicge!" and were doubly angry when they heard what rash and tlireatening language his attendants had used in the lobbies. Equally irritated, Charles went on the fol- lowing day, the Sth of January, to Guildhall, and confiding in the attachment that had been shown to liiin, hoped to carry his plan by means of the magis- trates and citizens. But here too he failed, and on his return from Guildhall he heard on all sides cries that he ought to agree to the Parliament and not violate ii^ rights. On the same day the House passed the following itsolLUion: — ''Yesterday, the 4th of January 1612. his Majesty came to the House of Commons, accom- liaiiiitl l,y a great number of persons, armed with halhtits, swords, and pistols, who occupied the doors and avenues of ilie House; to the great disturbance and terror of the Members, who, according to their diitv where there in a peaceable and orderly manner, deliberaiiii^^ on the public affairs, ilis Majesty seat il himself m the Speakers chair and n qiiir; rl that several Members should be given up. This is a gross viohitifai of the rights and privileges of Pari i a- ipjiii, incompatible with its safety and liberty; where- fore tlie House declares, that it can no longer meet without fall satisfaction for that violation of its rights, and a i^uani (h'Ncrviiiir of conlidence, which il liadlii- iherto requested m vain." — Hereupon the Commons 1642.] THE FIVE MEMBERS. 165 adjourned till the 1 1th of April, and appointed a Com- mittee for the fn.rthor management of this affair in particular. Almost at the same timp. the City of Loiutoii presented a petition to the King, to the effect that lie would give aid to tho Protestants m In land; place the 'iuvsn in the hands of persons ^sonhy of confidence ; remove suspicious persons lioin Cuiul; grant a guard to the Parliament; and not proceed against the five Members, except according to the legal forms. In his justification the King issued a declaration, and ordered the arrest of the five :\icnibci^, who, conscious of their guilt, had absconded and would not surrender to justice. But in the mean- time the .Members had defended themselves at length before the House of Commons, which, in increasing animosit}, nuvv likewise printed a narrative of the transaction and a counter-declaration. The King, it says, appeared with more than 500 armed men, who pushed aside the doorkeepers, and used very offensive and threatening expressions, for instance, ''the plague take the House of Commons, let them come and hang themselves— when will the word be given % 6cc. irtlii. word had been given, they woidd have fallen upon us and cut our throats. All this [^roxts treacherous plans against the King and Parliament. Ihi! accused have indeed withdrawn, to avoid many inconveniencies, with the consent of tho House of Commons, f>ut not iii lonsciousness of their gudt. 166 THE ri\ E MEMBERS. [Chap. II, They can now again afpear in the House, and every one may liai'lHiur arui rreoivc tluiii. undt-!- the protec- tion dI tht" Parliament. On the other hand, a decla- ratioii whicli ha^ been pubhshed respecting these matters, is false, scandalous, and illegal. The affair, says anotljcr passage, is a breach cjf tlio rights of Parliament, a scandal for the King and his (.iovirn- nunt, a riot tor the destruction of peace, as well ;> an act ot injustice, and a calumnious insult lu the five Members, as there are no legal grounds for the accusation. The King therefore is calk J upon to nam ^ the advisers and authors of these proceedings, that they may be called to account and puni;.hed. Asthp i\irii( (liii not agree to thi^. and tin' Attorney- General Hubert confessed that he had merely exe- cuted tin- Kinir's commands, though h.^ possessed and kni w no proofs of the accusation, a cimiiual prosecution was insiitnted aixninst him, and he with his associates was declared an enemy to the count r). 'ilie King on ]n> part again affirmed that he liad no intention of violatini^ the rights of Parlnmient, nay that he wa- ivady- to let tho whole accusation drop, and to pr(H laim a general pardon. He wa^ answered tfiat ttif mnoeent needed no pardrm. Ijnt tlnit the guilty autlnirs nni^t be named and pum^^hed. Thus pressed on every side, blamed by all. and alarmed by the tumults whichi took place even in th viennty of his palace, the King resolved to h avr London till the ferment should be allayed. In fkct 1642.] THE KI\G LKA\KS LONDUX 167 he abandoned the field to his adversaries, and did not see h\> capital again tril lie was hjrouara to it as a prisoner. On the following day, the lltli r*f J aniuiry, the five jMembers were brought back to Parlianieni in triumph. All these highly important events have been judged of in verv different ways. The defenders of the King say : it was Ids duty to seize the chiefs of his opponents, and iliereby to set bonnds to the bpread of the revolution ; if this plan had succeeded, he would have received, instead of reproaches, the greatest praise; the House of Commons tlid not hesitate to act against Strafford ami ilie Bi^hops in the manner winch wd:= now imputed \u the King as a crime, as if the Sovereign was not permitted to do wiKit tiie subjects considered as an honour. On tin other side, the King's adversaries saw in his eondrat the greatest want of faith, and entertained no doubt that, if he recovered his power, lie would revoke ail his eonees- sions, and ciULliy punn^li all the iiiends of the pieopde. The attempt against the five Members, whetlu ?r it ungmated with liie King, or whether the advice of ila- Queen and of Lord Digby contributed to it, was certainly rash. ill-Umed, andiiijurious ; for, supposing tiMt tin tr views and principles appeared erroneous, or tlial thev nimht or mu^t lead lu disastrous revolutions, yet none of them had participated in any special crime, ur II hail lirvn wliolly covered and effaced, by the asMnt of the maioritv of th' House, by subsequent iaw^ and cinim-Nlii'S. ('') it was a more than eciuivo- 168 THE KlN(ib RLMAKKS, [Chap. 1L 1642.] THE king's off:-:h. 169 cal proceeding that the King, on the same day i-u whicii lie suienmly gLiaraiitriMi the secuntv (>] u\l Members of ParUament, and j^romised to call none to aecouiii ihr iluir opnuons and votes, drcich^d to arrest those men on account of their opinions and votes. Eut tlic assertion iIkiI hiuh treason took away all Parliamentary privilege signilied nothing, whm the King was so iar tri-ni being able to provo thr accusa- tion, that lio was, at kngth, oblio:ed to ask leave to tirop it. iDr, if m n^frrence to ilm^s^ whulh- iialt'iinite accusations, some points might have been proved, yet those single points could have uiijch less amount- ed to high treason than m ih^ case of Strallbni ; ami how could ilu- KniLr mutate Tvhat he had justlv condemned m the case of Strafford and the liishops'? iiow could la- attem|)t acts of violence which he had no means of executing ; and which could not fail to end in lu> intal defeat?- '' 1 did not Hiink of war, sail! i riarle> m the sequel, " Ijut the increasing tumult;- destroyed adl freedom and order, and drove awa\^ MO, thv lie>t defender of the public vveliare, wliiie everybody else loudly proclaimed his pretended ser\ieib. Bui in. inith some aimed at innovations, others de>paired of i\-iit/viiig their indigence, orgrati- fymo: their and)ition, m peaceable times, lur they confided iieiilier in the providence of God, nor tludr own iruTiu and thus became the secrti Imt must etleetnal authors of popular tumuhs." Now though this view of the case is by no means desiuute of truth, it contemplates the great and comprehensive events from a point of viow wdiieh. is as certainly loo low as when Charles's adversaries represent his adhe- rents only as proud malicious fools, and equally deny all higher and more comprehensive views and mo- tives. CO The King, however, m consequence of his unfavorable position, publicly assumed a very different tone, and on the 2tH}! January sent a message to Parliament, desiring them to comprehend all their grievances nnd wishes at once in one representation, that he miglu understand them all, that suspicions and calumnies mi -hi cease, and In might shew how read} he was to exceed tlie greatest examples of the most indulgent princes in their acts of orrace and favor to the people. This offer of the King excited the greatest joy, and the House of Commons, in the petition of the 19th oi February, stated most of its demands : That the King would appunil to (diices only persons wdiom the Parliairnnt proposed to him. nnd remove all others; that lie would not listen to the advice of the Queen respecting the affairs of the State or the Church. nr.d would lay before her an oath drawn up for tlie purpose ; not conclude a marriage of a prince or princes without the coubCnt of Parliament, would not go out of the country,, wondd punish Catholic Priests according to liie laws, exclude the Catholic Lords from the Upper House, sell no offices, and m)miiiate no Peer without the consent of the House. Not to :| ■'t 1 )l ;*|1 17U LiJKi.; DltrBV. [Chap. II. 1(^2.] iilLi- A^«AiNSr I'iiK BISHOPS. 171 5 mention thut the granting of tliese demands wouhiliiive placed aiino.-^t the whole administration m ihe hands of the House of Commons, they interfered in the personal and family affairs of the King. About the same time a letter from Lord Digby to the Queen was opened by order vi. l^urliamenU and an aecu^^aiion of treason hroutrlit against him in consequence. The Queen wrote veiy politely that she left the letter and the judgment to the House of Commons, and only re- quested a copy, ihc House, in its answer, laid indeed all tlie blame u|)on the Lord, but bi^gged her not to listen to iiiin and othcrb of the same opinion. Afrer such experience, the Qiumti set sail wiihinit ih lay, (kbt a prohiijilioM mighl be given) wiih ]\rr danghter Mary, for the Netherlands ; and, as her adversaries affirnietl, Ij-ok tin- crown-iewek and otla/r \ahiables with lirr. in order, m case of need, to use iin.in Ibr hostilo |)urposes. Meantime the attacks against the Constitution and the (dinrehi woro renewed with the greatest Vv'armtli. Already, on tlic 4ih of Ftdirnary, a brewer's wife, ni the TKHiitj of Hiany iriaiUewomori. iiKa*(diants' wives, and other fenudos. |)resented a, petition agairrsi the blood-tliir.sty Pa|)ists and Prelates. Thev s^nid they had a right to give tlioir o|)inion in t}io>o matters, because tliri>t Imd redeemed, ih on i as well a> the men. as they shjin^i m all the sufierings of tlio State as well as the (dmroln andtliat lasther and other women were to be considered as their models. JS ni an^swir- ed. in the name of tho House of Coinnnai^ : '' Good ^vtantii, }uur petitiom with the annexed arguments, has been read ; it lias been received wrih thanks, and found seasonable. in general, many petitions were received at this time, with increasing demands froea dilVtrcnt part.- of the country, whieh Parliament readihv reeoived when they coincided witli it> views; 01 la rw 1:50 rejected them with censure. Petitions iVoin a])prentices, sailors, and porters against Catholics and Prelates were readily listened to; offensive songs against them were publicly sung, and dogs whh l)lack and while heads were called Bishops. On the 5th of February the bill against the Bishops (that is the Jirst, not the root and branch bill) was passed by the Upper House, only three of tlieni havirnj forn i a 11 v opposed it; ami when Charles did not immediately grant the assent ^vhich they required, an nro:ent ajpiiention of the Parliament was made, on the 8th of Fel)rnar\ .to hasten so necessary and im])or- tant a Imsiness, fr^r the exclusion oi the Bishops from the I pper House aaid from civil offices would causo the greatest satisfaction and nnariimity, andbe a pledge that the King thon.irht favoraldy of the pro- posed im]»rovements. ii' the !\uig, ^o ^aid even many courtiers and persons in office, opposes this irresistible attack, more violent proposal will follow ior the destruction of the whole episcopal system; whereas concession will remier tlio I'arlianient more lavorable in other points, fcr instance, the militia. ■» mSum THK MILITIA. [Chap. II. For these, aiul Mmllar otlur reasons, ( iiarieb gave his assent to the l)i]1. ini the 13th of Fehruary, Avith- oiitiiOwc\er attaining hL-3 object ur gaining general ap|)rol)ation ; for, ^vhile he did not convert any ad- versar), lie lost many adherents, and gave ground for the belief that there was no security for the latter, because evei-y tiling was to Lc obtained Iroro iiim, and he aided in covering what was extorted by force with the appearance of legality. The opinion of some, that diaries might, under more favorable circum- stances, declare everything to bu iiuil and void, doiil)led the suspicions, and rested in the main upon a cleceptiou ; lor while he might, according to the laivs, at this moment refuse his assent, he could not ivlii 11 it was once given take it backwit!iuut a fnnna! resolution of Parliament, and such a r '-oliitioii was not to be expected. Still more important in their consequences than this Ijiil again,bt the Bishops were the demands and disputes respecting the army and the militia. Only two days after the departure of the King Ironi T.ondon the House of Commons issued orders to the Governors of tho lower, and nf the town of Hull, not to do any thing witliout the command of Parliament ; and on the 25tli of Jaiiuarw thuiiirh iiie Lords, nftrr a Iougt inter- ciiange ot notes, refused their consent, it requested that \hv King woiilil j.lace the fortresses and the militia in tin" liands of persons in whom the Par- 1^12.] Tiin M! in ■11 A, 173 liainent con tided. C)r O'j i ;iar\ , l!a; KiriL( declared that ho wonld c:ive the chief eomnnind to the persons whom the Parliament recommended, ii the extent of their power was first determined, and there was iiu one among them to whom he had any important objection. In the debates upon this answer, Whitelock said : The power of the sword against the ill-disposed always appeared salutary ; but is dreadful in the hands of the evil-disposed, or of the soldiers. Therefore the military power shnll p.ot be confided to the Kmg alone or to the Par- liament alone, as is even now not the case ; for without money, the granting of which depends upon the Parliament, the King can do nothing. On the 9tli of February, 1642, a new bill on the militia was passed, and two days afterwards a lord- heutenant appointed by the House oi Commons for each county, whose commission is in tlu^ following terms : — As a most dangerous and desperate plan has lately been formed, in consequence of the sanguinary counsels of the Papists and other evil-disposed persons, and as in consequence of the Irish Rebellion, and for other reasons, sedition and war are to be appre- hended, therefore, for the safety of the King, the ParUament, and the hingdom, power is hereby given to N. N, hv iho King and both Houses, to call toge- ther all ins Majesty's snlnocts in the County to arms, exercise them, and to appoint or dismiss officers. He is to expect further orders from the King and both Houses, and Ids power shall continue till it fx- otlier- wise ordered or declared by both Houses of 1-^ar- 174 THE MiLiliA. [Chap. II. i^4-2.] THE MILITIA. 175 iiaoirnt (the Kin£r is not iiieiitioiieil litTc). and no longer. TTiese resolution^ of the Commons lincioiibtedly containuJ a very essential innovathHi and liniitatiou of tie' King's power ; and wliii- l!ie former a lied ijed the wants r.f the present time, and ilie wants of the futnre, i\w latter dwelt ehii-tlv on cnstom and pos^e^^" sion. Yet ijotli assumptions were not free from all objections. In the first case, the fntnre ntllity of the changes was neiore supposed than proved ; and iii the latter it mirili!: l)e said th'it, properly speaking, there never had been a standing army in England, and a law of the reign of Edward TT I. proliiljited tin; raisinir of soldier^ vatlioat the consent urrarhameni. Uul liicn this had oftt Pi Ijem done during the time of the Tudors whliout objuetion, and the rarlianiuui had never been aliowid to liave any share in the military administra- tion. \\ li Fi these resolutions were submitied tu the King for his approbation, he answered, or^ the 2^th < f February, in >ubstance as fulluvw-^: 1' lie preamble, •» which speaks of dangerous and desperate designs against the iiuuse of ( Dinriiun.^ cuntairi> a r- proiieh upon my conduct and appearance in Parliament, res- pecting which 1 havi' already sufliciently declared myself 1 r peat it. that I had given express orders not to (dfend any one. nay even to Ijcar anv provnea- tion without returninerih 1 wa^ attended onlv !)v mv n-ual i^narcL arnad in the customary manner, otiiers who were present wore only swords, aeconhnir !*> the cnstoni of the conntr\ a and \\ir ra^h and inih^- creet ex]aa,^ssions of vomw men in my tram will scarcely be attributed to me. 1 am ready to give the command to the persons proposed: hut. if it is intended at this moment to enlarge the power they formerly possessed, it appears reasonable to me that the same be b} law tir.Ni vested in me, with powers to transfer it to those persons. But T consider it as not advisalde lu put such great power in the hands of any other person for an indefinite time. After iLeeiving his answer, lioih Houses resolved that it contained an absolute denial of nW tlnir proposals; that it put peace and security to hazard, unless a remedy was provided by the wisdom and authority of rarliament , all who had advised it were enemies to the King and kingdom. To these and other complaints and demands, the King replied, on the 2nd of Marcli T am so much amazed at this message, that I know nut w hat to answ^er. You speak of jealousies and fears ; lay your hands upon your hearts, and ask yourb. Ives, whether I may not likewise be disturbed with fears and jealousies; and if so this message has nothing lessened them. My answer respecting the militia contains all that in jus- tice or reason \ ou can ask, or 1 in honor grant, and I shall not alter it in any jxant. 1 would wdllingly reside near \'oa, !)ut sav \ ourselves whether I had not reason to remove fromA\ hitehall f 1 n conclu>Hin 1 assure you that I have no thought but of poace and justice to my people, wdiieli 1 shall by all lair means s^ok lopresurve ii 176 Mi LIT i A lilLL PASSED. [Chai li. 1642] NEGOCIATIONS WITH THE KING. 1 / / and maintain, relviTiir upon the providcnro of God for the preservation of myself and rights. Disregarding these objections, the bill on the niiiiiia passed both Houses of Parliament, wiih the addition that it ishonld have legal validity witbont the King s assent. One of the Lords expressing a doubt whether this was not contrary to the oath of allegiance, it was read, and the question resolved in the negative. No attention was paid to a protest of sixteen Lords, or lo the objections of Hyde and other prudent men in the Lower House. Two days later, both Houses represented to the King the grounds ui their suspicion and fears, in a declaration wliicli recalls to mind the fuiniui remonstrance. They mention danger to the Protestant Church, the influence of the Jesuits, the negociations of the Qucuii m Kumc, ihe war against Scotland, rebellion in Ireland, endeavours to gam th aimv. and to employ it against Llie i'ar- liament, the unjust accusation of the five Members, the refusal i ii letters that had been opened, accounts from Rome, Venice, and Paris, of violent designs, extraordinarv levies, caluinnies oftla' Vnr- liament, the retirement of the King iroin London. and pre|>ara,t'on> fdr internal war. (^^) *' A\\^ have," they eunimue, ''according lu your Maje^ty":^ desire. laid (an- hand, npon our hearts and examined oi» consciences ; but neither in our thoughts nor actions can we find anvthing that bhiaild lead the King to doubt our loyalty and good sentiments. If, in place of general accusations, his Majesty will state any parti- culars, we V. ill give a clear and positive answer ; but if the accusation? turn out to be false, the King must not trust to evil counsellors and calumniators, l)iit give them up to be tri* i and punished as they deserve. An easy and safe way is open to the King to happi- ness, honor, greatness, plenty and security, if he will sincerely joni with the Parliament and his faitli- frl subjects, in. defence of religion and the pnliiic good. This, with liis necessary and salutary return to London, is all tdnit we ask and roqnest of him." W le n this declaralnn was laid before the King nt Xrwnuirkt t. be said, among other things :— " Ch d m iHb goodiiuiu wiil 1 hope discover the secrets and bottom of all plots and treasons; and then I ^^.ali stand right m the eyes of my people. \ )U liave? Have I violated your laws '^ have 1 dr^niod to pass any biii for the ease and security of my subjects ? 1 do not ask yon "w init von liave dune inriiu. liiivt 1 not uiicred a general pardon to ail t" In the course of ciaiversation. the King said, with verv animated gestures: " The declaration ef the Parliament is no means to induce me to retrain aind in ihe whole rhetorie of Aristotle there is no argu- ment of thi> kind. The affairs of Trtdand cannot be von II. •^ Wdiat wcndd it '■ I' 17B NEGOCIATION:^ WITH THE Ki.NU. [ClIAP. II. put in order bv lijiir hundred persons, hni imist be confided to one, and, ihougb 1 am myself a beggar, I will procure the means to do it. and accomplish the work;' Tiie Karl ui renibroke asking \\hal lie re- quired. Charles answered, a schoolboy mnst be whipped wild eaiiii^)! answer that c[uestion. Bemg thena-ked h\ ilo' Karl whether he would gr an! the niilnia, a^ wa^ n (jiiiredby the Parliament, for a time; lie answert (1. " Xo, not for an hour." d'liree (lav- alter ihib conversation the King sent a messafn- to Ijntli TTouses, in which he said that he was rosnlved to observe ail the law ,5, auu lo ref[iure obedience to them from his subjects ; but that no law conid he valid or lia\t' dUtlionty wilhuul hib a;D;>ent. fn r plv to tliis, the Commons voted that those who had advi^ei! ilie King to send thi^ message, and to keep at a di^tanceirom London, w^ere enemies to their conntrv ; that wh.en the tw^o Houses deehired any- thiu'-J' to be law. to have this not only (|ia*>tii)ned and controverted. Imt eraitradirtfth and a etarnnand tliat it should not be obeyed, is a high breach of the pri- vilege of Parliament. 'ihe Pariiaeimait, in its excessive zerd wonld not observe that the Kind's declaration was ronforin- able to eUbtOBi, to law, and to reason ; theirs, on the other hand, abolished the Constitution in one of its most cr^sential points, and was ja-^t as nnreason,abie as the demand of Charles, wdiirh, had formerly hetai so severeh cenNured, tliat lu-. proclamations .-^hoidd 1 U ■ I ** . J CORRESPONDEXCK. 179 pass as laws watlmrit tlie consent (d' [Parliament. Eut if the 11 ou.^e of ('can mons went too far, there was the more reason to expect tliat the Upper House would put a check upon its proceedings, as it had before fli=;npproved of the demand re'^pecting tlie militia. On tins account Pym concluded a much-admired speech, on the 25th January, with the words, "'If the Cpper House holds back, the Lower House must do its duty. Then history will testifv liow it w^as compelk (1 lo save the kingdom alone, and the House of Peers have no part in tie honour." Intimidated by these and similar expressions, and blind to its own real advantage, the House of Lords acceded to those unjust resolutions rchiUve lo the legislation. On the 21st March, the Kings answ^er to the apprehensions of the Parliament was received, in whicli he says " We w^ould wi>h that our own imme- diale actions v»hich we avow, and our honour, miglit not be so rough 1\ censured and wounded, under the common stvle of evil counsellors. We have sulh- ciently declared against Popery, and have so settled the a^fTairs of Scotland that w^e hoped no naore wonld be said «ef tlic-m. No credit ought to be given to the cahunnies ]'eN|)(^eting my participation in the Irish rebellion ; but they shoukl l)e punibhed^ and our woi'ths believed, d'here is no truth in what is said td* a consjiiracy in the army. We only gave our assent to a humble petition. Witli respect to the measm-es again.Nt the five Members, if it had been a greater m w IRO roilHESPONDENrE, [Chap^ II. breaeli of privilege than ever before offered, onr ac- l<.nowit'dgment and retraction iias been greater than ever Kiiu'' lia^ ifiv ii. luil we did not examine how maiiv of onr privileges were invaded in d itiice of those of Parliament. Dangerous riots gave us siifli- clent grounds to strengthen our guard. The bill for the prolongation of the Parliament is the greatest proof of compliance, and we would willingly return as soon as, with its aid, we can expect peace and security in T.ondon. If this should seem dillK nil, we are very willing to assemble the Parliament in some other place. We by no means absointrlv rejected the proposals relative to the militia, but only called voiir attention to some necessary emendations, in ^^indl \vc did not exceed our rights and duty." The Parliament endeavoured, in subsequent repre- sentations, to refute all this, and said : The King does not violate the laws, but others do it in hi^ name ; and we have always shown our gratitude for what he has granted. A general pardon is no security against our loir, because it is not directed against liim but the wicked plans of others. During tiiis correspondence, m spite of all the violent language, nothing serious was done to ^n.p- probs the lri!-li insurrection, wli.cli wu;^ bcconung more ami more general. For which reason, the l\i.!^r proposed, on liie iith of April, to gu hnn- selitj Ireland, and put an end to tln^ tronldes. But the Pari airiv nt, fearing that Charles would ioriii and 1642.] ilLLL. 181 gain over a Protestant army, or would reconcile him- self with the Catliolies on advantageous terms, sought for all kinds of specious reasons to decline the pro- posal. The Kiim, i hey said, exposes himself without necessity to danger, and encourages the rebels, who boast of his support ; encourages suspicion, increases expence, and interrupts the course of business. There- fore no levy, carrying on of war, or appointment by the King, must be approved or tolerated: Init the Idnedom must be governed with, and according to, the advice anil regtilations of the Parliament. Charles refuted tU these objections, and added: " 1 wl-Ji ilie Parliament wouLl weigh its demands, messages, and expressions, with ilie same strictness and accuracy as 1 do. It would then perceive on its side many inno- vations, on wiiicli I will not dwell at this moment." About the same time an event took place which necessarily afforded Charles grounds for new com- plaint. As far back as the 12th January, the House of Conanions had ordered, as w^e have seen, that the town uf linll, which was amply provided with mili- tary stores, should not be delivered nip to any person wiihout an order from the King, given to the Go- vernor through Parliament. Hiis resolution was comniunicated to the King for his information, with- out his having been previously consulted; imd on iliu ioiii April written orders w^ere sent to Hothani in llidd. and in the same manner to nil the sheriffs ctnd (dhccr:, m the country, to obey oni\ the commands 182 !!i:i,L, i 1642.] Ul l.L. Ib3 of tlie Parliament. Cliarles hereupon appointed tlie Earl of Newcastle goveriicn' ot" Hull iii th-' room of Hothain, but lie was not received; nay, the Kiiis^^ hiiii self was, contrary to nil example, refused admit- tance at the gates. On the 26th April, a message Irom him was presented to thf^ Parliamriit. >taiing that on tlif 2.']rd Ajiril he desired to see the stores at Hull, and dispo-o of thnn for tho pnhlic service in the north of Eim-laiid and Ireland : but that llothaiii, thourdi he was una file to nrodnee anv wrltton order from Parliainent, had, refused to admit hiiri and onlv twenty attendants ; tliat. on account of snch eondiict to his King and master. Hut ham had been deelareda traitor. Thi:> aeeuuni agrees in all the essential poini.^ with that of Hotham. The latter declared on his hnees from the ram pas rt liiat hu could nut admit an} budy ■without breacb taf the confidence placed in liiin l)y Parliament. I'ur, though the King was not naiin i! in its orders, there could be no doubt whatever of tlieir sens(* and object, liuiham, too, was etalainly in great end^arrassment wdien the Ma\or arid citizens appoared on the ramparl, cunlrary to \\\^ urdcib ; auvl it was apprehended Unit tlia King might persuade them by hi^ friundly language. (■^^) Far from appeasing Charles's just anger, by nivim^ a plausibi*^ turn lo the affair, and irviiii^ lo i-llVct a reconciliation, the Parliament, immediatolv on reeoiv- inir tlie liova I me saiio, declared that Hotham and the citizens of Hidl deserved commmuhition for their craidiaa, which tended to the preservation of peace; It promised rewards tu the soldiers, and ordered a ^^ppen.late to be burned Ijy the hangman whiich represented llotliain trininphant on horseback n]^on lh,, ranijiart, and the King mi the outside begging lor admittance, on loot. The Parliament wrote to the K mo that he should not see m II utham\s conduct anv violation of Ids authority, but a just cause to xiihtc with his Parliament iur ihe preservation of peace, and the suppression of a wicked and malignant party, uhidi is the cause of ail the dangers and mis- fortunes. That this object would lie the most easily attainod if the Kinu wmild assent to the Bill relative to the militun giva up \v\> plan of going to Ireland, come to London, and convince himself that die declaration iliai lloihain is a traitor is a breach of iairliamentary privilecre and of the laws of the laiuL Proceeding in the same course, the Parliament passed, in May 1642. the h)llowin,i]r resolutions: "The bdl lai the Militia shall be law, without the consent of the King. H u IS no t entitled to summon a free man, and he who takes arms by hi> orders shall lie considered as eonnnitting a breach of the peace. No pm^on hcneciuith raised in the King to the Peerage shall have a seat and vote in the Upper House. Charles's plan to h v v war against the Parliament is a hreacli of tin c Diifidence placed in him !»y the people, ar. well as of hi., coronation oath, and aims at the i 'it 1H4 COIUiESPONDENCE. [Chap. II. ]^|-2.] ( oUilEbPONDENCE. 185 subversion of 111 o Constitution. Every person sup- port iiia; liiin ill it 16 a truilur. llic ivinir, like his predecessors, must confide only in Hie tidrliiy and aflec tit)!! ol his subjects, and give up ail viuicuL plans, otlit rwise we think ourselves bound to maintain jus- tice, ptaci'. ;ui I order b) ail the means in uur power." All these violent proposals and resolutions were not only appruvt'd of by the Lords, but some ol the most viohiit i vi 11 originated with them. Tlie King tliii not delay replying to the complaints thnt were made, but ^\ rote to the Parliament an aiis^wer, in v'nich are the luiluwuig passages : •* iou consider everything as a breach ij^ your privileges ; iiotliing as an infringement of my rights. You de- clare everybody, previous to all proof, at your own discTt'tioiu [I traitor; 1, uii the other h OF P A li LJ ..\ .MENT. [ChAP. II. from the Parliament of the 21 >t and 2G!l[ uf ^lay. The lornicr says; It ihr Ivmg denies the existence of t \ il counsellors, we must impute the Ijlame ui' what has been done to liiiii. wliich wouiu he as con- trary to the laws as to the feelings of our hearts ; the kingdom ouglit never to he destitute of tlio meanN of its preservation, and to procure these is the business of t!ie Kmg and the Parliament. Put a> the former, being an individual, is more liable to the accidents of nature and of ehanre. and the miiihiiiule mn>t not he left witliuiit rule and guide, Parlicuuent ha;^ been iur- ni>lied with power to supply that whieli is wanting on the part of the King ; and when both liuoses have declared that >neh n state of things exists, ihi< deela- ratioii requires no further confirnicilion, and eannot b(^ re\ oki il or abolished by any other. It is lluMefore to lie \vi>he(l and hoped that the King vvili nut siiiTer liimself to be guided by his own judgment in puljHc aflair.s, hut Ir^ the great council of the naiioii : the two Houses of Parliament, which are the two eyes of the nation. The second declaration of the 2f>t]i of May relates ehielly to the events at Hiiii. 'I'hev sav, the Kini^ speaks improperly of A?5 cit\ , /ns magazines, his am- munition, ^c. 1 hey no more belong to hini than to tie,' T hole kingdom. From this fundamental error, lliat kingdoms are the property of Kings, arises all t\ raniixa But if tlie King, or others, had such a right to a.uy town iK(\ the r'arliainfiit niav, however, take sueh ie;42.] I) hi .L A H A 1 i Li N S U ¥ F .\ H L i A .M EST. 187 measures respecting it that no danger may accrue to tlip roinitrv from such claims. The King is bound by his conscience, justice, and his coronation oath, to sanction every hill laid before him, for he is to remedy all the grievances i^f the kingdom; but, to decide what are grievances, and whether neiv laws are ne- cessary, the representatives of the whole nation are the tittest, arid ilie form nf rejecting a bill, le lioi savisera, does not imply an absolute refusal, but only a delay, wind! must yield on the repeated demand- of ilxe Parliament, it i^^ here the judge between the KinLT and the people ; the King therefore was wrong m Ludeavouring to take possession of Hulh wdthout the knowledge and contrary to the will ot the Parlia- ment ; and what llotham did was for the advantage of the King himself; and also right, inasmuch, as it was agreeable to the laws. On the other hand, it was unjust to declare Hotham a traitor whhoiit observing the legal ibrnife, whence an opinion originates that all those who gave him orders or approved his nroreedimrs were traitors also. Treason may doubtless be com- mitted against the King as King ; bnt treason against tlie kingdom is more than treason against the person of the Kinu; merely. Kor can the levying of war fa the maintenance of the laws be considered as war against the !\inir : but it is contrary to the oath of alle- giance for any one to serve the King against the country . A frw days afterwards, in the beginning of June, the Parliament laid l»eiore the King nineteen propo- 188 THL MM-TlLN PHOPOSITIiiNS. [Chap, II. ]ni2.} K ni:\i:tken propositions. 189 bitions, upon wliu h it was ready to be reconciled with hiin. Ministers, Privy Councillors, luiuib to the liovnl Princes, and all high officers of State shall be appointed witli the approbation of Parliament, and all tliose removed of w^hom it does not approve. J iie same consent is necessary to the marriage of members of the Royal Family. The laws against the Pnpists, Jesuits, &c. shall not only be enforced but made more rigonms, and the children rsf the for- mer be entrusted to Protestants for their rdncation. Catholic Lords shall lose their votes in the Upper House. The King approves beforehnnd the reform- ation of all abuses in the Church. The King recalls his declaration respecting the militia, and confirms tliat of the Parhament. All J udges and Civil Officers hold til -!!• places only qiiamdiu bene se gesserint\ Members of Parliament who have lost offices shall 1)6 restored to thrm, or indemnified. Every person appointed to an office takes a new oath, drawn up in conformity to the new legislation. All persons cited by citlici House must appear, and abide its censure. It determines what exceptions are to T)e made to the amnest) offered by the King. lliL King ;:;iiall dismiss his military guard, and not appoint any commander witliuut the approbatiun ui Parliament. Levies of troops to be made only accordiinx fn Inv. in case of rebeiiiun ur of hostile invasion. Xn Luki to be admitted into the Upper House without tiie con- sent of the Commons. The Kiiiir con^eulr. that, the five Members shall be cleared by an act of Parliament, so that we may be secured in iuture against such proceedings. Not to mention iliut the above conditions were extremely intolerant in respect to religion, and re- quired beforehand the sanction of future resolutions which were then entirely unknown, they undoubtedly annihilated the royal authority in many essential points, destroyed the intended balance of the legisla- tive powers, and gave a decisive preponderance to the Parliament. Yet some zealous royalists advised con- cession, because the King had no arms and no money, and the hope of gaining the fleet was wholly delusive on account of the sentiments of the priiu i- pal officers. Notwithstanding these arguments, Charles w^ouki ilie less resolve to accept those oppressive terms, as he had promised the Queen not to take any final resolutions w^ithout her knowledge and consent, it wa;:. iier wish that the blessings of peace might be restored through her mediation, and that the people s di.^like to her might be removed. Cliarles too hoped to effect a change in the tempers of the people by a new and clear statement of liis views and his rights. He first answered the deehi- r it ions of Parliament on ihe 26th of 3lay, in the fol- lowing manner : '' No person w^ho reads this writing will think thai we have much reason to be satisfied with it ; it \:^ forged in a hotter oven than others. Yet we ninst praise the openness and smeerity of the 19U THE MXKTEEN PilO I'D^rr l UN 5. [Chat». T!' h;42.] THE MNETEEN PROPOSITIONS. 191 aiitliors, ^vlio will no longer suffer us to 1)^ mocked by saying, " We will make you a great and glorious King,' while they with the greatest dexterity plague us into distress and want ; or *' We will make you be- lovid at home and feared abroad," while every means is ndoiited to make us odious to our subjects, and contemptible to Foreign Princes. On the contrary, they now say to us in plain i'lig- lidi, A\ c liave done you no wrong, for no wrong can be done to the King. Wo have taken nuthmg from you, because you possess nothing that could he taken. Every one wlio is not of thoir opirJou iliey class among a malignant and wicked \ arty, and believe, placing themselves above us, that tlioy may do every- thing iliat thoy may think fit. But wliat then is tyranny, except recognizing no law hii one's own Will; aiRt m Athens that of the thirty tyrants was thr most oppressive. If a party accidmtany obtains the majniitv ur the preponderance, and then outlaws its opponents and abolishes the laws themselves, is tlial. ill fain or m substance, right? The paramount riaiit of the King does not abolish tho pa-operty of iniivicluals, and he may certainly have a right to Hnil without violating |navate property. Tf nn office was tni^lMl to liulhain. a much liigher one i^ en- trusted to tilt' Kino: ; or ifs they understand our office so that we >hail be taititled only lu dcbtruy uur own right> arid our government? The Pradiament then con^idors itsoif alone as infallible and nnlimiteil. and says, like the Irisli liebels, we do everything fur the good of the ]\ing and the bingdom. If now the latter should prove vietorious, look upon the Protest- ants and Ibuitans as the malignant party, and change evervthincr for their own advantage? The King is certainly bound to remedy any existing etils ; but is he then entindy to irive n|) bis own judgment, anil without regard to his understanding, conviction, con- science, and responsihihty to God, to say Yes to ever} thing '( And if \he polite form, le Roi savisera, accordinig to the interpretation of tho Parliament, is nut a negative, it is still less an affirmative. Hie authors of that declaration endeavour in every way tu make liie King odious. The people, how^ever, will in the sequel feel the burdens and tb.e misery Y\ !!!( li the.Ne pretended deliverers bring upon them. All evib aeeording to them, comes from evil coun- sellors, whum tiny do not ruiuie; from conspiracies, vd]i( h nobody discovers ; from suspicions, which no- body understands. But, indeed, he who thinks that Hotham's conduct to the King is a proof of affection and loyalty, might also afilrm that the Papists or even thi^ Turks drove us from London; he might in LUC >-i\m(' afleetiiaiate and loyal manner bow us en- tirely out of tlie kinudom. According to \]\c notion of tlie Pai'liamenl, rnaie of its members eouk! be accused of tlieft or murder till (ai(|uiry was made at London wdiotbor i! was agreealjle ti* all the others. The principle,^ of the innovations are— the Parlia- li 192 THE MNETEEN PROPOSITIONS. [Chap. II, naent lia-. tlie unlimited and sole riglil o\' declariiig the laws, an 1 wliat it declares is right. Xn law or custom can limit its omnipotent walL ami tiu' King'a assent to the laws is not necessary. He has no veto, but is subject to the commands oi the Paininiu^nt. If it does the utmost that other Parliaments attempt- eel, liii^ i^ nn violation of moderation an! didy ; that is ii) say, as some already openly proclaim, they may depose the King without deserving l)1amo on that account. (^J After such language and with such principles, which cannot be carried to a greater luiglit, wc may justly expect the most culpable actions." liv this declaration, and various accounts which were received, tlie Parliament was still more embit- tered, accepted voluntary contributions, and ordered loans for the preservation of the Protestant religion. of the Kiiiij, as well as of his riijJits and dignities , of the laws, of peace, and of ibe prixileges of Farlia- nicnt. Xiiic Lords and sixiy-iive ^Icnibcr^ uf the House of Commons, wlio disapproved the resolutions, and iiio:5t of whuni had joined the King, were accused and t \cluded from Parliament. Pnt C'liailes issued, on the l.'itli uf Jiuit\. a nuw declaration, to tiie effect that he required la) obedience or assistance except aceordiiiix tu ihe laws of tlie land, iie would esteem evervbodv wlio would render him services in this sense, for the [ire&ervaiion of religion and tlie Con- Btitntion. He woidd not commence war, nor raise 1612.] CORRESPONDENCE. 193 men for that |u]rpoM% hut oidy m eaNC of an unjust attack to defend himself and his friends. Two day^ later. \\\v Kino; again declared before God and tlu' worLl, that he abhorred ail thoughts of war. and called upon his Counsellors, and the nume- rous I.ords assembled about him, tu testify that he had tlie most serious wi>h for peace. Hereupon they declared: We are fully convinced that his Majesty Ikin no hobtih' intentions, nor do we know of any councils or preparation^ that might excite a belief i)f stieti {dans ; on the contrary, the King desires to main- tain religion, justice, liberty, and the laws. ])i-ni/ardin2r these testimonies, which the Parha- ment assumed to be partial surreptitious, or false, it declared everyl)ody guilty who should obey tlie Kmg's commands respecting the militia, jirolubited any payments of money being made to him, and at hiigth,, on the 12th of July, rr>olved that an army ^hould be raised for the security of the King's per- M^n, for the defence of the l\arliament, the preservation of rel iiiion, the laws, liberty, and peace. In this inonient of mad infat uatieru when many considered a civil war, that most (h'eadful of all evils, as fortunat(s or as a deliverance from evils, some at least shudtlered at the abyss before them, and warned against thf danger with all the enero-y of their heart and understanding. I'hus Whitelocke, though otherwisea zealous adherent of the Pai'liament, says : Our misery is the joy of our enemies, and the \ l:'L. 11. o i 192 THE MNF.TEKN I'lluPO-^rnoNS. |_t-'"A.". U. riient lux. llu" lu-.limlted and sole right of decluvn.g the laws, and \vhat it declares is ngln. No law or custom can liuni u. omnipotent uill, ami tho Kings assent to the laws is not necessary. He has no veto, hu> is suhjeci 10 the commands of the Parharaent. If It does the utmost that other Parliaments attempt- ed this is no violation of moderation an.! duly ; that is'io say, as some already openlv proclaim, they may depose the King without deserving hlame on that account. («) After su, h language ami u ith such ,,.i,u,nles, uhieh caraiot be carried to a greater height, Nve may justly expect the most culpable actions." Eythis declaration, and various accounts whicli ^v,.l■e received, the Paiiiament was still more embit- tered, accepted voluntary contrihntions, and ord.n-ed loan, t'a- tl..- preservation of iho Protestant religion, of the Kn,.,, as ivell as of h!.^ nnhts and dignities, of the laws, of peace, and of the privileges of Parlia- ment Nine T.ords and sixty-five Members ul the HouM. of ( 'nmrnoas, vs ho di^ar-proved the resolutions, and most of uhom had joined the Kin-, ^^ ere accused 1 1 1 \ w-. vvs V-,r\\'uuv\\\ IhitCharles issued, on the 13ili of J 11111% a new lU'claration, tt) \\w rtTect that he required no obedience or assistance except accordinix to the laws of the land: he wofud t^^t.em evervhodv wh(. wcudd render him services in this senJe, for the preservation of religion and the C on- stitution. He would nut commence wur, nor raise 1642.] coruespo>;dence, 193 men for that piirpo.^e, hut only in case of an nnjnst attack to defend himself and his friends. Two days later, the King again declared l)efore God and the world, that he ahhorred all tlionghts of war. and (^alu't! n[)on his Counsellors, and the nume- rous Lords assembled about him, to testify that he hail tlie most serious wish for peace. Hereupon they declared : We are fully convinced that his IMajesty lias no hostile intentions, nor do we know^ of anv councils or preparations that might excite a belief of such plans ; on the contrary, the King desires to main- tain religion, justice, liberty, and the laws. Disregarding these testimonies, which tlie Parlia- ment assumed to be partial, surreptitious, or fidse, it declared everybody guilty who should ol)ey the Kings commands respecting the militia, prohibited any payments of money being made to him, and at length, on the Tith of July, n solved that an army should be raised for the security of the Kings per- son, for the defence of the Parliament, the preservation of religion, the laws, liberty, and peace. In this moment of mad infatuation, when many considered a civil war, that most dreadful of all evils, as fortunate, or as a deliverance from evils, some at least shuddered at the abyss before them, and warned against the danger with all the energy of their lieart and understanding. Thus Whitelocke, though otherwisea zealous adherent of the Parliament, says : Our misery is the joy of our enemies, and the \ UL. ii. O i: 194 SPEECHES AC.AIN^^T WAR, [CiIAl>. II. i Catholics, wlio call ils heretics, impel us towards it. hv all kinds of means and arts, well knowing that nothino- can extend their dominion so much as our disunion. We were l)lessed by a lon,g and happy peace ; but, instead of enjoymg whh moderation and gratitude the many blessings given us by God, we have l)ecome proud and luxurious, so that God suffers us to punish ourselves l)y a civil war. It is surprising liow we luive -r ulually and impercepiihly drawn nearer to this war, and were, as if uncoiiscious. borne along by the waves, brum a pap.r war, we have come, througli declarations, representations, remonstrances, resolutions, messages, answers, and replies, to the levy of a military force and the appoint- ment of generals an.l oimiuinders. Y\'hat the con- sequeuce must be, the poet tells us. Jus datara scelericanimus, populumque potentuiii la sua victrici conversum viscera dextra. We must place our kuvs ami liberties, (v,u- property and bves, in the hands of insolent mercenaries, %Nbose violence and fnrv will then command ii> and a.U we possess -. reason, honor, and justice will abaiuion oiir countrv. the base will eommnnd ik.e nedjle, vice pre\ ad over virtue, and wickedness over piety. From being a powerful licople we shall become weak, and be the instruments of our own destruction. Nob.odv can forsee the issue, and few of us p. rhaps mav live to see it. They say he who draws his sword a"-alnst his \ilice must throw away the scaid);u-d. It) 12.] SPEECHES AGAINST WAR, 195 DiiTcrenccs of such a kind are scarcely ever settled ; they may be compared to deep seas, which when once roused ])y a storm are not easily appeased. In civil wars the coiiqneror weeps, and the conquered perish : what our fate may be, we know not, Ijut we ought to avoid so bitter an ahernative. Let us therefore try every means, by a judicious and equita- ble agreement, to establish the right and the welfare of both parties, that there mav never be an odcu breach between us and our adversaries, for we are and always shall be brethren. Benjamin Rudyard spoke to the same effect : That we may the better understand the situation in which we are, let us look back three years. Would any one at that time have thought it possible that the Queen, for wliatever reason, would go to IIol- I;ui(l the King leave London and his Parliament, such a dreadful insurrection break out in Ireland, and such disputes and disorders in Church and State?— On the other hand, if any one had said: In consequence of new laws, the Parliament will be assembled every three years ; shipmoney, monopolies, the Court of High Commission and the Star Chamber be abolish- ed; the Bishops removed from the Upper House, the forests limited, nay, that we should possess a Parlia- ment which cannot be dissolved without its own consen.t—- who would not have considered this as a dream of liappiness ? But now that we possess and enjoy aJl this, we think only of future securities and o2 196 SPEECHES AGAINST WAR. [Chai. II. piiaraiitees, as if ili^^y were not included m the pos- session of these things, which mutually support and maintain eacli other. Let us not, for the sake of a precarious future security, risk everything, or fancy that we possess notliing, beeanse we have not every- thin^^- that we wiNh. Let us not seek for mathema- tical certainty in tilings which riiiiiianly speaking are changeable, and by possibility subject to (l(x-:iy. He who always looks after the wind and rain will neither sow nor reap ; if he will not set his hand to work till he can command the weather, he will have a bad harvest. Every one is bound to the utmost of his power to hinder liloodshed ; fir lilood cries to heaven, and defiles the country. Let us therefbre secure libertv and property, but in siieli a manner that we do not at the same time lose our own souls. These eloquent warnings so far produced e.n effect that the ParUanieut again sent a petition to the King respecting? peace. After an introduction on the (hin- ger.^ofihe timc^, on the armaments made by Charles, and his erroneous ideas of deciding everything by force, It demands that he shall disband all troops, suspend all levies, and repair to Fa rliamont, which was ready, on those terms, to desist from all prepara- tions for war, to reoulate military affairs by a new and suitable 1)l11, and to {)rove that the Members valued the King s welfare, safety, honor, and great- ness, mucli more than tlieir own happiness and lives, which they woul 1 most heartily and willingly devote 161-2.] preparatiojns for war. 197 to his suppoil ;rud preservation. 1 he Kmtr replied, that it was no proof of moderation and love of peace llait the preamble to tie ir petition laid all the blame upon him, and that at the same time Essex was appointed Commander, iiml the Mayor of London arrested because he had obeyed the King's commands. Then toilows a repeated justification of his conduct, with the remark that the Parliament had armed and caused force to be employed against him at Hull at a time when not a single man had been raised by him ; and yet it was certainly for the King, in case of undoubted danger, to be the first to adopt defensive measures. He therefore called upon them to prevent disorders, duly to punibh the authors of seditious publications, and to designate as deliufpents only such as violated the laws, and nut the faithful ser- vants of the King. If Hull were delivered to him, the persons named by him placed over the fleet, the military preparations stopped, tlu Parliament re- Uiuved to a place of safety, and if it were acknow- ledged that his assent was necessary to general laws, hewoulil pardon and forget all that wa.^ past, cease armaments and levies, and give his royal word before God tluit he did not and would not think of any hostilities. The Parliament answered, at the endof Julv, that till the causes which had led to the present state of tliiiiu^ were all removed, their duty to tlie Kiiio^ and kingdom forbade them to accept the above proposals. 198 FilEIVARATiO'NS FOE WAR CiiAP. IL On the secoml of Aiignst, it detailed at length the causes lV»r which recourse was had to arms. A wicked and impious parly, they said, iiad attempted to overthrow the constitution in (dinreh and State, and now required that they shoukl give themselves up, unarmed, to their will and pleasui-e. But the Lords and Commons were resolved to ribk their hves and fortunes Ibr tlie defence and preservation of true rehcjion, of the King s person, honor, and dignity, of the pKTwer and lights of i?arHament, and the liberty of all the subjects. Every one, therefore, who had anv sense of Tvletv and honor, and was bound by his duties to God, tlie King, and the Country, was called upon to hasten In thuar defence. At tlie same time, the House of Commons declared those Lords wlio iKel repaired to tlic khig to be incapable of sitting iii the Upper House, accused them as traitors, and ordered them to lie iuipri^oned. It commanded new taxes, such as tonnage and poundage, to be levied ; levied recruit> with inereased activity, dismissed and arrested Gurney, the Mayor of London, who wondd not secondi these measures, and swore to live and to die with the Earl of Essex, the new General. Lle^ Kimi had before ealhtl upon the Earh of Essex and Holland to attend hire, as officers of his court ; hut they replied that thny were more necesbar) in Larhament, where they could do hiiu better service. Hereupon the King, on th.- 1 Ith of Aueu^t, declared Uie Earl of Essex and his ibllowers 1642.] ROYAL STANDARD RAISED. 199 to lu" rebels ; and, on the other side, the Parliament gave the same name to all the adherents of the King. After the struggle had been thus begun by botli sides, in word and deed, it seems merely a symbol that tlie King, on' the 25th of August, caused the rnval standm-d to be raised at Nottingham. It bore a hand poiutiug to a crown, with tlie n\otto, *' Render unto Caesar the things that are Csesar s." (^') In the iir>t night, a dreadful storm lit row down the standard from the eminence on which it had been erected, so that it could not bo replaced liii two days afterwards. This accident was considered by many as a bad omen ; liiit in iniih those persons, on both sides, had yielded to the grossest superstition who fancied that the course on which they had entered was right, and ^vould lead to justice, liberty, and happiness. rs OTK ?,-^C li A PT E f( f ! . (1) Paf?e 82. It was considered as a bad omen that Charles did not go in state to the House, and dial the Parliaiuunt which in the reisni of TTenrv VIII. led to the fall of the Monasteries, likewise openetl lui tlie 3rd of November. Sanderson, p. 323; Xeale, Vol. If. p. 317 ; Soame, Vol. I. p. 494. ('2) Page 83. Thus, for instance, monopolists were expelled tlie House. Pari IDst. Vol. IT. p. 707. (3) Page 85. The sentences upon {h\nne, Bastwick, Plamp- den, ^c, were cancelled, and large indemnities fjiven liieiii. JSi^ahon, \'oi. I. p. 798: State Trials^ \ui. IV. ">3.j. (4) Page b(). Strafford had approved the allegation of general undefined accusations against Buckingham, which was now practised against himself. JFarwiclc, p. 97. (5) Page 87. Strafford had been Govt rnoi ot In 1 uhl . v* r since 1G32. We sliall give an account ot In^ administration below. (6) Page 88. Windebank, who was accused among other things of favoring tiie Catholics, said that no more had now been done on the part of \\m' Kini: than tlie riglit of pardon allowed, and the danger to be apprehended from them had de- creased. Pari. Hist. Vol, 11. p. 684 ; Nalson, p. G'J'^. (7) Page 89. On the 10th of December 1640, two subsidies were granted. ParL Jli^f. \ ul. IT. p. 673. (8) Page 90. This happened chiefly between December 1640 and July 16 Ih J^in'. JU^i. \^L II. pp. 651, 652. ^OIES TO niAPTLli li. 201 (9) Page 9"i. Kegi Anglise neque auctontas coiistat apud Parliamentuni, neque gratia. Nam eos quorum opera consiliis- que usus est, neque palam tutari andet; neque dolet eos sibi- metipsis consulere ac se servare in tempora secundiora. Vise autem istae mediae saepe regibus periculum adferunt ubi popuU nefjiie motii neque amore retineantur. Grotii Epistolce, 1470. (10) Page 93. Brodie, Vol. III. ]>. 95; Whitelocke, p. 42. During the proceedings there was often much noise, talking, eating, dnnking, &c., so that Baillie, Vol. I. p. 259, says : *' After ten, much public eating, not only of confections, but of flesh and bread, bottles of beer and wine, going thick from mouth to mouth, without cups, and all this in the King's eye." The proceedings are at full length in a volume of Rush worth. (11) Page 94. Whitelocke, ].. 43. Baillie too (Vol. I. page 260) says : Strafford, in his answer, was very large, accurate, and eloquent. Many females were present in the House, and almost all of them took the part of Strafford. Mar/, p. 92. Our space does not allow iis to go into the details. (IJ) Page 98. Inquisitions and inquisitors have but too often pronounced, and caused to be executed, sentences oi death. (13) Page 99. Yet, according to one report, (Whitelocke, p. 44.) Strafford said, after the sentence was confirmed : " Put not your trust in princes, nor in the son of man, in whom there is no help." (14) Page 99. According to Burnet, the Queen got a post- script added to Charles's letter to the Parliament : " If he must die, iL were charity to reprieve lum till S^atirday ;" which must weaken the effect, if not wholly destroy it. (15) Page 100. The statement that Ilollis, Strafford's brother- in-law, pro})osed to him that his life should be saved, if he would use his infiuciice with the King against Episcopacy, but reeeived for answer lie would not purchase it at so high a price, seems not to be authenticated. Luuds Troubles, p. 177. (In) Page 101. Strafford's opinion was, that uhat was law I 21)2 NOTES TO CHAPTER 11 in £iif-lanJ was m likevMse m Scollautl and IreiaiiJ, and the decision of the Judges on the right oiievjing taxes would make the King absohite. raiiffkan, VoL I. p. 459. (17) Page 1U3. Stratford's correspondence proves even more than tiie accusation and trial his unbending spnit. Lingard, VoL X. p. 47. Ecsi^octing the origin of the violent proposals prmted under his namt', lu Ludlow's Memoirs, page 461, see Israeli, Vol. Hi., 24. Strafford wrote (Letters, Vol. IL p- 158) *'Iwish :^Ir. Hampden and others to his likeness were well whipped to their right senses, and if that rod be so used that it smarts not, 1 ani the more sorry." (18) Page 1U3. In a pamphlet, published at the time, we read : " There is a necessitated policy that ni\ lord of Strafford and some others should be given up, as a just sacrilice to appease the people." Israeli Comment. Vol. IV., 231. (19) Page 101. Eikon, p. 2. Charles wrote to the Queen that the unjust execution of Strafford liad drawn d^nxn the ano-er of God upon both parties. // (>rks, 3-21. (20) Page 105. Gianiiduii, Vol. IL p. l^^O. ; May, p. 119. Milton afterwards shewed (W'urks Histor. Eikonoklastes, Vol I. page 423.) that according to the ancient lau the King had no authority to dissolve a Parliament before the grievances had been heard and redressed. (21) Pane lUG. Cliarles accordingly wrote to the (^ueeii on the 26th November 1646 : " I was surprised v. ith it uistaiiiiy after I made that base unworthy concession concerning Straf- ford." Clarendon State Papers, Vol. II . p. 2*i6. (22') PaL^c 106. It was not till 1664 that the taxation of the Clergy by the Clergy tliemselves wholly ceased. Soame, Vol. III. p. 213. (23) Page 107. The Convocation was not always dissolved at the same time with the Parliament. Soame, VoL IIP p. 211. (24) Page 117. This objection nnglit also have been alleged against the House of Commons. (25) Page 11 5. Tiic Bi5.ho|is were now even it pioached with A'OTE^ TO CHAPTER !1. 203 ^ having voted against Henry VII I. 's Oath of Supremacy and Elizabeth's Act of Uniformity. A^eale, VoL IL p. 383. (26) Page 119. They remained in prison till May 1642, and then gave bad. No legal proceedings ever took place. Collier ^ p. 819; Neale, Vol. IL p. 452. Dr. Wren, Bishop of Ely, was imprisoned in September 1641, and still remained in con- finement in 1658, without any reason being alleged. Thurloc, VoL Vll. p. 622. (27) Paire 121. The suspicion was so strong, that orders were given to open all letters coming from or going to forei^-n countries. (28) Page 122. According to Monteth, p. Q^, the treaty of peace was effected in June, but the army not disbanded till Auguu. Neale, Vol. II. p. 413 ; Bapin, Vol. VIII. p. 39. (29) Page 127. See in VoL I. Chap. III. under the year 1598, the account of tiie affairs o^ Ireland. (30) Page 128. The Parliaments of 1613 and 1634 were of no importance ; nay, by the manner in wliidi the members were chosen, they were hostile to the Roman Catholics. Often, too, Irish titles were given to Englishmen, thonirh thev had no es- tates in Ireland, and they voted by proxy in the Upper House. (31) Page 135. Carey, p.p. 155, 159, 258. Our space does not allow us to relate individual instances of Strafford's arbitrary proceedings, for instance, against Mountnorris ; but Gordon, Vol. I. p. 349, is certainly in the right when he says : " Straf- ford's violence was not confined to the support of royal prero"-a- tive, but extended to personal offences, supposed to have arisen to himself." (32) Page 137. Carte, Ormonde, Vol. I. p. 165, 177. There were not so many Protestants in the country as were said to have perished. Carey, \^rl\. Some reduced the number to 2109, (Warner, p. 297) while others (Hallam, Vol. III. p. 521) esti- mate the number of those who perished at 8000, of the murdered, &CC., at 4000. Lingard, Vol. X. p. 463, estimates the number oi those who p.erished at from 4000 to 8000. i. s^^***». 204 NOTES Tu CHAPTER II (33) Pace ill. liroJie, Vul. IIL p. 203 : Laing, Voi. IH. p. -218. The Irish hung persons who would not go to mass. Sariderson, vk 459. That the EngUsh u. re not more merciiui we see from Carey, p. 440 ; Warner, p. 295 ; Curry, Vol. II. 347: Ciaiincarde, p. 95, 215, 29^: liuaiworlii, Vol. III. p. 1, 4«)G. (34) Page 158. The House of Commons demanded the dis missiii of the Governor of the Tower, and in the end gamed their pouit, though the T.ords at the beginning opposed this infringe- ment of the Royal prerogative. Pari Hist. Vol. TT. p. 932. (35' Page 162. According to Clarendi)ii and Alotteviile, Vol. XXX \ 11. p. 109, the King, on his way to the House, stopped to receive petitions, &c., in order tiiat he might not appear too hastv and ruffled. Meantime the Queen told the secret to the Countess oi Carlisle, who immediately informed the persons interested. She iiaJ been the mistress first of Strafford, after- wards of Pvm. She had become *' very hoiy,' attended the sermons of liie i-arty preachers, and rii said to have been warned that the King r NOTES TO CHAPTER ii 205 intended to have hmi arrested and brought tt) trial, which made liiiu more inclined to resist. (40) Page 192. Martin said the King's office is forfeitable, and the happiness of the kingdom does not depend on liim. Ludlow said tiie King is not worthy to be king of England. Sanderson, p. 558. (II) Page 199. Rushworth, Vol. III. p. 1, 7^3; Lingard, Vol. X. p. 187. The standard of the Parliament w^as a deep yellow ; persons using other colours were called Malignants. Yet some assumed other colours, and disputes arose till tlie Parliament interfered. Sanderson, p. 567 ^ IFhitelocke, p. 59. i CHAPTER 111. From tiie breaking out of ilie War uil the Delivery of tlie King to t\\o En dish Parliament [1042—1617.] Every impartial liistorian may venture to affirm, without difficulty or hesitation, that in the tirst years of his reign Charles him.^elt; and at the end of it, the Parliament, violated the flirm^ of law, as well as the dictates of true moderation and wisdom ; hvd it has been found more difficult to determine on wliieh side the ridit lav at the moment at which the war beo:an. For the contrary assertions that he who joined the Kim{ fought only for tyranny, and he who was on the side of the Parliament desired notliiiig but anareiiv : are not entirely true, inasmuch as we find on l)Oth sides men who believed tliat they defluided their right>, aiul f.erlormed their duty with- out any underhand motives. But the state of public affairs must be considered as affected by the most danQ:erous disease, when not merely the simple- minded and the v/ieked enter upon false ways, l)Ut even the most worthy ])ecome so violently op- posed that till' difficulties are iu)t to be removed without the dissohition of tlie whole system. The !f).|2.1 STATE OF leVilTIES. itaft V/ f genuine Eoyalists did not wdsli for absolute power, but for a reconciliation on equitable terms ; the genuine friends of the Parliament sought no revo- hilioiu but only to secure what luul been ijained. Ihit this ainu a])])arently so simple, was mixed up in the course of events witli so nuich error, selfishness, and exaggeration, that no good and wise man could approve of all that his party proposed as a laudable ol)ject, or recommended and employed as a suitable means of attaining it. Yet supposing that the reci- procal reproaches, taken singly, were of equal weight and equally well founded, it may be affirmed in gene- ral tliat, un all occasions, the party which had for the moment the greatest power likewise abused it the most. I'rom the moment therefore when the Parliament maintained that a l)ill could have Icfral validity without the assent of the Kine, it ])roceeded from just defence to unjust attack ; for winch reason even a friend of freedom says, '* From tlie beginning of the war with the King, till its dissolution by Crom- well, the Parliament performed scarcely two or three acts of public justice, humaiuty, or magnanimity, and gave \ ery few proofs of ])ublic wisdom and noble courage." They forgot that, in what had been legally granted and the general feeling of the comitrv, they had already the greatest security for the future that, iugonerab people can have no belter guarantee for their own rights tlian the recognition of those of otliers ; and that it e(|ually leads to |)eniieions conse- 208 STATE OF PAirnivS. [Chap. ITT. quences to oppose the necessary developmeiit of new lec^al and political relations, as t!ie King at lir:^! did, and to endeavour to promote tlieiu ])recipitately and bv violence, as the Parliament unquestionably did in the fecqutl. Its conduct could not ])Ut appear very dangerous the riionient that it considered revolutionary measures to be consecrated by their object, or at least allowable, such as tiie abu:.e of the freedom of speech and of the press; seditious addresses, the removal of (h rgy- meo and civil officers from their places on account of mere opmion or bare suspicion : extraordinary tri- 1)unak, the viokition of existing forms, confiscations of properly, ibrced loans, &c. ( H The zealots said that their con9cieiices were not bound by human laws, and that It was alloTvabie to deceive the weak w ith lies, to intiiuidatr the ft^arful by threats, tu entice the am- bitious by promises, and seduce the vain by flattery. Manv who loved to call tliemselves impartiab iu the end alwavs ioined the stroiigrr party; others, who pretended to Ije royalists, basely voted for laws which undermined the royal authority, under tlic pretext that Charles might refuse his sanction ; they would not foresee that this nudit of refusing Avould be contes- ted, the moment, lie attempted seriously to iruike use of it. Others jdaced tliiir enjoyments above their duties, ibr which reason Lord Falkland, in the disputes about the r)i>lii.ps, said they were hatod by their enemies more than the devib and loved by their 1642.] STATE OF iMRTlES. 209 friends less than a dinner. In the same spirit Hyde, afterwards Lord Clarendon, said, Many persons beginning with just principles and laudable wishes, gradually suffered themselves to lie led further, and soon afterwards advocated wliat they had at first disdained and abhorred. They desired to |)ronu.te peace, and destroyed it by unresisting concession, or went to their homes on the pretext that they could there be of more use ; by which their adversa- ries obtained the undisputed preponderance. Manv, he says in another place, detested all parts of this re- liellion, and deplored in their hearts the misery and ruin that was ap-proaching ; and yet these same men contributed Vvith great zccd an/l rare ability to the resolutions and decisions from wliicli the evils that filled them with liorror necessarily and ndiurally flowed, and which, after what they had already con- ceded, they could not reasonably contradict or oppose. The nobility and many iuhal)itants of the country were averse to innovation, from, (lieir altachineiit to their ancient manners and mode of thinking, or ob- served that the combat was directed in xXmi end not merely against the power of the King, but aq-ainst thai of the Aristocracy. Tlie inhabitants of tlie cities, and manv of the middle class, on the contrarv, felt very justly that a change in the state of puldic allairs to their advantage' was at hand ; but they did not per- ceive the true limits of tlie movt nient, and teared (from their experience hitherto, and with too little regard \'0L. 11. p 210 STATE OF PARTIES. [Chap. HI. I^-l^.] SITUATION OF THE KING. 211 to the present time,) far more abuse of power from above than from l)elcAv. Lastly, eacli party spoke only of defence, each denied the attack ; but it ^Yas disputable how much sliuuid and ought to be defend- ed, and uncertain when and where, in open comljat, just and successful defence would change to attack. The moment tluit tlie two Houses and the King could or would no longer seek in concert what was just and (H|uita1)le, there remained only an a|)peal, setting aside all the ^aluuiry forms of law, to the arbitrary opinions of individuals, which could not lead to a legal decision, but placed all in the hands of mere violence. But sucli a result can never be said to be wlioliv unavoidable ; on tiie contrary, the leadinc^ ideas of wisdom and foUv, ri^ht and wroni^, virtue and vice, must al}solutely be held fast, in the great movements and developments of nations, for inbtructiou, exhortation, and improvement, and a final judgment must be founded on them. For nations consist of individuals, and like them become subject to blind necessity, or rather to sin, only when they arroc^antlv reject the instructions of lii>tory, and re- nounce God and his eternal commandments. Though tlie King was convinced tluit he had a right to resist, and could not lose more by war than bv protracted concession, yet he wa> in want botli i)i men and money, and was obliged, in nund)erless in- stances, to lia\-e regard to persons and to laws; whereas in the commands of tlie Parliament no reo:ard whatever was paid to the ordinary forms, and vet, in consequence of the prevailing enthusiasm, they met with much more ready obedience. It is true that, for the reasons already mentioned, many Lords and Commoners either voluntarily, or in obedience to Charles's summons, had followed him to York, but he, and still more his court, distinguished the new comers from the earlier adherents, and manifested so little cordiality and gratitude that some angrily re- turned to the Parliament, and others entirely with- drew. This last way appeared the most w^elcome to those in particular who, amidst the directly contrary orders of the King and the Parliament, were withheld from deciding by conscientious scruples, or refrained through timidity. In the royal council, together with a change of persons, a change of opinions had taken place : thus the overzealous and rash Lord Ditjbv had lied to the Netherlands; and if some worthy men, such as Hyde and Falkland, were consulted, others often contrived to defeat their counsels ; or the warm- tempered monarch pursued, without asking advice, many things which he afterwards was obliged to let drop. In reference to this. Clarendon says, what had been resolved in full council, was often changed by the influence of partial views ; many took pleasure in raibiug difhculties, or were naturally irresolute ; the King often paid more regard to the person who gave the advice than to the advice itself and was more p 2 ) I 0| v> Pir.NCK ULPEIIT. ESSEX. [Chap. III. 16 11 J [PROPOSALS FOR PEACE. A- 1 • J ; i . frcquentiv wrong wli^'ii lir tolhnvcd others, than •\\'heii he acted on his own conviction, in mihtary affairs Prince Puipert. of the i?alatinate, the Kings nephew, ohtained great inlluence. He was hrave, and attaeiUHl to his uncle ; hii^ a. feireigner, never afTa- ble, l)ut austere and ohslmate, unwuUng to hear, often iinahk^ to judge, careless of laws, customs, civil dis- cussions, means, and measures. At the head of the Parliamentary army w^as the Eari of Essex, son of the Earl wh* vv as executed in the reie to which he had lately given his assent, woidd main- tain the Church and religion, and if he willingly failed in these particulars he would expect no aid or relief from man or jiroleetion from Heaven. Tu tins declaration the Parliament opposed one of a similar nature, in wliich they protested that nuthing wd.^ aimed at but the preservation of rights, liberty, reli- gion, and the security df his Majesty's person, lu this was added, on the 15ih of October, a new reso- lution of tiie Lowi-r House, that he who in il\i> time of danger will not act and })ay for the cause cf the Parliament bliali ])c disarmed and >ecured. All the public revenues cmnc into the treasury of the Parlia- ment, all the incomes of archhisliops, bishops, chap- ters, clergy, and delinquents w ho acted against the Parlianncnt in the (piarrt 1, were sequestrated. A lawyer named lu)untagne refusing to pay because the new demands were contrary to tlu^ luTition of rights, was, like others, imprisoned during |)leasure. Single arbitrary acts of this kind vanish, however, before the dreadful sacritices which tlie civil war already demanded on a fir diflferent and fir greater scale, in the battle of Edo:clull or Kington in War- wickshire, on the 23rd of October 1612, l)etween 5000 and 60U1) nun were killed without any decisive result being ])roduced liy the slaughter. (') Many, however, who had liglitly believed that all would end ■ 1613.] NEGOCIATIO.NS. 21r without violence and Idoodshed, were terrified ; and on the 29tli of October the Upper House made a proposal for renewing the negociations for peace. The friends of war in the House of Commons, liow^- ever, contrived to defeat it, partly ])y vehement Tietitions against peace, and partly by a dispute respecting the choice of Commissioners, and an ar- mistice, in whicli each party laid tlie blame upon the other. When, however, the ^Mayor, Aldermen, and (\)ui- mon Council of the city of London, in December 1642, again addressed Parliament and the King for the restoration of peace, both parties thought, that, in order to gain the people s minds, it would l)e proper to give friendly answ^ers and an appearance of a great de- sire of peace ; (' ) this however was not the main point, but under what conditions each party would cease from war. In his answer to the city of London, the King complained that the many disorders that liad taken i)lace there had caused him to leave the city, and prevented his return ; that able public officers liad been nnjustly dismissed by the Parliament ; the arbhrary conduct of those newly-appointed ai)proved, taxes imposed, and orders issued at variance witli his own. Lord Manchester and Pym attempted, on the 13tli of January 1643, to refute in Parhament these and shnilar accusations, and with so much success, that Charles's plan to change the opinion of the capi- tal in his favour failed. Proposals to proclaim a 3 I ^f 216 NEGOCIATIOXS. [Chap. Ill general oblivion of all oiTences relative to the war were rejected in the House of Commons by a majority of 54 to 47, and on the 1st of February tlu^ following eondition> of peace were submitted to the King : The disbandino; botli armies, the disarmincc of the Papists, the abolition of the Episcopal system, the execution of tli^' new laws, especially \hv hill upon the mihtia, the appointment or rciuu\ul of higli uHici*rr, according to the proposals of Parliament, the payment i)f debts that have 1)een contracted, a declaration of tlie inno- cence of till' five members, indemnity to the injured adherents of the Parliament, closer alliances with the Netherlands and other Protestant States, a gene- ral parduu, (Sec. The Kini?. in his answer of the 6th of February, complained in the iirbt place of tlie preamble to these proposals. It reproached him wdtli liaviiicf protected criniinaL-5, raised war, and arbitrarily violated the rights of others, whereas he was not able to protect his o\\ n. That on the contrary, before any recruiting and commencement of war, every salutary measure, and mure liuin at an v former timi% had been concetlt.'d by him, so that peace, if seriously desired, could be attended with nu (iiHicidties. Yet ho wiiuld not ex- press himself with Ijitterness, or dwell on what he had suffered, that if possible the remembrance of it inigiit be wholly lost, lb- would further (though many of tlie proposals ilid not ai^jcar to him to be admissible, and it wa.-; unparliamentary to insist u|)on them with arms in their hands) w illingiy enter on negociations. 1643.] NEGOCIATIONS. 217 in order to put an end to the misery of the unnatural war. Ibit whatever might ha])peTi or l)e decided, lie would ahvays govern according to the laws and the rights which he liad granted. Some of the above points were not mentioned in the royal answer, on others he was ready to treat; but on the understand- ing that his legal rights should not be fnrther abridged, that persons unjustly arrested should be released, or be tried in due form, and above all that an armistice should 1)0 concluded, pendimx the negociations. Many Members of the House of Commons said, tlia! no negociatioFi onght to lie commenced till the armies were disbanded, otherwise if they failed the war mioht recommence, and cndy so, the appearance would be removed, as if the King had granted some- thing, out of constraint. The Lords, on the other hand, wished to act more decisively to obtain peace, and in accordance with thoir views Rudyard said, on the 17th of February, '' 1 have long apprehended that the cup of bitterness whichhas gone roinid among all nations, would at last come to us, and that we shoidd have to drink it to the very dregs." At length the friends of peace so far triumphed, that it was re- solved to negociate for an armistice and peace, in which, according to his adversaries, Charles displayed as much calmness and patience as penetration and judgement. Uidui])pily, however, they could not agree on ihi" terms of an armistice, much less of a peace. When the Queen who had been joined, by many discontented persons, attempted to l)ring aid to lier 1%.] 218 BRISTOL TAKEN. [CiiAP. in m liiisbanil, hlie was fired upon,, at her landing, so tliat she was obliged to hide herseh', and the House of Commons went so far in its anger as to accuse her of hiixh treason. About the same time, the 26tli of June 1643, the King dissolved the ParHament, and summoned a new one to meet at Oxford. Instead of regarding this command, the House of Commons de- chared it to be null and void, and loudly complained that Charles acted so arbitrarily in contradiction to his own %vords. Meantime the war was carried on witli alternate suc- cess ; Gloucester w\as unsuccessfully besieged by the Royalists ; Bristol {') the second city of tlie kingdom, was taken by storm, on tlie 23rd of July, liy Prince Rupert ; andon the 2Utli of September, a battle was fought at Naseby, in which Ijotli [)arties suffered great loss, but neither had any decisive advantage. In one of the preceding battles, Hampden was killed, on the 2 1th of June, and Lord Falkland fell in the battle of Naseby. Clarendon considered the death of the former as very fortunate for the country : but, though Hampden luid been miore violent since the King's rash accusation than he had been before, and erroneously thought that peace wtis to be sought through all the horrors of civil war, he was, however, more moderate and noble-minded than nuiny others who afterwards rose to power : consequently bis doath was not an advan- tage to the King, and still less to the country. (') In times of great revolutions it is infinitely difficult 1643.] I UlU) FALKLAM), 219 to remain pure from every stain, and almost impos- sible to be justly appreciated by all parties. Yet this good fortune was enjoyed by Lord Falkland, whose understanding, courtesy, justice, and love of peace, were recognized by the republican Whitelocke, and to whom his friend Clarendon has erected a worthy monument. He says of him, '' Falkland was a man of such extraordinary knowledge, such inimitable courtesy and gracefulness of manner, such genuine hiiiiianiiy, such |u-im.aeval simplicity and purity of life, that this war, had it caused only the death of this iiolileinari, would have merited the execrations of all future times. Turpe jnori j)ost te, solo non posse dolore. Firm in his resolutions and in Ids reli- gious faith, but tolerant to those of a dilTcrent o])inion, exalted aliove all ordinary passions, and a zealous friend of true libertv, but for that very reason the strictest observer of the laws ; and the moment that he perceived the designs of the po|mlar leaders, a determined enemy of tbe i-ebellion. So far fiom aiming at court flivour, that he repelled, even unpo- litely, the King s advances, that no doubt might 1)e entertained of his iiulcpendent virtue, and yet, his most faithful servant, from the hour when lom^er kee])ing Ijack appeared to imply a denial of the truth, or ap])rol)atiou of wrong, or fear of WTong-doers. He always lived blameless and pure, as if he were in the republic of Plato, not among the populace of Romulus. '1 wo things he decidedly disdained, though the cor- 220 DEATH or I'YM. [Chap. III. 1643.] PAH'r\ RAGE. 221 ' ) > ! m-j. niptioii of til! iiiiies seemed to require them, namely, the empk:>yment of artful spies aiir] rleceivers, and the opening of letters. When the evil spread lie saw further and deeper into futurity than many others, and felt tlnil the complete triumph of either party would necessarilv lead to ruin. His otherwise nnaherahle cheerfulness vanished, and often, after long sitting lost in melancholy musinc:, he exclaimed \\ith a sigh ' I'eaee, peace.' Such noble sorrow broke his heroic heart, lu' wished for death, ancl fmnd it in tlie 34th year of lus age." Ten weeks after Falkland, on the Htb of December, 1743, Pyni died, at the age of GO, and as a hero of lil)erty was interred mth great magnificence in Westraiusler Abbey, near the King^ of England. (^) A monument was erected to liim, and f 10.000 granted by Tarliament to pay his debts. He had at the commencement pointed out with eloquence and penetration tlie faidts of the government, had ably proved its injustice, and assisted in liringing on a revolution. Ihit he wa^ 'destitute of judgment and energrv to cheek it at the rii>;ht moment, and was, on the contrary, so carried dway himself by the general torrent that the Kim^ \va> aide to reply to extrava- gant pro|H),>aU for iniiovaliunb by passages out of Pym's former speeches. Yet he apiH'ar> to have been as little aware as Vane, Martin, and others, that their opposition to peace was an effect of error and passion. P\in at lea>t, a >liori time before his death. printed a defence against the accusation of having promoted divisions in the Engiibh Church and acted in a condeinnable manner towards the King : *'l consider him," says he, in the defence, "'as my hivv- fid King and blaster, and am I'eady to sacritiee my life for him; never had any treasonable intentions towards him, and endeavoured to promote only the real good of the country." While it is difficult to decide how far noble senti- ments, truth, error, passion, and hypocrisy, vrere blended in the leaders of the parties, and alternately or successively preponderated, the motives ami conse- quences appear more clear in the masses and lower circles. Thus the sufferings of the war gradually extended to almost all parts of the kingdom ; for though it was not carried on with the same savage ail-destro\ iiig cruelty, as many other civil wars, yet rio iieiitrals were tolerated, and it was often thoii^lit necessary not only to break the power of the enemy but to punish his wrong conduct ; nay, in this respect, the royal party often deserved more blame than their adversaries ; at least Clarendon, after lie has spoken ill praise of 1^'alkland, says, " such w^as he, but not the others." Mistrust, discord, and jealousy among his adrierents, vexed the King. Nobody would do any- thing wdthout a rew^ard, and every rew^ard, imder the pretext thai it wa^ an alfair of honor, called forth the pretensions of many others, whereas the luiassuming were accused of incapacity and stupidity. In this ■ t'i it t _ 'H I I I l ilt i iMi ii II I m i l 4MIKE JmM ««>■ PAirrV RAGE. FINANCES. [CiiAP. ITT. 1643J THE KINGS DECLARATION. 223 maiiTier fatal disorder and nrhitrarv conduct increased ill tlie arnivof the KinLC wliile inore order, discij)line. and moderation were gradually introduced among his adversaries: so that tlie fornirr appeared to combat for justice and rccjnlarity witli the arms of anarchv. and the hitter witli ilieipline nml (e-der lor injustice and the dcstructiori of every thing good. I'liere areexam{des of the lloyalists iHeixall} hanging individual adherents of tlie Parliament; and, on the other side, of cieri^yrnt^n -wlio absolvcvi jnisoners, tliat had been released, from tlieir (^ath not to serve any more against tlie Kinic. Nay. from tlie passage m Jeremiah, (hap. xlviii. v. 10, ''('lu-sed he he that keepeth hack his swoixl from hhjed," Ih.iritau zea- lots ])roveil that every adlierent csf tlie King ought to 1)0 killed. Thus tlireatened on l)otli sides, some sent their sons and rehitiens to both armies, and saeritieeil their |)rinciples and conviction to the often deceitf d hope that they should thereby secure tliemselves at all events. There was notliinir in which the sutfer- ings caused liy a state of revolution were more evident than in thiC finances, and tin' Ikirhrtment went, in this respect, far licxond everythini!: that the King luul fornierlv ventnrt^d. (darcMdrui thercfu'e exclaims. " Eeiore the war, two subsidies, «£15lM)U(), were said to 1)0 an enormous snm : now .£1,742,936 have heen imposed." So early as November 1642^ the Parlia- ment demandedi a payment of the twentieth part of the value of ebtates. The persons appointed tu levy this tax were authorized In' the law to value, to break open chests and trunks, to take away and sell, to imprison those who I'cfused |)aym(ait so long as they thought proper, and remove their families from Lon- don and the vicinity. However, as notwithstanding such rigorous measures, this mode of direct taxation (lid not produce enough, heavy taxes on consumption were im|)osed in May 1643, and gradually extended rniil icagmentcd on beer, wine, liraiidy, eider, toliaeeo, sugar, meat, salt, satfron, starch, alum, hops, drugs, paper, leather, glass, silks. &c. C) At the same time interest at eight per cent was given upon loans, the estates of many CathoHcs and Bishops were sold, and the property of all clergymen who opposed the new laws of the Church was sequestrated. Lastly, every one who had directly or indirectly assisted the Koyal- ists, carried on their business for tliem, received them into their houses, or gone to theirs, was branded with the name of delinquent, and ])y way of punishment conipelled to pa}- the value of two years of his income. (^) In a declaration which the King published ^vitli es])ecial reference to this property-tax, he says, '* riie House of Commons arrogates to itself ail riglits. abolishes all laws, and arbitrarily disposes of persons and |)roperty , we cannot, therefore, often enough call to mind the excellent speeech of Pym, in Willi h he said, '' The law fixes the difference between geod and evil, l)etween just and unjust^ If you take THE KlNii's DKc l.ARATluN. [Chap. 111. 1643.] OFFERS OF !'i ACE. '.>•>; -J away the law. everything falls inlo confusion, and every man will be liis own lawgiver, wliicli, in the corrupt state of human nature, must necessarily lead to the crreatest disorders, envy, avarice, amhiUon, then Ijecome and give laws, of what Idud may he easitv iniagmed/' Thai llu^ ib uuw the case is manifested 1)\ melancholy examples in the whole kino-dom. anil posterity will scarcely beUeve that the same Parliament which received those sentiments with such great applause now acts m ilie same bad spirit. It once demanded that nobody should be arrested without ilie statement r,f a reason, and bhuuld in all possible cases be admitted to bail : now it allows unanthorizecl persons to imprison whom they please, for whatevt r reason, and for as long a time as thev think lit. It called our declaration respecting ilotham a breach of Parliamentary privileges, where- as it now arbitraril}- treats, accuses, and rxpels Members cf l)eth Houses. Treason, a word the meaning ef wIik h is defined by law was in its eyes no crime ; whereas it is now suihcient to call anybody a inahimant, a word, the nuAuiimx ^'t' winch none knows, to throw him inle> prison. To levy torinage and hhip-money, according to the old mannin\ but without permission of Parliament, was calh il against, peace, the first time ; but on a second vote Leiiig taken, in conseciu iioo of violent 1643.] SCOTLAxND. disputes, there appeared 88 against, and only 81 for. peace. The causes of thi:^ difference are tlt)i!l)triil. ami are ascribed, witli the greatest probability, to ^ fear for ihi:^ threats of the mob. iiut, at all events, it was a melancholy state of things when the almost accidental majoritv of a few votes decided the fate of the whole kingdom. (^^) Two days later, that is, on tlie 9th of August, a petition for peace was indeed presented by some thousand women and men in dis- guise, who Willi loud exclamations, demanded peace, saying *' (iive us the traitors who oppose peace, and the dog f\vm ;" and. as words would not appease them, they were lired upon, and w herever there was any re- sistance or attachment to the Kimx =^hewn. martial lav, was |)ut ill force, and a man, for instance, who was bringing some ol ifie King's proclamations to London was hanged. (^^) l\w Txing, as well as the Parliament, had long been extremely desirous of gaining the Scotch. They however demanded of the Kinir the introductiori of the Scotch const imiiun ui the Church into Enghuid, the persecution of the Catholics, their exclusion from the royal arm), the conversion uf the Queen, and the right i)f mediating betw^een the King and the English LarHament. Now as Charles could not |H)ssibly comply with many of these de- mands, and had no mind to agree to ethers, the Scotch and the Englisli Parliaments the more readily canie to an nndprstanding, as the geod fulune of t lie >/ OOQ SCOTLAND. [Chap. TTT. 1 643.] HAMILTON. i / "V King in tlie field, and his increasing military force, equally tlireatened both. The English rarUament, therefore, resolved uii the 5ih of July, 1GI3. to npply to the Scotch for asistance. T.or.l Grey iiaviug refused the commission to negociate, he was impri- soned, and the younger Vane, a very nhlo inaii, was placed at ihe head of the deputies. The objects of the parties were at the beginning, liowpvor, very (lilT rut. ^lany Englishmen wished for an alliance, only to eifect political purposes. The zealous 1 ' i esby- terians, on the other hand, desired iIk absolute introduction of their constitution of the Church and the adoption of the Covenant. Some Scotchmen of the King s party, such as Hamilton and others, joined in lac Icitter opinion, ni the hope of defeating the whole plan. But necessity and fear urged haste, and Vane drew up an agreement, in such a form that everybody interpreted it according to his own idea, and by which, ni the end, all were deceived. The convention drawn up in August, ini3. mil (onfiniud in Septenibvir, lor the preservation of ml wxlix^ and liberties, as well as of peace and religion, says in resprrt to the latter, " It ^ImII l)e establiNiicd accord- ing to ihe hnly Scriptures and t1ie examples of the best refoiinod rhurches ; and, if possible, contdirmity in the constiiution of the Church be intr.duced in England niul Scotland." It was likewise declared that the Kings person and authority should be defended and preserved, that the world, n^ w li as theii consciences, might bear testimony to their loyal sentiments, and see that nobody thought of lessening the King's just power and greatness. All malignants, disturbers of the peace, and those who endeavoured to separate tlic Knig froni his people, must be called to account and punished. While puritanical zealots rejected all toleration, and conside!( dt tlie impending war as a crusade, pleasing iu C od, in favor uf the only true religion, monarchical zealots, on the other hand, proposed to set a price on the heads of their adversaries, or, as was otherwise usual in Scotland, to put them to death at once. (^^) Hamilton, however, refused to have any share in such barbarous measures, which would pro- voke biiiiilar ones, and would most certainl) be disapproved by the King. The Presbyterians, \\-ho were the more powerful, gave orders, notwithstanding his objections, on the 17th of September, 1643, to the following effect :-^He who does not sign the Cove- !i am is an enemy tu God, the King, and the country ; he loses his estates, is imprisoned, and if he resists, killed. Notwitlistanding this tyrannical resolution, Hamil- ton among the Royalists, persisted in lii- resolu- tion that civil war nin>t be avoided at any rate, since in victory there was no gain, and in defeat the greatest disaster; that mildness alone could allay the fermentation of the over-heated minds of the parties. Montrose, on the contrary, affirm il that all conces- I 230 MUMliUbE. [Chap. Ill 1644.] MONTROSE. 231 s*on and loss of time strengthened the rebels, made iheiii iiioiv arrogant, and dcublrd. ajid protracted the iniseries of the | eopJe ; that in war alone, tlie just could be duiyseparafi/d Irmn the iiimist, and ii was not till after tln> unconditional submission of the re- buJ^ tliat something better migiit be esta!dl>ha I and niaudained. Tlius this war began in Scotlancf, and (witliout brarifiL{ the expected fruits,) was enrried on with >uili cruelty that towns were plundered and burn.!, and jHsoners, without distinction of age or sex, ill-treated, drowned, and hanged. (hi t hi- occasion, as usually happen ^ when party spirit runs high, the most conflieting opmiunb were given of IVTontrose, and he himself afforded ground for both. At the beginning he was such an aalirnrer and promotor of the Covenant, tliat Hamihon wrote to the King that there was none more vainly fooll^]i than lie in this respect ; and, in the sequel, all the endeavours of his old iiiends tu divert him fnan this new course were fruitless. To thi> ilofeetion, say one party, he was seduced by vanity and self- interest: without judgment and elevated principles, he atlLinptcd what was impossible, and desired to phmge his country into slavery, merely to acquire reputation. To thi:. his friends answered, inat Ir (Hi not leave the Covenanters till real lilx rty could no longer be established by them, hut onh h\ du- King ; that he had opposed tlia latter so long as ho had acted according to his own arbitrarv will but sacri- ficed himself to him and his cause the moment that misfortune overtook him, but justice was on his side. Montrose was certainly a man of invincible eon- rage, indi fatigablt perseverance, bold imagination, enthusiastic, and able to communicate his enthusiasm toothers, iiitbc quahiica, however, often ledhiin to an irregular, extravagant heroism, did not allow him calmly to appreciate means and objects, and shewed him in the light not of a distinguished general but of an able partisan, who did nut ^o liighly value the attitude of calm virtue, as the dazzling splendour of passion. 1 bus we find him open and dissembling, ge- nerous and inhuman, conscientious and indifferent in the choice of means, condescending to inferiors, and impatient towards his equals. (^^) He was also, as the times seemed to require, an ultra, wlo) w^as as ready to establish the royal authority by violent means, even by fire ami sword, as his adversaries were to destroy it. Only in him we find more entlin.- siasm in favor of individnal persons, and m ihe latter in favor of general ideas. On tlu 1 Jill of January, 1644, the Scotch auxi- liary army, under the command of Leslie, entered England, and the two kingdoms endeavoured to jus- tify, b) eircumstantial statements, their past and present proceedings.(^') 1 hi Kinc did the same, partly in printed addresses, and partly, on the 22nd of J a- nuary, at the opening of his Parliament at Oxford. C^) where two hundred Members of the House of Com- PARLIAMENT AT OXFORD. [CliAP. III. 1644.] i AKLlAxMENT AT OXFORD. 233 mons and most of the Lords assemhh d. 1 or though it wa^ afllrmed that 280 Members of the Commons were still in T.niiclon, at that time 50 Members had ahead) been expelled there, and in tlie votes at this time and in the sequel there were only once 193 Members present, but in general not more than from 120 to 150 : nay, these numbers were ofton so dimi- nished' that 30 votes decided against 24 , or 26 against 18. On the 22nd of January, 1644, there well in the House of Lords, at London, 71 absent, and only 1") [)reserif, wlii'li latter nmnlior now and then increased to 22, but at other times, was reduced to 10. nay In 5. Ab iar as numbers were concerned, the Parliament at Oxford might certainly have balanced that in London ; but the latter had more confidence and en- thusiasm. Besides, after expelling those who disap- proved its proceedings, it was more energetic and united within itself than the other, .vhere tlie* parties ofthel^oyalists, Constitutionalists, and Human Catho- lics could never agree on their objects and the means of attaining them. The King declared that he had been compelled to take up arms, aral hoped that success on his side, and repentance on the ])nn ui^ his adversaries, would restore peace. At the same time the Parliament at Oxford wrote to the Earl of Essex to propose a peace, and certify the good intentions of the Kind : the Earl, however, contented him-olf vrith bending this letter to the Parliament ni Luntlun. Lastly, the Oxfbnl Ifonso c^f Lords ealh*d upon the Scotch to join it, but received for answer that every- thing had been already duly considered, their object ^as to save the King, his posterity, and the kingdom from ruin, and they had resolved on their undertak- ing from attachment to Christianity, as well as from loyalty and tender regard for his Majesty's lionirar and safety. While the Covenanters endeavoured to justify this assertion by ingenious subtleties, the iioyalists answered that to perjury and violence they added bitter irony and wretched hypocrisy, and that Essex acted in a similar manner, who, wlnii the Queen desired to go to Bath on account of her health, refused her a safe conduct, and said he would give her one to London, where she would find the best remedies and physicians. At all events, the King was entirely disappointed iu his hopes, thai 1 )y means of a second Parliament he should either draw the first to his side or over- come it. So lomx as he did not recognize the Parlia- ment in London as such, it would not enter upon any negociation : and when he ai length consented lo do so, this concession produced no further result Nay, his own Parliament at Oxford became gradually troublesome to him, for whieh reason he prorogued it on the 16th of A|)ril. Thus, then, it was necessary to have recourse to war. Tti the north, the Royalists were defeated on the 3rd Julv 1644, at Marston Moor, In the skill of FRESH NEGOi III IONS. [CllAP Til. 1644.] ESSEX. CROMW ELL. Cromwell and the precipitation of Prince Eiipert, and were obliged to evacuate York on \\\v Uitli J ul \ ; m Scotland, on the other hand. Montrose was more Ibr- tunato. and the Kincr himself" in tiir ^ouili of !^ nLriaiiii. so that the gain or loss was nearly equal on both sides. On this account, after a long altercation, terms {)i jieace were drawn w]) hy butii Houses on the 8th of Xovembfor, and on tiio .'itali of November were laid before tlie King fj\ ileputies, who, however, were not aoithorised to enter into a neGTOciation, So that ( biarles, who was much vexed, said they nnght as ■\vell have f^iren tin,' reapers to a ]iostillion. With respect to iiie matter itself, he answered, qm the IBtli of JJecember, ihiit ifie contents of the message were m) important and various that lie could not decide at once ; but that they must first arrange what w^as necessary respecting the time, place, and manner of treat in £r. If the Ivuig was this time less eager, and appeared to shew less desire of peace, this did n.ot arise so niniefi tr»nn liis hopes ui the further eunduet id' fhe war, as from tbe circumstance that parties were gra- dually lorniinix among hiS opponents, whu bad very dilTerenii \-ie\VN and intentions witli regard \v, tfie State arid tbe (.liurcdi, from wfiitdi Cbarles expected t > tlerive the greatest advantages. Ibn-, wiili r< - spect tr> l\\^: (.dinreh, m adtlitn.)n, 10 the ('alhuiics. Episcopalians, arul Presbyterians, the Tndependentb name Ibrwnird as a hmrth poweriul party ; and witli respect to the State, the Republicans separated them- selves more and more decidedly iVom the Constitu- tional Royalists. We shall speak of this remarkable development of parties as soon as we have given some accoimt of several important resolutions of Parlia- ment. The Earl of Essex, who was at first so highly extolled for his readiness to command the army, was now suspected and calumniated by the Republican party. But for his negligence and irresolution, they said, the war would have been long since happily terminated ; but he feared a decisive victory, because he wished to maintain, if not the King, yet the nobi- lity in all their rights and dignities, and disliked and misinterpreted every advance in the salutary road oi revolution. The Scotch and the Presbyterians felt with great reason that the Earls accusers were ad- verse not only to their political but also to their the- ological views ; they therefore resolved to maintain liim in his office, notwithstanding the faults lie liad ( ' ommitted : na v , even to at t ; i c • Iv C ro m w e 1 1, . A s 1 1 1 e re were, however, no proofs sufficient to institute an enquiry into his rondnct and pnnisli lurri. iiotlifng w^as resohed upon, ami the parties threatened con- trived. fiV im able manoeuvre, to iransfor the contest to another lield far more advantageous to them. C h\ ifie fHli (if December the Paonba. ment deliberated upon the situation of the count] \. Alter iorig silence, Cromwell rose and said, tliai withmit more enerLn-tic FRESH NEGOCIATIONS. [CuAP. TIT 1644.] ESSEX CRO^SIWELL. 0-. Cromwell and the precipitation of Prince Eupei t, and -were obliged to evacuate York on tlio Uhli July ; in Scotland, on the other hand, Muntrose was m it i\ji- tunate, ami tlie Kinsrhim^df in tlio soiitli of England, so that the gain or loss ^\as nearly equal on both sides. On this account, after a long altercation, trrms of peace were drawn up by botli lluiises on the 8th of Xoveniber. and on the 30th of Nnvemlier were laid befuic ilie King b\ deputies, who, however, were not anthorised to enter into a negociation. So tliat Charles, who wa^ much vexed, said they might as Will have given the paper- to a postillion. With rei=i])eet to the matter itself, he aii^wered, uii llie 13tli of December, that the contents of the message were hO inipurtaiit and various that he could not decide at once; but that they must first arrange wliat was necessary respecting the time, place, and manner of treatinir. ft'thi: Kini^ waN ihi>iinic less eager, and appeared to >h w h^ss desire of peace, this did not arise so niueli trcnn, his hupos of the further eonduel v( tiie war, as from ilie eireunusUinee that parties were gra- dually toiinimr amuim- lu^ opponents, wii«j liad very ditfereut vie\\^^ ruul inten,tions willi regard to the State and the Chureh, tVoni which (duirles expected to derive the q^reatest advantages. Thri-, witli re- spect to tile (IuutIi, m addition to the Catholics, Episcopalians, and Pre^lJ\ terians, tlie Independents came forward as a fourth (^nverfid parte : ant! wiiii respect to the State, the Republicans separated them- selves more and more decidedly irom the Constitn- tionai Royalists. We shall speak of this remarkable development of parties as soon as w^e have given some account of several important resolutions of Parlia- ment. The Earl of Essex, wim was at first so highly extolled for his readiness to command the army, was now suspected and calumniated by the Eepublican party. But for his negligence and irresolution, they said, the war would have been long since happily terminated ; but he feared a decisive victory, because lic wished to maintain, if not liic kmg, yet the nobi- lity in all their rights and dignities, and disliked and misinterpreted every advance in ilic salutary road of revolution. The Scotch and the Presbyterians felt wuh great reason thai the EarVs accusers were ad- verse not only to their p«olitical Ijut also to their the- ological \ iews ; they therefore resolved to nuiiutain him in Ins office, notwithstanding the faults he had ecaiimitted : nay, even to attack Cromw^ell. As thiere were, however, no proofs sufficient to institute an enfiiiiry iiUie Ids conduct and punish Inm, nothing wa- lesolved upon, and the parties threatened con- trived, by an aide manoeuvre, lo transfer the contest to another field far more advantageous to them. On ilu= !hh of" December the Paj-ln-unent i.leli}..Ka*ated upon the situation of the country. After long silence, Ln.cp.ivu n rose and said, that withe'iii more energetic 236 I! CROMWELL. [Chap. III. and speedy measures, ii was impossible to iuresee an end to tlic misery of the nation. The people, he saiil were really tired of iiic w ar, and believed that the Members of Parliament wli) lii Id liiuli posts prolonged the present state ui t lungs for their own interest. (^^) Unless another method were adopted, they would be compelled to a dishonourable peace. This speech led Mr. Zouch Tate, probably in conse- quence uf a previous understanding, to move thai ail Members of Parliament should be excluded from commands an l offices. In order to proceed to the discussion «)f so important a question, in a proper frame of iiiind, a general fast was ordered, and very loiiir sermons were delivered before the Parliament, in whioh, ilio ( 'iorcy vehemently reproached all par- ties without exception ; on which account Sir Henry A aiie afterw^irds said that they were inspired by the 11-1} Ghost. Cromwell, speaking more plainly, now declared that the wholr arinv imist ])e new modelled; that there was no want of able officers to supply the places of those who were to he dismissed. In favor of tliose i)roposals, it wa^ alleged, that iIil) did away whli (ill siispieion of interested views, that they mani- fested a generous disinterestedness, and |rnt uu end to the injurious iniion of iiriritary and civil diumities; that serviceable and able men would Ijo (mind out c f Parliament, who would be the more obliueil tit obey l)eeause they were not connected witli ariv \niriv m Parliament, and could not derive advantage from being SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. 237 ■ 1644.] themselves Members. To thi^ it was replied, that it was unexampled and injudicious suddenly to remove irom all | iiblic offices the ablest and most worthy men. on the ground of empty pretexts or unjust sus- picion ; that the Members of Parliament were, on the contrarv, the most ready to obey it, and were the most readily obeyed; but that, if it was thought un- .,(]y]c;able for them to be long absent from London, they should at most fill up their places by new elec- tions, but not pronounce a kind of degrading sentence upon them all. Notwithstanding these objections, the self-denying ordinance, as it was called, passed the Lower House : to the effect that all Members of both iiouses who have obtained civil or military offices since the 20th of November 1640, shall lay them down w^ithin forty days. The first plan, w^hich forbad the acceptance or transfer of such offices for the future, was more con- sistent ; but it was laid aside, because it was contrarv to the secret plans of the leading persons : for they cared little or nothing for all the reasons that had been alleged ; their object was at this moment only 10 get all the powder into their owm hands, and ruin the Earl of Essex and his Presbyterian party. Hi- friends perceiving this, raised a violent debate in the House of Commons m order to obtain an exception from the rule in his favour, but were defeated by a majority of 100 to 93. This, however, did not decide the con- test, wiiieli was renewed with greater vehemence in 238 SELF-J)ENVlNa ORDINANCE. [Chat. 11 the Tpper Hon>e. The Lonl- declartcl on the 7th of January Uil5, that this law woiiki caiuse the greatest confusion in these tronblesome danc^erous times, especially in the army, and therefore it would be advisable^ only to remove some individuals, and sucli a^ were incapable, but nut to declare all incapa- ble. Tlie resolution, l)esides, was contrary to the treaty witli Seotlaiul, and its consequences were by no means the same lor the Members of both Houses: for iiiivumorable ('oiniiioiicrs would remain in olliees, and be able to obtain theni in. future; all l^ords, however, would bo wind]}" excluded from ofFiec anid their active inthience entirely destroyed. The House of Comnnins was the more displeased at this resistance in tlie U])por House, as it had ac- customed itsi'lf LH-aihiall}" to pay less and less regard to it. it diil not indeed revert to a former unconsti- tntiona] |;a'opo-^al of Pyni. to thie effect that tlio fiuijo- rity of the House of Commons and the minority of the House of Lords eoulil take a resolutitai. valid for both Houses ; but it declared, on the IHh of January, that the manner in winch the House of bords had discus.^ed the bill, and r-'tiuiied it without amend- ments, was a breach of its ])rivileges. The Upper House justly disregarded so unfounded a reproach, and answered, it did not intrnd to mabe any amend- ments, but to reject the whole law, which it wa^ iuJly competent to do. It had, however, assigned reasons for tins proceeding, because the Commons had blamed nni.] bELK-l)EXMX(J ORDNANCE. 23! I the rejection of former l)ills without its having done so; that the expression of the Commons respecting a breach of their privilege was the more unreasonable, as the Lords had always respected their ridits, even at the expense of their own. After receiving this answer, the whole House of Commons went up to the Peers to persuade them speedily to pass the bill ; but this very unusual course of proceeding did not succeed, and only served to shew more clearly the difference of views and objects in the two Houses. Under these circumstances, some over-zealous persons desired an immediate and entire breach; but the more prudent and penetrating, who had seen in the discussions relative lo the Earl of Essex how precarious matters were even in tlie House of Commons and still more in the country, were of opinion, that the object might be more easily obtained by far words and |)romises. Partly from conviction, and partly as a stratagem, the House of Commons declared, on the 25t]i of March, '' We reject and detest the thought of de- stroying the Upper House, for such a plan is contrary to t1]e laws of nature, to the ancient and laudable customs of all nations, to reason and to relii^ion. We hope that no other proof is necessary to satisfy your Lordships, than to lell \o\\ fhat the Members of the House of Commons are Gentlemen. Ihey consider themselves as honvA hy the laws of the kingdom, liy their own lepeated declarations, and Ijy the Cuve- { i 240 SELF-DENYING OllblNANC E. [ChAP. TTT. naiit, to p^o^elTe and defeiul the Peerage, aiitl all llie rights of the Upper House as imieh as tlu-ir own." Tranqiiillized by such solemn promises, or per- suaded oF the inutility of t'urilier resistance, the Upper House at lengtli unanimously passed the Bill, on the Srd of April 1645. r) Three days before, Essex had resigned the chief command, either for similar reasons, or because he dirl not approve ilie furtlier eeiir.-,c of tlie revolution and of the war. However, tr^ appease him and his party, an anmi;il incoiue of ot 10,000 from the confiscated estates, was granted to him, as a reward for his great services. {'') Sir Thomas Fairfax, who had hitherto been at the head nf the second Parliamentary army, and who was not affected by the self-denying ordinance, succeeded the Earl of Essex ; l)iit Cromwell being a Member of Parlianient. ouuht wholly to have resigned his post. Some persons considered him as indispensable, and still niore liad pivsnioted the whule plan only with the view of inimechately maldng a decided important exception in his case. On the 27tli of Pebinary, before that ordinance was agreed in by the House of Lords, the Commons prolonged his post m the army for some months. St. John, it is true, declared on this occasion, that if, rdt r the expiration of tliat time, 11) 1 tin r person insisted on the strict observance of the law, he would. Yet neither he nor any other mentioned the subject ; on the contrary, new proh rn 10M5.] SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE. 241 gations of his comnuvnd succeeded, till at length no furtlier notice was taken. TMiile one party extolled this law as hidily neces- sary and wdse, as a most noble action, nay, as an unexampled and wonderful event, a second party declared that it was the most rash, dangerous, and unjust resolution that nny Parliament had ever passed. As by Charles's giving up the right to dissolve it, all the powder must fall into its hands, the Parliament by the self-denying ordinance in truth sacrificed itself, and created in the army a power which w ould be the greater and more independent, because Fair- fax and Cromw^ell obtained the right of directing the levies of recruits, and of appointing all the oiiicers, even the colonels. ('') For the confirmation of everything done by them, w liieh the Parliament liad reserved to itself, soon became a mere formality. This remarkable turn and change, witli respect to the temporal powder and predominance, cannot be fidl) eoinprehended till w^e examine the course of ecclesiastical and rehgious affairs. The En^^lish revolution dillurs from most otliers, and is doubly Interesting and instructive, from tlie circumstance that it is by no means external force which excites, impels, and decides ; but that tlioudits everywhere manifest themselves, and all has a reference to ideas, and this not merely in the temporal matters of state and policy, Inat also in spiritual affairs of doctrine and ehureh (hcipline. Thus, we find almost all VOL, II. H ^ THE CiJURCil. CliAP» 111, \6i5.\ THE rifi:Rcir. 213 3 possible gradations, from ultra "RoyalistN and vdtra Catholics, to unbridled Anarcliists and believers in the millennium; and each of these gradations (so bliml are vanity and arrogance) was considered by its advo- cates as absolutelv true, of eternal duration, wliile thev reiec ted and condemned whatever diilered from it m howover trifling a degree. They did not see. they did rut even presage, liiat as the rapid revolution of things drove them from the lowest depression to tlie o-reatest elevation, from oppression to power, they must incessantly culmniate and sink again. The struggle between ilie Catholics and Protes- tants in general iippeared to both parties to l)e long since ended in theory, andilie use c»f vujlince towards those who persevered in wilful blindness was not onlv iH'rmitted, hut justified. Kay, setting aside ail other reasons, toleratic n was impossible, because the narty which o:raiiti(l it, while the other refused, would alwavs have the disadvantage. The contest against tlie Catholics was followevl b\ that against the Epi^co[)al constitution.. Without regard to the above mentlonid ecpiivocal expression in tlio treaty with the Scotch, it was rejected in October, K"' 13, and everything deter- mined according to the opinions of the Puritanu-il majority of the IloUbC of Commons. Accordingly, a law was passed that all paintings, statues, stone altars, lattice work, chandoliers, fonts, crosses, ( ha- lices, organs, ornamental iioors and wiii'lows, shoulil be reniovul from the churches. Naturally enough. the popidace went 1)eyond tho directions of the violent legislators, and an indiscriminate destruction of images succeeded, in which, especially the tombs of Bishops and Kings, nay, all historical monuments placed in the sanctuaries of religion, were treated as worthy of destruction. The beards, noses, fingers, and arms of tlie statues were broken off, crowns torn away, organs demolished and the pipes melted into bidlets, w indows broken, inscriptions effaced, oriic unworthy mdivichial.^ among them, yet (/oilier is perhaps right when he affirms that tlie Presbyterians expelled far more at tiu^ time than tlie Papists had done under ^laiy, and the Bishops under hdizabeih. All this was. of course, recommended and approved from tlie pulpit. Thus, Steplien Miirbhaii said in a sernifju. " Wd.at >oldier's heart is not apjkdled iit the tlioimht of piercing little childnai in a conquered city, or of lujldinir them up bv the leu's and dashimx their heads airainst the wall i Put if tliis work is done to avenge God's church (the Presbyterians) u|h)!i Babylon (the church of England), happv is he that taketli the liltk^ ones and dasheth them against the stones." This increaMMJ intolerance was manifested towards no individual with more violence than Archbishop Land, who had been imprisoned for three years, and was almost forgotten. " Poor Canterbury," so Baillie, i 1645.] ARCHBISHOP LAUD. the Scotch clergyman, writes, ^'is so contemptible that nobody thinks of him ; lie was only a ring in Strat- ford's ear." Yet, chiefly to please the Scotch, the |.roceedings against the old Bishop were now resumed by the Parliament, and very unjustly placed under the direction of his old adversary Prynne. His enemies now possessed the power (as he formerly liad), and took care to exercise it. The main accusa- tion, that lie liad attempted to overthrow the laws, religion, cind the rights of Parliament, was divided into numerous branches, which we have not space to detail. Laud defmded himself with boldness, acute- ness, and wit ; nay, he spoke rather as an accuser, than su1)missively and asking favor. '^ To err." said he, " is human : even Parliaments have erred, and still do err. A definite answer cannot be given to indetinite accusations ; and, besides, trifles are enu- merated which 1 have long since forgotten. Li tlie council and the convocation, 1 only joined the majo- rity ; and in the question on the right of taxation, yielded to the decision of the judges. The laws lela- tive to the press did not originate with me ; nor did I ever favor the introduction of popish books. 1 by no means desired to increase beyond proper bounds the power of the clergy, but only to protect them from Ijemg arbitj-arily treated Ijy the laity. Certain ecclesiastical usages, such as images, crosses, bowin^^- at the name of Jesus, &c., I do not consider to bo absolutely coudemuable. Of my design to re-intro- ^. Ill (luce Popery, tliere are indeed many proofs ! Tliiis, for instance, I liave converted lionianisls to the Pro- testant reliirion, have written a book against Popery, introduced the oath of ohjuration, twice refused a CardmaFs hat, cVc. ^lo the rei)roaeh th.a! T consider the Ponii.^h chiircli as a church, 1 an^wur, Y'es ; because it adopts all tlie essential principles of Chns- tianitv I consider if as such, though not a-: a periectly orthodox church. Salvation and redemption are possi])lc ill both churches ; and i have wished that the diilt rences in Christendom migiit 1)0 reconciled, so that truth and piety should not suffer." Thoutdi this truly Christian declaration at that time gave the greatest offence, and evervtlriuu* v/as represented in the most unfavorable light, the judges declared, on the 17th December, inli, ihat they could not iind the Archbishop guilty of treason, and left the decision to the House of Lords. ThA- latti r communicated the difficuUy that had arisen to tlie Lower House, which answered, That i here was in the firbt I'huH', treason against the King, on which the inferior tribunals decide according to the law ; se- condly, trt^ason again-t the kingdom, on whicli tlie Parliament decided. However, as in the case of Strafford's trial the form of the proceeding was changed into a Ijill of attainder, wdiich was passed on the 4th Jaimary, 1G45, by the House of Lords ; and with mucli difliculty Ids petition was acceded to that he might not be hanged and fiuartered, but only 1645.] ARCHBISirOP LAUD, 247 beheaded. A pardon granted to the xirchbishop by the King, dated the 12th of April 1643, w^as over- ruled and rejected. On the 10th January, Laud ascended the scaffold, and acknowdedged that he was a great sinner, but that he had never endeavoured to subvert the laws of the realm, or change the Protes- tant religion into Popish superstition, and that he had not done anything deserving death, according to the laws of the kingdom. He thanked God for suffering him to die for his honor : prayed for the hap- piness of the King, the restoration of the Church to truth, peace, and prosperity; for the Parliament accor- tiiiig to its ancient and just power; and that tlu3 unhappy and distracted nation might penitently cease Irom war and bloodshed, and enjoy its hereditary rights and lawfid liberties. Now, said he, the blind lead tlie blind, and all will fall into the ditch. As others would not honor the images which the Kimx set up, 1 will not worship the vain phantoms which the p^eople invent, nor will I abandon the temple and the truth of God to follow tlie bleating of Jcroljoam's calves in 13an and Bethel. I am no enemy to Par- liaments, and acknowdedge their utility; l)ut corri(ptio (qttimi est pessirna. For my part, I freely forgive everybody." Laud submitted to the fatal stroke witli courage and composure. Immediately before him, Hothain was executed, wlio first accused Laud in Parliament. The trial and tin,^ condemnation of Laud is much jji 248 LAUD. THE C'ENbOilSllIi-'. [CiiAr>. Iff. less to I)e excused ilian tluit of the (langeroiis and powerful Lord StralTonJ ; lur the single pointb laid to his eharsre ap|)ear to lie mere trifles, and the vague rei'roach of overthrowing the coiibtilulioii, in cliurch and stati', he might hav(^ flung hack witli double force upon his accusers. They, besides, never attcml- ed the proceedings and examination nf the witnesses, liut decided in tlii- lAjwer House entirely afu;r the re|)re^entation.s uf than r counsel; and of the Lord^, there were never more tlian fourteen present at the trial ; and at the passing of the sentence only twelve, or, as others say, only seven. (^^) Except the S|)eaker, not a single member had attendeil the trial Iroiii the hegiiiiiing to the end. That an eld man, seventy-two years of age, who was wholly |)owerless, was brought to the scaffohf, after the overthrow of the Episcopal system, and feur years' imprisonmenl, witii the violation el" ><> many legal forms, an 1 without any motives of poliiieal necessitv, w^as n I'VinA' rif tJu' lA'unl passion ef tlie pretended tiefenders of liberty, justice, and law. They con.ld not. or wT)uiil not see. what di SG:raro they prepared for their own reputation, and what honor for the archbishop, h.v thus raising inm to the diunity of a martyr. Loud complaints of thii- and otlier despotic acts being made, the l^irliament, fonowuig ilie course which it had ])lamed in its opponents, again madr tlie censorship of the press more severe; butwab notable lr?1').l ASSEMBLY AT WESTMINSTER. «Ha» I. %^ thereby to restrain its excesses, mucli ie-s to repress arbitrary proceedings of another kmd. After such 1)itter censures, nay condemnations, of the late order and liieiplmc of the chureln the people thought tlieni- selves entitled to interfere, and to act in their manner. lience tile above mentioned image-breaking, interrup- tions of divine worship, the formation of small assem- blies, and the preaching of ignorant and unauthorised persons. If th^ Bishops, said they, have so long troubled themselves about leather, salt, and boap, artisans may surely apply mind and heart to ilie ehureii and divme worship, and order these matters according to their own conviction. The persons in power felt that they had liiiherto pulled down more than they had built up ; and that, after the destruetiun uf all the ancient ecclesiastical institutions, new laws were absolutely necessar} . For tiii,^ purpose the Parliament summoned an assembly to Westminster, so early as the 1st of July, 1643, and appointed to form it, ten fiords, twenty Commoners, and one hundred and twenty clergymen from the several counlies. The King at that time opposed the measure, because such a convocation ought to proceed from him only. Others had l/himed the unusual mixture of clergy aud laity. Others, that iiu free choice was permitted, and ilicil the fniiiud overthrow ef the church was intended. Thougli, (or these and similar reasons, many of the persons summoned kept away, (^^) the majorky w ho- i fi vi 250 ASSEMnL\ AT WESTMINSTKU^ rCHAl>. III. ever appeared, and siil)initted to an extremely import-^ ant decision, VIZ. : tliat the assembly ('i' the clrrgy was only delii)crativo, and that the temporal Parlia- ment was tlic sn|)eriur arithunty, wliirh liad, in all cases, the right to confirm and decide. 'lhi> prin- ciple was indeed eontrarv tfj the doctrines of the Puritans ; but as they were now 1 1\ far more numerous than their adversaries, l>fak m Parliament and in tiie assembiv, th* v raised no dispute upon this point, which woiiKi hav<' been only tu the advantage of their opponents, or tliey explained thi^ nieaniiig to })e that the ParUanient was to iuterlere only in ease of complaints of illegal proceedings. ('-) Some of the Episcopal partv, whom the:' Perliamont liad oil! (d" compliment nominated members oi the asseml)ly, eitlier declined the simimons at th,e verv hr^t, (a* lliu.b Imz thev could elTect nothing, were soon tired and staid aw^ay. Ent when the Presbyterinns affiniied that their system alone was true, and alone founded on divine riaht, and wi^he-d to enhvrce it vvilli the utmobt rigour, and to it- full I'xtent, a very violent opposition arose. In tlie end, however, the majority of wdrich we have spoken carried ilieir poln,t, and Paillie, in a tit of btrange enthusiasin. exclaimed, ^' That mubt surely be a divine cause, whieli nieii of sueli ditTerent opinions so vehemently op|)osed : " though, m another p-lace, lie confessed that file h.)!ig debates often ended with loud and indecent cries* 1015.] ASSEMBLY AI \VE;Si MINSTER. 251 At length, en the -Ith of January. IG45, a fcnvdays before the execoition of Laud, it was resolved that the f.eiek of common prayer sliouKl he laid aside ; the furrii of iUvine worsliip hitherto observed should be abohbhed; and a new din^ctoiw, wlriidi Iiad been iniiu d by tlic assembly of divines, a creed, a cate- chism, and a scheme c f a Presbyterian constitution (.f llir^ church, were drawn up. In the creed all was nn striti Talvinistic principles, and peculiar stress was laid on the doctrine of predestination. The introdnetionto the directory complained that the oldhtiugy tended to popery, that too many prayers and ceremonies were prescribed, and thus the idleness of the clergy was encouraged, and the people deterred from attrnding divine worship. The book itself treats of the congregation, of behaviour during divine service, of reading the scriptures, praying, preaching, baptism, the communion, marriage, observance of ilie sabbath, fast days, bnu iab &c. It was left to a future general assembly to decide a t^uestion which w\as stated to 1)0 of 1 lie liighest importance, namely, whether there had been at Ephesus a classical presbytery, and in. Jcrnsalom a simple congregation. Many of tlie (M fornib and arrangements, such as crosses, altars, aoid confessions of the sich, were abolished. *' Koliody shall write or preach agaiubt tlie new ordinances; he wlio shall in future use the old common prayer book either in the chureli or in pubhc plaee>, Uciy even in his own house and family, shall pay for the iiibi b 95'-^ THE FREhDYTERlANS. [Chap. ill. If] 1.1 THE INDEPENDENTS. 253 offence £o, ibr the second i^lO, ami ior tlii- thin! be imprisoned tur a year, and not allowed to give bail. The ehureh having the ri^ht of the keys. may. t}irou<.^h U.^ priests, clas.^e^. and synods, censure, remove, depose, and excommnnicate." Ill thi„ manner the Presbyterians had, in, their opinion, obtained a complete victory ; liut. at the very mormmt when they were rejoicing at h and prn» claimed it ahaid, the real power, as n^^nally ha|ipens in revolutions, hail already passed into other hands. So long as the only question was a contest against ^^. Papists and Episcopalians, there appeared to be scarcely any difference among the assailants, and this contribuii'd to their vietory. Now, however, tliat tlie Puritans wished to enforce their ]nanei|'le^ i\hh liie same partiality as those whuni the) had overetiine had iiuue before, many really liheral-mind- d men resisted this practical tyranny and were equaiiy ready m adducing theoretical arguments in support of their assertions. As the Christian ehureh, they said, had ill th.e hrst centuries very natural]} passed from the constitution of simple priesthood to the more ari^iucratical institution ei bishops (^^> and as the monarchical |)rineiple had subsequent! \ obtained the prepundu-ance in [iopery, so it would not lie- [a-opH'r, since tlie Eeformation is takinu; a contrary course, to sto|) liaU-way, and they |iressed on to the extreme pumt, in order, after a I'uU view nf tli. wliole, to retnrn lu and hold fa^t what, lu liie Iji'st of their luiowledge ami conscience was most suitable to tlie age and to the people; and as religious and political affairs in England were now so essentiall} lileiided together, there ought to be some gradations in the farmer as in the latter. After renouncing the aiitliority of the monarchical pope, the Iligli Church thought that it head fonnd the only true constitution of the church in an imlimited aristocracy , whereas the Presbyterians rejected all rights, dignities, and^ gra- dations belonging to individuals, and indicated the more democratical tendency, in admitting laymen t o a share in the government of the church. On the other hand, hiowever, they not only separated the church from the state, but in fact placed it above it, and reconstructed the hierarchy, in as much as they placed classes, synods, and general assemblies one above the other, to which the legislative and judi- cial authuiiiy belonged, and which everybody was bound absolutely to obey. Irritated by the unconditiunai ciainib uf the Purl- ^ tans, and excluded from all toleration, the Indepen- dents now opposed them, and alhrnied that it was quite the same thing whetlur Christendom was tyianniNed ovi r by a pope, twenty bishops, or a thousand priests ; and tlius an external union and slavi>!i subordiriation. was lujt (»nlv nnnecessarv in spiritual ( liristianity, but was also contrary to ( hns- tian hdna'tv : that everv Christian congregatieai was in itself a complete perfect churcli, which wa.s, im- t'\ mm X^^t ERASTIANS. I.K\' KLL KRS. [Chap, Iff 1615.] TOLKRATiuN. •^AO Biediatelv and independentlv of otlicr cluirelies, under Christ (-M, l)v whicli, houAAA^r. the idea of a liiiivcrsnl Christian cliiircli, in a truly spiritual sense (-'') was not abolished; only it was raaiiitained that no ecclesi- astical constitution was absolutely of divine nistitution. This systtan appeared to depart as far as possible from the Catholic idea, which seeks to esta])Hsh and maintain unity in spiritual aJlaiiA by externa! firms and a connnon government ; and yet, in tliis nu)de of considering and eoueluding, an im|)ortant step still remained to be taken : for the congreixation had or neediAi a (diureh tiovernment, and might tyrannise over the individual members. Aeconlingly the Erastiansf-'') rejected all chureli governmiAit whatever (because it always aettd on partial principlus, and endt avonrcd to eutbrce them), aial assigned onh" to tlie state tlie superintendence of all religions comnni- nitie-., nierelv however witfi regard to oubhr safetv "• CD I ^ and order. (^') Lastly, appeared thc^ Le\ ellers, at the fiirthest extreme of the conrsp we liave pointed ont : since they did not, like the Presbyterians, stop at the inde])endence of a national ehuri'li with a connected organization ; or, like the Independents, at tliat of the several congregations P) ; 1)ut claimed for ivory individual an absolute right of self-government in religions matters, w^ithout denying that a similarity of sentiments might lead to a natural union. Tn connection veitli these religious views, jiolitical notions, as we have observed, were developed , and if the Episcopalians generally promoted uailimited nK)narchy, and the Puritans an essential limitation of it, the Independents for tlie most part recom- mended, and eudeavouied to obtain, a lepublican constitution (- ) ; and the Levellers were in danger of rejecting civil as well as ecclesiastical authority, and of running into pure anarchy (''*'). ISo much we have premised as a | I'climinaiy general sketch of the character of the several parties which, in a narrow space and in a short time, set up in theory almost every possible system, and endea- voured to call them practically into existence. An iua- partial appreciation of them would probably shew that in each of them there was an element of truth, v/liich miuht have been cultivated and employed to advan- tage, and the absolute rejection of which always called forth the opposite tendency, and let! to un- thristian q^uarrels. On the other hand, ni every system and in every form, error manifests itself as soon as a p-arty proclaims its own opinion an infedliljle truth, positively condemns every departure Iroin it, and at one time tyrannises under tlie |)retext of the general hnv. at anotlier dissolves all public order under ih.e |a'etext uf personal liberty. At that time tlie victorious Presbvterians consi- iiereti themselves as the only true divine church, the only nne ai^reeable to God, and stigmatised all |iersons who entertained dilierent sentiments as iiamnable heretics. The latter, however thev dif- n M i 256 SATIRE ON SECTARIANISM. [Chap. III. IGi^.} DISPUTES OF THE SECTS. 2 'J i fered in otlier re>peets, agreed iliat sucli discre[)aneies are natural ; tliat ilherty of conscience is an inalien- able rii^ht ; and tliat it is the indispensable duty uf every one tu enquire and decide for himself m matters of relidon. Though tin' Puritan.^ bad formerly argued in a similar nianniM; in opposition to the bishops, they now answered. There is only om' iiiith, and God 1-5 to Ijc worshipped in spirit and in truth. Laxitv in prineirles is closely ciavnected with an immural way of life; unity of faith edifies;exah>, and preserves ; whereas sects produce only ridicuK' and tjis- solution of all religion. The human iiund is certainly disposed to such deviations from the right patli ; lait, for that reason, requires to be always hd int > it, and compelled strictly to abiilc by it. Vavw popery docs not appear so reprchensdjle as this labyrith of >ects and divisions, where reason is renonnced. piety trod- den under toot, and Chri^^i cruciiied afrcbli. In a .^atire, which of course loohs only at tlie extreme exaggeration uf thubu limes, i> tlie ibllowing pa>saire :—" These are Mtmakers who can soundly deal with the Idoekhcads and neutral deuu-castors of the world; cobblers wlio can give good rules for upriizht walkers, and liairile scripture tea bristle; coachmen who knon- how lu hi-h the bea^tly enormi- ties, and curb liie lieadiong insolences of this brutibh a^J-e stoutlv exhortimr la^ to stand u]» for the truth, lest thewherl id* destruetion rouuilly uverrun u^. We have weavers tliat can sweetly nSoxm us of the shut- tle swiftness of the times, and practically tread out the vicissitude of all sublunary things, till the w^eb of our life !)e cot off. Here are meclianics of my pro- fession who can separate the prices of salvation from those of damnation, measure out every man^s portion, and cut it out by a thread, substantially pressing the points till they have fashionably filled up their work witli a wadl-bottomed conclusion." In such a general excitement and perturbation uf the people there cannot fail lu be much that is ridi- culous and absuril : or an inspiration, ar1.)itrarily taken for granted, is to siq)plythe deficiency of all knowledge and learning. ('\) But if the latter, disre^ardinir its own dignity and value, indulges in an intolerant and subtle love of disputation, or converts religion into a cold mysterious doctrine iA aljstract ]H}tions, the people. With a right feeling of the existing deficiencies, draw of themselves from the spring whicli is withheld from them. 1)ut trouljle it by unrestricted eagerness, till wiser guides recover and deserve their confidence. It nuist be allow^ed tluat individuals resisted Church discipline that they might be able to sm more at their ease, and, from tlieir attacks on human institu- tions, came to deny tlie fundamental doctrines of Christianity; {^~) but, on the whole, these errors were avouled, ami the new^ extravagancies were, for the most part, the natural reaction of the former tyranny. 11 the Presbyterians eom|'lained that the Indepen- dents, by their many ulyections, unhappily checked \ UL. 11. g 25b DISPUTES OF THE SECTS [ChAP. III. the rapid progress of the As^eiiibly at Westiniiistcr, and yet would not submit their own system to ex- amination, the latter miglit answer, if there were no opposition, the ambitious majority might have acted with still crreater partialitv and precipitation ; and it was contrary to their peculiar princiides to attempt to obtain for anv system ;:ib>.o!ute in'cdominance inul recognition, or absolute condemnation. Therefore it was and is of little importance what the liuicpen- dents themselves taught on any particular point, but that they maintained the iilea of Christian lilierty, toleration, and Churcli government, in a new and highly important manner ; nay, tluit they ]>iaeed it at the head of their whole system. It is true that they contradicted themselve>, inasmuch as thry more or less excluded Ilomanists and Episco})alians from this toleration ; this exception, however, was foimdecl chiitly on the circumstance that tliese set up unliraititl claims, and that politieal reasons had es- sential inilucnce. ('') It wa;. only by degrees that Chillingworth, Hale, Locke, &c. freed the doctrine of the I iidepenilent:. irom detects and exaggeration ; and no stni>il}le person ought now to deny that the tole- ration of ditlerent religious views does not necessarily originate in general indifference, but ctow^ up (uit of Christian, charity, and may and ought to be practised bv every state and every Church, withtiut thereby imderminmg or prcventiog its own iirm fixed con- viction. IGJal MISERY OF THE COUNTRY, 259 'Jhough th.e Independents were not a])]e to get their views adopted in the Assembly at Westminster, tliey met with mncli a])probation among tlie people, and even in Parliament. And thus the Presbyterians found th.at ihenr apparently absolute victory availed them nothing, because the House of Commons did, not confirm their resolutions, and the people did not voluntarily adopt and carry them into effect. The heads of tlio Presbyterians, Hollis, Long, Waller, &c. fl)und themselves overpowered Ijy the enthusiasm and worldix wisdom of their opponents, Cromwell Yane, Whitelocke, Selden. Fiennes, St. John, Haslerig, and Martin; and the self-denying ordinance was for the latter not merely a political but a theological victory, becauseabove two-tliirds of the officers and most of the soldiers in the ncwi) -formed army were of the party i 1 1 he I u dependents. (^^) In ihi5 divided oppositioji l,M^!h piarties needed a mediator or an ally. Hence the King acquired new impoitance, and he thought that the disunion of his adversaries woidd enable him to become master of them all; though the events of the war had not led to any positive superiority but to misery of all kinds. Keee^i^ity and arrogance served equally as an occa- sion or pretext f,r acts of plunder and violence, whence an acute observer says, ^' ihe vexatious austerity of the Puritans was no less oppressive than the boastful licentiousness of many Royalists." Q') The one party plundered iu the name of God, the s2 . ft I <} Lft)U MlSEilV OF THE COl NTRY, [Chap. III. otlicr in the name iA tlie Kietx- On both sides tiie people'^ iiiiiia^ uere agitated by the most powerful motives: liberty, religion, bnv. iovo of tbe King and of tbe eountry. No one daitnl to remain nenlral; though, 'd^i we have saia, not merely the timiil and selfish wuuid wilbngly luive witlidrawn, bnt even the most n.ohle-minrird inen scarcely hncw what partv to joim or bow they shoubl lead evrry thing to a middle and moderate eonrse. Even a zealous advocat.' of the Parliament. Caolonrl TTvitehinson. complains of those times, and savs^^'' The bubUers wor.^ often without pay andbh d ; amb after manftdly Bupportimr the greatest har(!>bips. endeavoured to iiiibninifv thtm^elves. On the other hand, persons . who had been injured oftin presentt d biL-e and ex- aggerated stdtcmcnl^ of ibr b)N:. tboy bad Mi>taineib irbecpiently happened that everybody wanted to talk and to cummand in everyplace and on every subjeet, wbile none would obey. The qu^et and welbdi5po5ed v. ere suspected and eahunniatc^d, and evervthing was interiupted, impeded, anal misinter- pretocb Even ui ibu places occupied i)y ibo Parba- ment evil pestiferous parties were formed, and peoi)lo of mean oriirin toinueili'd and tyrannized over the most won by eitizens and nobles." Tbih dcplorablo st at o of things, and the position of the great religious and politieal partir-s in Parlia- ment and in the Assembly at W^e^lniinster, led, even before tie? passing of the self-denying ordinanee, to 1645.] NKOOeiATIONS FOH ]'KA(^E. 261 fresh attempts to negoeiate a peace. On the 20th Novendjor, 1644, four deputies from tiie House of Commons, and two from the Lords, repaired tu Oxford, to submit to the King the conditions pro- posed l;y Pculiaraent. Though the King liad ]>ro- mised tluni a safe-conduct, the ultra-royalist mob exclaimed, on their entrance into Oxford, that they were rogues auv! rebels, and pelted tlicir carriages with stones and mud. A guard was given them for their safety, and all persons of any distinction, espe- cially Hyde, manifested a serious desire for peace. TlieKmg. too, liiliavcd wiib great afTability, though be was dissatisfied that those who brought tlM3 pro- posals were not authorised to treat. They, how^ever, received an answ^er, which they brought back to tbe Parliament, at the end of November. Four Lords, eight Commoners, and four Scotchmen w^ere com- missioned to negoeiate for peace, at Uxbridge, with the King's connnissioners. If the conduct of tlie Oxford nml) deserves severe censure, how much more doos that of a clergyman of the name of Lowe, ^^ lio, at tbo beginning of the negociations, said from tbe pail] lit that the Kings commissioners came with hearts full of blood ; and that Inlween the treat) in- tended l)y them, and a real peace there was as nuieli difference as between heaven and hell. (^^) The lu'oclamationseiftln^ Parliament wen» like ilie f(»rmer ones, only they were drawn up. in nuieh stricter and harsher terms, and notwithstandm^r the dissen- y\% I n 262 NEGOCIATIOXS FOR PEACE. [ChAI'. Ill tioiis wliicli liad alreaily ariM-ii, lemlccl, with respect to the Church, to tlie iiiicoiidhiuiial acceptance of the Covenant antl the i iitirc rcjfc lion of the Episcopal system. Both parties again alleged the arguments already stated a i^it at la>!. .in itnler the inore surely to attain the object, thiA ill^puted, after tlie manner of tlie schools, ill logical le.rriis. ThisnuHJe., iiowcvur, only made the contrast between the two parties more Btrikini^ am! niahife^t ; and how could they approxi- mate or agree, as each set out with tlie |.rinciple tliat its system w^as of divine origin and thvinc autho- rity, so that nothing could be given up or conceded without the greatest sin. (^') Charles, and lie* advo- cates of the Episcopal constitution, affirmed that it bad l^een proved to ])e the liest ever since iiic origin of the ClirisLian cliurch, and, that it iiuist be main- tained accordinii: to the coronation oath : to which Henderson, in the name of the Presbyterians, replied, that thn hish.opr. always defended [nipery, or at least endeavoured to retain ea' to Introduce raiuw thinirs ronnecteil with it ; that they wore 1h(^ authors of the dissentions between England and Scotland, as w^dl as of the rebellion in Ireland,, and besides thai tiunr abolition \Vci> tiie best means of uniting all Protestant churclies. TliC last proposals of the King respecting the constitution of the (liurch, were a.^ follow-,;' — " That freedom be left to all persons, of what o[)inJon soever, in matters of ceremony; and tliat all penal laws enjoining these ceremonies he suspended 1615.] NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE 263 2. Tlie bishops exercise no jurisdiction or ordination, without the consent of the Presbyters, who shall be chosen l)v the cleruv of each diocese. 3. The bishop shall constantly reside in the diocese, unless required Ijy liis Majesty to attend him on any occa- sion : and, if not lundered 1)y old a^e or sickness, he shall preach every Sunday in some church witliin his diocese. For the time to come no man shall hold two livings with cure of souls. All proposals for furtlier imi)rovement shall be discussed and decided by the King and Parliament." The party of the Independents would prohahly have been satisfied for tht^ present with these concessions; but the majority in i^iiliament tliought themselves, on account ofilie Scotch, bound h\ the Covenant, and were obliged entirely to abolish every kind of ecclesiastical hierar- chy, according to tiie will cddhc bcotcli, or to renounce their zealous sup}K)rt : which, as they had to oppose the King and the Independents, seemed doubly indis[)ensable. The |)arties found it equally dilliculi to come to an understanding respecting the militia. The King propostd tliat Xqw commissioner^ named Ijy him, and ten l}y the Parliament, should arrange this matter during the next three years ; whereas the Parliament required tlie sole direction till three years after the coitehi-ion of peace, and wdshed to bind the King, for seven year> more, to accept every proposal regarding general laws. In juvtiiication of these demands, it 264 ^'EGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE. [Chap. HI H was alleged tliat, without iiitliiencc over the army the Parliament as a chanofeable l)0(lv lial)le to be dis- solved, would have no security aorainst the King. To which it iTiio^ht be answered, that lliis securilv ^vas to be found in the law rehitive to the smnnioning of Parliament, and its v\a\it< to vote taxes. All those pouits which we have above-mentioned were in- volved in these two questions on th'-^ anny and the church ; and it wa:^ very natural that the commis- sioners could not come to an understanding in twenty davs. The Parliament, wliicli intended and demand- ed no discussion, hut the unconditional acceptance of its fsroposals, refuj>Ld. m spite of the King's remon- strances and the intervention of TTolland and France, every prolongation of the term wiiich it hatl arbhra- rily fixed ; and to the King's offer to go in person to \Vestminster with a ^ale-conduct, and there continue the negociations, he received no answer whatever. All the moderate and judicious friends of their coun- try were deeply afHicted at tlie fiilure at all attempts to bring about a peace, and each party endeavoured to throw the lilarne upon, the etlier. The lioyalists aflirmed that Charles had already yielded too much, and had therebv destroved the due balance l)etween the powers of the state; that any furtlier concessions would make liim the mere shadow of a King, not onlv to his own ruin, but to the iniurv of the whole kingdom. To tiii> the friends of tlie r*arliarrient replied, that tlie present state of affairs, dangers and 1615.'] ^^EGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE. 2G5 opinions, required uew securities lor liberty and religion, as well as a new system of political and ecclesiastical law. The Iving, therefore, was wrong in ref 'rring in all Ids demands and discussions to former times only, and to circumstances which no longer existed, and were least of all calculated to ser\e as models for the future. That instead of yielding witli n.ew confidence and a sincere heart to wliat was inevitable, he thought uf recovering what had been extorti'd fi'om liim at the first favorable opportunity, and relied on the support of foreign powers, on the success cd' Montrose in Scotland, and un the Irish rebellion. Tt wmild certainly have been unreasonable and injudicious if the King liad thoia^ht of setting up former relations and rights as unalterable to all eternity, thereby putting an end icir ever to all legis- lation ; but in fact he had already made so many changes, and either voluntarilv or liv compulsion yielded so much, that his dangerous preponderance was entirely out of the question, and there was much more neinl of securities for the few rights left to him, than for the newly-acquired and important increase of liberty. For though his army was still animated b'y a sense of honor or by hatred and contempt of its opponents, there was more religious and political enthusiasm in the army of the Parliament, Here all considered themselves as chosen vessels of grace, and the democratic pnnci|de allowed talent to make ,'!'] 266 FOREIGN N»WERS. FRANCE. [Chap. Ill i its was in eviTV innn.ncr; whereas there were many iinpetliincnts in the Royalist and Aristocratic circles, if tlie Kiiiu' hoped iiuieli from foreign assistance or from a change at home, he was here again under an iihision. Spain was indisposed towards Iiim, on account of preceding events, and of tlie recogniiioii of Portu^nd ; and did hiui more harm than good by the interest wliicf} it took in the fde of the Trisli Homan Cathohcs. Tiif Prince of Orange would willimrly liavc lirine something (or hi> father- indaw ; but the ^tate>-general were irieHiied to the Parliament. All the other European powers were more or k^>:^ weakened hy the uuliappy thirtv years' war, and, i^'aiiee wi>hi'd that i'higland might be prevented by intestine tr(>ubb^>, from acquiring any decisive iuiJuena'C on tlie Continent. x\s Ciiaries's power declined more than was expected, som,e interest was indeed mauilesti'd lor him as King: but during the minority of Loins XI \ . there was want both of eoiira.ge and of means to afford, liim any effectual assistance. Accordingly, in the instructions for the French ximbassador, Saljram in May 1644, ('*^) we find the following [)assage : *' You are in all cases to favor the King, tliat he may recover hk legitimate authority ; but at the same time to act with such jiru- dence as to appear as a niediaturand not as a partizan, and in cabC of a change not to iuive gone to far. ft may l)e hoped that God. will ^.up[u}rt tlie King's ju>i 1645.] FOREIGN POWERS. FRANCE. 2G7 cause, and it is proper to act in future, as we have liitlnalo done, in this spirit, but not as if it was liesigned to make Inm a perfectly absolute sovereign. On tlie contrary, the laws must be maintained, to cemiterba lance the too great power of Kings, to iip|)ease people's mmds, and quell the rebelliom" In a subsequent letttu' of June, 1644, the French Minister, Brienne, says : * It is much to be lamented that a |)oli.t!eal (pua.rrel is transformed into a reliofious war; 1 am equally afraid of an unlimited monarchy and a n-pidibe, \\ he I'c tlie people acquire the dominion, or rather the most msolent obtain tlie greatest iiiiluence. Uiih;q)paly, the King is too weak, and sur- rounded Ijy ?^liiiisters who always lead him to Ijc afraid. Endeavour to preserve Royalty and tlie Catholics ; but take care not to oillnd those who may become masters." Sabran answered, in several letters: TheUpperHouse perceives that it fms engaged itself m a labyrinth, and has become absolutely dependent on the more numerous lj.)\ver House. Both Houses, however, have given upi tlie |H)wer to the refuse of the two nations. The King will lie got rid of, or be more limited than the Doge of \ enice. The ParUament, being the stronger party, does not desire any agreement, but i-ather a decision by arms. The King can gain little h\ h lieJlle, tiul lose evervthiufx. His armv of eiirht or nine thousand men is ill armed and ill paid, and mobt especially the persons of tlistlnction are tired of 268 lllAMi;. MONTROSE. [Cii.u. III. » all these sufferings. The (juceu has fkd; aiui things have come to siieh a pass tliat the furniture of her ladies has licen taken out of the pahice and sokL Nobodv here is safe from tumult and violence. The leaders see no means of salvation Ijut disorder, which they promote Ijoth at iiome and abroad. These commimications shewed that diarU's eould not depend on any consideralde assistance from foreign powers ; and it may lie doid/irti, ^vhethei- such inter- ference would have had any salutary effect. There appeared fjetter fbundation for tlie liopetliat Montrose would cause the royal party to predominate in Scot- land. In fact, lie passed in trium[)h through the w^hole countrv ; but lie luul neither fortresses nor any adherents liesides hi>^ army, ami in eonsi*(|uenee of his former rigour no confidence wa.^ now placed in liis professions of lenity. On the 3rd of l'\'bruary. 1645, IMontrose, relying on liis good fortune, wrote to the King, ** Tlmt he ought not to negociate in a mannc^r unworthy of him, with rebels ; they must absolutely throw tliemselves on h,i5 mercy." This letti-r may have excited exaggerated ho|)es In the King, and have unliapprdy contributed to tlio Ijrertking off of the negociations for peace ; but undoubtedly other very important reasons inlkienced liim. Bt'sides. it could not possibly inspire Charles with confidence, when at the same time a remonstrance came from the Scotch General Asbcmlily of tlic Church, in wdiich, with great profesbion of loyal ^^entiments, the bitterest com- 1615.] MONTROSE. IRELAND. 209 plaints were contained, and the King was accused of the most unpardonable faults and obdurate impiety. in this state of affairs, he turned his eyes upon Ireland. The intolerant cruel resolutions of the English Parliament against the Irish Catliolics, wliicli we Imve already mentioned, made all recon- ciliation for the present impossible, ami compelled them io resist. Accordingly, the Catholic clergy, assembled at Kilkenny in May, 1642, declared: '* SViih greater right and more reason than the Covtnanters of Scotlantb who have been so highly commended, we make war for our religion, our manners, and the protection of the King against the Puritans and otlier rebels." More moderate than tlit;^ir adx'er^sarnes, tliey added: ''Should, iu:nvever, iiulividual Catlu)lics, on personal or unjust pretexts, suffer themselves to be actuated and led away, througli cowardice, hatred, cruelty, or revenge, or other illegal causes, we declare this to be a great sin, which, if exhortations fail, shall be checked liv ecclesiastical penalties." To ttiis resolution were added judicious measures for preserving miion and ordtu", sucli as the estaljlishmenl of separate autho- rities for the several counties, and a general one lor all frelaiul in October, 1612, Urban Till, gave liis consent to war, and granted indulgences to tliose "who took part in if. Notwithstanding the severe orders of the Parlia- ment, iiotliiiig of importance was done to sup])ress I 270 IKLLA.ND. [Ch A is III the Iri>h ri'ln-llioii. l)ecaiise it wa^ thoiiLrht better to employ all the troops aguiii.^t the King. However, to put an end to the dreadAil evils of eivil war, after the i-emoval of the unuorihy Parsons, and with the assistance of the new Governor, Ormond, an armis- tice for ore.' year was concluded on the 19th of September, 1()43. It gave equal otfence to Catholic and Protestant zealots ; nay, the Parliinuent of London entirely rejected it, alleging that it destroyed Protestantism aiul the honor of England, was con- trary to the interests of the three kinnrdoms, and would draw down upon tiiem tlie anger of a, jealous Goil. Thus the war begun, for a second tiuie, with the same Tiolenee, thouu'li the views and objects of the t\\o leaihrig parties themselves by no means agreed. Some desired the entire trinmpli of Cathelieisn], and the restoration of the complete independence of Ireland, others woidil have been contented with the confirmation of the Charter of Giaces. In some the interests of tlie Chureli was the chief object, in others, political considerations predominated ; many were decidedly partizans of the Parliament and republicanism, uliiie cni the other side there were Protestant and Catholic royalists. Hence proceeded demands whieli were whollv ineoniiuitibde with each other. Thus, tlie iribh Prolesianis demarid»"d of the King, on the ihh ijf April, Ifill^ the ex|)u!sion of all Catlo'lic clergymen; indemnity for all damage suffered fre)rn the Catholics ; the disarming of them ; ii;45.] IRELAND. 271 tlie confiscation of the estates of all the i^uiltv ; tlie taking the oath of suipremacy !)y persons in ofiice and Members of Parhatnent; no amnesty or pardon. liut the exemplary |)unisliment of ail who had taken |iart in the rebellion. On the other side, the Catholics demanded, on the 9th of May, witli a repetition of all tlieir former grievances, the abolition of all the laws |)assed against thern,, tlie freedom of divine worship, a free Parliament, permission to acquire landed property, admission to all offices, ficilities with respect to trade, and an amnestv, Thev add, however, as the Catholics have been so bitterly calumniated, they propose (to justify themselves, and to shew how nirieh they wish lh:it rdl wrong should be pun- ished) that cdl murders, breaches of contract, and cniehies committed l)y persons of Ijoth parties, shall be excluded from the amnesty ; tliat inquiry shall be made into them. ant appeals to Home and the Praununire remain in force." The notion of granting the Catholies anv kind of tideration or frccdum of con- science was, how^ever, so lar from the minds of the Presbvterians, who were at that time the prevailing partv, that Baillic, thoudi one of the more moderate, exclaims, '' Such a scandalous concession must draw down the intllgnatlon of God and man. This wav of thinkinLr,, wliieli wa^ well-kncnvii to the King, would have led a nuui of a more energetic and exaitod character either openly and decidedly to declare ai2:ain>t it, or consistently to ioin in it ; instead V... B^ W ' of wliicli. (,'luirk'S, actuated ky necessity and hopes of n a maniibld kind, pursued a waveroig equivocal line of conduct, which ga\e ground for the re|)roacli that he had endeavoured, l)y hypocrisy and breach of p»]'omis(e, to deceive all |)arties. Thus the a])ove mentioned letter to Ormond con- tradicted a ])receding enie ir, which he said, that he woald rather risk tlu^ danger of a war than grant anytliing to tlie Poiuun Catliolics, contrary to the religious faith which he, by the grace of God, was resolved to defend to the utmost; and to the Parlia- ment he had declared that it w^as against his honor and conscience to grant toleration to the Trisli Ca- tholics. After the negociations for peace, at Uxbridge, were leroken of]', he ordered the Marquis of Ormond, on tlie 27th k\ybruary, 1645, to conclude peace wdth the Irish upon any terms, provided only that the Protestants m that kiugdom [ind the royal j^ower were secured and preserved. Even the annullim^- of Poyndng's hnv, and other ordinances against the lionnin Catholics, by a new law, did not appear to him to be too exorl)itant a demand, if th(>y woidd only seriously assist him against the rebels ; for no conditions could be too hard to oljtain this object. provided the}- were not contrary to honor and con- science. Honor and conscience ouglit ceilainiy to be definite, indubitrdile, inviolable ideas; but these expressions changed their signiiieations with the vi- cissitudes ill the state of afTiiirs, served as a pretext and cloak, and the more easily left an openim^ foa- VOL. fl T ' / 11 274 GLAMOROAX S NEGOCI ATTONS. [ChAF. Hi i 1 >f ( explanations and evasions, as care was taken not to give them any real value by p :)>lt!ve declarations. This appears in the celebrated negociations of the Earl of Glamorgan. Tlir Km- . wavering, the in- crea^inl? demands of the Catholics, and the daily crrowing power of the Pai-linineiit. had placitl Ormond in ii very unsafe and painful situation ; and as he did not zoolmisly '^npport any party, he could not acquire the implicit confidence of any. Charles, therefore, thought that lif- miu-lit commence a second series of negociations. through the Earl of Glamorgan, \\-ho wa=^ entirely devoted to liim. and highly re- spected by the Iri^h Catholics. The first commis- sion, of the Gth January, led luni to cnU>t recruits; in the second, of the 12th Januarv, we find, that -whatcvtT lie negoeiates and docs Charles will approve, on tht^ word of a Ivrng and of a Christian. The third commission, of the 12tli March, contains an equally ura'onditional promise to confirm whatever lie may resolve and agree to. Mention is ako made of secrets, and that the Lord Lieutenant (Ormond) wa:^ not cp,iaHtied for thi5 bu>incss. Lastly, on the 3Utli April the King wrote ta the Nuncio, Eennccini, recommended the Eai-i Glamorgan in the strongest terms, and declared that he considered himself as lionnd to sanction whatcvtT they two might agree upon, lint that in these matters secrecy was necessary. hi tin* treaU, wlnih war. drawn up after long 1645,J GLAMORGAN S .NEGOCIATIONS. 2iO negociations, the Roman Catholics were promised the free exercise of their religion ; the possession of aU the churches at any time held by them since the 23rd October, 1641, and all other churches in that kingdom excej)t those actually enjoyed by the Protes tants ; exemption from the jurisdiction of the Protes- tant clergy, the abolition of all penal laws, payment (sf litlies only to the Catholic clergy, admission to all ciffices, &c. For this the Roman Catholics were to givt^ the King an army of ten thousand men, and the clergy to contribute towards its support two-thirds of tlieir income for three years. When this treaty, whudi if kept entirely secret, appeared to be wholly unnuMning and ineffective, aceidentallv became known, tin' ino.^t vehement accu- sations were made that Charles had broken liis word and his oath, and intended, by the aid of the iilohitrous Papists, whom lie had encouraged,, to destrov true religion am! the liberty of his people. In this distress, he denied that lie had given the Earl Glamorgan lull powers, for any rjther purpose than to rai.^c recruits, and that he did not know what the Karl might liave promised to tlie Romanists. The Marqnis of Ormond, who was not at all or but partially informed of all these transactions, caused the Earl of Glamorgan to be arrested, and the King gave orders to institute a strict investigation into his conduct. Idle accused confessed what he had done ; hut added that tlie Kinir wa^' the ]vf^< bound by it, 'I 2 276 uI.A.MORGA.N'b ?. EGOCl ATiUNS. [Chaf. lii, 1()I5.] GLAM RCiAN is K KG()C I AT! U^S. O I i because he. the Earl liriiit vuur assent, and still le>^ with- out your knowledge. Carry the inquiry tlirough ; hut tlo not execute the sentence before mihiug a complete report, as the Earl has probably failed rather fitau false zeal in my service than from any ill intention." Ill re i. no proof whatever that Glamorgan forged those directions, as some affirm, without the know- ledge of the Kir.g, nor was this ever asserted by his Majesty for his own justification. On liie contrary, ( hark'> wrote to the Earl (''), who was set at hberty at his desire : '' I will fulfil all the directions and promises wliieli 1 liave given to you and to the Nuncio. Your services to me are so great that thev exceed every expression tluu K a^ your true friend, could employ." Tn another letter, Charles eonfesm! ituit In- intended secretly to graiit te the Catholics more than. \mi> contained in his pn!)hc declaration; and (Tlamorgau hiiu>elf clears u|) the \\ hole matter when he says: '\l h:i.! agreed ihni a starting tiole should remain open for the King, that in case his subjects should luakc ubjectiuns, he might be able to deny that he had ever given me any such cunnui.NNitaL 1 trusted to his word, and was content for his sake that he should sacrifice me." But all these artifices, mysteries, obscurities, aud t vasions, this promising and retracting, affirming and denying, arc woithless on every occasion, and above all in such an age, w^hich was pleased only with uncom- promising bokl extremes. Thus, Charles, by these Irish schemes, lost his credit, not only with the Pro- testants but with the Catholics ; and his most faithful adherent. Clarendon, exclaims: ''The full powers granted to the Earl 1 Glamorgan cannot be excused in the face of justice, piety, and prudence." Unhappily the Irish Catholics were equally des- titute of these qualities; they quarrelled among themselves, and Renuccini the Nuncio, (a proud, bigoted man, who was unacquainted with the coun- try, and formed an erroneous judgment of tiie state of affairs,) put himself at the head of a party, which would willingly have expelled all Protestants from Ireland; nay, he even wrote to Rome that the mm of the King was to be desired, and would be to the advantage of the Catholics. This absurd wish wa;s but too soon fulfilled. Un the llth uf June, 1G45, when Glamorgan s negociations were not yet ended, the armies of the King and uf the rarliament met at Naseby. Each Q7Q BATTLE OV XAbKB^. [CliAi-. ill. of them consisted of twelve or fourteen thousand men ; but the latter was better organized, and had more confidence. Though Charles distinguished himself as a soldier and a general, tlie ])attle was lost by the rashness of Prince Rupert, and the ability with which Cromwell took advautai^e of hi:, iauh, ^o that the conquerors made four thousand prihoriers, took the baggage and artillery, and even the King's carriage and corresi)ondence. A great part of the latter was printed and publi=^hrd ; aud, in con tVuinity with its contents, the King was reproached thai .vhile he made pulilie promises, he was secretly pursuing con- trarv plans; that he desired to repeal ilie laws auaui^t the Irish Catholics, and to brinii: them witli other foreign truol)^, into the klmrdom ; nay, that lie said, even of those who risked their lives and fortunes ibr him at Oxford, that they were a base, mutinous, and mongrel Parliament : if he thuuixht so of his friends, wdiat mu>t hi^ adversaries fear from him, and whaT. security did his word alTord for all new laws ami treaties. On tlie other haiul the King complained that his mu^t private letters were |)rnited, garbled, and misiiiterpreUxi. In iUct, they show various plans, liopcs, ideas of war and peace, and in general a cliangeabieness of views and passions, wliich in no case degenerates into anything criminal, l)ut is deticient in veracity, tirmness and coiibistency, and at such a moment must have diminished, if it liad been possible, the uirecti^)!! and eonlidencc of the people. I(ji5.] iTluruSALb FOR i^EACE. 279 Accoiilinixly, his erpaitablt^ proposals for a peace, wliicln after the less of Bristol, on the lOth cd' Sep- tember, 1645, and a defeat of Montrose, on the 13th of September were repeated more urgently, and now^ douhtiess with sincerity, were not listened to by the House of Commons, though the Lords, in a sense of future clanger t*) themselves, w^ere more inclined to a reconciliation, and the Scotch, (for the sake of the suppression of nil sects,) appeared disposed to join in it (^^). 1 he parties in Parliament only found a means for a temporary reconciliation, at the expense of the country, by resohmg, that the King should after- wards elevate the most important of his adversaries iu a higher rank, and agree to the presents and dotations which were now^ proposed. Without wait- ing, iiuwever, for the confirmation of this resolution, the Presbyterians and Independents allotted to them- seh c;3 very large sums ; and we find Fairfax, Essex, Cromwell, Haslerig, HoUis, Selden, Valentine, Waller, Stapleton, JJrereton, Skippon, and others, with grants of pensions of ^2500 to <£5000. Five days after making these exorbitant ofrants, the Commons sent to the Lords proposals of peace, whieli, lur the most part, coincided witli those wliieh had been made before ; and this in consideration of the great distress and misery in the kingdom. When Charles, however, oifered to confide the armv to persons agreeable to llie Parliament, (t- iliar tliey might themselves choose the half of them, he was 2«U riiOPOi^AL5 i Oil PEACE. [Chap. HI. answered tlmt the condition^ of peace should be bent to hiiiL When he further otTered, if they would give him a safc-conduet, to come to London lor ibrly days, with only tliree hundred attendants, in oi'der thereby to hieilitate and hasten the eonelasiou of peace/ he was answered by the Commoners, (wlio feared that he might meet ^\ith much support in the capital whieli was weary of the war,) that till the Kiiii^ had given satisfaction and security to both the kingdom:,, his coming couki not be conveiuent, and would be of the less use, it" tie intended to depart again in a t w diys, and to renew lie-tdities. The King aiTiiin, conjured the TTouse of Coninnons, 1)Y t lie misery whnh would ensue, and h\ the account they must all one day give to God. to put an end to the quarrel. On ilie 29th of January, 1646, he offered religious toleration, a general pardon, the disbanding of ilie army, and the surrender of all fortresses, consequently everything that could ])c requin df^M: liui he offered it a^ ivnig, and remained a King in every respect, which was as offensive to the Independents as religious toleration was to liic Presbyterians, Ail, therefore, though for different reasons, again declared his proposals to be insufficient. Nay, as the apprehension oi" i he King s coming tu Luiidon increased, the House of Commons gave orders, in that case, to arrest his attendants, to permit nniliody to see him, and to secure his person. At i iie same 1646,] NEGOCIATIONS. MO.MRELIL. 281 time, all Catlioiies were ordereti to leave London and the vieinitv. In this situation, when the miUtary force of the Kimr was entirely destroyed, and no reliance whatever eonld be placed on foreign aid, or on a reconciliation on equitable terms, it was now to be considered which among the desperate resolutions might still be taken, and was the least dangerous. A flight to France was scarcely possible ; and, considering the situation of that country, and the want of inclinatiun to ilo an \ - thing effectual for Charles, would be equal to an ab- dication, to which the King would piubably have submitted if tln-re had been any prospect that his son would be placed upon the throne on reasonable term,-. In. Ti-eland the two parties nearly balanced each other ; but the ihotestants were lor ilie most part in favor of the Parliament, and to throw himself entirely into the arms of tiie Catholics appeared to be con- formal )le neither to the dictates of prudence nor to the personal feelings of the King. The Parliament in London had prohibited all persons from receiving the King under pain of high treason ; and the army, though mostly consisting of Independents, refused to receive him, not so much out of respect for that eoni- mand as because it did not seem advisable to the leaders to take upon themselves the first part in tliis very unpleasant affair. Thus it was neither from Iree choice nor preeipitation thai llie Kim- thought of a reconcihation with the Scotch, whom he had not I i MuM'irtXiL's NEGOClATiO.Nis [Chai% lii. indeed batistied in every respect, yet Ih' liad formerly conceded more in proportion to tlieni than to the Eng- lish. The French xVmbassador, Monsieur Montrcnih ■undertook, with honorable intentions, to examine the state of things, and to conduct the negociations. How lie })roceede(-i in thih nialtcr, Wili Ijo.-dl appear for the clearing np of nuniy donbts and accusations,, if we select some of file mo.'^t ini])ortant passages from his e(Krrespondence(^*^). On the l>t and llHli uf January IG-iO, Montreuii wrhe> ; ** 1 luive ibund the Scotch Parliament divided into three parties : 1, the Arg)iu^, uhu de^Dirc to ruin the King and royalty; 2, tlio TTamiltons, v.\io de- clare that thi'v wj>}i ilie preservation of both, while thev labor r)Owerinllv underhand for their destruction; 3, those who aro independent of tho two parties, and entertain sincere wishes in fivrrr t^f lb.'' T\ini>: and the ro}ail autlu'rity : but who do nut thiidv them- selves strong enough, or are not magnanimous and bold enouijh to adopt the necessary means. Vor thib reason the Scoteli Parliament resolved, that if theKinc^ came to Seotlaml, tlu-y would toceure his person, and deliver him up to the English. Of two hundred votes, there were only seven or eigh.t in favor of the King. U he will not accept the Covenant and Prcbbyteranism, his plan of going to Scothiud. i- tpute wrong; in England he will find, if not more friends, vet more persons, who do not care l^u' the^e two tldngs. On the 15th of Januarv, Montreuii wrote to tfie Km 1640,} WiTii THK JsCOTCn. 283 cr '' Your Maiestv mu.>t no lono^er bargain, but liastijn to send to both Parliaments the acceptance of the proposals made at Ux bridge; then, buit not before, } ou will be safe in the Scotch army. If you will not take this advantageous resolution wliih^ von are able, yuu will perhaps wish to do so, when it will no longer be in your power." The King answered verbally and in writing, " I never will consent to what my people require of me : not only because it is disgraceful to do fur the threats of subjects what has been refused to the enti-eaties of friends, but because I believe that what is demanded is contrary to my conscience and the good of niy dominions." ''As a soldier and a states- riiiui, he said on another occasion '* 1 see my ruin be- fore me ; but God will not suffer traitors and rebels to triumph. As I have by no means to take care of myself alone, but of my crown, my heirs, and my friends ; religion, lu)uor, and duty compel m.e to reject all terms which are not compatable with this object. 1 can foresee too, witliout the gift of prophecy, tliat if tliey do not unite with me, all will be ruined." Theso observations were in general neither unna- tui'al !U)r wholly unfounded, Init did not by any luoans decide wdiat duty, conscience, and hiOno.r really prescribed or permitted in the individual case; and still less was it to be conceived how Charles thought to save himself, in the ruin of all. ?^Iontreuil therefore continut,> Ids observations, and says f'^^). on the UHli f'f January, 1646 ; •' The Scotch demure to have no 284 >I()NTREI:IL'V NECiOClATIUNS rCiiAi\ 111 dispute with the Enghbh, and will in tlie end do whatever the hitter refiuire. They will either not receive the King at all, or will keep him in as close confinement as tlie Indc^pendents wish. Now^ when all the representations which I made to the King on this head did not alter liis resolution,^, 1 endeavoured to gain the chiefs of the Scotch army, and proved to tiieni that even tlie Covenant bound thiin not tu abandon their Kinix. Hereby, I said, they would restore the honor of the nation, wliich was sullied by the ivsoliitiiin^ of Parliainent respecting the delivering iiim ur* ; thi'v wcmltl also, if thev |)resi'rvcd tlie King, be formidable to tht: Indepen- dents, on wliose friendship they nevt r i'oiild depend. Notwitlibtanding all this, there is no appearance that wliat 1 or others say or do will have the desired effect. ' Hereupon ^lontri'uil repaired to huiidr)]!, nncl en- deavoured to induence the Scotch Commissioners residinu^ tliere. With hmv Httle success appears i'vinn a letter of the 5th (-f hebruary, addressed h) Charles, in which he says: "The Scotch wr.nld yield no more, ptartl) on account of their Covenant, ])artly not to lose tlieir tri<.iul> in. England. Whilf the King endeavours equally to gain both parties, the Presby- terians and 1 rulopendeiit^:, he ^^atisfies neither; nay, he loses botli, for the former will never Im' contented without the concession of .•ill spiritnah ilir latter without that of all temporab dciuands. 'iiie latter 1645.] WITH T\IV. SCOTCH. especially endeavour to plunge everything Into a state of anarchy. Nor can the King entertain any hope of foreign assistance ; it is not only very uncer- tain, but would (n en serve to l)ring about a reconci- liation between all his enemies at home." The next letters of the King to Montreuil contain various promises for the Scotch Commissioners, and statt* that he will yield witli respect to religion, and cause himstdf to receive instruction, in the Scotch (amp, on tlie Presbyterian constitution of the Church. Xotliiug. however, is expressed in a clear and satis- factor\ manner. The more must we be surprised at a letter from Montrenil, of the 1st of April, in which, in tlio nanu' of tlie King of France and his mother, hepromisi's, that if (diaries goes to the Scotch camp, he >]Kdi there be received as a natural sovereign, and enjoy all freedom of conscience and honor, they ivordd assist him with tlieir power to establish a soliks to go to Mont IV ml. Three days later, tin- latter 1^ •>H6 mm X™, K^ FIJGHT OF THE KIXO [Chap, III writes, as all coiiimunieatioii was interceptetl, lie had imliappilv tieeii prevented from seridiiig any message. He advised the King not to come ; for here, in the Scotch camp, no regaril was ])aid to what he, Montreuil, had promised f^)r the King of France, and to what the Scotch Commis-ionFrs liad i^-romised liini in London. If the King knew of any other resource, he had Inciter slay away; but if ho had not, ^Mon- treuil was still bold enough to assure him, that if he did not meet with entire sati^faetieqi, he would, liow- ever, be in safety. x\ii these letters gradually reached the King. iMeantime tlie Parliamentary army, under the command of Fairfax, had so closely invested Oxford. that the eaiaure of the town, and uf the KumV person seemed to he inevitable (^). He, thereGjre, lied on the 27th of April in disgui>e, with only two attend- ants, Ashburnlnun and Hudson. As soon as iiiior- matioii of tlii^ event wa^ brought to London, the Parliament gave orders that no p-rson should rcTcive or harbour him, on pain of death and conii^catu)n ol property (''). Charles Inid already arrived on Harrow Hill, and was perhaps doubtful whether, relying on the sentiments of the citizens, he should ride into the capital; but the above m'ders, and his eharaeter, whicli was averse to all sudden and decisive resolu- tion, made him turn back. He was still in hopes, too, that instead of a humiliating peace, he should he ablte witli tlio h-lp ol' Muntro^c and of the Irislu l64o.] TO THE SCOT( II CAMP. 2b'7 to begin a n.ew and successful w^ar. After nine days* wandering about, he was at length convinced that no resource w\as left to him but the Scotch camp. On liis arrival, the majority really were and some pre- tended to be surprised, and wrote to the English Parliament that tlie King had come to their camp so unexpectedly, and to the astonishment of every body, that they thought it was a dream, that tliey would remain true to the Convenant, and not undertake any- thing against England. On the other hand, the King declared that he liad not gone to the Scotch to begin a new war, dismissed the troops that he still liad in England, and ordered the Marquis of ^lon- irobc to cease from all hostilities (^). About the same time, however, a letter from I iiarles tu the ^larquis of Ormond became public, to the effect that the Scotch had given good security that he and his friends should not sulTer m tiu^u- persons, honors, and consciences ; tliat they would joui Inm and ublam, even by arms, a just peace and tlie preservation of his rights. The Parliament of London declared that it was evident from this letter, tliat tlie KiiiLT intended to engage England and Scot- land in a nrw: war ami he Inmself and \lonlreuil fell Uito a (Hspiite with the Scotch, as to what and how liiueh tliey had ])ronnsed. The view^s of the Seoteli ( ommissioners in London, of the commanders of the Aianv. and of the I'arliament at Ldmliurirh, were certainly not the same. Nothing had been set down 288 THE KING AND TiiE SCOTCii. [ChAP. III. 1645.] THE KING AND HENDERSON. 2dl> It ill writniir, or oizreixl to and detcnnincd in duo ibrni. with the iHTMiiis now in ])ower ; andtlius tlie persons wlio liad iriven the most advantageou.> assuranees to the French Aml)assador liad still a favtcxt and opportunity to retract, and lo wash their hands in innocence. Montreuih however, per>isted in allinn- Ing that the Scotch had not required the confiinnitioii of the Covenant, which they now demanded, whi n they caused the Kinic to come to tlinr campi''). This shew^s of what injustice they are guiky, wlnn thev insist on things which thev did not adveit to before; and with what justice the King refuses what they had even promised vnt to demand. He Scotch, on their side, said that all they now required of him was not contrary to his honor and his rights. But however distress, indiscretion, or precipitation had co-operated, where and in what d'^ree delnsion and deceit had |.ruvailcd, wliat was done could not be undone, and all parties hail to tliiidv more of the l\uurethan of fie pa^t. The King was a prisoner, and could not think either of a new successful war ur of a second iiiglit ; his sole hope rested on the dissentions of his enemies, or on a reconciliation with them. Hib having given himself np to the Scotch Presbyterians could not l)at T)r* considered by the Indeptanients as a severe bhiw upon their party. They were, however, well aware how fir ( Inn'les was from participating in the views of the Pn .^byte- nans, and hoped they should gain him. by reasonable proposals with respect to the affairs of the Church, or find some means of getting him out of the hands of the Scotch. The hitter were equally zealous to convert the King to lhesl)yterianism, a task which was undertaken by Henderson, one of their most eminent theological advocates. His correspondence wuh Charles may be reduced to tlie follown'm? pirin- eiples, expressed by both. The Kiiiij , My conscience, history, and my coro- nation oatli ]>ind mc to maintain the Episcopal Con- stitution of the Church. Henderson . Tn the most ancient Christian Church there were no bishops, and tlie Heforrnation nnder Henry VIII. was incomplete. Thorigh an oath is sacred, yet cases may occur in which the obligation to observe it ceases. If your father's spirit could at this mouH-nt speak to you. h.e would advise you not ^^'^ nicnr such great dangers, for the sake of men who would rather destroy the tlirone wdth themselves than peri^li alone. I III- KiNir^ xiitercitions are good only when they are evidently improvements, and what Henry VII i. began was completed by Edward VT. and Elizabeth. The present Presbyterian system, too, is not older than Calvin, and its superiority to Episcopacy is rather asserted than proved. The motive or the condition of the coronation oath still continues, and can least of all 1)6 a!)olished })y the Parliament as it is now consututed. LaNilv. if mv father's spirit could speak VOL, II. u 288 THE KING AND THE SCOTCH. [Chap. III. in writiiiQ:, or agreed to and dctennined in due fbrnu with the persons now in power: and thus the persons who had i^iven the most advantageous assurances to the French Amhassador had still a |)retext and opportunhy to retract, and to wash their hands in innocence. Montreuil, however, persisted in afhrni- ing that the Bcoteli had not n'(|uirod the confirmation of the Covenant, whicli they now demanded, when thev can>ed tlie Kin^ tf) come to their camp(*'). This shews of wliat iniustice thev are aaiihy, wdien thev insist on iliinixs wliich thev cHd not advorl to hefore ; and with, wdnit justice tlie King refuses wlnit they had even promised vot to demand. The Scotch, on tlieir side, said that all they now required of him was not contrarv to lii^ h,onor and his riglits. But however diistress, inchscretion. or preci|)itation had co-operated, where and in what dogree (Udusioii and deceit had |)revailed, w hat wa.^ done could imt he undone, and all jKirtii's had to think more of tin* fiiture than of tin- past. The King was a prisoner, and could not think intlier of a new successful war or of a second tiight ; his sole hopf rested on the dissentions of his enemies, or on a reconciliation with them. Hi.-^ ha v rug given himself up to the Scotch Presl)vterians could not Ijut bi^ considered hv the Independents as a severe blow u[K)!i their party. They were, however, well aware how far (luules was from participating in the views ot tlie Presbyte- rians, and hoped they should crnin him. by reasomd)!'- 1645.] TITK KING AND HENDERSON. 2m jiroposals with respect to the affairs of the Church, or find some means of getting him out of the hands of the Scotch. The latter w^erc equally zealous to convert the King to Presbyterianism, a task which was undertaken by Henderson, one of their most eminent theological advocates. His correspondence witli Charles may be reduced to the fohowing prin- ciples, exjiressed by both. The Kinq : My conscience, history, and my coro- nation oath bind me to maintain the Episcopal Con- stitution of the Church. Henderson : In the most ancient Christian Church there were no bishops, anci tln3 Keformatujn under Henry YIIL was incomphne. Though an oath is sacred, yet cases may occur in wliieh the obligation to observe it ceases, if your Other's spirit could at thib mommit speak to you, he would advise vou not to mcur sucli great dangers, for the sake of men who would rather destroy the throne with themselves than perisli alone. 1 he Kinq : Alterations are good only when tliey are evidently nn])rovements, and what Henry VI TI. began was completed by Edward AT. and Elizabeth. The |)resent Presbyterian system, too, is not older than ( alvin, and its superiority to Episcopacy is rather asserted than proved. The motive or the condition of the coronation oath still continues, and can least of all be abolished by the Parliament as it is now cou.stitoted. Lastly, if my lathers spirit could speak vol. 11. u wo TiiE hi^SG AXI) HENDERSON. [ChAP.TTT 1645.] THE KllSb AND HENDERSON. 291 to Tiie, he woiilcl say, a rcforiii attended willi blood- shed is never just and eorif(.)nna])le to tlie word of God: prayers and tear^^ are the only answer of the Church. HtUiiJcrsoii : Reasnn niu^t trruinph over experience and cnstom. Reforms undoubtedly come best from tlie liiirhest aiiihnnty ; but il they are obstmately refused, they may come from inferior authorities nnd the people, and it' the lornicr way i:. to be preferred with respect to the instruments and mode of proceed- nn'"-, the kilter is preferable as concerns the result and the effect. Elizabethi di'l not complete the iieib'Tinatif)!! ; on the contrary, liie Engii^^h Church, like that of Laodicea, remains lukewarm between the Eonian anil Krlurnied Chnrcht-^, has unnecessanlj increased the number o\ dignities., and nuculn the Chui-eli >.ubonliuatc to the eivil puwcr. Many wuukl attain perfectiom if they did not think Unit they were ah-eaih" ])erft'ct. An oath tsh ( annot be binding when the welfare of the whole |sroph) is euiiet'rnt'tb ajid m Scuthuid an ahera- tion ha^ ah'eady Lieeii necessary, ih'ayer.s and tears may l)t^ tlie irui' weajnuiN nt' tiie Church, but it is in:Uther jubt before GcmI. reu- a(lvi>al)k^ tor Kings and Princes to make use of those arm>. An orrmg con- science ought to be correetod, but not In^d up against better aro:uments and more ji]r()pos\ls. [Cir\p. lu ll that tlie Kiiii' was so far not quite consistent, as he con- sidf red the Episcopal Constitution to be of divine ami intiefesil)le ridit, and theretbre obstinately opposed its abolition in England though he gave his consent to its abolition in Scotland, and had even approved of the Roman Catholic constitution of the Church for the Irish Cathobcs. The atteiri|t n ally io convert the Kini.^ to Pres- byter!ani>ni having failed, it wa^ necessary for botli parties to think (4* alTecting :it least an external agreement. Charlcb therefore again declared that he liad rii^ gone to the Scotch to renew or to prolong the war, lout to bocure his person and |ax)mote peace. He was willing to regulate the alTairs of religion accordinu- to the advice of the divines of botli king- doms, to do wliat lie could for Ireland, to treat the militia according to tlie propositions at rx!)ridge, to disband all soldiers and give np all tortresses. (Oxford fell into the hands of the Parliament the 30th of June, liUil) lliese propo-ak were rejected, because most of the newly-elected Members of Parhament voted against them, and tlie renewed proposal of the King to come to London for the more easy management of • the negociations was likewise refused. Meantime all tlie towns and Ibrtresses fell into the hands of the Parliament, tho la&t place that surrendered was liauland Castle, four years within three days after tie* erection o^'iLe royal standard at NuitingiUiin. 1645.] NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE. 293 " Since the war is ended/' says Whitelocke, ** new divisions arise ! Even after victe)ry we find no repose, no si-curity, no confid.ence. Let us pray to God that we may never again see sucli unhappy times.'* In ( liarles's w^orks there are tliirty-eight letters and proposals jainted, which he successively made for peace, l)ut none led to the desired object. Now, after his adherents were entirely disarmed, liis adversaries demanded of lum the revocation of all measures against the Parliament, and tlie eontirma- tioii of all its resolutions ; his accession to the Cove- nant, tlie annihilation of tlie High Church, the settlement of religion for England, Scothind, and Ireland according to the wdll of the Parliament, new ]:i\\> against tin* Jesuits and Papists, the ede.eation of Catholics by Protestants, tlie recognition of all debts tliitt liad bt.'en contracted,, the I'enunciation. of III] authority over the army for twenty years, the exclusion of tlie Peers created since M ay 1642, and the sanction ot" the measures wdiich had been resolved ujiori against tlie dehnquents. The Parliament liad divided these into eleven classes, wiiic li w^ere to be subjected to enormous punishments from iliat of liigh treason downwards, coniiscation of jiroperty, kc. No person who had done tlie least for the Kmg or against the Parliament was safe in his person or property. In fact. the\- were resedved to have no amnesty whatever. "2^4 NEGOCIATIONS FOE PEAC E [Chap. III. To the first and naturai qur.-titiii vf i'luwh:^, whether the commissioners ^vliu l)rouu:ht thi-se pr(w positions were authuriMHi to vnU'V iiitu iis'i^oeiaticMis, they answered no, and demanded his unconditional approval. The King ja^il}- rephed that Iw cculd not poshitily give at once a decisive answrr to such important and m many points obscure |a-(>|)n>als. This would be contrary to his conscience, and xliow a want of sincerity, as if he bad proinplly ixlxvn bis consent cad}' ficcanse he intended not lu kei-p what was extorted irom him. Manv ro\au>t>, too, said tlia.f the King was ])y no means fnaa and there- fore wouki not ebey hi:> conunando lu ln\ dcnvii their arms. The Parhament, biowever, ordered that \\b(^" ever continued m arms :=hou,!tl })v Imlilr in capital punishment and his property confiscated. The lioubc of Commun:^, aLu, b\ its own auilieritv, con- verted into laws the proposals whieii Iiad been re~ jected by the Kmg. None were more rejoiced than the Independents that the Presbyterian^ iiad iaiu.d m the attenipt lo conclude peace, as well as in that io eenveit the King. The latter were thereby separated from the King, and he almost necessarily tlirown iulu the arnia oi tiie lormer ; uni\ tiie Indep'endents were .st id imdecided whether it would be best t(> eiHicdade an agreement witii the King, ca- tu keep biin as far as possible from England, or te liepose him, or to bring 1645.] THE KISG AND riiE ^U5TCH. 395 liim to England, mid l)y somc^ means or other make tbemselves masters of him. (*") The daily increasing com plaints of the misery and distress which tbe Scotch army caused in the northern counties, and the large demands in money wbd( li tlie Scotch, made witlimore and more urgency for the assistance they had rendertM,!, ui hnigth gave to all tliese doubts a certain liirection, and reduced them to two questions which apparently were not mixed togetlier, f)iit were most essentially connected, namely. How mneli does Eng- land owe to the Rcotcdi ; and are the Scotcli bound to deliver up the King*? The Scotcli demanded no less than €500.000, and were not to be put off with the ob.^ervation thai the whole contest had been carried on fer their advantage also, audi that they had already sufficiently paid tliemselves in the northern counties of England. iiiey well knew what additional ueight they cuuld throw into the scale to support their demand. Though the English Parliament had prohibited the Kill II, with the harshest threats, fioni coming to London, mari} complained that from want of confi- dence he had given himself u\) to the Scotch army, rather than lo the English Parliament; that thai army, paid by England, could have no right, on Engli^li ground,, to the person of the King, with v,hom they were at open war; besides, all bad sworn iu the Covenant to maintain the rights and privileges of Parliament, and it was just that the i ir\ 296 THE KiSG AND TiiE SCOTCH. [CliAi'. lil. King should be near the i^rirheurierit, and iiiijust,, as %vell as contrary to the ( 'ovcieint. tei ket-p him a.t u distance from it. I'o thb, the Scotch, or rather the friends of the King, answered, ** The Scotcli army does not consi.-,t of hired mercenaries al)sohiteIv .sub- ject to the EngHsh; but it is the auxihary army of a free inde|>endeut nation, and Chark^s is its h.eredi- tary King, whom the Scotch Parhament has no less claim than the KngHsh to have near it. To thi.N it must be added, that the Kini.^, in his distress, con- lided himsflf to them, and tliereljv im|)osed a duty upon them more sacred than an\ conditioner promise could have establi^lied. ,Xu ll'^>s tuolr-^h would it be to kee[) tlw King a prisoner on account of tiu; C/ovenant, which was said in be made for fiis liberty and his rigiits: it wajuld lie fool is fi to turn him to the worst enemies of the Scotcli (Tun-ch. by endea- vouring to force his conscience, tliougli the whole contest wub commenced to maintain the bfii-rtv of conscience." ^ In answer to this, thed individmils might have said, and perhaps even ]iromised in this resj'H/ct, could mjt bind tlie wiuju- kingthjm, and least of all prevent them from doing what was mo^t hiiidaljle and ad\-autac:eons. The Puri- 1646.) THE KINai AND THE SCOTCH. 297 tans especially considered the unconditional accep- tance of the Covenant to l)e as natural and equi- table as it was necessary and commendable. " But," adds Baillie, •* it has always been the King's tmsfortune never to do anytliing at the right time, but to grant everything only from compulsion: and yet tlie blind may see that if he [)erseveres in playing the fuof, he will l)e compelled to suffer liituself to be coniined whliin narrower limits." The Scotcli, too, had already resolved tluit the adoption of the Cove- nant did not liind them to assist the King against England, and that he should not exercise any right vf (loyeimment till he had accepted the terms laid before him in tlie name of botli kingdoms. Lanerick, brother to tlie Dnke of Hamilton, accordingly wrote to Clmrles: *^ 1 beseech your MaJe^ty most earnestly, for your own account as well as for the sake of your children and the country, at least to accept the pro- p'^sals lalative to religion ; otherwise nothing can be done for you. Tlie most rigorous measures will be ado|)tcd against your Majesty ; you will be thrown aside, and they will govern witliout von.'* The King still considered such absolute cou- ces.Nions as contrary to hi.^ duty, and ri oped that the cfpiilibrinm of the parties opposed to liim would, m ui the encf, |)lace tlie decision in his hands (^^). In tact many of the Scotcli would perhaps have given way in scane points, for fear of the Independents, l)ut ^^^^' Clci-gy, \\hom Guthrie calls, ignorant, bloody. ij 298 AGREEMENT WlTli TlIK SCOTdf. [Chap. HI vindictive madmen and entliiisiasts, always mg-vd ex- treme meaMircs. To these alleged re]i^n,()ii.s n'M^riiis were added otliers of a temporal nature of no less importance. On tlie IHth cjf Dccemher. lG4(n the English Parliament, without making any mention of the King, granted the Scotch i..4U(),0(H,) ; but ahout the same time resolved that the King should be re- ceived by the Commissioners of Parliament, and that he should be conveyed to ITolml)y House, in North- amptonshire, for tlie safety au.d p»res(>rvation, of his person, and in dcfciuM' of the true religion, acconUng tothe Covcfiant; that un soon a,s ht^ liad arri\-tnl there, and the Scotcli army had returned home, endeavours should be made tu induce iiim toacccp.t tlio p-ro|Hjsals and conditions laid liefore him at Xiwcastlc anil consent to the aliciiatmu uf the estates of the Hi-lmps, with the produce of whicli it wa> intended to pjiy the Scotcli. With reference to these resolutions, the Scotch Parliament declared, on the Itnh of J.nninrv, KidJ, that tlie Kmcr had several tnnes aflirnu'd tlial he would make peace, and be wholly guided In the advice of his Parliament. PtJying cai this promise, he hail been recoi\-ed iind propositions of peare tendered to him. He was furtlua- iriiVirmed that Scotland must join with ihf kingdom t)fPhigiand and i\ilh(h'aw i!> aiany, and that danger to that kingdom might ensue, if It did not agree with tho J^-o/Hajuent at PondniV with respect to the Kings pn rson. Now, as hi.^ Majest\ |i)-|7.] AORKKMEXT WITH THE SCOTCH, 299 had expressly desired to be near his two Houses of Parliament, and as the Parliament of England had proposed Holnd)y House lor his abode, with res|K3ct to Ills personal safety, as h,^ has given no satislactoiy answer tothe propositions, and it is necessary to pre- buru« friendship with England, and to prevent new trouldes; the Scotch Parliament, ui order to fulfil the wi.hes of his Majesty, of the two Houses of the Par- iiament of England, and of this kingdom, declares its concurrence for his Majesty's going to Holmby House, or some otlior of his Majesty's houses in or about London, there to remain till he gives satislac- tiuu to lioth his kingdoms m the propositions of peace. Dnrinp the deliberations, Haniiltoii, Lanenck. and a l.'w IruTHls (,f the Kins:, used nil imaginable argu- ments against this resolution. They appealed to the past and present t inu-s, and to posterity, to honor, duty, an for peace, and that England shouhl with all speed pro\ide money to pay their arm v. When this resohition of the Scoteli was communi- cated to the Engli^,h House of Lorti>. rt expressly agreed to all the points relative to the Kings safetv. In the joint answer of }>oth Houses, (-n lln:» 26th of January, 1(347, they are, on the contrary, desii^niedly passed over in total bdence, and (udy tlie special de- mands in tln^ la>t Inilf of the proposals were granted. The Scotch Were silent to this verv siurniticant cjioceed- ing, but contrived, to the great vexation of the English Commissioners, to delay tli* departure of theij- army and the delivering of the King. As soon however as Major General Skippon had paiil the long-expected sums, ('^) all difhcultie.s, were at once removed, and they told tlie King that it liad Ijcen necessarv to corrii^ to a n^selntion, hecause he liad not accepted the Covenant and the conditions subndtted to him. To (dairles's question, whether they meant to deliver him' up, they replied (in onler to save appearances, as if ihi' matter Inid he en effected without their taking an active part), that their garrison would retire from the |i]ace. and tlie English enter it at the same mo- ment. They added that (dnirles would be received by liis people witli every mark of recrard, mid that no King of I'higland had been so powerful as he. (-) Such evasions and smooth speeches, however, could not deceive contempt u-aries or [losterity. Even writt rs of that age say that the objections to the givin.g up the King were made only for the sake of raising the ])rice. Tlieir conduct was composeii of rtdigious hypocrisy,, cowardice, want of feeling, |)er- jury, and treason. It was alleged, by way of excuse, both then and m modern times, that Scotland could lint ex|)ose itself for the King's sake to a w^ar witfi its more powerful neighbour, which in the end would have led to the same result : and that the money had been long since demanded and ])romised for iillier reasons, and could not by any means be considered as tlie price of the sale of the King, li was only by deliver- ing him up that the fatal war could be ended, that the armies miglitbedisbandcil, and that of England, winch crnisistedofTndependents, bo rendered harmless. East- ly, the Scotch Parliament had declared, in suflicii ritlv 1 Strong tenTi>, for the Kmix^ safety: and iioboiiy could foresee the subsequent events, ua account of wlucii siicli hitter retrospective censure was passcii upon theni. llioiiirh iheso remarks were by no means destitute of iniih. It might be answered that Scotland hach 1:111 less urgent occasions, not feared war witli England; andiluitjjy nioderate condiliou;-, tlii\ riiiahi iniicdi riKire easily liave approximated to a solid peace, than ^'y ^^^U^i^tly, aiul contrary to express promises, saeri- ficiim- tlie Kinc^, to ruiii iiirn and tlie Independents at the same time {' ). Without ihe gift of projihocv. it was easy to foresee the future dangers, whieli are eh'ariy spoken of 111 the rc:5oluLiou of the Senteli Parliament. It was only out of cowardici^ and injustice that no notice was taken of the silt'iuM.' of the Enghe-hi Parliament, though that silence so eh^arly revealed the secret paarposes of the parties that no explanation was necessary. Tn the same manner all mention of the King's name was hyp^oeritieally aroided m the negociations, though it is beyond all doubt that tlie deln'ery anal payment were elo.>elv connected, and immediately followed n|)on each other (-"'^j. Besides, the temporal haulers aaid the puritanical zealots divided tlnj bU)od-monev ailiom'- thenn under the name of an indtannitv ; as thev had sold their souls with the King, the\ were resolved at lea:bt to derive ^oiue wnriilh- ad\anta<>'e from it f'^j. ifn7.1 TITE KING ])KI.1\ ERE!) !^P. 303 In. spile of all excitement, the respectfnJ veneration for the majesty of a King, and natural compassion for one reduced so low. had not been wholly banislied from the simple minds of tiie peoi»]e, Ijy amijition, selfishness, and false learning : for instance, when a puritanical minister preached an indolent sermon be- fore tlie King, and when the sermon w^as ended, called for the 52nd. Psalm, which begins '' Why dobt ihou, tyrant, boast tliys( If. fliy wicked works to praise;" the Jviiig arose and called for the 56th. Psalm, which begins '' TTave mercy. Lord, on me, I pray, for men wuuid me devour;" the congregation refused to join in the Psalm proposed by the preacher, and joined aloud in that called for by tin' King. When he arrived at Newcastle, the people received him with ringing ul hdU and bonfires; wherefore, to check these demonstrations, a declaration was issued, that, noivviihbiandMig his presence, everybody should obey the Parliament. At Nottingham, Fairfax, with many oilicers, received him, kissed his hand, and showed him every mark of external respect. " On the whole road to llolmby," says Sanderson, '* especi- all} in the towns, the people flocked together 111 merechble multitudes, joyfully exclaimmo., * Hosanna, God save the King/ while the morc^ calm observers shed tears and presaged the melancholy future." laadlew, a violent adversary of Charles, not only coiiiirms this a.<'e<*unt. hut ndds, *' Thom?h the Kinc i 3^-*-^ f'UARLES AT IIOLMBY. [CmaI'. iff, Was defeated, a pnsoiifr. and whollv powt'iiess, the people still thuimht that he possessed his litrhts, that lie was above rcbpuiisibility, and jii a situation, too, to dve pardon, not to need or to receive it/' On the road iVom N^nveastie to lioliiiby Hoiisr, the iidia-- bitaiits flocked in crowds IVoiii all (juarlers, fell **n t!i( ir knees beioro linn, brought their sick, that he iniglit touch and cure them, and honored hmi as if lie alooc was able to restore peace and security. 'i'his good-natured interest of tlie multitude was, however, of n,o avail, in eppo^ition to the smaller nnrnher of Ijold and octive innovators ; nay, when an attempt was made in the Kngll^}i i^arliament, so mneli had circumstances changeif to prove from the Cove- nant that care niUNt be taken of ilie Kings safety, Martin replied; - Ma> he not broken the peace, and what binds the Parlianuuit to takt^ this ean^ r In fact the only care taken, wa> to inspect lii,. cor- re>pondcnee, lo ^uflVr no fneIH.l^ to approach him, to force some zealous Ihiritans upon him, in the place uf hi5 own chaplains ; and at times, to ask tin ir prisoner whether he tlid not teel himself more at his ease in England than in Scotland. -' h is more just," he answered -that 1 should \w with those who have bought, than with those whohave sold me/' ''Tliis^iv. ing up of the Kimr/' says Montreull, ' has mereased the hatred of the Engll^h towards the Scotch even to detestation. They do not cea.e to reproach tlicm iGi: 1 CRARLES AT IIULMBY. 305 and call them Jews, who have sokl tlieir Kmg. Na- the Engli.li officers were obliged to use'lhrcais ^^"^1 ^>lows. to hinder the women at Newcastle H-om pur>uingthe Scotch garrison and pelting them with stones. (^^) \ VOL, IF. 3U4 CHARLES AT HOI.MBY. [Chap. ILL was defeated, a prisoner, ami wludly fiowrrlehs, th,. peopli still thought that he possessed his rights, that he was above responsibihty, and in a siiuitHjn. too. to give pordon, not to need or to receive it." ( }n the road Irnin N-wca^tle to Ifoliiihy Iloi!st% the inha- hiumi> iiucked in crowds from all quartors, Ml on t!h or knees bciurc liiin. broai^ht their sick, that he might liHioh and cure them, and honored limi as if hu alone wa> ahlc to rc5ture peace and security. ihis G^ood-natured interest ot the multitude was, however, of no a\ail, in upposititai to the smaller iiiirnlier of bold and active innovators ; nay, when an attempt wa^ made in iIh^ Kngiidi Parhaniom, so mneh had eircimistances changed, to pr^vo from the Cove- nant that eare must be taken ut^ \hv Kiinr's >af-ty, ^lartin repliod ; - ITas ho not liroken the peace, and what buuL the Parliament to take this care •^■' In faet the only care taken imas to ioo^pect his cor- respondence, to suffer no hunuh to approai-h him. to force some zealous Puritans n|H)]i him, in the place of his own eluipiains ; and, at tirries. to ask their prisoner whether he did not feel himself more at his ease in Enghiod than m ^)colkuHh - It i:^ more just," he answered - iliai I should be ^Mth those wlio have bought, than with those whoha.ve sold me." ^'Tliisuiv^ ing np of the Kin- " says Montreui], 'has increased the hatred of the English towards the Reotdi. even to detestation. They do not cease to reproach if K?I7 1 CHARLES AT IIOLMliY. 305 and call tlniu JVws, who have Sold their Kinr^ Kay tho Engli.h ofheers were obliged to use%hreats and blows, to hinder the women at Newcastle from pursuing the Seoteh garrison and pelting them with stones. (^^) ! \ Win VOL. ir. NOTES TO CH AFTER Hi 307 NOTES.~C ii 1' i: ?> i I 111. (iy Page 208. ScobcU, p. 37. Clarendon in many places, for instance, Vol. II. p. 211, 264. Many irregularities took place at the new elections ; and during the summer vacations, when many Members of Parliament absented themselves, those who remaincMl earned llieir plans into effect with the more ease. Hollis, ]). U, VI. (2) Page 214. According to Clarke's Edition of the Life of James I, Vol. I. p. 11, 17, each army consisted of 10 or 12,000 nien, and on both sides only about 1,500 were killed. (3) Page 215. In November, the House of Commons as- sented to a petition for peace, lest the people should grow cold. Journals of the Lords, Vol. V, p. 431. (4) Page 218. Nathaniel Fiennes, who commanded in Bristol, was afterwards condemned to death by a court-martial of the Parliamentary army, but pardoned by Essex. The Roy- alists did not strictly observe the conditions that had been agreed upon, and many were of opinion that it was not neces- sary to be so particular with rebels. Whiteloclce^ p. 67. Cla- rendoji, \o\. \'\. {■■. Ml. (5) Page 218. Hampden was not a perfectly faultless cha- racter, but far purer than Mirabeau : the death of both was ultimately a misfortune both for King and country. (6) Page 220. He did not die of the lousy disease, but of the effects of great age and exertions. RusJuvorih, VdL III. p. 2, 276. According to a Narrative of the Disease of Mr. f'vm, published at London at the time, he died in consec^uence of a tumour in the bowels. (t) Page 223- PorL Hist. \o\. 111. p. 115. Sc(^cU, p. 73, 7o, The following duties were imposed : on beer, per barrel, from 2 to 8 shillings ; on cider, per hogshead, 2 shillings ; on wine, per quart, 1 to 2 pence ; on English tobacco, per lb. 2 shillings ; on foreign tobacco, 4 shillings. Journals uf ilx Commons, VoL III. p. 88, 107, 331, 417. D?i^r7dale, p. 127. In ahnost ali direct taxes, the Catholics were taxed higher than the Protestants, and the Recusants double. Pari. Hist, Vol II, p. 842. (8) Page 223. The Journals of the Parliament record num- berless high fines of this kind ; thus, the Earl of Thanet paid £20,000. Journals of the Commons, Vol. IV. p. 645, V. 64. 'l\ ith I he fil'iii part of what was afterwards raised by taxation, (says Clarendon, Vol. V. p. m) the King and the State would have been saved. (9) Page 225. The Hothams had not indeed yet entered into any positive engagement to quit the Parliament, but they were resolved to do so. and behaved at the same time with 60 mneli timidity and selhshness, that at such a time their ruin was inevi- table. Clarendon, State Papers, Vol. il. p. 15.3. Eushworth^ p. 2, 803. (10) Page 227. Hullis, p. 9. Farl. IFbf. Vol II. p. 159. Aheady, in August, 1642, we find a lord complaining that he was obliged to keep away from the Upper House, " by scorns, menaces, and affronts from the people." Ellis's Letters, 2nd series, Vol. V. p. 295. (11) Page 227. Pari JJlsf^ Vol. III. p. 2, 357, 369. Jour^ 7ials of the Lords, Vol MI. p. 333. The Queen did not wish I eaci Liil alter the dissolution of thie Parliament at London. Charles's Works, Vol. I. p. 305. (12) Page 229. Ilurnct Ilandlton, ik%\1 ,1^^. Many No- Idemen and Clergyineii of both parties disapproved of such violent proposals and measures, but self-interest, fear, and dis- satisfaction acted together, fhnhrk, Mem. |.. !'27, 195. Cooh^ Vol Ui, p. 71,73,97. \ "^ » ft .f.W 308 NOTES TO CU IPTF.R HI (13) Page 231. Lain/;, Vol. III. p. 230 relates that Mon- trose offered to the King, in 1641, to murder Hamilton and Argyle as his enemies. (14) Page 231. When Leslie was created Earl of Leven he promised never to draw his sword against the King ; now it was said to be for freedom and justice. Monteith, p. ^n. Laing, Vol. III. p. 259. (15) Page 231. Journals of the Lords, Vol. V. p. 387; Pari. Hist. Vol. III. p. 24, 331, 350, 521, &c. The numbers often vary. The King affirmed that there were in London only eighty Members of the House of Commons and fifteen or sixteen Lords (Pari. Hist. Vol. TT p. 18;) and JVhitelocke , p. 77, says, there were at Oxford only eighty Commoners and forty Lords. Clarendon s Life, Vol. 11. p. 148, says, the Parliament at London was reduced to a fifth part of its number, and acted as if were complete. The Members of Parliament who left London were thrown into Prison as soon as they could be found. rif)) Page 236. Farl. Hist. Vol. III. p. 328; Clarendon, Vol. ^11. p. 260 : Baillie, Vol IT. p. 60, says of Cromwell, in September, 1644, "he is a very wise and active head, universally beloved as religious and strict ; being a known Independent, the most c >t the soldiers who love new ways put themselves under his command." (17) Page 240. According to a report of the French Am- bassador, the bill passed in the Upper House by a majority of one vote only, which was a proxy, produced when it appeared that the numbers /?ro and con were equal ; and when the Earl of Essex produced another proxy on the opposite side, it was refused, on the ground that that Nobleman was a Catholic, and had fled to Ireland. (18) Page 240. It was in the same manner that Bonaparte got rid of Sieyes. (19) Page 241. A few proud, self-conceited, hut-headed Sectarians had got into the highest places, and were Cromwell's chief favourites, and by their very heat and activity bore down the KOTES TO tilAl^TER i i . rest, or carried them alone with them Or?ne's Life of .Baxter, Vol. I. p. 65i (20) Page 248. A report of the French Ambassador even says : of twenty Lords who were in London, only nine appeared, and ^2?^ of them consented to the execution, chiefly because they wished to shew their compliance in a matter in which they were indifferent, and because they knew it was not in their power to save him. (21) Page 249. According to Cook, Vol. HI. p. 69, only about seventy Clergy appeared. Each Member received four shillings a day. (22) Page 250. Baillie, Vol. 11. p. 97 ; when the Assembly, on a subsequent occasion, (April, 1644) endeavoured, in repre- sentations to Parliament, to act as an independent body, it ws severely reprimanded, and told that it could deliberate on nothing uuless commissioned to do so, and still less decide without the Parliament. Farl. Hist. Vol. III. p. 460 : Jour- nals of the Commons, Vol. IV. p. 518. (23) Page 252. We cannot discuss here how the priests, in contradistinction to the laity, form an aristocracy, and ibe bishops collectively a monarchy. (24) Page 254. In a creed of the Brownists is the following passage : Coetum quemlibet particularem, esse totam integram et perfectam Ecclesiam, ex suis partibus constantem, immediate et independenter (quod ad alias ecclesias) sub ipso Chnsto. Vaughan, Vol. II. p. 256. (25) Page 25 J . The Independents gave to every male com- municant the right of voting in all ecclesiastical affairs, Jii determining points of doctrine, in the appointment and removal of Clergymen, &c. Baillie, Vol. II. p. &1I . (26) Page 254. Thomas Erastus (Lieber) died in 1583, at Basle, as professor of medicine. The Seekers affirmed that the true Scriptures were lost, and they sought for them. Orme^ Vol. I. p. 127. 310 NOTES TO cliAPTBR li. NOTES TO t i! APT Kit HI. *) 1 I (27) Pa^1t54. Wij cannot here enter more uunutelv liiiu the diiierpTices amoiig the principal parties ; it is sufficient to point out the main gradations. (28' Page 25 L A difference arose among the Independents themselves, (says Baillie, VoL II. p. 24} when a Mr. Williams taught, that tliere was no true church on earth, because man ought to ser\e God lu his own way. (29) Page 255. However we are only half entitled to look on the Independents as necessarily Hepuhlicans, for under other circumstances they wore zealous adherents of the House of Hanover. I'^un/huN, I. 260. (30) Page 255. Among them may be reckoned those also who were already at that time designated by the name of nationalists, who recognised in State and rhnrrh only what coincided with their reason, i^i which they were in danger of setting up their individual arbitrary opinions as absolute reason. Clarendon, State Fapcrs, \'ui. 11. app. XL. (31) Page 257, Thc^ Independents (says BaiUie, Vol. 11. p. 67, 85) recjuire from every member of the congregation, besides a creed (for the most part Calvinistic) and moral conduct, sucli signs of grace thai ail may be convinced ot his regeneration, fhey also allowed every one to preach. (32) Page 257. Many rejected the doctrine of angels, devils, sacraments, and even denied the immortality of the soul. (33) Page 258. This was cunuected with the 'juesiioii. how far those may be tolerated who condemn ail toleration. (34) Page 259. Tiie lawyers in the Parliament considered the spiritual authority as emanating from the temporal pouer, and joined the independents. .\'eai>\ \\A. Ill, p. 3M; Lin- ffariL VuL \\ p. 273. (35) I^aa-e 259. There were frightful excesses, |. hindering, and murder even, in the Parliamentary anny at the beginning of iG45. Whi(eIocke.\^A1(], m" l^iiie -l^i.A'eale. Vol, IIP |e 212, 219; Cook. Vol, IIP p. 92. Pi tiie same manner as the Parliament liad caused the Hothams to be executed, so did Cromwell, in the sequel, liavu thi5 Lowe put to death. Clarcjidon^ Vol. Xil. p. 2G4. (37) Page 262. A proposal, supported by several Lords, to put tliis question wholly aside, and immediately to enter on the details, was called by others an unjustifiable abandonment of principles. (38) Page 266, Print e however (according to the iV^yo^i- ations Secretes de Munster, Vol. I. p. 69) granted the Queen a considerable sum to retrieve her afFairs. Flassan^ Vyl. HI. p. 90 ; Clarendon, Vol. VI. p. 322. (39) i'ciire 276. It only remains doubtful whether the docu- ment is genuine by which Charles promises to give his daughter to the son of Glamorgan, with a dowry of £300,000. Warner^ p. 373, 378 ; Br, 354 ; Leland, Vol. Ill, p. 285. (40) Page 279. Petitions for peace and a suspension of hos- tilities, which were addressed to the King and the Parliament iV viii many quarters, were ill received in London ; nor was any neutrality tolerated. Journals of the Lords, Vol. VII. p. 484. (11) Page 280. Pari. Hist. Vol. IIL p. 438, 452, 458. He added however, only they should not trouble his adherents, nor confiscate their estates, nor compel them to adopt the Cove- nant. JFhAtelocJce, p. 224 ; Clarendoii, Vol. VHP |>. 206. ( 1 J) Page 282. Clarendo?i State Paj)crs, Vol. IP p.. 211. 22^. J^^eg Delations de M. Montr euil, (43) Page 283. lOih Janaar>% 1646. Negociatwns de M. MontreniL (44) Page 286. Charles had several times been in such distress for money at Oxford, that his household had been supported by the Sundays' offerings. Ellis^s Letters, second series, Voh \. p. 310. (15) Page 2S6. Pari Hist. Vol. III. p. 53 : IFarwick. p. 2, 5. The arrival of the King ni London was feared, because lie uouhl gain a great party. Ludlow, p. 6S-, BaiUic, Vol. IP 312 ^"OTES TO CilAPTER 111. fj. 206. At the takinof of Oxibrd Princi' James wa^ nindo J risoncr ; all the officers, except Fairfax, kissed his hand, and Cromwell alone also knelt to him. Clarke, Life of James II. VoL I. re 29. (46) Page 287. .^fem. de Montrose, Vol. L \k 12i. in spite of Montrose's remonstrances, the King confirmed his order, and Montrose went to France. • (47) Page 288. Report ofM. de MontrcuiL (48) Page 295. Report of M. Grignon to M. Bricnne, October, 1G4G. (49) Page 297 Laing, Vol. III. p. 357, 359. A peace concluded by tlio Marquis of Ormond wiih thu;' Caihohcs in Ireland was c t no advantage to the King, but only revived certain reproaches. Dumont, Vol VT |. 1 ; Neal, VoL III; p. 274, 315. The death of Essex, too, (he died the 1 ith of September, IG IG) was a loss tu the King. (50) Page 29^1 A. cording to Sanderson, p. 939, 940, and irhiteloclie,'^. 240, it was decided in the Scotch Pul lament, by a majority of only two votes, that the King should not be broil £,dit to Scotland. (51) Page 300, Ludlow, p. 71. After the King had been given up, it is not likely that they would ever have received the money. (52) Page 301, Lffitr from M. Mnntreud to M. Hrlenne^ February 12, I947. (53) Page 302. If the Scotch, (say- Montreuil in a Report of the end of January, 1647) deliver up the King, they act con- trary to tlieir thity and to wliai ihey have proinisi'd. (54) Page 3U2. For niit.l the English dispose of (lie King, the Scots are not like to have £40,000, a considerable sum for Scots to sell their souls. Sanderson, p. 927. The French Minister, Brienne, writer in tcniise qually ofiensive, " Endea- vonr to gaui over tht Chancellor of Scotland himself with money, he will not offended by it, because he is a Scotchman ; that is to say self-interested." ISOTES TO tllAPTKH HI. 313 (55) i^age 302. The Marquis of Argyle received for himself and his friends £13,000; Hamilton and his friends, £50,000, ke. Ni)r was it doubted that the Ministers also were rewarded • yet the same was t onveyed, that the proportions came not so publicly known. Guthrie's J/tv/o p 197; Neal, Vol. IIL p. 304 ; Laing, Vol. III. p. 364, 369;Brodie, Vol IV p. 75; History of the Covenant, Vol. I. p. 122 : LingarJ. Xu\. X. p. 353. {66) Page 305 . Yegociations de M. de Montreuil Letter a M, Br'ienne, Feb. 12, 1647. it 1647.] STATE or PARTiES. 315 CHAPTER lY. 1 roiii the Delivering up of the Kmg, to his Death. [1647—1649.] I'iirs, the Scotch and En<^^li.-^-]i Presljvteriaiis had triumphed in the state and in tlio cliiirch, made the King a prisoner, expelled the Iji^liops, and arranged ever)Lhing according to tlwir own pleasure. But at the very moment that a!i^(,hl!e power appeared tu pas^ miu iluir hiwid^, and iheir system to be eonfirmed fur all ages, they were alread}- un the brink of the |)reeipiee : nav, after they had attained the highest elevation, tie y neces- sarily, ill spite of all their >triiiri^U-, loll with accelerateil voloeity. Only ll-nr of tlie Kimr. and hatred of liini. had hitherto kept together the opposite extremes ; !)Ut after the monarchical element of the constituticm had !)een rashly and unjustly tfirowB asiile, it a|)peared in another form, and endeavoured to recover ii> influence. The lll^tory of the bhiglhsh revolution shows tir>t tht iiibt struggle of liberal-minded men against the arbiirarv exercise of monarchical j'ower ; then the contest of extrava- gant zealots acainst temperate royalty : then the love of liberty in the army, composed of Independtuits, comes forward against the narrow-mindeii intolerance of tlie Presliyterians, l)ut naturally degenerates into nuHtary licentiousness, and tlurs leads, through anarchy, to the despotism of Cromwell. This last turn and development litdng so very remarkable, we will now |>roceedto describe it in detail. On tlie IGth of February, 1(347, the King arrived at TTolml.)v House, and onlv three davs later, on the 19th, tlie great struggle began, Iji-tween the Pi'esliyterians and the Independents, tlie Pardament unci the army between; Hollis, Glynn, Waller, Stapleton, &c. on tlie one side, and Fairfax, Crom- welh Iretom iS:e. on tlie other. The Presbyterians were united by their consistent system in a nir)ri' und'orm eorn-se of action, and tliereby dord)led their |!ower; wfiereas their adversaries a}!pearcd to 1)0 -weakened by the diversity of sentiments prevailing amono: them,, and the more marked cha- racter of the inviividual leaders. As the Puritans, however, treated with intolerance all persons of a dillereiit opinion, the latter were eom{)elled to miite in resisting, and found in the army an illegal but doiil)ly dangerous point vf union. i\Iany thought that, in order to avert this ihinger, they must above all things, seek to gain the commander- m-chief. 316 FAIRFAX. uLI\Eli i JlOM \V ELL. [Cn\!'. IV. Fairfax was a courageous, disintercstetl and woll- meaniiig man, whose personal character essentially coiitiil)iited to the successful issue of this war. He wa.> uiic of tliosc men who, notwithstand- ing the best intentions, assist in priimuting what is bad, bueausc they have not strengtli of mind to foresee, nor resolution to dsiiov it; who almost unconsciously bring vn n'volatKMis, but are incapable of checking or tf directing tlienh Weak tlrrough creduhty, and croduiuus through weakness and good nature, he was ahno.t always but an ULstrument to proniote the o!)jocts of others, and helped to execute what ho binoMdf did not approve; till, confounded at tho dreadful but inevitable turn, he retired from the scene with the poor con^olatuju that even hi^ adversaries did not ascribe to him the evil, wliuh had, ior the ni05t I'art, boon accon]pli>hed under his name. Of a very different nature was Oln or Cromwell, wlio -urpas>et! liiin and aJI the others. Bom on the lonh of Aiaih 1599, of respectable parents, m iiccent circumstances, well educated thouirh not learned o^r generalli informed , after, as it seems, a mure or hs> irrrguhir course of life, converted to the ngul pmy of those times, (^) married early, and a good husband and fatluAr. in t!ie last Parliament but one, he sat as Member ior l]untiugd.,aK in the b^iiu Parliament. Ru' Cann lti47.1 IIVER CROMWELL. 317 l)ridge ; and gave offence by tlie negligence of his i^ersonal appearance, as well as ])y the singu- laritv and confusedness of his hun^uage. J hit he soon manifested so mueli activity and praelieal good sense, so much ability in inflneneing others, and catching the tone of his age, that he was employed, first in e.umerous Committees of the Pailiament, and afterw^ards in the army : he, in fact, decided everything. At the beginning of his career, he had, })\ no means, laid down any ] laii ; l)ut tlie force of circumstances gradually gave him ideas, means, and resolutions. Hence, he said very characteristically t » War\\iek, '* 1 can very w^ell say what I will not ; but, by no means, w hat I will: I ^hall know it as soon as it is necessary." Thus circumstances led and misled him, and he, on tlie other hand, knew how to mould them to the gratihcation of his passions, in that age, whieli threw down all barriers, the noble talent of guiding tho minds of men could grow up to unbridled ambition, w^hich, at the beginning, was unconsciously united in him with fanaticism , then he designedly used the latter as a pretext and cloak, till religion.^ considerations and opinions withdrew more and more into the back ground ; nay, till he at loriuldi inairitained in theoiy, and rodueed to prac- tice, tho impious principle that in extraordinary eases the dietates of morality must be disregarded, aud right sacrificed to necessity. (") Tluxugh more 318 rROMWEIJ.. TIFE KUMY [Chap, IV favored and exalte! Ijv tlie Parliament, tliaii aiiv otluT man. lie saitl to i.iialow, even at this time, "What a miserable thing it is to serve a Parliament. If any oflieicnis person gets n|^ and tlirows dirt upon another, the latter can never pnrify himself." As early as NoYem])er, 164(), I'airiax had l)een received by the Parliament with excessive flattery , and Lentluil the Speaker, for instance, said, all future generals isoiud wish to add his name to theirs. Even before that, when Parliamentarv commissaiies were sent to the army, Fairfax was requested witli overstrained civility to admit them to his councils. Jf tlie Presbyterians liojicd thus to gain the general and the army, the Independents believed with much reason that he would give the merit to them., and after such an acknowledii^ement of his power, would probably be induced to go furtlier. Pii ftict, after the arrival of the King at llolmby llouse. the rerd position of the parties was unreservedly manife^ted, The' proposal to take. the chief commrmd from Fairfax was rejected l>y a majority of only P2 ; apal, on llio other hand, it was resolved, on the 19th uf h\l)nia,ry, bv a majority (»f 158 to 148, that the army should be disbanded, with the exception of the troops re([uired for Ireland and the garrisons. By another resolution, of the 8th of ^larch, it was decided fjy a majority of 136 to 103, that no member of Parliament should retain a command , that Fairiax should renuun ?A tho head. 1(547.] THE AiniY. 319 that the officers under him should have no higher rank than that of colonel, and that tlu/y were bound to accept the Covenant. The partial disbanding of the army, after tlie war was ended, was undouljtedly as necessary as useful ; and the fear that the Royalists might again come forward with new energy was exaggerated. The Parliament, how^ever, from manifest apprehen- sion of till' ai'oi}-, liOgau its operation with too much violence and eagerness, did not provide for the immediate payment of the arrears, and eon\erted a moasiu-ii of piildic utility into a party business ; because the order to accept the Covenant excluded all Independents, and cut off every hope of religious toleration. V\ hiie petitions were sent from London and other parts of the kingdom for the speedy disliandinir cd" the soldiers, who were a. CToa.t burden upon the pt^jple, and a |ilan was drawn up to re-organize the city mditioi. to be employed, if neces- sary, for defence, and independently of tlie army, tlie l^irliament received, on the 25tl] of ?day, a pi tit ion fre)m several colonels and officers, which related ptirtly to their pay and thoir future destinv, and ])artly, though in a moderate tone, touched upon manv otlior matters. The Parliament answered, thrit the arrears of pay would be taken into conside- reJion, hut tliat the petitioners had no l)usiness to meddle with tlie affairs of state; *'no further notice, however, shall 1)0 taken of their error in this respect, in consideration of their services." 320 PKTlTIiJXS OF THE ARMY [Ckaf, TV. i^Ieaiifime a far greater number of soliliers and oflicers had presented to General Fairfax, on the 30tli of March, a petition. rcfpH^stiiig hiui to send it to Parliament. Tliey declared in res[)cct- fid, terros thai, ncitu itli^taiichng liartt.^hips and privations of all kinds, they liad never eom|)lalned or presented petitions, cir Ijeliaved in a dibobedient manner. I'hey now all requested tliat iliey might be secured against responsibility for what IkuI been done (lurlnG: the ^var, and paid Ijeforo they were disbanded; tlnil provision iniLcht be made for in\adids, widows, and orphans; that none might be compelled to further bervicc, thit only those wdna were willing might be sent to Ireland, and that a dail\ >ub>istence might 1)0 assigned thoni to prevent their becoming a burden to the country. Very warm debates arose in Parliarneiu nimn this petition, so that some thouaiit the contents very natural, and a})proved it ; others l)lanipd it. but were of e)piiii()n it might l)e passed over if the petitioners did r.ot proceed furtlier. Tht^. their heaal. zealou"^ Presbyterians, with llollj :'-i a I however, carried the following resolution : The petition i> dangerous, and tlio object of it is to excite di-content and ninlin.y in the arnry : however, it ^ln.dl 1)0 takon for i^n-a nt rd tli a! it oriiriuated witli a few persons, and that the assent of others has been given either withrait reflection or by compul- sion, dliose who repent shall be pardoned, and those who persevere in thi^ course, shall be treated as enemies of the state and public tranquillity. lt.47.j PETITIONS OF THE ARMV. 321 Instead of alarming or quieting tlie army, this re- solnlion of the Parliament only produced a reply. On the 22ndof xipril, one generab fourteen colonels and lieutenant-colonels, six majors, and one him- dred and thirty captains wrote to tlie I'arliament: '^Our nnoderate and legal step has been misrepre- sented; for. according tu the declaration of theParlia» ment itself, every person has a right to present petitions, and wc hope that we have mjt forfeited our rights as citizens, and our own libertv, by becomintJ- soldiers, and fighting for the lil)erty of our brethen : besides the Parliament received m a gracious maimer petitions from the army of Essex and Waller, and returned thanks for them. In order, however, to avoid all appearance:^ of an erroneous and illegal course, we delivered tlie petition to our respected Commander, that he might examine and forward it. There was the less reason to compel any one to agree to it, as the e([uity and justice of our demands is evident to ever) unprejudiced person. We hope tliat what is due to UiS as soldiers and citizens will be granted, and that such satisfaction will be given for the reproaches mrale ns as the* Parliament in its wisdom shall see good." A fnv days after the presentation of these remon- strances, l\Iajor General Skippon appeared, on the 30ih of April in his place in the House of Communs. and ])roduced a letter addressed to him by some divi» sions of the army, which was drawn up in an arro- \ OL. li. y PROCEEDINGS OF THE AHMV rCiiAP. IV. gant tone, complaining that tliere was a conspiracy to disband tlic armv. contrived by people who had lately tasted the pleasures of governing, and, overstepping the limits of servants, liad attempted to become mas- ters, andah'eady degenerated into tyrants. Similar letters had been received bv Cromwell and Fairfax. When the persons wliu had brought the letters were questioned by the Speaker, tliey gave in- solent answers ; and violent debates ensued wiiether mild or severe measures slioidd be employed. At length it was resolved that Cromwelb »Skippon, Ireton, and Fleetwood should repair to the army, appease it, and give favourable assurances respecting the payment of the arrears. These men, though the leaders of the Independents, had gone to London, and attended the sittings of the Parliament, in order to appear as if they had taken no >hare at all in the proceedings of tlie army ; and ('rtanwell. in |K:irtieu- lai\ [ireteiided to Ix' in all tilings agreed with the Parliament, and its faitlihd servant: in truth, however, nothing was done without the advice of him and his friends. Thus the soldiers of each regiment now chose three or f inr assistants or representatives, who were called adjudicators or agitators, w^ho discus>e(l in a sort of com mil tee all measures that were to be adopted, and subjected edl the resolutions of tlie Par- liament to a su!)seauent exaniiiintion. ldie\ formed a kind of Lower Llouse, and the Oihcers an Upp(;r Hoine. bv which tdie plan nf resistance became more 1^7. THE ARMY AND TflE PARLIAMENT. 323 consolidated and connected than was believed in London to be the case. As soon as Cromwell who was the soul of tlie whole affair, arrived there, he l)it- terlyeomjilained, with profound dissimulation, of the state of affairs, but affirmed, however, wdthhis associ- ates, that they had found in the army no distemper, but many grievances. The Parliament returned thanks, on the 21st May, to him and ins associates for their exer- tions, and on the following davs came to manv reso- lutions respecting the time and manner of paying the troops, of disbanding them, and of sending a part to Ireland. When it was proposed about this time to place some of the most violent of the adtators in strict custody, a Mr. Werenworth could venture to say they might be put in safe custody, but in tlie licst tavern in tlie eity, and be well provided with wme and sugar. Cromwell, referring to some violent debates, said still more plainly to Ludlow these people will never leave off till the army takes them l)y the ears and turns them out of Parliament. And in fiet they still believed, as the King had done 1)0^ i'on\ in their own inviolability and omnipotence, and did not take any right measures either to resist the army or to satisfy and gain it. On the 29th of May, the new council of war declaretl that till all the q-rievances of tlie armv were removed it could not be dissolved, so that the Parliamentary Commissioners were obliged to return without ellectiiig anytlmig. I'hree days later, on y2 324 THE ARMY. lAlIlFAX. [CilAP. i^^. the 1st of June, Fairlax wiliiiiG:]}' received a dt^ei- sive proposal of the coiiiieil of war, iiaiiicly : In oniir the better to si]|)eriiittni(l the regiments, and to keep them in order, tliev shall be collected from their scattered (jnarters ; then tln^ genend will not be obliQ:ed to go from place to phice, and the Parliament will clearly see how^ far it may depend on the army, and the latter what it may expect from Parhament. Fairfax commnniented this resolntion of the conneil to the Parliament, recommending kindne>.s and mikhaess, though the most lilind conkl not but see in it a formal declaration of wair. Mollis, with the most zealous of his friends, advised therefore that at a moment of such great danger Cromwell ought to be arrested, though complete proofs of his guilt were still wanting ; and, in fact, this perhaps would liavc been the only means of averting the approaching rev olut lull. But before it could be regularly brought forward in tlie slow Parkiamentarv course, Cromwell had again left Londun tor tla; ami} , to wdiich lie gave a new preponderance by a bold and unexpected measure. On the 3nl of June, 1647, Comet Jovcc, formicrlv a tailor, appeared at Ilulnd)y; at the hi-atl of a party of liorse, and demanded to speak to the King. BeiuG: told that his Maiestv was already gone to bed; he paid the less regard to the objection, as liis men had f{uiei\ly come to an understanchng witli the garrison, and drunk to tlieir lirotlierhood, and conse- 1047,] THE KING CARRIED OFF. «"5^c) quently neither the ofhcers nor the commissioners of the Parliament could depend upon their support. Wlien tin' King had lieen %vaked from his sleep, Joyce went to him, armed, and declared that he was come to take him to the army. Being asked by whose authority he came ; Joyce answered, by tlie authority of the army. The King replied: I know of no legal power in the kingdom, except my own and that of the Parliament; have you not, at least, a -written order from Fairfax ? Joyce, Fairfax is a member of the army. The King. lie is not a member, but the head of the army. Joj/ce. The soldiers at the door are my authority. The King, This autliority is in truth written so legibly that it may be read without spelling. However, I shall not yield, except to force, unless 1 have a promise that nothing sliall be required of me contrary to my con- science and my lionor. Joyce. According to our ]>rinciples, w^e do not force the conscience of any man, and least of all of our King : but only humbly beg him to go wiih ns, in order to prevent a second bloody war which certain persons, wdio pretend to be friends to the King and the kingdom, would willingly bring about. When the King reached the army, Fairfax affirmed, as we l)elieve with perfect truth, that he had known nothing wdiatever of the whole enterprize ; to which Charles answered that he could not believe this unless lie hammed Jovcc. Th,e cornet being sum- 326 THE KING CAiUUEl) OFF. [Cnkv. iV. monedto appear, said : 1 liave acted bv instructions iruia the army; let it be as5embled, and if tlirce-lburtlis, at least, do not approve of mv conduct, 1 am readv to be lumg at the head of my rea^iment. In the Journals of the House of Lords, of the 3rd June, we fmd a declaration to the following effect : ( ) '* We, soldiers, under the commami of his Excellencv General Thomas Fairfax, have, with the general assent of our comrades, maniflisted our real attachment to the Parliament and to rovaltv bv earrving off the Kini^r, in order to prevent a second liloouy war."' it is abso- lutely impossil)le that Cromwell and hi^ associates should have known nothing of this phin ; on the con- trarv, it cannot Ije doubted tliat thev had contrived If and f)rought about th,e whole, in order to aiitiei})ate and out-manoeuvre tlie Presl)vterians ; wherefore Jlilton, the panegyri>t nf Cromwtdf, says ; (O •• The carrying off of the King was hideed contrary to the laws ; but, under snch circumstances, the most wortliv men have often boldly saved the state, and the hiw s have afterwards confirmed tliuir proceedmgs." ilc- cording to Huntingdon, Joyce said I'lainly that Cromwell !iad given him the commission; and the latter replied, " otherwise the Parliament would liave carried (af the King." "^^ hen nuws of all these ['rocet^jiiigs was brought to London, tlie adversaries of tlio Independents were thrown into the utmo.st con.^ternation, ami some feared that the King liad come to a compjlete uuder^tandin 1647.] THE ARMY. 327 w ith them. Their apprehensions in this respect were however allayed by a declaration which the Earl of JJumferinling gave in his name, that he had been carried away to the army against his will, and did not tlruik of undertaking anything against the Parliament, and he proposed that they should send deputies to him to liear tlie wdiole trutli from hi.^ mouth. At the same time, a letter from the Commander-in-chief, dated the itli of June, was brought to the Parliament, in wliieh he acquainted it that he had neltlier known or ordered theVarrving awav of the King, but begged that tlie rea- sonable w ibhes of the army might be the more readily satistiecb as it had no intention to oppose the Presbyte- rians or set up the Independent government, or to meddle with state affairs in creneral. leaving all iliese iliings to the wisdom of Parliament. Tlie Scotch depu- ties in London looked at this carrying off of the King in a very different point of view ; they alhrmedthat it was contrary to the Covenant and the express condi- tions sti|!ulated for the security of Charles, when he was given up, and took it for granted that the English l^irliameiit had engaged to maintain and execute those conditions in which Scotland would readily afford every assistance. '' The Scotch," says Montreuil, in a letter or the 2nd of June, ('j *' are astonished at the events in England and the triumiili of the Imlependents ; they ]dainly see the destruction of their religion, and of lla ir pro|)erty, which they value still more. Argyle and his party wished to adopt prompt measures. 328 THE AllMV AND [Chai . iV. 10 17.] THE PARLIAME-NT, 329 liaiiiiltoii, on the roiitrarv. enciaavoiirs to gain liiiio. for fear tliat liis opponents should gel tiie iii)|HT liaiui. Lastly, tlie [ireachers prove that it h a. dntv to iiitro- iliiee Presliyterianism in England^ even when nut invited to do >o," Events of sueh great importance, and violent t-xeite- ments of sneh a conflicting nature, caused in the i\ir- liciment an irresolution which usually ha^ten;^ danger- ous decisions, instead of preventinir tliem. Hois the boldest carried a proposal that the Kmg bhoukl be taken l)ack to Holmhy House, and placed under tlic superintendence of Parllanieutary Conmussiuners ; i\ herons it was decided l}v a niajoritv c-f 9C) to 79 in the Lower 11 ousi;, raid e>f () to 4 in the Upper House, to i^rant the pecuniary demands of the army, to re- establi:^!], ])\ the medial ion of dt'|)uties, the good nnderstandnig witli the Parliament, arid to ^'xjanige from the Joui-}iai:> o[ the House the resoliilioii of the 30th of May against the army, because the soldiers had done >{ii:li MTviees, aiul iiad not infoiHrnd to rr\ye offi:'nce. Fairfix, being inh>rnied id' these circuin- stances, acquainted the creveral reiriments that the Parliament had noticed tlieir proper and laudable conduct, and would !ak(^ care lor tin- [uivment of their arrears, and lor the remedvini^ of iln/ir urievances. At tlie sanio iiriie he exhorted tliern lobe mnderatt"^. and not again to use their former offensive expressions agaiUbt the House. " Ibn-'Uipon,"" says one author^ the soldiers saluted the general with huzzas and acclamation?;; but required him to remove all officers who were not of the same sentiments as themselves, and by their own authority, expelled those who had voted against the late |)roposais." At tlie instance of Cromwell, Ireton, Fleetwood, Harrison, and otliers, wdu), notwithstanding the self- denying ordiiKince, ludd fHists in the army, a solemn engagiini'rit had been brout^lit about, on the 5th of June, and a document drawn up, in w hich the soldiers endeavonrod to justify tluar preceding conduct, as well as the choice of agitators, and affirmed that it was ]j\ no means intended to overthrow the government of the Presbyterian constitution of the church, or to introduce general licentiousness, under the pretext of religious frei^dom , yet, at the same time, they speak of the injustice and tyranny of their enemies, and of the malicious and wicked designs and principles of certain persons in the Parliament. They plainly de- clared, that till their grievances were redressed, and all their domands granted, tlie army would not suffer itself to be disbanded l)y anxbody, either w^h oily or in part. Thus pressed by tlio (hsobedient refractory army, the Parliament considered it as a very fortunate eireuni^tauce. wheru on the 8tli of June, a petition was presented from tlie city of London requesting all horioura1)1e means nught l)i' u^od to come to an understanding with the army, that bdoodshed mi^ht be avoided, the Covonaiit niaintainiM.L the Kings k\ 330 I 1 3 'L-* '^M\ i i\ A,X{) [Chap. IV. person secured, fresh ncgoeiations be commenced with him, Ireland assisted, Parliament many petitions tliat were receiveil in ilivour of the army. As it had formerly, in its mistrust, employed against the King argumentN, reproaches, conjectures. &c, the same, now it had lo-l all eredit and popu- larity, was done io it-elf in scorn and ridicule, and 161" THE PARLIAMENT. ^1 all that it now^ ventured to do in its pretended omni- potence was to request that Fairfax, with the army, should not come within forty miles of London. He answered, on the 12th of June, that he was sorry not to be able to comply witli tliis request, because the army, as circumstances had required, had already advanced witliin twenty miles of London. On tlie receipt of this intelligence, as Sanderson expresses it, such fear and boundless suspicion arose in the city that it seemed as if every body was mad. The Parliament deliberated day and night, but found that its resolutions, which at this time had been cliiefly for the advantage of London, did not quiet the minds of the citizens, and that its measures did not alarm the soldiers. The latter and the general, on the contrruT, answered the deputies of the Parlia. inent that the nearer they were to the city the more easy it was to obtain money, to restore order, and to establish peace. Major-General Skippon, who was supposed to have been gained by presents, and by the chief command in Ireland, recommended, in along speech, delivered with a melancholy countenance and a tone of lamentation, that the Parliament should be temperate and indulgent to the weakness of a jealous conscientious army which had performed so many services. The best, therefore, would be to app)oint a day of fasting and humiliation, and to do what the soldiers demanded, otherwise they would call upon them all before they expected it. '* Thus;' continued THE ARMY A XI) [Chap, IV. Hollis, '^ they cried per car innL^ in order to escape a whipping." From every concession of the Parliament tlie army iiroved the justice of its earlier demands and raised them, referring to the I)^incipk^s which had been frequently dechired by the two Houses them- selves. Instead of giving up the King as the Par- liament demanded, the army iitiw treated liini with uncommon respect,, so that apprehensions were con- ceived that he might place himself at its head and disperse the Parliament. The knulers of the Presby- terians, indeed, still preserved tlieir conraf^e, and en- deavoured to prepare everything in London for serious resistance; but the violence of their opponents increas- ed in an ecpial degree. ^Mien Holhs, for instance, leii into a bitter dispute with Ireton, and challemredhiim the latter answered it was contrary to his conscience to fight a thiel. Hereupon Hollis struck him in the face, and said, "Then let it be against your conscience to insult otlicrs." After such scenes betw^een the leaders of the Presljyterians and Independents, no reconciliation could be thouirht of. On the 14th of June, the Parliament received a declaration of the army and the generals, drawn up principally by Ireton, witli the assistance of Crom- well and Lambert, in which, among other thin^^-s they say : - We are no hired mercenaries, wlio mii^t assist m all kinds of oppression, but came forward to defend the rights and liberties of the eountrv, whieli loil.J THE PARLIAMENT. tJsJO are sufliciently known to us by the declaration of Parliament, and b'v our owm common sense. In Scotland, Portugal, and the Netherhinds they went much further than the army has done ; and the Par-' liament itself Inis declared that w^here the rights of nature, of justice, and of nations are, there is no undue resistance to [tiitlio! ity. We therefore demand tlie expulsion and impeachment of eleven ^^lembers : viz.. Hoiks, Stapleton, Lewis, Clotw^orthy, Waller, Alaynard, Massey, Glyn, Long, Harley, and Nichols, wlio Iiad particularly spoken and acted against the army; they likewise demanded a month's pay in t\M> days, &c. Further, that the Parliament should not raise any new troops, or grant the obedient soldiers and officers any advantages over those who had disobeyed ; and should give a strict account of the application of the public revenue; that the rights of the King .should be determined in harmony with the rights of the subjects, and an amnesty I'oi' the past must be proclaimed. The present Parliament must not continue indefinitely, according to the will of the Members, wdiich is contrary to the constitution of the country and the rights of the people, and leads to t\ ranny. Triennial Parliaments must be restored, tht^ representation of inconsiderable and decayed })laces must be altered, and a more uniform system introduced, founded on judicious principles ; for in- stance, with reference to the payment of taxes. Ko ^v .V THE ARMY AND rcfiAP, IV. 1647.] IHL i'AilLlAMENT. 335 person desires to overthrow the Presbyterian ('Inirc'l!, but rudther ought those who are restrainrd ])y their consciences from following certain forms and ceremo- nies, but otherwise live peaceal)ly and according to the hiws, to be punished on that aeeount, or l)e de- barred any rights and privileges. Our demands are, m sliort, for the general good, and are not founded on partial and selfi:,h views. Wherejfiire we hope tliat Go({. Ill Ids goodness and inercv. will throufdi us, as his blessed instruments, cause the peace and hap|)iness of tJiis unhappy kingdom to be esfal> lished." All thobe demands not only obtained the approba- tion of the commander-in-chief, Fairfax, m a special letter, but met with many friends in the country. Ihe taxes, it was complained, become daily heavier, and a great portion of the revenue is emjiloyed for selfish purposes, and no account given. Unheard-of harshness is used towards the vanquished friends of the King, and to the bishops, who are rodiiced to distress. The Star Chamber is, indeed, abolished ; but the committees formed in tlie counties arrest and punish at their discretion, and exercise a greater tyranny than ever, and all this too is done under reli- gious pretexts, and every crime is accompanied with prayers and scripture phrases. If, therefore, o])jec- tions may be made in some instances to the demands of the army, and if its haughtv bearing cannot be jn^^tiiled, as far as the form is concernc-d, yet tliere remains no otlier means to put down the temporal and sfiiritual tyranny of the Parliament. In this situation, which must have Ijeen more bittt'r to tfie Parlianient, whieli was latelv so revered, an ^ when it considered its own conduct towards the Kincr. it revoked the ordiiumce against the army, assigned money for its pay, and put a stop to the levy of recruits and to the preparations for defence. But it passed over otiuu* }H)ints in silence, observed that the expul- sion of tlie eleven Members could not take place without a precise statement of the complaints against them and proofs; and, lastly, it again demanded that the army should remove to the distance of fortv miles, and that the King should ])e given up to the Parliament. I'airlax did not pay the slightest atten- tion to these demands, at first did not answer at all, then evasively, and it was not till the 23rd of June that a new humble petition of the army and its leaders appeared. It says, '' The Parliament has not even taken our proposal into consideration; and far less resolved and cllected any thing satisfactory. A party still manifests more despotism, oppression, injustice, and tyranny than were ever before known, lirings disgrace upon all, and destroys the lil)erty of the sol- diers and the citizens. It is not sufficient to remove this party, it must be punished; and we will enter upon Hichvidual charges, as soon as we are encouraged to do so by the expulsion of the eleven ]\Iembers. 1 i 336 THE ARMY AND [Chap. IV. 154 / . ARMY, KIXO, PARIJAMEXT. ^Yliy they deserve siieli treatment the Parliament best kiiow.^ We, on the eontrary, cannot reckon up what has been clone there witltout a breach of tJtc privilege:^ of rarliameNt / To give up the King to our enemies now would be the more foolish, since, with- out an equitaljle deteiiuination of his rights and suitable considerations of his adherents, jieaee, trau- quillity, and order are unattainable. The expunirin^^ the resolutions against the army, witliout stating the reasons, and the sequel, avails nothimi: and onlv lessens the respect due to the legislators. Tlie arniv will without delay, and with energy, by some extraor- dinary means, deliver the ParliamerU from slaverv, and put it in a condition con.scientiouslv to |)erform its duties, especially witli regard tn all the demanils of the soldiers." After long and warm debates, the Pcirliameiit resolved, on the 25th of June, that the accused Mem- bers could not be suspended from sitting in the house till particulars were produced and proofs given. On the following day, however, news was brought that the army hail advanced within fifteen Englisli milt^s : but merely, as Fairtax said, f(.)r liie ease of the country and the soldiers. In tliis situa- tion, when arguments and representations had no effect, and means were wanting to re|)el force by force, the eleven accused Mendjers desired leave to absent themselves from the House. This wasreadilv e him as an instrument, and to heep him in suspense, ratlier than to determine dis- puted points according to hi> wishes. Hence Lane- rick wrote Id him that the army would certainly pro[)ose very li nd terms to him, and at the most of- fered him religious liberty, for the loss ol all tempo- ral rower. The King asking, in a conversation, w^ith what right lie had been removed against his will from Hohnby House, Fairfax replied, from necessity ; on which Charles said, '^ never ventiuud at the height cfrny power to do so much \iolence to the taw, and yet those people cry out give us justice, or — ! !" On the 8th of July, a letter from the commander- in-chiei; rccommen(hng and jUbtiiying the milder treatment of the King, w^as received l)v the Parlia- ment. The letter advised nut to use greater severifv tow-n\lv him withont necessity, wdiieh wotdd onlx excite a new interest in liis llu or. " We are no ene- mies to the monarchy and eivil ,)rder, hut will not conclude any separate eunventiuns witli the King; we have never sought of liim or tln^ ParHanienl any- thing for ourselves, but aim (iui\ at iu>tiee truth. lihertv, and peace for our contemporaries, and all uur descendants ; we desire (to the joy of all good men,) harmony and concord between the army and the Parli- I ament, and .^hall know how to maintain it against all opponents." The mixinre of fniili and error, of hu- mdity and arrogance, of apparent obedience and direct resistance, which we find in the addresses of the army to the Parliament, calls to our minds its ow^n proceed- ings against the King, only the retaliation is the more bitter because the soldiers ironically quoted an exam- ple or model for every step they took from the journals of the legislators, wdio had now lost all tlieir power. The latter, however, did not give up their cause as desperate, but endeavoured to combat the armv with its own w^eapons, by means of petitions, and to bring over the capital, which was for the most part inclined to the Presbyterians, entirely to their owm side. On the 14th of July, a representation to the follovoing effect, said to be signed by 10,000 well-disposedyoung men, was presented : '' We have always been the first to defend liberty, religion, and the law^s, and hoped that we had established a durable peace for us and our posterity ; but now, to our great sorrow^ \\c everywhere see only new dissentions, malignant par- ties, our most faithful friends discouraged, the rights of the Parliament and of the magistrates violated, divine w^orship disregarded, and ]il)erty and property in danger. Taking this deeply to heart, and having before our eyes the honor of God and the happiness of the kingdom, as well as of liis Majesty the King, rather than our own, which we willin.gly sacrifice to the general good, we mu-t in all submission hnmhlv z 2 i *^^*^--^ L0i\D0i\ PuLiTiCIA.\_j,. [Chap. IV request the ^e^turatioll of the King and ilie l?arlia. meiit to tlieii' lights, the regulation of the govern- inent of the cliuivh, the aholition of the conventicles and of the unchie liberty of rehgion, the punishment of the evil-minded, and ilic disbanding of llie army." This petition being neutralized by a second of an opposite teller on the f^^llowing day/the formation of the militia in London impedecb and the Presbyterian commander, removed; a number of citizens, young men, apprentices, officers, sailors, and ^vatermen pre^ sented, on the 24th of July, a third representation, founded en a solemn league and covenant. They demanded that the army should not come any nearer, but that the King should come to London ; tliat peace should be eonehi led on the conditions proposed by him, on the 12ih of May, and that all thin-s still in dispute should be speedily settled, m conceit with the Scotch. These proposals and resolutions. tlw\ were resolved to defend with llieir lives and fortune.. ('') The Parliament, now stripped of all diLrnitv and independence, had no alternative but to yield, 'to the power of the army or of the city. It chose the former, rejected the hist-mentioned demands, and declared all persons who had joined in that i^etition to be traitors. Tht' army. f)eing informed of all these circuiubtances, had declared, on the 2Nth, that h would net sutler such disobedience of the city to the Parliament, and would free it irom all violence. On the other hand, the Citizens f)oasted that ihey would treat with the Kii:.] IIIUTS 1-X LONDON. 311 same generosity that part of the Parliament which acceded to their views, and accordingly, on the 25th of Juh\ tile sherdTs and some members of tlie common council appeared l)efore the House of Commons, with a petition that it w ould restore the independence of the London militia, and favor its speedy organization. Before any resolution could lie taken, several thousand apprentices and others preferred a similar but much more violent petition ; nay, they behaved in so riotous a manner that the seven Lords (to which number the whole Upper House was now reduced,) imme- diately granted their petition, but then fled through a back door, and escaped by water. The House of Commons, which did not wish to offend the army, most earnestly entreated tlie insolent petitioners to retire ; but as their secret intention immediately to ad- journ became known, the mob occupied all the doors; nay, the boldest entered the hall, forcibly took the Speaker, who w^as going to retire, back to his chair, made various demands, Avith loud cries, but especially the confirmation of what the Upper House had grant- ed : the recall of the King to London, the return of the eleven Members of Parliament, the restoration of the militia to its old Jooting, and the abolition of all ordinances against the petitioners. On the following day, when it was intended to re- consider what had been so hastily resolved, it appeared that the Speakers of the two Houses, the Earl of Man- chester and Mr. Lenthab wnth several Members, had i 342 JiiLAu^.n. PARLiA:,ii..M. [Ciup. IV. goiic to ihe ai'my (») ide for which the Kmtr should decidedly declare. Eiit, a^ he estimated his iutluencc too high, and, as ho had so often done, missed the right moment of concluding the negociations begun witl, liin,, alVairs were speedily decided without his concurrence and to his disadvantage. The House of Lords dul not ..it on the follou ii,ite teudency respecting the measures to be adopted that Jiiaii} of them n]>pearod to be drawn up merely in joke or iu-.olence, to increase the confu:,i,Hi, and i,, p'r.avo that after such an expense of property and blood no real improvement had taken place, btu that the okl gnevauee-, ..tdl continued, under dilTerent names, aggravated and increased by new ones. From this state of su^j.ense lliey were roused, on the 29tli of 1C17.] rii;-: ai!M\, i'AUi,i.\.\ii:..\x 343 .Tulv, bv a declaration of Fairfax, that he had ordered his ami} to inarch towards London, to restore the freedom of tlie Parliament. Being thus obliged to defend itself, it appointed a comuiiitee of safety, took measures for the defence of the city, and caused a justificaliuii of its conduct to be published throughout the whole kingdom : '' We require," say they, '' the deliverance of the King, ihc independence of the Parliament on the army, the reception of the expelled i\li pabers, and the, return of those who have lied; the restoration of peace, the abolition of the burden- some taxes, exemption from billeting soldiers, and the disbanding of the army. From these resolutions, with the aid of God, we will never depart, for the sake of any earthly motive or advantage." At the same time the Parliament wrote to Fairfax that the riots of the apprentices (among whom, ac- conliniT to TTollis, there were also some Independents,) were by no means dangerous, and that order had been (iitiivl) restored by the exertions oi' the city magis- iiiiti-. That the approach of the army, therefore, appeared to Ijc liimecessary, injurious, and illegal: tliat if tlie general had any regard for the safety of the City and of tlh' w hole kingdom, as well as the iiii- doubted riglit of Parliament, they called on him to obey this order. Instead of this, Fairfax and the army declared the Members of Parliament who re- maiiKHl in London It) l)e traitors, and informed them that if thev did not recal the resolutions they had !ii 11 "^'^^ f'K-^IAM).< OF THE ARMS [ChAP; IV. taker, it would be at tlielr own peril ; ihcy would bj arrested, and lironghi before a conrt-martiiil. Whlh the convocation vl' the elenry at ^Ve5tn!in.tt■r j.raved lor (he sak,' of God and ( hrist fliat the dreadful danger and ldood>h,,d might be preveuted. the I'arli- amont ordered th.at all it. frietids in Lotidon should be itrimediately armed, and the Kmg come to the city without dehiy t.) conclude a convention. Not deterred by tliese proceedings, I'airfax Kent to the Parliament. ,.,> i],. ht of Angitst, the following demands of the army : - The time for the clo.e of i!,e {.resent Parliament shall be definitivelv fixed. anardon, fa- more comprehensive than for- merly proposed by Parliament, extending, m eertaiu cases, even to th.e Kmg's party: tliat monopolies and restraints c.n the freedom of trade, llie tuxes on com- 1647.] Tlit..VH.M\. THE SCOTCH. B4S modities in general ii^e iiinoiig tlie jioor, ftlioiUil be abolished, and tlie uiie(j[nal burden of taxation I'eme- died : Ibal tlie niudc of paying tlic^ Clergy liy tithes should be altered or abolislied ; that the arrears of pay should be discharged, tlie [fu!)lie revenue he accounted for, &e. &e." If the Parliament had Krairtcii and ordered at the right moment tlie reasonable portions of these [iro- posals, it iriiglit liavi: rejeeted with greater sueeess much tliai was absurd, and especially have duly censured the ruanner in which the army liad taken ill! (J its hands the atfairs of state. The House of Cominons. however, believed tliai it had gained a great advantage when the King declared, on the 3rd of AuGfust. that he had no share iu the late disturb- ances, and would not uiake war upon the Parliament. Wdide thr^ declaration appeared to the Kiug to l»e prudent and ju.st it in Ihet availed the Parliament nothincr, hut almost entirelv dissolved his connection whtli the army. The complaints made at the same time 1)y the Scotch on the wlu)le state of aliairs, especially with respect to the King and the Chnreli, appeared to he of more importance. They said that the King was improperly represented as the chief criminah though between Kings and beggars there w^as no ditlerence in the eyes of the law ; that under the name of universal toleration a Babel-like confu- sion was introduced ; that the pastoral oiliee was intrusted to the dregs of the people ; that criminals 346 THE AIIM\- f\ LnxiH)\ [Chap. IV. were defended by the sword; fliit soMiers wtie arbitraril)- (iuariered iipun ilw rnizvn> : that a solemn Covenant was violated ; that it was inti iidecl to abu- lish the House of Loril>. aiiii to nunkl the state in an inisin'table manner. ^ 1' aniax, Ui^regardine these remon>trnnces, issued a circumstantial declaration, on the same daj, aatmg that he was bmignig the arnu td Londcai. wifli hit reasons for so doing ; and the accuracy oi his state- ment, as well as tlie ])r<.,naetT of his plans, was con- firmed hy nim Lords and 58 Members u[ the Lower House. Ihvy pruiiiibcd In live and die willi hmi and the army, liceause il most laudably raided the Parliament lioiii disgrace and contempt. ('^) The most conflietmg opinions were entertained m J.ondmi as to what \\ii> ti* lie doD(^ imd^T these circumstances; and, according to the nature of the news received, J feverish excitement cd' hope or fear increased from day t.) day, nay IVoui Lour to hour. Some proposed to dcieiid themselves to tlie hist extremity to tlie utmost of thoir power, some to negociate, and others ^■' ''^^'^ reeour.o to entreaty. In compliance witli the wi.iies of the first party, all tenalde posts before the city had lieen fortified and provided witli artil^ lery; but wlitui Fairfax advanced, on tlie l„t of August, to Southwark, and promised to do no vio- lence if the gates were voluntardy opened to him, the timid p.arty p>revailed. so that all the above pomts were hastily abandoned, and a declaration made tliat 1647.J THE ARMY IN LONDON. 847 the citv trusted for protection and security, after God, to his Excellency. On the Gth of xingust, he entered London at the head of his victorious army, and received the congratulations of the city magistrates ; he then took the two Speakers and the IMembers who had absented themselves to the Parliament House, replaced them in their ehairs, and accepted the thanks and praises which they addressed to him. " The army," said Vane, *' is come to the city, that the Parliament may be free and deliberate in secu- lity." A month's pay was accordingly given to it as a reward, and tlie following Thursday was appointed as a day of thanksgiving to God, for restoring the iwu Houses to UiLir just privileges without the effusion of blood. The real chiefs of the army were, however, not to be satisfied at the long run with such compliments ; but required ''All that has been resolved since the 2Gtl] of July shall be revoked, including the Associ- tion of ine Londoners, and their arming, as well as the declaration for the King. The Members of Parliament who voted during the absence of the Speakers, and desired to bring on a quarrel w ith tlie army, shall not only lose their seats, but be called to account. Authors, printers, and other guilty persons, shall be proceeded against in like manner." ^lany, however, thought that the legality of these demands was so doidjtful, and exposed the persons accused to sueli dangers, that they were rejected, on the lOtli of '^1 >m 348 "If l\ i:s LONDON, [Chai.1V. Aiigu>t, by 95 votf^ to \>i. and a soeoinl time, on thn 18tli of Aiigiist. hy 87 to 84, on which, as on other occasions, it ai-peared that, r.otw iih-,laii,hng the in-,- seiice anil power of the army, and the iib^cnco of many Presbyterians, the remaining Members of ParUament were resolved to mal^e a more obstinate resistance, and were stili ,.,iual in nuinber to the Independents. The leaders of the arni3 resolved to IJUt au end to this state of things. On the 19th of August, they caused a new and threatenhig repre- sentation to be {iresented by Fairfax, and Cn the 2Uth occupied ai! the doors and avenues to the Parlia- ment House, (ronnvelland J reten,_supported by such powerful arguments, proved tlie proi)ri,.-ty and wiiole- someness of the al,o\ e demands, and the Commons thought that much was gained by the addition that no legal enquiry or |nuii>!unent should take place on account of the resolutions which were re- voked. Five Lord>, who constitutet! the whole <.f the Upper House, would not think of resisting the violence exercise.l to-.vards iheni. yet the l';irliament M-as henceforwanl designated by tiic conriuerors a free Parliament ! 4:veu tiie journeymen and ai.prer,- tices, who were so bokl on the 26th of July, were now .so intimidated that they presented an address of congratulation to Pairfax, to wldch he did not dis- dain to make a very obligiiig rejilv. The Presbyterians, who had been expelled w re- moved under all kinds of pretexts, and least ,,f all THE INDEI'ENDENTS Bl„A>IEiJ. 349 those who were still predominant in Scotland, did not show so riiiicb coniijliance and i^afience ; they uttered the loudest comi)hiints against the political and religi- ons })]'inciples as w^ell as against the whole conduct of their adversaries. '' That the Parliament/' exclaims Baillie, " did no inort* to |>revent tlie capture of the King, the ajvproach of the army, and the ex})ulsion of the eleven IVIenihers, is an ahno^t miparalleled instance, if not of treachery, at least of childisli im- providence and base cowardice." *' The wisest of HE n," says IIolHs, "know what an evil it is when sefvants ride on horseback, and [>rinces go on loot as servants : an evil which now exists in our unhappy knigdoiiE The meanest men, the lowest irnd basest \>f \]\Q whole people, have got the pov^^er into their hand^, trampled tiie erown uudi r foot, mocked and ill-treated tbe Parliament, annihilated the laws, de- stroyed or oppressed the nobility and gentry of the kingdom, broken all the bonds of religion, conscience, duty, faith, honesty, and good morals, and hiid aside all tear of God and man : tliey now rule over all per- sons and property, from the King on tlie throne to the beggar in the hut; their will is their law, power their right, and tlie attainment of their wild, sense- less, and hinatic cajirices, the foundation of a Babel of confusion, is the object of all their actions. At first they^were silent and beliaved with modesty ; but t)y degrees, partly in consecpience of the supineness of others, their activity and presumption increased. 350 IDEAS OF ruv Kixn [Chap. IV. and tlipy continually urged extreme measure. A. soon a.s what had been pro.ni.p,-] mv] sworr, f„ ,,0 longer suited tliem, a pretended inspiration ur a new light suddenly gave then, a welcome absolufio„ from It, and ih.ydid i-recisely the contrary, uu-ivh IVnm tenderness of conscience." "People rejoice (siv o'fi"'--s) at having ahullshed the Jiook of C\.n„i„'. 1 raver. the repre.er.laii.ai-. ohh. Trinlfv, thehishop- samts' days, and ceremonies; whereas, manv now reject the whuk of the Scriptures and the Trinity all Priests, all Sundays and holidays, all Icarnmg, .sci'ence' Pnnciple,.,, and laitli; and, nnder the pretext ef univer- sal toleration, introduce a general disorder, the ch.sn- lution oi rehgnea and efmnral^." Ihe victorious i.ar»v ^i ;i« nnt ;.,.i;n' . i ii,\ ^.ab not ludillei'ent to <\]irc«- Sions of this nature, as i. manifest, bv their pass- mg the most rigorous laws for the Censorship of the press, closing the tlieatros. and arresting actors -1.0. notwithstanding the prohihition., performed el.ewhere. iiu. mature of their position .nth respect '« f I'e King and ,0 the Scotch was of greater import. ance. Ihe Kings ideas respecting the parties, his nopes, as well as the apprehensions ■,„ i 1 ^ 'i I "^ tensions anu counsels of dile'T '' TT '" ^'"' ^''"-"■«'i"? corrcspou- dence. from which we extract the following partictt- Jai.s. ■■ J ermin, Culpepper \shl)uml,-im .,.,1' .1 affirmed that the i.p,scopal constitution was neither absolutely unalterable, nor did it include the .hole ^'f «'l'g'on. The. King must make satisficforv con- 1017.] IDEAS or THE KING. 351 cession- in tins respect, as he has already d^niv iii Scotlanel Mere denying and producing diiliculties, williont stating any decided truly practical remedy, leads to nothing ; nay, any means, any firm resolution, is better tlian this death-like silence, which, witliout a iiiiracie, leaves no breath of hope. The Presbyte- rians, it is true, are disinclined to royalty, but much less so tluui the Independents, and to give up the bishops is not a rennneiatioii of the crown. The King, after all that he has done for the former, is not bound to anything fr. rther ; and if it is an error not to consider xhv. Episcopal system as the only one insti- tuted by God, we are at least in a ninnerous company, as perhaps not six Protestants are of a different opinion. No Episcopalian has ventured to defend that unciiaritable opinion at Uxbridge, and the question is, as it was before in Scotland, whether your jla- jesty choses to be a King of the Presbyterians, or no King at all : tliat you will he ruined if you persevere in ihib demand, is the unanimous opinion of Messieurs de Believre and MontreuiL of Cardinal Mazarin, and of the Qneens of France and England, of all your servants in England, and in fact of every sensible man to whom we have spoken." Charles replied, '"If the few persons whom I can expect to ene(Hirage me in my resohition accuse me of ruining my crown and family by obstinacy, no pleasure is left to me in any one thing." In another letter, he says, ''All my best friends accuse me of sneh fl *-JtJjmt nmJkS OF Tin: KIN fCiiAr'. 1\ inexorable and ruinous st,]iiwill. as if 1 woro wholly alone io my opinion, as if i ux'iv cjuite ignorant in tlie two mani-.pring^ of my con(!u(>t. namely conscience andpoliey ; hat am I then cpiite alone because manv have beuai frighteiiecl from this conTletion. or do not venture to express it '^ And who are those that con» demn im\ but ^ueh a> eoiiMdcr eonrage and outward honesty a^ conscience, or wlio wviv ncvw truly attached to thr Engli>h Chmvh^ i >h(Mdil l)lame the two Qnecais and tlie Cardinal if they did not decide again^>t me, fbr they are falsely informed by pretended Protestants, and do not understand that Presbyterian ism necessarily brings the greatest mis- fortunes with it, lliereforo mako \ ourselves better acfiiiainted.and undeceive tl■|o^e wlio are misin firmed. Since the days of Solomon there has been no wi^er man than he wlio said, ' No Ijisliop, no King.' By the adoption of PiH-;byterianism and the Covenant the oath of siipremac}' i. lost ; and I micrlit as well recognise the mass and the Pope. llic question does not relate to detached points of doctrine, bnt is whether the King shall lose all power in eccle.iasti. eal affinrs, and givo it up to the Parliament. In the same manner, my adversaries would esta])Ii>h the prineiple that rebellion i. lawful, and the su])reme power in the people, to whom Kmg^ are accountable, and fi'om whom they are bound to take reproois. I cannot give wa)s when 1 do nut see the reasons fbr domg it; I will no! despair, as my eause is good. 1647.] IDEAS OF ilU: KING. 333 If T wt^re an V where in security, Scotland and Eng- land w^oulJ quarrel, and 1 should have an opportunity of joining the weaker party, or forming a new one ; for people niu^t ilicn be sensible that without my restoration no real peace is possible." Queen Hen- rietta, in iicr aub^yers, earnestly exhorts her husband not to yield too much with respect to religion and the army, nay, she even wishes that his proposals may be refused In Pondon. '' After so many suffer- ings," she w riles, '' it is necessary to end with honor ; if you remain firm and resolute, w^e shall one day or utlicr be again masters." Tliese views andliopes had not. how^ever, hindered the King kom giving, on tlie 18th of May, 1647, the folk)\ving answers to proposals from Parliament : " 1 will give up tho militia for ten years, and recog- nize ihc Presbyterian Assembly of the Church for thna* vears. Afterwards, clergymen of both |)ariies shall deliberate, and decide what is best to be done. I am ready to have my dou])ts respecting the Cove- nant resolved liv persons versed in such matters ; to grant the demands of the city of London; and to return tliither. Alt the laws against the Catholics siiali be eonfitined, and a reciprocrd general parduii be ])roclaimed." it is inconeeivalili' how tlie King, consistently with his conviction, which he declared to lii- unalterable, conl'l lUcike tliese proposals ; how lie could reconcile tlieni witli oilier promises, or expect in this manner VOT. !! A A 354 NKGOClATiONs Willi THE Ki:su. [Chaf. IV. to gain or even \u silence ilw diflereiit paKtie>. I'he bishops and the Catholics were sacriliced ; the Pres- byterians, instead of ihc uidiiniti'd sovereiirntv wliieli they recjuin (I received onl} a temporary preponde- rham, ('') and added, weep- ing, " I was quite mistaken in the King, and now con- sider him as the most honest and conscientiou.» man in the three kingdoms. IMay the goodness of God be dis- pensed to me, in piroportion to the sincerity of mv in- t^-ntions to thr- KiiiLT, W. Independents owe him the 16 17.] NEGUClATlONs \M ni THE KING. 355 ixreatest thanks lor not accepting the proposals of tlie Parliament, which woifld have been so fatal to us." On ant^ther occasion, Cromwell and Ireton protested, ''We ^vill el)tain (or the Kinii; everything tliat he can wish ; for without his restoration nolK)dy's life or pa'operty will be safe. Our conscience compel^ us and the armvtoact thus : for we do not hate either the King or tlie nH)narchical governmenl. Let liini only remain quiet, and trust to us. We must be the greatest rogues and truit(»r>. if we did not keep wdiat we have promised ; for the King, by not declaring against us, gives us a very great advantage over our enemies. We will purify the Parliament over and over again, till it agrees to our pihms for tlu* King." We will not determine how far Cromwell and Ire- ton acted with hyprocrisy at this moment ; tlieir pri- mary object certainly was their own advantage, and vic- torv over their enemies : but, on the other hand, manvof the King's most faithful friends affirmed tliat his inte- rest was now hand in hand with that of the Indepen- dentb, and he ouglit now to come to a speedy conclu- sion, ])efore circumstances changed and the leaders had altered tlieir minds. xVll this, however, only deluded Charles more and more with respect to his own im- portance, and he believed he shotdtl be certain of prescribing terms, as l)Oth the Parliament and the Scotch applied to him with great earnestness. On this accotmt, to the astonishment of his friends, he iceeived Iretcai and sonie others with harhli and biiter A A 2 35G NEGOCIATIONS WITH TllK hlSG. [Chap, TV words, and said to them, ''You are undone unless T pivviTvu you;" (^^)Lui to wliirii Irclon replied " Ym. tfiink to 1)6 the mediator between u- niv] tlie Parlia- ment ; we, on iliu euntrary, think to medinte between you and the l^ii liament. " At tlir lirru' wheii the difference between ilif Par^ iiament and the army was at its height, Charles's friends iu vain besought huii ii .1 to waste his time and cff'end ])oth ]iarties, in a notion that he was in theb-':-! poNiiioii; ai.cl wh.-ii lie was at length induced to write a favonrable letter to the commanders, the affair \va> already decided, aial tlii^ stop, whieli liad been extorted lunu liiin. product d no effect. '* The King," said IrcUm rai tlii> Mil)ject, "gavens words; and we paid liini in tlic >ame coin, as soon as wc ptr- ceivivl thai he dal not intend the real o-ood of the people, but only hoped to recover by >unie dissentiuns what be had h,i>t in war. At tbe time when he pre- tended that lit' wiuild immediately corue to an agree- ment nit]] e.-, lie was negociating for an arrangement widi our eneni'ps." In like manner, Croniweb de- clared, " Tlie King is a man of much sense and under- standing, but so dissembling and false that be cannot be trustcab" On the 7tb of September, 1647, tbe Ibirbannait sent totla Kinaz proposals for peace. He answered that fin y were like the former ones, agaiiL^t wlradi be had already raisrtl b's doubts and objections; (^■) he therefore wished ibo more reasonable conditions of 1647.] TIIK LK\ i'LLLUS, 357 the army to be taken for the basis, and also deputies frnin it to lje admitted to take a part iu tiie negocia- tions. This proposal, which departed from all legal forms, displeased najt only the determined advocates of the unlimited rights of the Parliament, but also the armv : partly because it thought of taking the sole management of the matter into its own hands, and partly because it entertained ideas and views essen- tially different from what it had formerly expressed. These new differences became more and more appa- rent in. the course of October and November, 1647, for the Parliament declared the King must con- firm what the two Houses propose to him. The Scotch, on the other hand, required that negociations should be carried on with Charles personally, and that he should be delivered out of the hands of the army. Lastly, a very numerous party in the army presented to Fairfax a representation, in whicli, cdlcr the most pious and humble religious phrases, they say, '' The law of nature and nations is the foundation of our demands. All forms are but shadows, and everyone may be abolished, when they ne) longer guai'antee the safety of the people. Now, when confusion, ruin, and slavery are at the door, this niiibt be duly considered and weighed." With allii.sions not to 1)0 misunderstood to the total uselessness of the Kinuaiid the Lords, they demanded the election of representatives according to the population ; the dis- solution of the present Parliament; in future a Parlia- ment every two years ; equal laws for all, and a decla- \ .« *i"S'WRSWraCa»[Ss* 358 I UK f.E\ !•: [,!j-:rs. [Chav. TV 1647.] THE LE\-FLLKRS. 359 C ration ihut honceforth the power of rtpresentative assemblies is suborclinate onh- trs thi' i'ledors. Thus under Rainsborough. the party of the Level- lers, Pride, and others, shewed itself riicav and luoiw Many writers comprehended under this name all the whims and ibllie^ which entirely arhitrai'v personal opinion produced at a time, wliich disdained all rul and general ldw>, and in such varioiis ways neces- sarily fell into anarcliy and IihI to despotisnn Thus for niNlance, Gngnon v. rites, the " Lrvellers are a sect, or rather a faction, hostile not onlv to rovaltv liut to every kind of raidv and command : and who would make men as equal with, respect to wealth and p^ro- periy, a.:, to ihu magistrat y or offires." f ^) On the other hand, the Levellers said'^We had nothing in view but the general guoih wlncfi had liitlierto been sacri- ficed l)y all i^arties : by the King, in order that he might reign with aiisolute sway; by the Parliament, to make its power last for ever ; by the Generals and Olhcer:. out of anihitinn. or for the sake of rewards. We also complaim with reason, that the weak are |)uni^hed fVir what is tolerated in the powerful ; that capital punishment is mdlicted for inconsideral)le crimes ; that people are compelled to military ser- vice ; and that evils m the law which have often been censured are retainech or even declared sacred. We. therefore, are tlie only persons who, according to the highest lawi^ivor, ronMm. proceed consistently to c>ur o)>ject: we are true Republican.. ILnreforih, law shall govern, not men ; and compulsion shall cease in the cluirch and ^tate. The people exercise their soveregnity through representatives; but if such noble objects are longer prevented in any manner, or by any person whatever, the oppressed must at length arise, take the matter into their own h.ands, and sacrifice their lives rather than their liberty .'' By setting np these principles, the victorious and hitherto united army, as the Parliament had done before, f 11 into two hostile parties : for such ade mo- cratic division of all power and dissolution of all obedience was extremely disagreeable to Cromwell anal hi> atdlierents ; and on the other hand, the Level- lers, with keen penetration, saw^ what unbounded ambition was concealed behind tlie hypocritical liumility of their General. They endeavoured espe- cially to cast suspicion on him on account of his connection with the King ; nay, they called him m plain tcrm^ a liar and a traitor. Many of Charles's^ adherents, and probably he himself, were rejoiced at ihib .late of things; for they thought that the royal power would arise with renewed strength from tlie general disorder. None wovdd see that the violent party leaders now^ no longer considered the King as a means to obtain the victory, but merely as an obsta- cle that was to he removed: ai whose expense their reciprocrd demands might be compromised. The agitators in the army said, without reserve, -He is no better tliari a dead dog." i ni iiiii ilPWiiiiij,' »ii n»- ••^^■^^' IM.inilT OF THE KIXG [CiiAP. iV. Though the King had ialt-rly been iwaivd xvith niore respect at Hampton Court, had coHeeitd a kind of court aljout hini, aijd even allowed th.e wives of r 'romwrll and Ireton to be presented to him. lie was weary of his iinpri^unniunt, and often thought of Hight. thouLrh without knowing how it shouhl hi con- t rived, orwhitlu rit should be directed. In this frame of mind, lie received, at the instance iA Croniwelh warnings that there was a design against hi^ life ; by whicii a final resolution, if not caused, n-s j-robalily hastened, nay, precipitated, wuhuat taking due pre- caution. On th(- llrli Df November, l(i47, he secreth Idi Hampton Court; and. as fliidii to a foreign country was impossible, and seemed aJso to imply an aJjandonment of all his claims, he determined, after long hesitation. fn-thelsleofWi-lit.Wluniramnioud, the governor uf that island Uc:> mt'oiaiiod of it bv Ashbnmhani and Berkeley, he was very much alarni^ ed, justly tbelmg m what an einharrassing situation he would be placed between the King, the Parliament, the army, and hir^ rehitions, (for ho wa> a son-in-law of Hampden, and a cousin of Cromwell ;) he, however, waited up'ontlu^ Ixing, and promised to behave to 1dm like a man of honor. ( diaries fek liow indehnite and eqmvoeai sueh an a-surance was at that lime, and that he hail only to expect a change of captivity ; huuever. It was equally impossible to return or to conceal himself. 1647.] TO THE ISLE ()!' W UHIT. 361 The King, upon his flight, ^xvn\i^ to tiie Parliaviient, .. Ldu riv 1:= now, more than ever, the desire of all ,arn : therefore. Kings ought less to he kept in eapti- vitv llani other men. I have borne it as long as I conli hope thereby to promote peace. 1 nuwa for the sake uf ni) uwn safety and the general good, withdraw for a time, from the pnldir view\ both of friends and enemies. 1 ^viil, however, always exert myself for peace ; and in such a manner, that it may be esta- blished, as far as possible, without bloodshed. This ohi*it i- attainable, if regard is paid to all parties: the Presbyterians and independents, the army, the Scotch, and tlie loyalists. The moment that you will hear me v,iih freedom, safety, and honor, 1 will instanth; break threndi the cloud of retirement, and show myself ready lo be the father of the country." Immediately on the receipt of this letter, the House of Commons declared that it was treason to harbour the King s person, or to favor his liight Put already, on th^ following day, the whole affair was made known Ly a report from Hammond, who wrote to the Earl of !'\[anchester. Speaker of the House of Lords, to inform him that the King, from an apprehension of his life bemg in danger at Hampton Court, was come to the Isle of Wight, to put himself under his protection. In truth, the King was now more than ever cut off from all his IViends, and delivered up into the power of Cromwell : ihr though Haiiimnnil recog- ; I *l-jB«iS«5(;StW^^%^KeiB'!W**w! f "''^ i '^^>^ illuMU-ELL lu iiA^lMuAD. [Chap. IV nized tlie lAirliainent alone as hi^ legal superiors, Cromwell soon foiiiul means to change Ins oyuiion, and wrote Uj hiin, anionrr oi]ivr things: '' There are cases wlu n resistance appears to be lawlul, and ' Stilus popiili SNprrma /ar' is a sound principle, ^^^e are in danger of losing tlic whole fruit of the war, and n> turning to ilu- old, nay, even to a worse system; and this in contradiction to all declarations, leagues, and covenants. The arniy is a lawful power, called by God, lor certani reasons and oljjects, to fiirht auam^t the King: and a^ it is an anthority [or these objects, no other authority can be opposed to it. To u per.oii who cannot convince himself it is very pleasing not to decide hiniseli; but to have patience, anii tru^t and Mloxv others , this will relieve you from all th.^ anxi- ety and care which, as you say, you feel respecting ^^^^; ^^'^^I'ii^^ t (.f others;' These and similar represen- tations had such an eilect upon llaminoiid, thai after a short-lived civility, he treatedthe King veiy har.hly, and prevented all attempts at another tliuht^ ('') Thie^ C/romwell had removed the King ecpially out of the reach ofhi^ iriend^and of his enemies; and had "^^^^^^^^^-'^l bcMdes, to throw an appearance of Mncere zeal m the bcrvice over lir^ treacherous plans ; f ') and the Parliament was, no more than (diaries, an object of serious apprehension to hiin. But the division in the army became every day more dangerous, as well as the mlluence uf the principles u liirh destroyed all ^'^^^••^^'•^nce. and of ih. pretensions ulucli grew more 1647 C UU-MWELl's iXTRKPlDITY. 3():] and more innnodcrate and absurd. " It is treason," eKclainicd the discontented, '' to disregard our remon- strances. The Parliament, which is a party in this matter, cannot decide in the last instance ; but we appeal to th(> judgment of God, and of the good peo- ple. If the majority of the Pariiament will not do us justice, we must separate the honest Members from the others ; and the more so, as all our demands tend to the general gnod, and do not proceed from interested motives." At a grand review, ordered by Fairfax and (^roni- wcli, some regiments, after deposing their ollicers, appeared of their own accord, having iu their liatb papers, with the motto, " The liberty of the people, and I lie rights of the soldiers !" Gentle and mode- rale remonstrances, made by Fairfax on the impro- priety of this conduct, were answercil with such seditious cries thai ail the authority and influence of the Generals appeared to be destroyed. At this moment of extreme and excessive danger, (h'omwell stepi)ed forward, and called, '' Take the papers from \ our hats;" but the soldiers of Lilburne's regiment refused, repeating the same cries. Manfull} opposing tlii> !)oldness, Cromwell dragged fourteen of the most desperate mutineers out of the ranks, caused three of them to be sentenced to death upon the spot, one to be hano'cd, and the others to be sent to prison for subsequent incjuiry and punishnu'Ut. From that day Cromwell was master as well of the King and tlie i I ' if o '^*^ ' CROMU ell's DESlG.S^i. ["Chap. TV. rnrliament, as Cumniander-iii-clii. ■(',,(■ th,' arin\-: v!'! nftertliis artioii !„• contrived, wii h hvpocritical art, to ntiu-ii tolii-, orui!::ai-_\ course, in nrnor not to l,,.se th.. means of attaining his object; and, for u-.^taiae. touvtiier witli hvtuu, made excessively Jong prayers ^vull tlie .oldiers. " xXever," say the'reports, • did more harmonious music rise to the Ahuiyhtv •" aiid precisely at this time the cool tyrannicaf fanauci.m of Cromwell v^^as reconciled ^vith the inil.ridled and aiiarelueal fanaticism of his opponents: the Kiu was chosen as the victim of this renewed league. " Cromwell," say his advocates, -was .sine, rely resolved to save the King, and lo ro^fovo hhn on reasonable terms; when a letter fell mio ]„s l,an granting so much to Ci um\vell and his frieucU ; he Avould know, wIidi i|,r time came, linw („ tival tho.o rascals, and send them a halter iiiMvad of a ribbon of the garter." ilu,agh if cannot he shown beyond all doubf fbaf a l-it. ,■ commenced lu ihuse terms was really in.iercepted. vot proofs of (],,. ,i)ost secret sentiments of Charles certainly came uuo the bands u[ hi.-, ino.st violent and hifte,- adversaries From tliat moment they considered hi.-, ia.Mucci-hy and iaithlessncss ns mcm-ahle. and resolved. In a coimcil of war, to try him capitally as a.rimi,ml. llllS turn til thinfj-.. Ikuvp-^-pt ^^ -^ • 1-^-r^*. ^ iii.ji^.. . iiuwiifi, ^'^.^s Kept a seci'ti lor the present; and the i'arliatnenl was again |u,t lor- A\ard lu hnug matters to the desired point. KilT.] THE FOLK i.iLLS. THE SCOTCH. 3G5 On the Hth of December, 1617, the Parliament sent lo the KinK four biH-^. for hi? sanction, of the foUowinol.nor: 1. The militia sliailln' lor twenty years under the sole direction of the Parliament. 2. All oaths, declarations, and proclamations ac:ainst the J'arliaimmt shall be revoked, and ,dl the laws it hns passed sanctioned. 3. All titles and honors granted' since the 2nth of May, 1642, shall be nr.ll and void. 4. The Parliament has the right to meet and to adjourn as it shall think fit. Tn these de- mands it was expressly declared, or directly implied, Ihai the King should abolish the whole constitution of the Church, sacrifice the Church property, take on himself the blame of the war, and abandon his friends. But, before be coul.i make any objection So these points, the Scotch commissioners, who had not been consulted ie, drawin- up these laws, warmly opposed them, and Ijcgged the King not to confirm them, as they were equally prpjiidicial to the Church and State, and incompatible with former plans, obli- gations, and agreements. They explain, d at length the groimds of this assertion, demanded a new ])er- sonal negociation with the Kinii. rmd eoiieluded by saying, '^ 'i bat li' the Scoteli could by any means have f aesera that, contrary to the express promise of the lia-lish Parliament, any wrong or violence woidd tun.v b.ui done to the King, and an attack nnide ei rm hi^ rights, all the enticements and threats in the vovid shonld nevn- have induced them to srp:i- Mm TREATY \V!TI! THE bTOTrK. ^Q^^^p jy_ rate from Ihcir King." The Englusji l-arli;ui]<>nf. tru.diig 10 its superior power, paid „o attention h, this Scotoh declaration; ior which na.-on th.' coni- missioner.N m tli.ir anger, acting with promptitude, concluded, on !he 2(ith of December, a treat)- with ( harh.. nftli.' !ol!oivi,ig tenor: "The Kinnre. .lial! I,p adoj,t- ed. Eireelnal means shall be emplovwl lu Mispress all otlier sects, and to disband ili,. anm . 'i ],e King shall he restored t„ his rights, summon a new l>ar- hament, and the iegi.laiiou Lc complet. d in the usual iorm." After f],e conclusion nf il.i,> u.iav. the King •leciared to the English Parlian-.ent, on "the •■^Sth of Doeend)er, that he could not possihly sanction sin<.le laws \vhich entirely (K-Mroyed his pnwe.-, till a treaty vva.. ,h-awn up, eorn,,rising all the points that nan.^t necessarily be di,.cu=,sed. and every d„ubf removed hy personal negociation. Very diilerent „p,inion.. have been ^hcn on llie contents of the four b.lb and of the Scotch trea.v. At all events the Parliament endeavoure.l. m the former, so to avail themselves of the right of ibe conquerors, that a due balance, or co-operation of, he several powers of the state, was abolished. P.sides ilie ieadinir !.n-on> u.-r,. l,v r,., n,enns disposed m !.,' f;i7.] nEBATES l.N i.iUl.iAMEM 367 satislied witli the proposed measures, Inn meant to employ Uiem to open a way to greater pretensions. The Scotch jiroposals Avere more just towards the King; but there was little hope of tlieir being carried into effect, and if they manifest less rage for political innovation their religious intolerance is the more striking. When tl'.e debai.is on the King's answer com- menced ir. Parliament, the secret wishes and objects uf the rcN uluLioiiar) zealots showed themselves for the first time ^vith.out any reserve. " Bedlam," said Thomas Wiulh, "is for lunatics Tophet (Hell) for Kings ; but our Kings have lately conducted them- selves in such a manner as if they were destined only for the mad-house. I therefore propose three thimrs : first, to keep the King in strict eontinement in the inttu-ior eif the biugdom; secondly, to bring an act of impeachment against him; thirdly, to set him aside, and selllc the affairs of the kingdom without him. It is the same to uie what form of government r- established, if it is onlv without Kings and devils," Iretoii. ill tlu' name of many thousand good men ulin had risked their lives agamst the enemy, afhi-iiicd lliat the Kinir. in refusing his sanction to the four bills, had denied protection and security to his people ; therefore nobody was bound any longer to obey liim, and the affairs of the kingdom might be settled without Iniii. ^* All liope/' said he, ''that, after such long patience, you will now display resolu- 36b 1)i;b\tes. cro^.iwelt 's dect ar atiox. [Chap. IV tioii, and not sacrifice the brave men whn Imve cleclai'tHl Ibi- ilir-' ParliaiiiCTit beyond all possibilitv of retreat. On their part they will never abanduu if. if it i\nv> iiDt ahaiKloii tlipm." Groniwell, liaving i]|h*)i this delivered a panegyric on the bra very, guud ^en- timenK. and piety of the army, continncd : ^'People now expect that the Parliament will take the gu- verrnritiit into it^ own hands ; and no longer expect anything from aai obstinate man, whose heart Cod has hardened. Dn ma induce the army, which is ready to defend you, as ii has hithcrlu done, to believe tliat it i. betrayed and delivered op b\- you t^ the revenge and malice of an irrccuncileablc eneiov. wliom it ha<^ "^Tdxhied for your advantage. Let it not seek in lis despair any other mean^ of safety than iu attaehmeiitto yon ; forlmw destructive socli a resolu- tion would be to yom i Uemblu to tiiink. and leave yon to consider." A> he spoke these la^t words, C'ronnve!] laid his inind npnn h;> OF NON'ADDRESS. 369 ^ was called tie law of non-address, petitions and popular tumulls were got up, audi, ai length, at tlie instance of the Lower House, a detachment of the iuiny was sent to Wlniehall. The Lords, intimidated by these measures, passed the bill on the 15th of January, 1048. The republicans loudly proclaimed their joy at this victory, and said, the King has broken his oatli. has appealed to the sword, and done away witli the duty of allegiance ; royally is good for nothing either in England or elsewhere, as might he evidently proved hv passages of Scripture. Cromwell, too, confessed that the honours of this world had once so dazzled liim that he Imd not clearly discerned the work of the Lord ; but now lie was resolved to be huml)le, anel to pirav with the saints that God w^ould pardon Iniii fa- ha\in.g sought his own advantage. Tliough the Parliament had a declaration printed, in wliieh it attempted to justify its conduct, and 1 reiuoiit nnndjerless accusations against the Ivinor. far more intert :>t was everywdiere manifested in liis favour than liad been expected. It was manifestly an nntruih that the King had absolutely rejected the proposals of the Parliament, and ilmt the Ijreaking off of all negociations was necessary for the seciuaty of the kingdom. The King too succeeded in pub- Hshini^ a justification of his conduct, in which he savs, "IMv conscience forljade me to assent to the four bills w ithout any alteration, lor tlie people would VOT, n. B B I( i 370 THE SCOTCii. DlSTi: HBA XC ES. [Chip. IV have been thereby exposed for ever, ivith respect to ihu management of the army and tin taxes, to the arbitrary and unlimited power of \lu^ rriilinment. Besides, i have already granted more than \va6 for- merly required or thought necessary and u^( ful, and am ratlita- inclined lu reproach myself tai that account tluin for obstinate refusal. Should il he my hard lot It) tall together with thaj tVeedom of ihi-. kiiunlmii, 1 have no reason to hhi>h iar myself, l)iit lu deplore the future ini.ser}' ot'ia\- jieople." Two days after the resolution not to negociatc, the Sccjtcli Coniiii!>si()iicr^ hd'i jajnalcn in great anger, and numerous petitions against the conduct oi the Parlianiciit were received from iinanv |daces ; nay. in several coun.lie>i^^urrections hn-oke out in favi^ur of the King. ** Those," exclaims one writer, "'wln^ tormerlv fought witli such great courage for the i^irliameiii, appear now to have lost their courage and tlie sense of their duty." Ihc truth, however, wa^., that bobei- ndndcd persons, now^ that circumstances w^ere changed, returned to a sense of their real duly, and manifested Grreat eoiira2:e in opposing the prevailing errors. Judge Jenkins plainly told the Parliament that il did the Kimr Vvrong, for that justice and law c*add nut exi:bt Without llie King; fur wiiich speech he was fined cf 1000. At the same, time several violent satires w^ere published agam^t the Parhannait : one, for ii'stance, under the title of tlie ''New Testament of our Masters and lu-deemers in tlie Lower iiourrC," 1648.] I.. AW AGAfX.^^T TTIKAlUla FINES. • f I wliieh was ordered to be biuiit by the hangnottm; while the censorship was rendered more strut, presses were lircdiiu, authors and printers imprisoned, &c. More from pcslitical than fi-om puritanical mo- tives, a new storm wa>. I'aised at this time against dir ru'tors. The law (d'the 1 !)lh of February, 1648, says, '* they are considered and declared to be rogues ; all theatres, without regard to royrd patents, shall l)e closed and pulled down, and those who continue to act siiall he whipped and imprisoned, and the specta- tors punished in some other manner. An actor who is found to violate this law foi tlie second time, shall be declared an incorrigible rogue, and treated accord- ingly." Though two hundred and fifty Members Q^) of the Lower TTouse were wanting, the remainder paid no atteniion to tiieir absence, but proceeded with the greater boldness, and passed a law that the property of the condemned friends of the King should be con- fiscated, and one half given to the State and the other to tiic inf)rmer. From that time we find in the Journals of ilie Commons an incredible number of the heaviest tines. Mr. St. John is said to have gained <£40,n00only for obtaining pardons. Q^). Measures of such a nature w^ere more calculated to produce a new crisis than to prevent it : on which account the constitution of the Church and the u'ri- tation of the oftended Scotch were doubly important. In tlie autumn of 1G4G, the English Parliament liad BB 2 \ THE CHURCH. SCOTLAND. [Chap. IV. passed several laws by which the Episcopnl Church was entirely abolished, its property sequestrated, and partly sold to defray the expenses of ili. war and U) defray debts. Though die bishops and tlie form of riiurch government were not popular, yet such a bold encroachment upon property, as well as the de- position and expulsion of so many persons, for the most part without any indemnity, excited warm com- passion ill many persons. Besides, the Presbyterian institutions were carried into effect only in vorv small portions of England, and for a >hijvi ihm\ in consequence oi the wuut of funds and if (-ipahle clrr-yraeii, and no less so by the influence of the Episcopalians and Independents. Nn\. in October. 1G17. tlie city of Lond*]! presented a petition, staling iliat several hundred towns and Tillages had no clergymen at all; and ihercfore the petitioners prayed that all wrlhcpjahtiad mon iniadit not be rashly ke|)t l^ack from the important ulHce of gi\ing ixligiuu^ mblruction. These rirrnnistanres ought to have excited tlie laghest anger of the Scoteh elersry, whose views m all essential points were defeated, and sliunld have inclined tht in to a contest with the paiiy new |av(!<'inina!it in England ; but a great number of them had n.ieantime been changed from friends of a temperate monarchy into zealons republicans; others thought it unbecoming to have any connection vvith Koyalists and Episcopalians, wdiile others again looked np(>n the Scotch rarliamcnt as 1648,] THE CHURCH. SCOTLAND. .1 i o i!, ilrst and most dangerous enemy of their own un- Iniiited religious pretensions. Thus there were at this tune, inn|H i ly speaking, three parties in Scotland ; the smallest wished for an unconditional, the larger, at the head of which was the Duke of Hamilton, for a condi- tional restoration of the King; the third, consisting of the majority of the clergy and of the people, and of part of the nobility under the Marquis of Argyle, thought to set the King entirely aside, and to intro- duce the republican constitution in Church and State. In spite of violent opposition, Hamilton and his friends succeeded, on the 26th of April, 1648, in carrying a resolution in the Scotch Pailiament that the following demands should be laid before that of En^dand : i lie i\ing shall eome with liberty, safety, and honor ti* London, and the negociations with him shall be renewed ; ihu expelled Members shall return to the House; the Covenant shall remain in full force; and the sects, iiu hiddng the Independents, shall be tn-pated ; the army of Fairfax shall be disbanded ; iX and heneefouli no boldiers enlisted but isuch as have sworn to the Covenant. Before these demands were received the contest between the parties in London had liroken out afresh. The innrnevmen, and a number of others of the King's friends, seized, on Sunday, the 12th of April, some depots (d' arms, plundered several houses, and re- pulsed the guards of the Lord Mayor. The army and the Pariiaineiit, wliieli here unexpectedly met V TifE PAR T.I ANIENT. [Chap. IV. with new tiiemies, acted on this occasiuii together to [lilt theiii (h.mn ; and havino; .succeeded, ordered |)iil)Iic thaiik-gi\ iiigs for the averting of such <>reat danger, and tlfHiO waR c^ranted iJie soldiers as a recompense. Jlcwever, as at tliat iiine newb was received of great movements in several parts of the kingdom, and of iho Scotcii pi\paralioii5 for Avar, and many Independents were engaged out of London, the l^esbyterian Members of the House of Coniinons took fro^li courage, and resolved, on the28tl! of A}»ril, by a iiiajority of 165 to 99, that the constitution, consistiiiu' of Kuigs, Lords, and Commons, should not be changed, arid that measures shoiiK! he adopted for the safety of London. A simple chronolomcal narrative of events will show the mobt clearly how from this day till September, 1648, views and mea- sures, fear aud hope, iluctuated and chaimxd axcoi-d- ing to the most various events. On the ()th of :\iay, after the receipt of tiie Scotch demands, the Parliament resolved that the constitu- tion auil the Covenant should be maintained, nen;(> ciations opened with the King, and measures of detenee taken against the Scotch. Ori the 24th of IMay it was resolved, by 1G9 to b6, that, as soon a. the King coniirnn/d die Presbyterian government of theChurch for three years, gave up the militia for ten years, and rceallrd llie ordinances which he liad issued against the Parhament, an endeavour should be made to come to an ai>i-eenient upon all 1618.] SCOTLAND LO^'DON. PARLIAMENT. 375 i other points. On ihe 28tli of May. news was re- ^p5,,eA that part of the iWi hiO mutinied ; on the 2;)th, that an attempt la' tlip King to fly had failed; n„ llie 2nd ut June, that Fairfax had put down the Royalist insurrection in Kent, and that Cromwell. ai t'he invitation of Argyle and his party, had begun his march against Scotland. On the 6th and 8th of June, the expelled Members of the Upper and Lower Houses, as well a. the city officers, were re- stored to their seats and posts ; and on the 30th June the luv, prohibiting negociations with the King was repealed in the Upper House; on the 12th of July news was received of the hostile entrance of the Scotch into the l^ingciuiu. with a communication of the grievances which they had alledged. The chief of these were, the expulsion uf the Presbyterian Members, the oppression of the Parliament and ..f the citv of L.nuion l.> the army ; the favour shown to the sect.s, the breach of the Covenant, the neglect uf the Scotch, the ill-trealment of the King, ice. All this tyranny, they said, must he put an end to, by ^^hieh ;iVl divine and human laws were violated, and the people plunged into wretchedness and slavery. On the 14th and 20th of July the Scotch and their English friends were declared to be traitors ; and, en the other hand, it was resolved, on the 28th of July, by a majority of 71 to 64, to negociate with the Kincr,. l.eforehc acropted the above three propositions. m 376 I'RKSBVTEIUA.N KM OU: i! ANCli. [ChAp. IV Ihuugh ue Hii-hi uladly rejoice at ihU -radnal victory .1- U„ Parliament over the arniv, and of luga! forms over the power of fiu; ^^vo^ I, as udl as the return h. ruoJcratc political virws ; ni, the other side, rhr iiiioleranco of the Presbyterians in rdigious matters is so decided, that there seems !., h,- vJhm^r left but an niihappy choice between Scylla and Charylxiis. A law by uLicii Ciin.in.as, Easter Whitsnnii,!., a,nd other Imlidays, v,.,v abolished because they were celebrated in a superstitious mai- mer, was v.o more carried into effect than another that schoolboys, apprentices, servants. &r, shonld instead of horpir.c. these holidays, amuse themselves on every second Tuesday in ihe nmnth. Nor ],ave we any reason to wonder that the victorious Pres- byterians again ordered tlic adoption ..f .,11 their doctrines and forms; but a law of the 2nd .May, 1618, tigainst heresies so exceeds all measure that It conld not fad to j.roduce a violent reaction on the part of the Independents. This la,v di^■i.]es errors and heresies into two pa-iti, ipal heads. "Whoever allirms that all men are predestined to sa.lvation- tliat man by natur- has a free-will, and may of himself turn to God; that tliere is a purgatory "that the observance of the Sabbath is intproper ; that ntan i-^ not obliged to believe more than bis reason can comprehend, &c., shall be imprisoned till be u ,11 ..ive security that he will reiioanc his errors. He who 1648.] PR E S 1! V I' E H I A N INT O I, E ! i A N C E. 377 aeiiies the Trinity, or the two- i old nature of ( luist, the sinlessness of Chribt s human nature, or does not acknowledge the canonical books of Scripture, shall he imprisoned, even if he recants ; und if he does not recant, sliall be executed." lliis tyranny over meub consciences was as un- wise as it was unjust and unchristian : for the parties in Seotlaiui were so opposed lu each other that a speedy and unanimous co-operation could not possibly be expecttd. Thus tlie Parliament at Edinburgh complained of the disobedience of the clergy, {'') who endeavoured tj-* lay a heavy yoke on the consciences uf their fellow-citizens, did not obey the laws, and forgot tliat the Parliament is the highest legiblative authority, especially w ith respect to peace and war, nncl nohody ought to be deterred by them from the (hitv tu which he was l)ouiid. On the other hand, the xVssemblv miblished a declaration against the Scotch army, and endeavoured to prove the illegality and hostile nature of every union fur the King; nay, the Earl of Eoudoun, who had chiefly promoted this union, and liad therefore received various rewards from the King, unexpectedly turned round; perhaps alarmed hv the popular tumults, m which tlie wonien m Edinburgh again acted a part, and pelted the friends of the King with stones. The followuiir fvas- sages from the reports of the French legatiuu throw aliuht on these atlairs: K 378: MONTREUIL'b LETTERS. [Chap. IV. •" I liilieve/' writes Montreuil, " that neither (lie Presbyterians nor the Jiitirpciiaents se^i^ll^|y inteiid to save file Tviiii^ whoni they have so deeply oilendcd (f^^J. Ihe Sculeh clergy preach no-nins;t the Kinir. and curse all those who would unite holy soldier.^ of their army witfi rr.alefaetors and rrimi'nals who have served tlie King. M. antime they excommunicate the Cathohcs, and compel them to leave Scotland. The Scotch tear that, if tlie Imiependents overcome them, the Episcopal (Jhureh will ho restored. The clergy too preach against a war m iavorof the Kmg, and ^ay that now the madman is imprisoned and liuuDc], care must be taken not to restore him lo liberty, and put the ^wordinto hi. hands. Remon- stranee^ agaiii>t the war come from various [hari> of Scotland, and prove that th.^ people care ver\ little for the Klng^ ihe petty nobility would lather i uin the lords, as well as the King. The declaration ol tile Seoteh ehrcry against him is beyond measure strong. lliey resolved to depose the preach^cr liumsey, the only one who rcfuNed to read, the declaration in hi;, church, and still ventnivs to .pvak m favor of his Prince : but the women id" his conLcre- gatu)n were liolder tlian the Parhamen.!. 'bhcy ibllowed him into the assembly where lie was to be ^^*■^^o^ed, re|iroaehed the leading members, in very ollensive expressions, with their bad lives, and added ^ li voii dare to do the least harm to uur dear imi MONTlaELlL S LETTERS. dfm i ■ nreadicr, or l> any one of our old clergy, we ^vill find means to drive you iill out of the country,, a^ we (lUe woiaeu) got rid of the bishops a few yearf^ ago.' The ■Prcsbvterians and Independents make use of the King iuu! !lu Prince of Wales only lor the purpose of vuinin- their opjunients. They have no aifection for either. Even a complete triumi>h of tlie Presbyterians over the Independents wouLl have no other result than that the King would remain m prison till he had agreed to all their former propo.aU. Here iu Scotland there is neither unity of purpose, nor enthusiasm for the war. Hamilton and Argyle remain enemies as before. The ecclesiastical com- mission sent orders to the clergy lo preach agam.l the raiding of troops, on pain of being deposed ; Hie Parliament, on. 1h.. contrary, ordered tlua whoever opposed it aiuuld be imprisoned and his property confiscated. Hereupon the clergy .-iVIcrcd two great fast davs, for Hie purpose of putting up ^^oleinn prayers' to Cod, to inspire the Ministers with other ,,hni. or to defeat tliu.e which they now entertained: they resolved that every person of their profession ,vJ,"o t'e.llowcd the army should be excommimieated and lose h'n, ineouic.'' The Presbyterian clergy of the diocese of London .vrote in much more Christian and moderate terms to Fairfax, against the conduct of the army and the treatment of the King. " The army," they say, " is destined t^. protect an..l obey, not to overthrow,. 380 RIGHT VTILITV. NECESSITY. [Chap. IV. the constitution. You cannot prove, froi,, the success "! .voiir nhni. iIk.i it is just and pleasing t n (;,,!■ ua the conirary, it is one of the severest puui.luiients of tiic wicked ih;n he sometimes permits their evil plans to take their free course. In things which hh. .vord ot C,..(i ( -.bids, success proves nothing, and the Spirit does not excite to anything contrary to the commands ot Scrii,t.uv: actions are to be tried and regulated accorduig (o ,(s dictates, and lca,( of all can necessity oe aj>prah'd t„. /,„■ fhere is no necessity tohich compels to Si'f}.'" Let u> he permitted, on this occasion, again to make some general remarks. In different ages, and on differ- ent occas,0T.=. rhlf. ntllHi,. and necessity\x^.yt been set up as the mam springs and luuiKlaiions of hi.tnan con- duct. nu,y ,s seldom so wholly on one side as is taktn h,r granted, aud there is liere too a rejection of the higher, truly ^ ital, and conciliatory principle, and ( hnstianlorbcarance : there is a letter wlii,-], hilhth- but. o„ the other han13:CESSITY. 3»1 appear useful, is itself condemnable, the pretended utility must be designated as injurious, and deservmg condemnation. Lastly, the doctrine of necessity seems to put an end, in a victorious and satisfactory manner. to an indecision and doubt ; but in truth it leads only to vague self-will and blind chance. Destitute ot all knowledge and perception of truth, individual facts are set up as idols ; thebohl are authorized to vemuie on what is most contrary to right, and the base to submit to it. The power of the moment which leads to victory then passes at once as the sanction of right for centuries. Human liberty is not submitted m humility to a divine decree ; but sacrificed to the fickle discretion of ignorant masses. Lastly, the energetic ,vUl uhu'h abides firmly by what is right, even to martyrdom, is stigmatized as error and folly, because, according to this, the only saving doctrme, there is neither GOOD nor evil, but only necessity, and the idea of gnilt or innocence ha= no meaning, applied either to individuals or to whole nations. The par- tial obstinate adherence to the killing letter of right soon causes us to lose sight also of its sacred ground, so that we seek for relief only i a the domain ot what is called utility. When manifold attempts iKre have faile.h ',vc plunge with desperate devotedness into the doctrine of necessity, and acquit ourselves for not resisting it. But this necessity seizes without mercy her own adherents, and casts them ronternptuously aside, tilh after vear, of misery, the conviction arises 382 RIGHT. lTiLlT\. 2stXE^bn\. PARTIES. [Chap. IV. out of the univeisal ('(infusion of facts and priiicinles, that human son. among the Levellers accompanied him out or the ome Presbyterian clergy men had iullowed l,„u m a ( oach, nnd wer,. no less satisiied with his obliging reception of them. _ In order to bring the nuuter to a decision. Major 1 .1,. ■i,-A ni' A.uo-ust, 1648. brouglit lluiitiagdou. i^'U llie out oi .iu^uBu. an accusation against Crom^^. 11 .1 high treason; but not a momberof ihc House of eommons would second the motion; nay, the Speaker would not even propose i, . ami ill the Upper llou^e nothing was done, euher throuO. tear of eromwell. or because he was cou- ,i,K,„d to be indispensible, or because the whole .vas believed onlv to he n trick of the Presbyterians. ihmtin^doi. bein^ thus repelled by the Pariuunent. 364 IN ACT I UN. li'r THE rAHLlAMEXT. [ChAP. IV. i64«.] CROMWELL DEFEATS THK fciCOTCIL caus-d hi^ accusation to be printed. Ti lunied chielly uii the following points: Cr()iin\rli eaused the King to be carried off, negociated with liim nmkr- liaiiih excited dibconteii! in the armv iTi>tead nf allay- ing it; Iii" has expressed himselt m a hostile man- ner wiih respect to the ParHaiiuT]!. hmdaivd the King's coming to Richmond, driven him from iiumpiuu ^^'^■^^^ ^'j ^'^'^^^^^ wanniii^s, and said that it was lawhd in dtalmg witli a rogue to play the rogue. 'S erbai ur printed accusations of siu li ;i kind cer- taiiily prove the viuknt excitement ui' the pa^.iuns at those imics, but ronld m Idct ditach^ iiothim^; all dc- pending on who aciuj with the greatest i.ruiiipiuudc andresohitiuih Cromwrlj and Fairfax too], advantai^e of every nioineut, and exerted the greatest activiu- toputdiiwii the royalists in all parts of KiicrlaiKl'; while the Parliaiiuait ioM iiiany precious months without coining toany iinportant resolution, or moving consistently in any one direction. When, lur in^tanee! It was again discussed in tlit^ Lower House, in the month of July, wlmhtT- Iresh negociation^ >houId be opened witli the Knig; Idiomas Scott >aid. "It is always too soon or too late to iitgociate with sueli a^taitidess and iniphieabir prince. He who draws his sword against the King, must tlirow auav the scalilKuxl Any peace witli (diaries would be f diowed by the ruin uf all the good and pnms. ^\dio "^^^^^ ^^^^"^'^^ y^^"' i^'you negociate in London, that the city Will not he reconciled lu tlie furious King, and , ^l^^ np vcun- heads to lie Scierifleed, as Samaria did die heads of the seventy sons of Ahab ; ''and if^" added ( olonel ] iervev, "heproimsesyou to remain in a neigh- hnurine palace, who will trust a man. who has so often sworn falsely?" ''I am of a contrary upmion," replied Simon Ewes, ''we may and must trust the King ; or if vou do not know our situation, i will describe it to you in a few words. Your gold and silver have vanished; your fleet is in a state of mutiny ; you are hated and despised by the English and Scotch. Judge then, whether, in such a lamentable state of ihnigs, it is not high tune to be reconciled to his Majesty/* Opinions so directly contrary destroyed each other s effect, and though London warmly interfered for the King, (2^) nothing was in fact done till news was receiv- ed, tiiat Cromwell, with an iiderior army, had totally defeated the Scotch, near Preston, on the 19th of An- . gust; p)had taken theMarciuis of Hamilton prisoner; had restored ihe adiance witii tlio Parliament ; and dissolved that with the King. The ne%v treaty of Cronuvi-ll with the Scotch does not contain one word respecting the securing of Charles ; but the victorious religious nartv manifested the bitterest spirit of revenge towards its brethren, who were of a different opinion. Without respect to piety and learning, the clergy were expelUd, and the royalist laity subjected to ecclesiastical punishment, like criminals. " T know for certain/' writes an eye-witncss, speaking of the conduct of Cromwell '' that the Scotch, who sold their VOL. II. C C 386 NEGOClATiU.X.b Willi CHARLES. [CH4r. iV Kill ^ for ei2i [u'orouiid uri:!'. His S[i!ri! \\'as not iMiwrd i>y hii rortuiic, bui ic-iUior did he understand how to command it, ITis enei'j:\ was mixed witli weakness, Avhich iiLraiu led tn innious tquivocation and vascillation. At tliis moment, when tlic daiiixers oC tlie i'resbyterians and nf ilu/ King increased every instant, and prompt resohitkn was indispi-n>aid} necessary, tliey treated alHiut secondary objects, and ilieKing purpose!} made his concessiuus 1648.] NEGOClAilONS WITH CUAiUES, 3«7 in sucli forms that he mi-hi hay rooin at a future time to interpret them as he pleased. II .■ th ought , 4 a new war andlliybt u. Ireland, and attached his own welfare and that of the kingdom to fallacious l.op-^. and to the maintenance of a transitory form of church government. If we consider the terms laid hefore the Kinc which we have so often mentioned, he had already yielded too much (if we do not look at the circumstances of the moment) and too little, if a speedy essential change in his fate ; was to be the result. Thus .lie negociations continued tdl the 2/ta ot November, ^v iiliuui leading to any conclusion ; and the King said to the deputies : " Yon come to take leave of me. and 1 bclicvc diat we shall hardly ever meet a-xain. Bui God's will be done. I have made my peace wit], hnr.. a>,d vmH bear without fear what he may cause me to suffer through men. But in my ruin, von must al.o sec your own. God give you better friends than I have found. I am i!.e,rou-hiy informed ol the conspiracies against me and mine; and nothing alTects me so much as the suffermgs of my subjects, and the misery that hangs over England. pnuluced by those who, under the pretext of the public good, eagerly pursue their own objects and ad\aiitage." . Thus the ParUa.ment and the King had again spent three months without coming to any decision. Very ditVerentwas the energy v^nh whicli the army acted From the moment that it had overcome the royalists. c c 2 REMOXSTRAXCE OF THE ARMY. [Chap. IV. On the 20th of Xovember (^^ it preseiilud a rciuou. btrarice in it^-own name and ih moot bhimcd Lotii tho Ibian and the substance ui' this repro^eiitation ; oilier^ excused it, while others again remained .ilont thmugli fear, la.ily, th: Indepen- dents praised it. and proposed a vote of thanks In the army. They carried a i\;.ulmion thai the Kiuo-'s coiicessiciis did n^t appear satisfacfo-y ; ihev. ]u,\\- ever, tlioiiglit fa to put ofl' ilic debates upon ihis renion^fiaiirf fn,- a ^veek, though the officers took this nuuh amiss, and uttered ilueats in consequence. This precious week, which would have sufficed to bring the negociations iu ih,, lac uf Wight t,) a ron- dusioii, was ao-nin lost; and on the 1st of JlccemheT. when the deputic,., ii| on liiur leluru, made a repr.vt of tlu ir partiTiar from the King, Fairfax .n rele to the city that lie was on hi.-, mareh in l.oiidr,,- with the army : that they had no thought of plunder or other wrong to the city, but he desired that th.y would pro- vide good quarters in large houses, and raise ^40,000 for the soldiers hy the fullowin- evenirrr. Tho\na- glstrates sent this letter tr, the Parliament, and the Lords aiiswcrul shat the ,:ifv mitrlit do wliat it 1618.] DEBATES IN FARI.IAMENT. 889 pleased The Comnionx on the (.therhand, ordered that^ all possible pains should be taken to raise the moiv V, and. wrote to the general not to bnng the army to London ; but before the letter was dispatdied u was reported that the troops were only a mile from \\ estminster. and a proposal to declare this approach of *lu armv a violation of the freedom of the Parha- 1,,„,,,,, w.e, rejected by a majority of forty-four to ihirtv-three. Iu ih.e midst of this confusion, the question was brou-ht forward,, whi th. r ihe Iving's answer appeared to lie satisfactory. Some cried Yes, others No ; on v.hieh Fiennes said : n " The King has done suf- tkient !or the security of religion, law, liberty, by puttincr th.e affairs relative to war and to the state m the hands of the Parliament, and by abolishmg every- thing offensive in the affairs of the church. These two^are matters which the Parliament has always brought forward as decisive. That the King will not himself judge those who are called delinquents, but leaves the decision f.. the course of law, is highly proper, a^ the Parliament never intended that they should he sentenced in an arbitrary and violent mariner." On the following day, the 2nd of December, the debate was continued, in wliieh Sir Henry Vane said, " It will now be sc(-n who is an enem\ (>r friend ol the country ; -who belongs to the parly of the King or to that of the people. The eoiuiiry was already peace- .■if)!) DEBATES IN PARI I AMFNT. [Chap. IV ■IIJF. Kl>o'fe DECLARATION. 3ft 1 ably governed, and began m taste the sweets of iep:il)li('aii government, when the intrigues of ill- disposed persons produced insurrectioub in iMmiand as well as war with Scotland, and caused the revoca- tion ot the resolution lu enter in'iu no iKgu< laiions with the King. These must be immediately broken oil', the government new modeUod, ami every one severely punished who ventures to interrupt order and tranquillity. This \-. ill certainly be very agreeable to the army, which deserves so many thanks for it* last remonstrance." So violent an attack produced violent replies. ' Yane," it was said, "is very wrong in representing the views of i lie more numerous half of the Parliament as criminal, and self-interest impels him and others tn hinder peace, for the sake of their places and salaries." A\ Lcii ihu party of the Independents insisted on im- mediately taking a resolution conformably tti \ ane's prupusal, rj)ime affinned that the i'ariiament was not free, and being surrounded by the army could not cuiiic to any resolution. Tn opposition tn him, others desired, as it was already late, that c andli s should be lighted, and that they should not break up till they had come to a decision. This was done with the intention that all the more aged and peace- ably inclined Members might be wearied out and induced to go away. But the intention was so pal- pable, that it was resolved, by a majority of 132 to 1''-'. to adjouii; ilie debate to the f<>1l(i\vin;i: "Vfonday. 1648.] On*e4tli of Decen^lur news was received«i»tihe K;.,. notwi.h.taudui,^ the security which the 1 a,^ llament bad promised birn. ba.l been agam carried off hamem ...> i A declaration bv the arniv amd brought to ilurst.;^ ^ , , ideby bhn. -d the following tenor, was also made Iblic- •■ liu uuhapio people has long groaned rthe weight of t^U. and all the blood that Ls been shed during these seven years is imputed to le. who, tbougb T auMhe least guilty, suffer h i^ost. The army prevents a reconciliation ; and, in . :nanner hitherto unparalleled, calls me tli. cluef enemy. Ai the drst 1 was accused of granting too l.ttle no^v, that I have accorded too much: for- ,,eri; I -as arrested because I l.ad levied war ; ../because I desire to conclude peace. Once ruled ^vithnnt restraint as King, now I am governed like a slave ; formerly T was condemned on accoun of evil eonnsellors, now because 1 liave no counsel r hut God. Those persons hinder peace who seek to become masters instead of servants, to establish a democracy, and to destroy the constitution ru ad its parts. Such conduct will in the end destroy the Lhors of it the who strives to rule by the sword will perish by the sword. Party rage always leads to ruin , and those who prefer change to eveiTthing will find pleasure in nothing that is durable, and ,un nnully from one folly to another. For my pau, I declare, in the face of heaven, that my "^^ sutie i- n.g. though they need no addition., do not aflbct me 393 THE KIKG*:^ BEfLARATION. [CUAP. IV. 1048.] PRY:\Nt'b BPEECH. «5y »3 so nnic]i P.s the misery of my peopL> ; f,,,- I kuo^v i,> ivliat 1 have to tru.^t, Lui tlioy .lo not know, Mav Go,l comforf l],.,n an,1 me, a'n.l give us patience la I'r^j oitiun to our sail; rings. Ev the goodness of the Alriughty, 1 shall l>e as content in endimng, a. my enemies are active in allli,; u„,,. „,,, and my soul tells me that a time will come when vengeance n i !| iali on the liead of those who oppose peace. 1 thttnk God that I am armed against their iage,iet tluir arrows ily aruuud me, I have a breast f., receive ;md ;; Iioart to hear them. God is my shield, therefore I uo ii.,t far whaL muu may do imto me; l,uf T will rxp^et the worst, and if anything iiappens beyond Hiv vxwcuiitun give liie honor to God. f,.,- vain is the help of man." On the 4th of December, the House of Commons bv a majority of 13r, .,, l()0 jedarul that ,|,.' carrying ufthe Kino-.o Hnr.t Castle was with. ,r.t the knowledge and consent of Parliament; In uliich however, it showed it. wrakness rather than it^ energy. Many allirmed that the artny uu^ht to he sati.iied; and Mildmay exclaimed, "1 he Kmn- can no more be trusted than a raging huu uhu lecovers his liberty." The question whether the King's offers were satisfoctory was at length iiegaiived hy lit to 93 votes; vvliirh great majority arose from the opinion, even of the f.iends of peace, that they could not hope to have the (piestion carried in the afnrniative. The greater wa. the earnestness with uhjcl! thev advo- . 1 the second n.te.tion, tiura. ly, that negod«tioBS "''■ rcounouced upon the King s proposiUon. 3ni^Ul be coninvcncei v Prynne, formerly The ebief speaker o,> this sdewaP J ^^^^^^.. ,|,e most vehement accuser '^^^"^ ^^^^,,, He sai.l. ■■ Having been unatttmouJy cb -n^ ,i- ,!h-. House, without my seeking it, and oy dispensation, entering upon uiy duties at the a,vuK dispensation ^ important pn!,l>c grano tnoment ^ ^^eu life and death, aiiuu. that ever Kan-doms, the weltarc or ilie destruciiou oi epends on the aye or no P— -\;^^:' ^ ^ ■ T ;ii with Ibe greater boldness, asK question, 1 will, xMtU '}''' ^ ^^ ^,,a to hbertv to clear my conscience towards Uo ,le,* ihis may be the last time that 1 ^h.^W be know tlKu this may . ^s in this House. permitted lo speak my .entimenis i ^ Lcause I have affirmed that Hu kmg. proposals because i udvc „„^«opV,pd with, heme; lo till. I <^i^.^^^ei, .. .,^,a iiwal coiidiict ot against ilie arbitrary autliorit) dbd iiiega iY.rpa more from the King and iht pitiaieb have sutiered moil utiu o .i,^ -nrplntes 1 ;f the Ivme; and the premier than anv other ; and ii tne ivuib * .1 • o,4^;frnrv Dowcr and illegal wPTP restored to their arliitror} \'0^^^^l - were rtbiui'^vi cnilVrni'T^ as T 1 n lvivp reason to leai suutuu^ I* .^r,. tlumi than anv utliti pei-uu. iroieh r.r more irom tUtni inai. . . n , 1 ivivp received from the King .and All til.' lavor thai I ha^e receu . ■ . ilv.t thev cnt off mv ears, put me m ur his t)art} IS tiiat me) eiu ^i ( 394 J'Rv.nxe's speech pillory, caused my books to be burned hy ,|,e lun.r. man, twice tin,',] nu: loOoO. expeliecl niv Wmn the Lniversify uf Dx-orJ, deiniv.a mc of n,v income contLScatcd my !M>„k. and property, contincd me for eight years together in different prisons, and th. h df ol thai imicwithont pen, ink. and paper, or visits from my fnends. and all this merely because I opposed evil nnd religious tyranny. For this I have not received from the King any indon.,;tv. and from you not evcr^ (hanks, as so many others' have done for the most tridnig services. I am neither an apostate tu .].. King's cause, nor !„ih. d l,y your tavor. All that I have done and ^^,i,to^ was not out ol revenge, not to calumniate or dishonour the iMng. or to alienate the people's affections from hhn ■ .■>tdl Ie.s to promote his being deposed or entirely laid aside; though it is my opinion tkat Kings are accountaldc tr, ih.lr people and Parliament, and m case of extreme tyranny, and «!,cn the do^trncfio. "t M ndi!, Ida-rt;. , laws.and religion would he ulhci- wise unavoidable, may Ijc depoRed. •'JSut now. on the other hand, the army has iur- gotten Its duty, done violence to the i'arliatnent, and iH-oken ,1. Covenant; against which, in the same manner as against royal lyranny. T must declare n.: M II, and dare not vote against my conscience in order tu please the soldiers. Now the concessions of =J';' Km^ are sufficient, because the demands sub- muted to hnu were h^ no means uncondifiona!. (which phvnnk's SPEECH. 395 ''tld de^tvov the idea of a convention ;) because the ^""'^^^ r'nane^ly yielded m many points m s^i- ^nations ; because the King grant, more than lur iK goeiation , .^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ Jis perfectly sufficieu. to establish .rue l.bert, ,-. ,rtice Ever, one who possesses reason and i : nT\vl,o regards duty and conscience, and .s judgenieni^ e „„ia,vful engagements. "' rnTess!ri.r * Itbe acceptance of the con- rl » H « Mows a circumstantial and clear p* Ural the Kings offen. respecting all tire m^- P ■ cntUfictorv • the demands of the ''''-' ::Z r/btrSy objectionable, both r the stte and the Church. "K." conclu ej P vnne "-e reject the King's proposals and bieak Prjnne, J ,^(, ^^^^^ns of off the negociations. all om l 11 tTip s-rent concessions ^vlueh tlie imUs, "i=' ''Tfo .* s' nrtty andtha, -,f o„r posterity, tall to ■"* f»' »;• ^' y ^, u , „ay, the tnonarchy. tS— :o:of,ustL,-,eYs.ndl.Wr.ics. -."■f °:;l tr-a :;:»"'::. « p^f - greatest nnpressiou , December. Ixr. at nme m the morning. 104. that his mons decided, by a majority of HO «» 396 ?>!EMIiKRs AliUEiTED. [Chap, IV. Majesty's concessions to the proposilions of Par- liament were sufficient grounds lor sHtlino' the peace of flie kiimuon, ; an.] ih,- House of Lords acceded to this roiolinion on the same day. All moderate men rejoiced at this victory, and hoi)ed lur the return of order, an.] ihe restoration of ihe due equililjrium between the powers of the State. The army, ,,n the otiicr hand, feared tlie vengeance .f i]ie Kinrr in tlie event of any restoration of his power, as well as the ecclesiasticai jyrann.y of ilic Presby- terians. In order to find, as tliey pretended, greater hljcrty, they trampled unci, r foot, witli more insolence than ever, alllaws and venerable instit u- tions. V. hen (he Members were repairing to tin' House on the follnvan- nn.rnuur, ij,,, (J-h of December. Pi-IH, tiny fouiu! the stairs and doors occupied by soldiers, and Colonel Pinio refused admittance fo every one, ^vho, as the expression was, did not deserve jHiblic eoniidence. Prynne, endeavouring to force his way in, was J-uslied back; and when Picnnes asked In whose auihorny this was doiu', ho was answered, by iluit of the sword, hi vain did those JMembers who wore [„r the present ackn.owlodged require that those who were excluded should Lc "l^ct at liberty; tlioy were confined fadding moekerv to injustice ) in a low j.nhlie-lion.o, called Hell, and'lay there the v^holo night, ,,„ the stairs, benches, and the floor. On tho following morning, they nore all 1648.] MI^-.MKKRS ARRESTED. taken to ^Thitehan, where Fairfax made ilioiu wait the v.-hole day in vain for a hearing ; and at last sent them word, by a couple of officers, that he had nwe pressing busines. to attend to, and could not speak to Ln- Hereupon they were surrounded, Uke cuun- nals by soldiers, conducted back through the mud- diest streets to two wretched public-houses, and ieeringly asked what had become of the pay for the irmy Some Lords, for instance Pembroke and Salisbury, who. either out of cowardice or false enthusiasm, repaired to Fairfax, and offered, n appeared to be for the general good, to lay the peerage at his feet, met with no other reward ihau being ridiculed and despised by the officers On the day when all these violent proceedmgs took place. Fairfax an.! the officers presented to the puri- fied Parliament their humble proposals and uishes. They said they had seen long enough wUh sorrow the discordant debates of the Parliament, guided oy party spirit and self-interest, and how the pubhc good IJuL neglected and disregarded. In order, there- 1 t p iiipsp follies deceits, and fore, to put an end to ah iliese loiiies. u treacheries,theynu.t>v,urn to thexr old demand, and add new ones, and, m particular, solemnly aecu.e ,,,inv nunnbcrs of the Lower House. 'its request that the prisoners niiglu bo released, was positively refused by Fairfax ; and, on the ap;. ua- tion be.n. repeated, they received for answer th t they wer^ not to expect any reply from hm m th,. 39^ CROMWELL RETURNS. [ChakIW important business ; and, therefore, liiey need not trouble him any further upon the subject. Hereupon it was resolved, by a majority of 50 to 28, to accede to the demands of the army. Cromwell, who had purposely delayed his return till the 17th of December, now received the thanks of the House for his distinguished services, and declared that he had not been informed of the plan of purifying the Parliament, but considered it as a divine inspiration, and would maintain what had been done. Forty-seven Members of the Lower House remained under arrest, ninety-six others were excluded, and not a few withdrew of iheir own accord ; so that the number of those who were present was reduced to fifty : nay. on one occasion, a Member was fetched from prison, to complete the number of forty required to inako n 1 louse. At the next sitting i! was ordered that there should be a day of general rejoicing fur all these happy events; and on the 13th tf Decem- ber all tlie resolutions which were to lead lu a reeoiioiHatioii wiili the Kino- ^yere revoked, because they were contrary to the honor of Parliament, and manifestly nnnncl tho welfare of the kingdom. Wlien the excluded Members loudly complained of tiiis, their assertions and statements were called false, sedi- tious, scandalous, and clear!) aiming lu destroy the fundamental j^oveniment of the kingdom. In this mannQv the former enemies of ih' !\ing fhow c^peedy was justice!) were at once ill-treated and 1648.] HUGH PETERS. 399 ridicnVnl and this at a moment when the conquerors ..erited in a higher, nay, in the highest degree, ^ the reproaches ot the conquered. But as at that time everything, however base, was covered with tne cloak of pretended piety, or even of divine inspiration, the approaching dreadful tragedy began with a ser- Hxon of Hugh Peters, who knew how to combine wild enthusiasm with mountebank hypocrisy, m a manner which appears disgusting and contemptible to every unsophisticated generous mind, but made a great impression upon distorted and overheated imagma- t;ons lie took for his text the words of the i saimist . Bind yo.r King with chains, and i/oiir nobles with fetters of iron ;" compared the King with Barabbas , hose release was demanded by foolish men ; called the red-coats the saviours of the people, and affirmed that there were in the army at least five thousand saints, not inferior to those who in heaven surround the throne of God. He then stopped, closed his eyes, laid his head upon the cushion, and then exclaimed that he had had a revelation . that the slavery of the children of Israel and of the elect should have an end, b) ^u. extirpation of royalty in England and in all other kingdoms. On the 23rd of December, the day nftei this blasphemous prelude, it was proposed, in the House of Common, to prosecute the King on a cnmuKd charge, ^omo ^vouul ^villmgly have referred the whrm* m attev lu the army ; whereas others obseryed s 4U0 niPEACHMEXT OF THE KING. [CiiAP. iV. tliat siieli a measure was unparalleicJiii lii>iory. would only (xcitp vrngeance andincreasethe evils, because no new re-action was to be appreliended ; biit thai tlie time was come to estaljlisli freedom on clemency and niuderation. ("roniwull ^aid li^ any inaii had i.f his own accord proposed a plan to depose Charles, he would consider him as the greatest traitor; but as providence and necessity li ad produced it, they must submit: and he begged God to Wprc; f^eij. counsels, though he was not immediately prepared to express an opinion. iliL. hypocrisy of the man wh.o. more than any otlur individual, urged the accusation agamsi the King, appeared, ho^vever, to he denying too mneh : wherefore Cromwell soon atteruards m tiU; >|)irit of those times, taking another tnrn, told some persons that he had atcemi ted to implore by prayer God's blessing for Charles; hut tiiai his tongue cleaved to the roof i.f hi. mouth, so that he could not Litter a word, a proof that Cod had njvded the King. e«) f 11 the same spirit, and alter the exam- pie of the Scotch Presbyterians in the year 1638, there appeared also at this moment a female saint from llereford.huv, to whom God hnd revealed that the accusers should persevere in their course. Accordingly, on the 23ra .)f December, 1648,' and 2nd of January 1649. if was resolved in the House of Commoii^, by no more tlian iwentv-flve or twenty-six persons, (-) that the King should be impeached aad tried before a high court of justice, consisting of one 1648.] IMPEACHMENT OF THE KING. 40 i hundred and fifty chosen persons, because he had formed the wicked design totally to subvert the an- cient laws and liberties of the kingdom, and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical government ; because he had made war against the Parliament and the king- dom, by whieli the country had been laid waste with fire and sw^ord, the public treasure exhausted, trade decayed, tliousands of people murdered, and infinite other mischiefs committed. Now that God had delivered him into thoir hands, they must publicly accuse him for such great and treacherous guilt, in order to pre- vrnt greater evils, and to deter others hereafter, and punish him as he deserved. When this resolution of the Commons was laid before the Upper House, the Earl of Manchester proved that the King was one of the three indispen- sable members of the Parliament, and it was therefore a luanifest abs^nrdity to accuse liim "1 treason against the Parliament. The Earl of Northumberland affirmed that not a twentieth part of the people were convinced that the war had been begun by the King; and even \\ i hat were the case, it could not by anv laiv be tonsidered as treason. The Earl of Denbigh exclaimed tliat Im ^.voidd rather suffer himself to be cut inio |)ieces tlian take part in so shameful a proceeding. In consequence of these opinions, the proposal of the House of Commons was unanimously reject t(l l)y i\w thii-teen (others say sixteen) J.ords ^Oio were present, with a declaration that noresolution VOT !i n D 4o; THE queen's letter. [Chap. IV 1648.3 M. DE GRinNON S LETTER. 4tj:i of tlie Lower H'-'ii^^i' wa- valid without tlic coneur- rence of the Lords. At this the zealots in tho T.oTver House wore so iiKliinuint th:;! a.! the hr^t ibey were for acciisiiiiT all the Peers of !i!u:li treason ; and then. on the 4tii of January, unaniiuuu^ly rc^uha-d that the people, under dod. are the original nfall y\-i power; that the Coniiiions of England, assembled in Parlia- ment, ])'Ana; chosen by and representing the People, haveihe>u!nnie authority of this nation, and whatever is enacted or declared law by them has the force of law and binds the whole nation, even though the King and the House of Peers have not consented to it. Accord- ingly the Court for trying the King for high treason was formed, without regard to the opposition nf the Lords. A letter from the Queen, in favor of \}u^ l\mc^, was laid aside will leiii Ijeinir read, f'')and a declaration of more than sixty Presbyterian clergy, that the trial of the KiniT was contrary to the divine and human laws, against the oath and covenant, was declared to he an imnertineiii iniafference iu aUdirs ot state. Ihe Scotcli twice solemnly protested against the last steps of ihf Army, cailid tlu' proceedings against the Kin^ illegal and aboniiiaible, adding, '^ We delivered tlie King to the lAigh^h, ill order to promote the conclusion of peace, not to lead to hi=; rnin ; ami de- elaro ourbeive:> inuoeenl of uil tin.' misery, confusion, e\i!h, and disasters, whieh mn^t theret)\ Ix^ lirought upon these imliappy kingdoms." (^^) " if any modKrute resolution could be expeeted;\^said Grignon, in a letter written about this time to tlie lAcnch Minister, Brienne,) (^^) "from Cromvadl and his son-in-law Treton, much might be lio|ied for the King. For then they would not bring down u])on tliemselves the hatred of tln^ l^^'^^'^''- "^vould govern in his name, as they do now, and deprive lliair enemies of the most plausible pretext to undertake anytliing against them wdth success. But tliey have driven matters to such an extreme of violence that they despise gentle means, and the more because there is no f^er- son aide to oppose them. Even the opposition of tlie Scotch will 1)0 fruitless, either because the parties suppose that ihAv friends in Scotland will 1)e a])le to defeat the effects of the resolutions adopted, or because that country is not able to do them any harno Unl^ir- luiiateiy lor the King, the accounts of the disturbances at Paris increased the boldness of his enemies,, who ha\ e always believed that France alone is able to afford him assistance". Meantime the King had been long since prepared for the worst ; and, as the danger increased, his princi- ])les w^ere corrected and his feelings purified. On the 2!)th of November, 1648, he wrote to his bon, " Voii see how zealously we aimed at poaei* ; do not sutler vourself to be diseonraged by this, but rather show your greatness of mind liy endeavouring to gain your enemies, bv pardoning rather than, punishing them. Yoii \\ ill avoid the sentiments of our adversaries by I) I) ( » 404 ClIAiU.E^'j- MEUlTATiuNS OIs DEATH. [Chap. IV. recognizing? the inhiimaiiaiifliiTichnstiniiiifi lure of their imphicablc character. Do not blame us, a^ if we had given up too much x^^ our riahit , the prize was great and the gain security for us and our people. Another Par- liament will one dayromcmlM'f how useful the jniwerof a King is to tin.* ht)eriy t)f a people; and tlie latter will learn that victories over their Prince are only i rniiiiphs over themselves. Believe our experience, and never aim at more greatness or privileges ihaai an* truly necessary fur the welfare of your subjects, by no means of your hivourites. Nothing in thawraid i^ worth gaining by bad and unjust means. If God one day gives you success, make use of ii wiih nuHlt ration and without revenge ; and fultil even hard ternij^, if vou have aG^reed to them, on vonr rest(nution." Still niurc characteristic is the Meditation on Death ; which th*' Kimr wrote immediately after the resohition of Non-address, as it was called, and from which we select the following passages: (■'^) * 1 luive Qot onl) leisure enough, !jut more reason to prepare myself for deatli : for T know that there are but a few steps between the prison timi the grave of laances. My Ions; and bitter sufTc^rings have so recon(ah*d in me the contrast between life and death, that the ordinary terrors of the LattiT luive wlndly vanished. In the strugule against these terrors 1 have first learned to fiad tlna life of rcdiuaoin ih«,' Inippiness of a good conscience, and the impenetrable shield of inte- grity and hrmness. T am neither old enongli to l)e 1648.] CilARLEbS MEDITATIONS ON DEATH. 405 wearv of life, nor 1 In.pe so bad that 1 mu^t fear to live, or be ashamed to die. Yet I am at times so melancholy that i cuuld wdsli for death, if i did not consider that it is the highest glory of a Christian to die daily, by subduing, through lively faith and calm hope of ;t better life, this partial and daily effort : nay, by survivincr his own fate, luring health, libcrly, honor, powa r, distinction, property, and the consola- tion of our dearest connections., v^ ho are the life of our hfe. "Though as Kinir, in pailuailar, i live by nothing so mu( h as by the love and good- will of my subjects, for wlnan T have buifered many deaths, yet 1 hope that 1 am rwA <|iiite dead in this point; though my enemies have employed all the poison oi falsehood and id] the power of hatred in order, first, to destroy the love an! fidelity of my subjects, and theui to an.ni- hilate in nie all the satisfaction of life, which was fomuK'd rai ih* m. Death retains its terrors, whetluT I suffer it by a speedy murder, or with the greater fnrriiality. wliu'h my enemies will maliciously and cruelly add to it, in ordor to give an appearance of justice to an act condemned by all hrws, human and divine. They will never beliexi" that a royalty of weeds, whic li some endeavour to establish, (at once weak and barren,) can grow before it is watered witli roval i>lood. Put God will not suffer them to dwell in the Babel which they l)uild wdth the bones of a Kimi. and cemrnt with \\\> l)lood. They will '^^rszjnm-ssxz.istjyjfsvmt,-^ li ^ t ^406 CHAllLEb's MEDITATiOIsS O^ DEATH. {ChIP. IV. tiiitl the avengers of death among theiri>f1ves. Now the \^■ill of iiune eiiuiuies seems to be tlie sole law ; their power the standai'il, and their success thetoueh- stoiie of -vshat they are pleased to call justice ; they deem themselves secure, tlireiigh aiy danger and my deatlu and ilirget that, as the greatest temptation to sin is always invested with the appearance of the greatest iurtuue, tiie most fearful vengeance ol' (iiul is manifested when men are permitted to eoni|4ete their wicked de^igu:-^. God's will lui-. hrnlled and snlidued mine; thn- T shall die witheut dc-ire of revenge, as becomes a Christian toward- liis enemies, and a King towards his subjects. The Inir i and unavoidable i}ranny of my enemies will refute the ealunuues respecting my tyranny, and, the most obsti- nate and wicked among them will Ik* puni tied like the company ef Korah : for the meanest and basest of tln^ populace, on whom they have chiefly built tlieir plans against me, the chnrch, and the state, justly desj^ising iheir ill-gotten and aha. -.ed peiwe-r, will hid unon them and devnnr them. Lastly,, 1 thank my enemies mure than my friends ; for the iormer seek to m\t nn end to the sins and th<'^ cares nf this wretched lite, while the latter wish to protract m\ striaxude.'' Had Fairfax been a man, and not merely a tool for accomplishing the objects of others, he ought to have hindered tliib last turn uf llnngs, (a- have buliUy sacritictMl and thereby purified Inm^elf: liut he did 1649.] THK COURT ere EN ED. 4U7 not go beyond some Ihicluating doul)ts, and w'as not merely canied away \)\ (h-omwell, Imt closely ob- served, nav, watched by him. In fact, on the 19th of JanUiarv, inanv officers expressed to him their ii^v ul the wise conduct oi' alTairs, and llie accusation of the King. They said it might be hoped that they sliould now see and obtain the fruit of their great exertions. On the following day, January 20th, 1649, the Couit assembled for the first time, and (under an appearance of impartiality, to increase the number of accomphces) was composed int only of Members of rarliament, hut of officers, of persons holding civil employments, and others. Of 15U, however, vlio were appointed, the greatest number that ever were present was 71, and that only once; at ail other times the number was smaller. ('*) When Bradshaw, iJu' lawyer, who was chosen President, read the list uf the names of the Members, and came to that of Fairfax, a female voice exclaimed from the platform that lie was not there, and disdained to sit among thorn. It was Lady Fairfax who, more courageous than her husband, defied the sanguinary judges. In order to drown such interference, the soldiers who were placed on guard called aloud, l)y order of Axteh their commander, '"Justice, jn-tice! and tiiose who refused or hesitated were compelled by blows. Wle-n tie King entered, and saw all tlie judges covered, iw ulsu put on his hat and sat down. TRIAL OF Tlii: KING. i [Chap. IV. 1649.] TRIAT, OF THE KING. 409 h I f Thereupon Eradshaw spoke, 5ci}iiig tliat the Iluuse of Cominons, by virtiie of the supreme authority \vhich had been iiitriL>U'd to it, and whicli it pos- sessed, had resolved to Ijriiiir the Kini^ to trial. (\)kr, ivho was a|)poirited aitorney-geiierab read the \ ery prolix. hiL^dily partial, and unjust aeciisatioii, wliich coiiehided witli saying, that t lie Ivuig \\a> iiii|)<'.ieiied as n tvraiit. a traitor, a murderer, and liie author of all tlie bloodshed. Charles had listened to all ihi< willi dignihed composure, only at the la.^i words a bitter nieiaii- ch'^ly smile was observed on his countenance. T^ the question of the President, what lie liatl to aii- swer, the King replied. •'•'P-y wlait legal authority am I brought here*? You ^it by virtue ut' an urroirated power ; joid T represent the true liberty of the peo})le more than aii) ul iii) pretended judges. Consider that I am your lawful Kiuu, that you heap heavy sms on \(:.ur own head, and bring the wruth of Gud upon this kingdom. I see none of Uo hords who, with me, fornieil part uf the Faiaiariienl, and 1 a\i11 not ])e uidaithf^ul to my nihce and my situation, and recognize an illeLral tribunal." Bradr^liaw replied that the King had been brouuiit hith.r by order of the Parliament, and fur the good ot' ihc Muu]i>h people; and la therefore called upon him to give a better answer. '' Charles," say his accusers, ''persit>l- ed in his < obstinacy, and did not shew the least respect for the Court." '' lU behaved," sa) has iriends. " with the dignity becoming a King ; and BraAsliaw aTid Coke performed their offiee with harshness and presumption." When the King, on the second examination, on the 22nd of J anuary, again denied tire legality of the Court. Coke proposed to take the matter j^^'o con- ftsso. The King, on the other hantb said, '" If vio- lence w itliout justice can make laws, and overthrow the fundamental constitution of the kingdom, 1 do not huow v.liat man in England is secure of his life and ja'operty." Hereupon the following conversation took place. Bradshaw : ^\ does not become a crimi- nai to dispute the authority of the Court. You ^peak of law aud reason, but both are against you. The Ktny . i do not see how a Kmg can be considered a criminal, and brought before any earthly tribunal. ihdiUhacc . We bit here with liie iuii powers of the Commons ; to whom you are answ^erable, as all your predecessors were. The King . That 1 deny ; show me a similar case. Bradshaw : Sir, you must not interrupt when the Court speaks to you, it does not permit yon to disjmte this point. The King : The Cuiiimuiis of England never were a Court. Brad" shaw : Sir you are a prisoner, and you are not per- mitted to continue thi:^ conversation ; you must rather answer distinctly to the charges. The King : Show me tliat jurisdiction where reason is not to be laard. Bradshaw : We show it vou here, the Com- mons of EnglaiaL - Aher tiiese singular and e(|uivo- s-«^^i«*^^(a£W48 41 1, TRIAL OF THE KING, [CiiAr. IV. 1649.] CONDEMNATION OF THE KING. 411 i; ijt cal worcls^ Charfes turned rouiicL and said to the audience, '' Remember that the Kinof of Enor]and is condemned without being alluwcil to produee his arOTments in favor of tlie hbs'rtv of tliu Fioonle.'' On this a cry was iniexpectedl} raised of*' Cod save the King !" In order to counteract this favorable feelmg, which was daily crrowing stronger, witnesses against ilie King were heard, (■' ) wdiose dcjiosilions amounted to this, tlint tliev liad seen hiin at the head of sohliers. or sword m hanch wfiieii nuiiieiously and tit tlie same time absurd! \ was alleged as a proof of murders deserving death, whereas the thorough ^jii.-titieation of Charles, which was presented in writing, made no impression. Hitherto the King had been treated extemallv in every respect as such. The officers of the court performed their functions ; his meals were brought in covered dishes ; the goblet presented kneeling, and all otlier forms observed. (^) Noiv all tlii was abolished la-y order of those in power; uTiicii the King miglit consider as a certain indication of liis appioaehnig late, antl pciaiaps it wa-; at thi>. lime that he wrote in a book, ** Eebus in adversis facile est contemuere vitam Fortiter ille facit, qui miser esse potest." And in anutlier Ijook, " Fallitur egregio quisquis sub principe credit Servitiiim : nunquam libertas, gratior exatat Quam sub rege pio." Charles turned over In Iris mind wiielher he sliould net abdicate, on equitabk' terms, in favor of his son; Avitli whicli however the ambitious leaders would not ]i;,ve been satisfieil. According to another not impro- baljle account, several of the judges olfered to exert themselves in his favor, if he would only acknow- icdn-.- the authority of the Court, take upon himself apart of the blame, and not lay it entirely upon liie rurlianuait ; but he rejected this proposal as unrea- sonable anal naijust. lu tea t, all proj^osals, forms, proofs, and counter- proofs were wholly indifferent, because the condem- nation ol the King was firmly resolved upon ]>efore the opening of the Court; and mi regard whatever wa:. paid to the fact that above half the members of the Court were always absent. On the 27tli oi January was the last sitting, in wliieh, chieiiy liy ilie despotic influence (4* CromwelL they absolutely refused to allow the King to defciul himself there, or, as he earnestly requested, to 1)e heard before the Parliament. After a long speech, hi which Bradshaw endeavoured to justify the whole of the i)roceedings, iluy pronounced sentence ('') against him, adjudging that tlie said Charles Stuart, as a tyrant, tia.itor, iimrderer, and enemy of the good English peoide, shall be put to death by the severing of his head h'oni his body. The King again requested lu vara to Ijc heard in lli^, defence ; Bradshaw urdcrcd him to be removed 412 o PEELINGS OF Till: PEOPLE. [Chap. IV. 1649.] C'ONDUCT OF CRO^IW KLL. 'I I. . > !| i out of ^^ f^^^'^ Evrrwvliere was manifested the noble indigiiatinii ns \m 11 as the savage passions of the iiiiiid^ of th<' people, Wlicii it was declared that the King was tried according to the wi:.hes of the whole Engiisli nation, a fcmiale voice from the plat- Ibnii exclaimed, - You lie , not tlie iburtli part ui the people desire it, ("romwell is a villadn and a traitor!" Til. \ were going to arrest and puni:.h tiie woman: it was again Lady Fairfax. The more unworthy was the conduet of others. Wlien a soldioi, a^ C harles passed by, said, - Sire, God bless you!" his captain struck liini wiili Ids eane ; on whieh the Kin- ol)^ served, - The punishment is greater than the oil; ni e." Others cried - Justice !" or blew the smoke of tobacco m lus eyes, nay, it is reported tliat some spit in Ids face. He was conveyed ijaek to liis apartments in a sedan clurn-. All ibc^ anie to him. Such was the conduct of the Wiaihv founders of new liberties and a new tra at a TTionieut of such awful importance as was then un- paralleled in the history of the wc ikk Ion iuu luoiuu-clis dkl not venture to take any decisive step in favor of their liroth.er sovereign, but confined themselves to a timid inelTective policy, ('") obIv w republic, the United Netlundands, made an en- ergetic appeal, in iaxaa- id' Gharles, though no more regard was paid to it than to the threats of the Scotch and the entreaties of the Queen and her children. ('") At this moment, four of tlie Kings couubellors, Richiuraid, Hertford Southampton, and Linsay, de- 4U CH:\ iu.es ano juxon. [Chap. TV. claretl that they were to blame for everything and were alone ci 11. ".werable. liut what would it have avaiivci tJie leaders to saerilue tour men of so litilc importance, wlirii ilif !!• oljject was to overturn the thronu, ur to model it for themselves. iaiillix, who had wished to defer the execution, either learnt nothing of the last resolutions, was watched by Cromwell, or, as usual, with him, and in fear of danger for himself, had not the courage and decision boldly to step forward. (*^) Wlu'Ti Juxon, Bishop of London, who, at the Kings request, was to prepare him for death, ex- pressed his compassion for him, Charles said, " Let U5 not speak of the wretches in whose hands I am ; but ratlu r if what is needful." During the last night lie slept as calmly as ever ; and when Herbert appeared to dress his hair with less care than ordi- nary, he said, "Take the samepains as usual; i must bedressed to-day like a bridegroom." After receiving the sacrament, on the day of his death, the 30th of January, 1649, he said, firmly and cheerfully, " The wickr-ii may now come. I have forgiven thnn Irom the i)()ttni]i i)f my heart, and am prepared for every- thing thai can happen." Aitor much hesitali body, at a single blow ; and the other, hold- jim It up, cried, '' This is the head of a traitor." (^^) ^\ hen the King's head fell, the anxious silence wluili had prevailed all around was interrupted by deep sobs ; and, without regard to the danger, the spectators shed the bitterest tears of pity and repent- ance. The feelings of sorrow, affliction, and indig- nation ("') spread I h rough the whole kingdom; and iiiaiiy who had hitherto been indifferent, uv even hos- tile to the King, were seized with consternation, and loudly proclaimed his praise. However, there remain- ed zealots enough in the army, nay, what is more sur- prising, among the clergy, (^) who openly affirmed thai liothing was more lawful than the Kind's execu- tioii, and boasted of having set an example to all naiioiit, huw to consolidate tlioir freedom. '' The King," said these men, " is, like every other person, subject tu the laws; (*') and in ra^o ho arbitrarily viokites them, there must be means to repress or to iniiiish him. Now, as Charles perversely refused new Si (laities for the preservation of liberty, he uas himself ih.e cause of his ruin ff the course of judicial proceeding which was adopted is rejected, there remains no real difTerence between the English and an aJjsolute despotic government." 1649J OBSERVATIONS. 417 To this conclusion we may oppose various objec- tions, both general aral particular. It is only when considered in a superficial manner that the King is quite in the same rank witli every subject. More accurate research shows that, as hereditary monarchy deserves the preference to the apparently better elective monarchy, so a consecrated inviolable mo- narch (sacrosanctus)is far more salutary and effective for the maintenance of general order and legality than one who may be compelled to descend into the eircle of ordinary responsibility. For every judgment of this kind includes in it such a profound and gene- ral scission of ili ^ public relations, such an annil il- lation of the healthy state of things, such a revolution in all power and authority, that the State always falls into ruins, froni which it has to recover itself by civil war. As tyrants have employed and misunderstood the doctrine of divine right as a palliation of exorbi- tant despotism, so an appeal is made in such times to the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people, that is, in the last instance, to force ; which, however, is by no means exercised by the whole people, but by a f'W. and for the most part contrary to the true wibhes and the real good of the people. Charles is a striking proof of the truth of this assertion. There was no law by which he could be called to account either as a King or a private individual, much less L) which he could be sentenced to capital punishment ; both the trial and the sentence were in VOL. II. E E 418 I ) UJSKIIWATIOXS. [Chap. IV. fli^ant contradiction even with the doviunv ti the iiTicoiulitional supreme rights of the people and the former principles of the Independents. it was a iiotorions falsehood thai Lhaik.. had refused all securities for future liberties, that he li i 1 coin- incBCi 1 tlu war without reason, overturned the constitution, or ever exercised tyranny in the sense declai t 1 hv the Parliament. If, therefore, Ludlow, Bradshaw, Hutchinson, and others, found and con- firmed, as they say, this conviction by prayer, serious research, and reference to Jewish examples, this only shows liow evil delusions can biuak m even on this apparently holy circle, can deceive the natural sense, deaden the conscience, and tempt man to sin. Hence the excuse, ''That the murderers (f the King were satisfied in their consciences, and bound by it; loses all its weight, because, setting aside everv more solid motive, the most passionate the most indefinite opinion was substituted for truth, and given out as infallible certainty. If we should grant that there are cases in wliic li extreme tyranny can be broken on!} by extreme resist- ance, yet, in the present case, the murder of the King, accomplished by a small but fanatic baud it c rmu- nals, cannot be represented as legal, as useful or necessary, or the proceedings be jnstiiicd either ni their form or substance. 1 n the second half of the reign of Charles, the !\-i! Hament was the agressor, rejected satisfactory securities for Idinty, and aimed 16L9.] us Kin' AT IONS. 419 at the overthrow of the whole constitution, in a manner which subsequently proved to be totally absurd and injurious ; least of nil. therefore, can we aUow the subsequent bupposition, that without tliat crime English liberty could not have grown up. On llic other i;and, these well-founded objections and reproaches do not include the unconditional jus- titicatioT! of the Kmg. It was the extremity of mis- fortune that j^inrilii i! him from his errors and his I sr indices, for the sake of which he threw awav the love and confidence of his people, his own happiness, and the welfare of the state. He has been c all cl a martyr, and his fate testifies into what errors, in spite of laudable qualities and noble purposes, Kings and people may be misled ; but he is no martyr for new, disregarded. <>!• irrefragable truths and principles. What he considered as alone right and eternal in rdnmh an I state, has not proved to be such, ant! as he almost exclusively sought and perceived in the past the law for the present, he appears, at this crisis of time rather as a deplorable victim than as a model to inspire future ages. E £ NOTES.-CHAPTER IV. (1) Page 316. Cromwell says of himself that he had been the chief of sinners. If some allowance may be made for the mode of speaking usual at that time, it does not follow that the early part of his hfe was entirely conformable to the latter, and was free from blame. Nolle, Mem. of the Cromwell Family. p. 108—119, 131: (2) Page 317. Wallier, Vol. II. p. 54. Banks' Life of Cromwell, p. 103. Huntingdon, p. 327. Cromwell, and those of like sentiments with himself, often quoted instances from the Old Testament, Eliud, Sampson, David, &c. Bur- net, Vol. I. p. 70. (3) Page 326. Journ. Lords, Vol. IX. p. 237. Fairfax, (p. 408—410) relates that he had sent troops to the King, to deliver him from the hands of Joyce, and bring him back to Holmby ; but the King would not consent, and he had not been able to get Joyce punished. (4) Page 326. Milton, Iconocl. Works, Vol. I. p. 282. According to Buntingdon, p. 313, Joyce positively declared that Cromwell had given him the commission, and the latter replied, *' Otherwise the Parliament would have carried off the King." Monteth, p. 279. (5) Page 327. Grignon, Amhassades en Angleterre, St. Germain, p. 776. (6) Page 337. Pari. Hist. Vol. HI. p. 664—684. Journ. Comm. Vol, V. p. 250. The elev en had reason to congratulate NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 421 themselves that six months' leave of absence had been granted them. Satiderson, p. 996. (7) Page 340. Pari Hist. Vol. III. p. 713. Probably the Presbyterian Members of Parliament were concerned in this. (8) Page 342. Lenthal and others excused their conduct by saying that the restoration of the King was not to be expected from the Presbyterians, but that the army and Cromwell had deceived many persons by fair promises. Pari. Hist. Vol. IV. p. 69. Peterborough Chron. p. 762. (9) Page 342. JFhitelock, p. 265. After the 26th of July, there were in the Upper House only two or four, and on the 6th of August, nine Lords. Journ. Lords, Vol. IX. p. 374. (10) Page 346. Journ. Lords, Vol. IX. p. 375—385. Pari. Hist. Vol. III. p. 746. llushworth. Vol. VIII. p. 754. According to Clarendon, Vol. VIII. p. 294 — 335, even some of Cromwell's enemies fled to the army, probably deceived by the notion that the King had concluded a convention with it, and that otherwise they would come too late. . (11) Page 354. The people flocked together, and strewed the way with flowers and branches of trees. (12) Page 356. Clarendon, too, was deceived, and said, *' For sure they have as much or more need of the King than he of them." State Papers, Vol. II. p. 379. (13) Page 356. Pari, Hist. Vol. III. p. 779. When the King sent to the Parliament the conditions agreed upon with Cromwell ; the former, knowing and regarding the temper of the army, vehemently declared against them. Bug dale, p. 263, Banks' Life, p. 89. (14) Page 358. Grig non Amhassades en Angleterre. (15) Page 362. It was reported that Hammond attempted not only to examine the King's papers, but to search his pockets ; but his Majesty resisted, and gave him a box on the ear, and it is said he struck the King again. Clarendon State Papers, Vol. IV. App. p. 46. There may, perhaps, be reason to doubt 4: )••) NufKS TO rUAPTKR IV. this story, but it is certain that the King was treated in a very rigorous disrespectful manner. (16) Page 362. Grignon, Amhassades en Angleterre, (17) Page 371. As early as October, 1647, two hundred and fifty Members were wanting. The plan to fine each of the absentees twenty pounds fell to the ground ; it was judged I tter afterwards to exclude them. Farl. Hist. Vol. III. p. i^ I Journ. Comm. Vol. V. p. 348. (18) Page 371 llie valuations were, besides, made in such a manner, that when the Parliament granted a sum to any one, ns a re^vard, he generally received twice or thrice as much. (19) Page 377. Acts of Pari. Vol. VT p. 331. The clergy called the new Covenant " the unlawful engagement." (20) Page 378. Negociations de Monsieur de Montr euil. (21) Page 385. The London petition of the 8th of August demands free negociations with the King, an armistice, the disbanding the army, the observing of the self-signing bill, &c. TFhitelocke, 322. (22) Page 385. ** It is astonishing (writes Grignon) that Cromwell was so bold with 8000 men to attack the Scotch army of 22,000, and that he could gain such a victory." Grig- no7i, Amhassades en Angleterre. Clarendon, Vol. IX. p. 165. (23) Page 386. Our space \\\\\ not permit us to enter into the extent of the negociations, and the parliamentary debates ; they relate chiefly to the points already so often mentioned, the militia, the constitution of the Church, amnesty, &c. Pari. Hist, Vol. TIL p. 1000—1066; Journals of the Lords, Vol. X. p. 571 : Journals of the Commons, Vol. VI. p. 62 ; Laing, Vol. III. p. 407; Brodie, Vol. IV. p. 145 ; Hutchinson, Vol. 11. p. Ibi. (24) Page 386. According to Bo7vles, in Kenn's Life, the hair was found, on the opening of the coffin, to be not grey, but brown. (25) Page 388. Pari. Hist. Vol. III. p. 1077—1127. Grignon, Amhassades. .\UTES TO CHAPTER IV. 423 (26) Page 389. " The army seems to care little about liie conclusion or non-conclusion of a treaty, being disposed to oppose everything that does not coincide with its views and ideas." Grignon, Amhassades en Angleterre, (27) Page 391. Grignon, Amhassades. (28) Page 400. Bugdale, p. 366. For further proofs of Crom- velFs constant hypocrisy, see Grignon, Amhassades. Brodie, \ oi. i\ . p. ic53, endeavours to clear him from these accusa- tions ; but there remains enough that is unquestionable. Burnet, Vol. I. p. 127, says ** The enthusiast and the hypocrite were so mixed up in his character that it is difficult to say which predominated." (29) Page 400. There were only 46 Members present, who had all sworn to the King. Salmon, p. 265. (30) Page 402. The Queen lived at this time, during the disturbances, at Paris, in a state of great distress. Motteville, XXXVTTT 1 . 195; Clarendon, Vol. IX. p. 282. The most infamous accusations were brought against her, in furious party pamphlets, as in our own time, against Marie Antoinette. Catastrophe of the House of Stuart, in the History of James T V.l TI. p. 344—379. (31) Page 402. Cromwell entered into long discussions with the Scotch, and proved to them, from Mariana, Buchanan, and especially from the Covenant, that the King, as faithless, as the defender of a false religion, malicious, an enemy to the good cause, &c. ought to be punished much rather and more severely than any inferior person. Burnet, Vol. I. p. 64. (32) Page 403. Grignon, Amhassades en Angleterre. (33) Page 401. FAlcon, 28. The author of this book ap- pears, from the most accurate inquiries, not to have been the King, but Bishop Gauden ; who, however, certainly made use of genuine papers and memoranda of Charles, among which we reckon those above quoted ; accordingly, the Earl of Lothian told Burnet that he had heard many of the sentiments from the King's own mouth, exactly as they are in the book. Bowles, 424 NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. ill Kenns Life, Vol. I. p. 122 — 217, takes the same view. Milton's Iconoclastes is written in an entirely republican spirit, where the King is considered as a subordinate officer, who must do and approve of everything that the people require of him. Brodie, Vol. IV. p. 122 : Laing, Vol. III. 432. (34) Page 407. Some feigned sickness ; others left London. No compulsion was used towards those who kept away. White- locke^ p. 358, 359. (35) Page 410. Proclamation was made by sound of trum- pet that those should come forward who had anything to alledge against Charles Stuart. Whiteloclie^ p. 362 ; Dugdale^ p. 369. (36) Page 410. Herbert, p. 113 ; Warwick, p. 291 ; Bro- die, Vol. X. p. 192. On the 16th of December, Parliament granted £10 a day for the King and his servants. Journals of the Commons, Vol. VI. p. 98. (37) Page 411. At the last sitting, Bradshaw was not dressed in black, but in scarlet. Fellowe's Historical Sketches ; explanation of the first print, (38) Page 413. Nolle, Vol. I. p. 144; Salmon, p. 274; Guizot, Vol. II. p. 414. Milton, too, speaks coldly and un- justly of Charles's death : " Veluti poetse aut histriones deter- rimi plausem in ipso exitio ambitioissime captare." Israeli, Vol. IV. p. 460. (39) Page 413. Wiquefort, Histoire des Proviyices JJnies, Vol. I. p. 99 ; Baumer's Letters, Vol. II. p. 442. Mazarin, the Spanish Ambassador, and Duke Leopold of Austria, pur- chased Charles's collection of works of art, by which Cromwell obtained money. Some persons said, indeed, they meant to preserv^e what they had purchased for the right owner ; but, in fact, they kept all for themselves. Clarendon, Vol. IX. p. 317. (40) Page 413. Many clergymen likewise presented, but in vain, a serious remonstrance to Fairfax. Theat. Eur op. Vol. VI. p. 849. (41) Page 414. Carte, Letters, Vol. I. p. 212. Herbert, p. 143. Fairfax himself is said to have feared that he should ^^ A ..'. NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 425 be accused and arrested. Clarendon State Papers, Vol. 11. App. 43. (42) Page 416. His enemies directed their empirics to search for such symptoms as might disgrace his person, or his posterity. But herein they were prevented by an honest in- truder, who gave a true account of his sound and excellent temperament. Fellorves, p. 167. (43) Page 416. It was imagined by many that the sentence was not meant in earnest ; that it was only designed to oblige the King to consent through fear. Burnet, Vol. I. p. 72. (44) Page 416. Baumer's Letters, Vol. II. p. 446 ; Hut- chinson, Vol. II. p. 184 ; Vaughan, Vol. II. p. 189. (45) Page 416. The execution of Mary Stuart, which is sometimes referred to, is not a case in point. CHAPTER V. i rom the Death of Charles the First, to the Restoration of Charles the Second. [1649—1660.] As in certain times that which already exists is ho- nortil to excess, and every deviation from it stigma- tised as wickedness and sin ; so in other periods every- thing appears to be injurious and a hindrance, which forms a restraint on the career and activity of iiuiii. Libi rty arifl right are seen only where the resolution and unlimited will of the individual decides. Since the institutions, mostly derived from antiquity, had been overturned and extirpated in England ; since noiliiiiu^ was any longer considered as necessary, or as an object of sacred veneration, the happy possibility was come, in the opinion of the intoxicated victors, to rebuild everything without exception, accordiug to the bcNt plan. Ent wlule everyone, without compass or polar star, looked upon his own pleasure as the onlv possibilitv which deserved to be converter! into reality, a countless multitude of projects for Church aiMl State were produced, wliic li contradicted each othei, and manifested a Babel-like confusion of opinions and principles. 1649.] m\ EHblTV OF OFIMOXS. *"f *» f who Those alone appeared to hold fast to a sacred law atiriiipted to deduce the ilHui> (>f lilicrty and sovereignty, as well as the forms of Church and State> from the Bible, Em, not to mention that they looked upon the Jewish history in a very absurd manner as an iiitalnlili model, the Catholics, Episcopalians, Puritans, and Levellers contrived so to connect re- vealed wisdom with their raejudices and Immau notions that the great commandment of Christian riKintv wn=: entirely ont of tlif (juestion, wliile they (jnoted and misinterpreted passages from the Scrip- liires to justify every act of presumption and violence. Ihus if, on one hand, the governing party proved that heretics should he liiiriit antl Kings beheaded, ifiose \\1io were in servitude and oppressed exclaimed that the earth was a common possession ; that every one had a right to food, clothing, and enjoyment ; and that for a man to recognise his equal as a superior. or to pay tithes and taxes, was contrary to the sacred la^vs of nature. Opposed to these anarchists, who looked forward for a restoration of i^iradise in lie,' tntal dis-^oluiion of tilt biate, and of the relations of civil society, were ilir ulti-a-royalists, who dednced all -iiireiaiigs and evilb froiii personal pretensions and social rights, and desired to abolish them by tlie exercise of nnliniited ruycd authority. 1 lie ionner did not see that their self-sufficiency mn>t end in laineiitalil«' feeljleness ; the latter that a golden age is not to be produced 428 DIVERSITY OF OPlNiOiNS. [Chap. V, 1649.] PARLl \MENTARY RESOLUTIONS. 429 with a leaden sceptre, and that all government is only rf value when it is a work of the highest free- dom, for freemen, not for slaves. Between these two extreme untenable points of view and projects, there were other intermediate ones which were more adapted to the actual state of things. Thus some wished the royal authority to be transferred to Charles the Second, under the conditions which had been proposed to his father; for all that had been alleged against him was not applicable to his son. Others proposed to pass him over, because he had \)()n\v nvms; against the Parliament, and to give til' Ivnglish crown by election to his younger brother. Oilier^ disapproved of elections and deviations from tiiu strict line of succession. But the republicans were more powerlui than the several classes and gra- dations of the royalists ; they affirmed, '' Monarchy, as experience has sufficiently proved, is in it-t Ifobjec- tionable, and no restraint ujh n it is suliiciiiit. It woukl be ibolish at the present fivoi-aljlc momont to gi) luK k to the ancient forms, or by election to place tlic liirlits of t!ie Stuarts in a now lio-ht, or to doiibt of tiie practicability of republican j^slans, since the United Xetherland^ liave set so happy an oxaniplo." They forgot that the Netherlands were in a very different situation iVuni England. llic I'roduction of these and other views was promoted, not only by theoretical arguments and j^iiuctical examples, but likewise b\ liar, presump- ; ; i 1 iv^ vanitv, and. beltislmess. The Ihiiil iiisciission, however, \va-; with the Parliament, or rather with the army. Already, on the 20th of January, th it is before the execution of Charles, it proposed an agreement npon the future constitution and govern- iiKut, ill which it demanded the speedy dissolution of the Parliament ; a new regulation of the represen- tation; elections every two years, mostly according to the population ; the exclusion of all the adversaries of the Parliament ; the election by it of the adminis- trative council of state ; religious liberty (but without the re-establishment of popery and the bishops), the abolition of the excise, a change in many laws. &c. vScc. The Parliament returned hearty thanks to his excellency the General and the army, for their inde- fatigable, great, and excellent services ; and resolved !^ at this document should be immediately printed, to show the affection and unanimity that prevailed between the army and the Parliament. This unani- mity, or rather licentiousness, did not become fully evident till th" head of him had fallen who had latterl) been designated as the only obstacle to every- thing good. Several of his friends (such as Lords Hamilton, Holland, and Capel) were, as well as the King, sentenced to death, and their melancholy fate was scarcelv noticed m this time of extreme excite- ment. On tlie very day of Charles's death it was declared to he high treason to acknowledge any per- son whatever as King of England ; and immediately 430 PARLIAMEXTAKY RESOLUTIONS. [Chap. V id49.] THE HEPUBLiCS ESTABLISHED, 431 afterwai'iU every Meiiiher was cxcIikIcmI Ironi P is Ubeh.^ss and chiiiLr.'rcais, and is there- fore abolished f and oil tlie 7ih vf ^larch, it was furth.erth'eidi.iJ. " l\nyn,hy is useless, h^urdensome, and dangerous ler luighmd, and contran to the freedom as \M il as to the safety and interests of the people. A eoiineil ot >tate, consisting of 49 ^lembers, undertakes the ad- ministration ufpiii)lie allairs," In a declaration oftho'iLst of^Iareli, the reasons for ilii' introductiuii of a. rt'iiribhc were set forth. '-' llio iAYicv of the Kino-," say> tiiis declaration, ''was estalilished b) an agree- ment of tlie people, and fdli-d ])v election. Tt veas very seldom that any one {h rformecl his chities, whereas the greater nurnbrr liave been the cause of much misery and bloodshed Charles 1., m puirtieu- hir, was jii>tly eondemned, and executed for treachery. murder, and oiher odious crimes ; his sons, as no- thing better can lie expected from them, and the eldest has ahwady borne arms against the ParHanicni. are deehired unworthy cf the throne, ami M tlie inhabitantN of the kingdom are released from ihnr oaths and ihtties to them. Rome, Venice, Switzer- land, the Netherlands, heut' proved to whiat a heiglii oi prosperity republics rise, and that wealth, liberty, Pj^^l pistice there go hand in hand. Hie great are there no longer able to oppress the poor ; ambition vanishes ; disputes about succession, and civil wars, are prevented ; and liberty of conscience, persons, and property is nnioui bed. The pure form of a republic, and the public safety, made it necessary to abolish the Upper House, with its objections, which only caused delay : hni the Lords may be chosen Members of the House of Commons. He who w411 not take an oath to a constitution without a King and Upp'^r ITcniBf is incapable of holding any office in the church and state. I lie new great seal has on one side the map of England iind Inhvncf, and on tlie reverse, bears the inscription, *' In the first year of freedom, b\ G od's blessine restored." It was then declared tliat God had w ondi rfullv revealed himself, and destroved in Enofland tyrannv, superstition, and popery; for which all owed him gratitraJe and libedience. But, in^^tead (4' tliat, tliey were guilty of the most crying sins and ljlas|)iiemy. I'liat sneh a state (4'' things miglit have an end, and tiie great enterprise further prosper, tliat all dissentions might be reconciled in In'otherly love. and all conspiracies of wicked people miglit cease, a dav of fasting and prayer was ordered. Thi?; external means, however, did not produce the intended result : on the contrarv, the discontent in ) >1 432 IRELAND. [Chap. V England increased, and open war ensued with ScotliiiHl ami Irrlaiul Wu will iir^t speak of the latter, aii^ alu rwards follow !lu' course of affairs in the kiiigdoiii walliout micrruption. The peace concluded with the Irish, in July, iG4o, !)V the ^Marquis of Oriiiuuu, could not recover the cause of the King; who, after being made pri- souer by the Scotch, suffered liim.clf to be induced to resume, in im equivocal manner, all ilic con- cessions 1 1 laid made. (^) These concessions were equally unsatisfactory to the Nuncio "nmnncini and ta his violent party ; so that nut uul) the dispute between ilia Protestants ami Cailiarna^ roniinued, but clifFerences broke out among the latter. The only paints on which they agreed was in resisting the tyrannical commands of the English Parliament. Afu r Fairiiix luai lost all importance, and lalien in- to the backiTnaiml Cromwell was commissioned, on the 2Htli of March, 1649, to lead an army to Trelancl ilie soldiers, howeven ha i as little inclination to quit England as thay li a1 the year before; on whiili accorjit ver}^ numerous prayers and spiritual preparations were employed, in. ov^w t > persuade them to submit to the liacision that the uialtcr should be determined by drawing lots. Cromwell's ability in mouiaing the army according to his wishes and to suit his own objects, was still more effectual ; and most of all probably, the high pay offered, after the Parliament had borrowed in the summer of 1019 I 164a] IRELAND. 433 ^150,000, at eight per cent, for the Irish campaign. In September, the army sailed to Ireland, and suffered severe]} b} sickness; but on the ITili of the same month, took Drogheda by storm; on which occasion, Cromwelb contrary to his promise, caused, not only the enemy's soldiers, but ail the inhabitants (above 3500,) to be massacred, with such savage cruelty, that, according to his own account, only thirty were left alive, wlio were sent to the West Indian Islands. (^) In a similar manner, Ireton subsequently caused three thousand persons lu be put to the sword, at the taking of Casheb and dragged the priests who were lo be murdered, even ironi the altars. All this, they said, was done by the grace of God, and served to hasten the subjection of the enemy, and to prevent bloodshed. No royal tyranny was equal lu this of the republicans. They spared nei- ther women, nor old men, nor children ; nay, many considered it as wrong not entirely to extirpate these la \v Canaanites, according to God's command. Cromwell had purposely taken the most fanatic part of tlie army to Ireland, in order to get rid of it. The conquerors gradual!) obtained settlements, and even riches, in this country, while their comrades in England by degrees lost all importance, and sank into poverty and contempt. This establishment of the fanatii'N U-d in thr eoatmnancc of the niarhed opposi- tnai litiwiuan tia- Protestants ami Catholics. All ilie f'Jeru-y of tla:' latter were expelled, and all divine VOL. n. F F 434 IRELAND. SCOTLAND. [Chap. V. 1649.] MONTROSE EXECUTED. 435 "vvor>hip proliihited iindiT llie severest penalties, even death, so tliat tlit^y coiiltl only venture to assemble secretlv io tli^^ mountains and forests. At last, aii the Irish were driven Ijv force across the Shannon, and their propertv di-tribiited, given, or sold hvr a mere nothing, to the vietorious soldiers, or to ortho- dox adventurers. For this immense loss, only very trillimj indemnities in nnfruni'ul land were allotted to those who had br-en expelled ; arid when tliey subse- quently [petitioned Charles U. to restore them to their rii^hts, sidt-interested person^ found mean > to have an answer reliirned that the arrangements wliii h had been made must remain unaltered, as tlifv liad renounced tlieir property, and accepted from tlie rebtdsthe contirmatiou of ili'/ir new possessions. The exeeuiion of the King made the deepest im- pression upon all partie> rii Scotland : Irot tho p^arties were far from agreeing ujton the measures that it weudd 1)0 proper to adopt. The MartpiUb of Mont- rose, who Iiad returned from I'rance, and his friends, wished for the restoration of (diarle> 11. witbicait ren- ditions; (■j^aii nu;^t of the Prrsl)ytirians desired it on verv strict torni. Lastlw Aru'vle. with liis partv, would have willingly joined republican langlarab and liave acted CromwelVs part in F^cotland. "Mont- rose carried on, for only a sliort tune, with heroic courage, but with culpable severity and cru* dty, the war which he had renewed. On the 27th of x\prib 1650. he was taken prisoner, and brought into ' the capital, !)ound in a cart. To tlie reproaches of the Parliament he boldly aiibwered, "' I forsook ihc Covenant when you disgraced yourselves liv rebellion : i took ii]) arms by ordvY of the King, my master ; I shed no blood, except in Ijattle ; and my obji'Ct in the present contest was to hasten the eon- clu-ion of a tivaty/' Notwithstanding tliis defence, tliu sentence was as ibiiows : '' Montrose slmll b^e hanged on a gallows thirty feet high, where he is to remain suspended for three hours ; hiy head shall he S(/t on Edinbiu'gh Tollbooth ; his arms and legs sent to lour several towns, and his body bmried imd nnwek'ome, and he by no means lived m peace and roiieor 1 witli his mother. (^) Areonhriu'ly. rdtm- the death of Montrose, he re- solved to accept the terms that were offered liim. Hi was received m Scotland vvilli the greatest external honors, and such a show of humility that oven clergymen knelt when they spoke to him , hut then he was obliged to attend their prayers and ser- mons for hours together, was kept in tutelage, was not allowed to laugh or to take a walk on Sunday, was compelled to hear the most vehement abuse of ih( iiiipiousness of his parents, nay, of his own wick- edness, or to subscribe public declarations ui a .similar nature, and celebrate a fast-day which was appointed on account of his own and his fathers sins. However tiresome and disagreeable all thi> necessa- rily was to the King, ajid though a truly great character would never have patiently yielded to it. he thought himself obliged to give way to the clergy, wliu ruled everything, and at that time, witli liorrid zeal, caused numbers of witches to be burned, (') and impiously declared that if God did not deliver them from all sects he shuald no k)nger be their God. On the other hand, they prophecied to the King that, after adopting their doctrines and ordinances, he \suiiid easily triumph over a blasphemous general and a heretical army. 438 BATTLE OF DUNBAR. [C«ip. V 1650.] BATTLE or WORCESTER. 439 Had not other obstacles occurred, a !)reac}i ^xhh England would have taken place sooner ; but l^airfex opposed an offensive war against Scotland, and, wluu tins oidiiion was not adopted, resigned his post, though It was represented to liim that he then/liv transferred all the power to the hands of Croniwelb(^) and so it turned out; for the ParHament, on the V 25th i»f June, 1650, unanimously gave him tlu' toi^ ^ duct of the war against Scotland, r) While Iretoii took tlie chief command in Irehnuh Leslie was nonu- iially at the head of tlie Seotch army ; but in truth the clergy had luiv a very prejudicial influence. They removed all those who ihd not appear to tliem to be sufficiently orthodox or ho])-, (among these •were eighty ofheer^.) rejecting the fbrmer friends of the King; disdained to obtain great advantages on a Smiday ; and aihrnied, on the contrar\\. that, acconhng to a revelation, it was advisable to venture a battle on the 3rd of September, 165(i, near .Dunbar. (^ It was gained by Cromwell the Scotch losim^ three tliousand killed and nine (housiuul prisoners, in consequence of tlieir liavii)iii„i!. eroinuell, un lu'.s part, according t.. tlie theological sj-irit of the times, repre^ sented lus victory as an evident judgment ..f eod ; wlule tlie Puritan clergy re])lied (" ) that (ioti oolv meant to try them, tliougls h, indeed sutlered liini'- self the greatest injury I.y permitting the elect to be thus destrovcd. Hv iudieious measures, tlie Scoieli, liinve\er, re- puured their h)sses, and gave the chief command to the King, who, iu tlie hope of meeting with numer- ous adherents, advanced, with great boldness, into Endand, but was defeated at Worcester, on the anid- versary of tlie battle of Dunbar. Alter this, he wan- iirretl aliout, for forty-five days, in varieus thsguises, and amidst the greatest dangers ; experienced from more tlum fifty flifferent persons the greatest fidelity and secrecy, and at length, reached the French coast, on the ITtli o( Oetofier. In this comitry, however, he fared so id, that he himself used to say, " When T and my companions left a room, the owmers looked about to see if we had stolen anything." Meantime, Bradshaw and the murderers of the King, seeing the progress wliicli Charles at iirst made, conceived great doubts of Cromwell's abilities and ildidity, (whicli became known to him, and excited his ambition,) and induced the Parliament to oiler a large reward for the King's head, xifter the vic- tory at Worcester, Cromwell sold many Scotch p>ri- soners as slaves to the Colonies, treated the country as a conquest, and tolerated no oaths or covenants but thu^e prescribed hi Westminster. The clergy, who had hitherto been all-powerfuJ, assembled, notwith- standing, in the church at Aberdeen, to pas^ resolu- iiiais, Lieutenant-Colonel Cotterel entered, and declar- ed lliat if liiey did not voluntarily follow him, he woukiturn tlicm out. Accompanied by infantry and \ i f Ik^^ \J STAT«t)F SCOILA.ND. [Chap. W cavalry, they were paraded in inodxery through all the streets, and notice given them to quit the city on pain of imprisonment, an-l never to assemble ill greater numbers than three at a time. Til tlie sequel, thirty Scotch deputies were received into the Engl i>li I'ailiament; the proportion of taxes to he paid by both kingdoms was regulated; the tolls on lliL frontiers, as well as the jurisdictions of the nobles, were abolished, and the chief command given tu Munk, who enforced it \\\\\\ great ligour. Baillie, who attended the first assemlilics relative to the King s liturgy, and afterwards that at Westmin- ster, and who had participated, if not in. all, yet in. iiiost of the Ijiiliitint hopes that were enttriaiutd, states, under the date of 1^^5:i, ^^ All Scotland is tranquib but in a \ cry lamentable situation. ^lany nobles and other distinguished men are ruined, or on the eve of being so, by arrest, exile, confiscatiun,^, fines, and great debts, which originated in the time of the former troubles. The citizens are oppressed by the burden of an English army ; everywhere there is a want of money, ui trade, and administration of justice. Our sheriffs and chief judges understand nothing of government and legislation, iui niu.^t of them are Enghsh soldiers. After we had been for a lung iHiic looked upon as not forming a nation, a supreme council was at length to imderlak( tlie government, but it consists of six or seven English officers, and two of our complaisant countrymen ; 1650.] COUNCIL UF blATE. 441 wliilc- the expendituro increases, rmd tlie revenue dimimslies ; while everyl)0(ly is oppressed by poverty, a large army is distriljutril all over the country, and. continually threatens us." Bcnnct, on the other hamb acknowledges that in individual cases justice was dune, and the army punctually paid; but/iuit to men- tion that tyrants have generally respected | rivate rights, m order the more easily to destroy public rights with \}w aid of the soldiery, it is certain tliai enurnious taxes wore raised in Scotland, penalties levied, and estates confiscated. Thu.^ the right of the strongest alone prevailed in Scotland and Ireland. T.ot us now consider the course of events m England. At the moment tlmt the House of Commons, after setting aside the King and the iiuuseof Lords, was rejoicing in its newly ac- quired omnipotence, it had already given itseli a master in the Council of State of forty-one members, wliicln in its tuni, was in the end governed by the leaders of the army. Such an vmlimited mode of government was as displeasing to the advocates of the sovereignity ol the people as to the old royalists, and objections and remonstrances rose to such a height that the severest measures were thought necessary to repress them. Thus Reynoklson, the Lurd :\ia\oi ui Leaidun, was deprived of his office on the 2!h1 taf Apiil 1019, sent to the Tower, and fined .i2,UUU, because he would not give^)ublic notice of tlie abolition of royalty, since it was contrary to his oath. \ 442 RE^riUCTUJNS OK THi: PRESS. [Chaf. V. 1650.] I . I h li i; II y E S O B S E R \ ■■ .\ T I ( ) S S . 443 In tlie same manner, a M>- lliiulerson was Impri- soned ior sayiiiic, that *' Jnstead (4" a lawM King, a stinking comniittee governed/' It i\a^ tlierefore ordered tiiat no elergyniaii bliotdd toueli upon state affairs in lus prayers or sermons, and that every one wlio called the p-resent guvernnieut illegal, or who acteil ill favour oi" Charles 11., should be lia1)le to the penalty of high treason. For similar reasons a new law was jmssed on the 20th of >rptt. iidier. 1649, of the iullowing ti'nor: ^'Xo one dare print anything till it luH been suJj- mitted to the censorship, and all exiblmg prnileges m this respect shall cease ; ("1 houses may be searched lor prolubited i)Ooks ami print iiiu; presses ; the post shall forward only innocent writiniih; and all places where pnntmg ofhres arr: aihiwcil are strictly designated. Printers and pnoH-hrrs shall give secnritv, ami ^tatn their nanie^- ; the ^anu' ap- |)lies to authors : no one may engage a printer wiili- ou.t permission, nor sell foreign l)Ook> till they have l)t;en strictly exarnin,tMJ, Hawkers of huoks and bajhi,d-.sini;ers hiiali l)e rmprisoned and wiopt." All these nnaiNures enuld nt.a daant th,r fiiild Level- lers, who, whon they a.tti-inpteil positivc^ly to interfere, oftun hlh \i nui-t liC owned into wild anarchical fancies; bn,t in tliis contest wiili ilie new iiiiliiary tyranny were m the main right, tiuaii^h they yio- lated many forms nnd neglected decorum, dims the intelligent but eccentric Colonel John Lilburne printed, among other observations, (^^) " Charles Stuart would ije |)referable to so man\" burdens, taxes, billeting soldiers, and such tyrannical ofiicious rulers. Under the false Saint Oliver, or some other raised from the army, we shall make war upon each other fronn one year's end to anotlier, cut our own throats, and by such an arbitrary plundering govern- ment sink dee})er and deeper into slavery. Therefore, take courage before it is too late, and adopt the means (.f freeing yourselves of all these evils and disorders. The present Parliament is no Parliament, Imt a Ijand of presuni|)luous tyrant>>, and destroyers of our laws and liberties. Most of tlie members of the nc'W Councd of State ought to fie sent lo the d'ower, or to Tyburn : they fouglit against the King and Parliament, extirpated all hiwful magistrates, can be compared only to robbers and murderers, and have no more real right over us than Algerine |)irates. TIh^ King never exercised such tyranny, and }et he lobt his heail ihrouiiri Saint Oliver. 4'he iatttu* and his Parliament rooted up the House of Lords : he and Ins officers treated tho h'arliarnenxt worM* than ( ver any schoolmaster treated his schoolboys. I have abandoned Oliver and his ('ouncil. because they are a parcel of rogues, worse than the band of Korah and J (.dill v( Leyden." For these and simihir ex- pressions, Lilliurne was accused of liigli treason, on tlie 2-hh (4^ Oct(4)er, 164U ; but extreme interest was taken in hi^ iati, and he was acquitted, especially in 4-14 STATE OF PARTIES. [Chap. V. 1651.] ■niE PAUI.l \MF.\T. THE AK\n'. 445 I con^lderiitlon oC lUc douWsof the legitimacy of the present rulers. When this sentence was made kiunvu i. the mnumoraljle muUitude of spectators, tlu-ir acclamations continued iV,r above half an. hour. Ldhurn.., however, ^vas carried back to the lower, and Ttot released tdl the 8th of November, because the ir.tere^t nd.eii m lum by the i-uhli. increased and became more and more serious, le, the sequel ]ill„o-n.' was aecuseda second time, and accimtted; but, notwitltstanding, imprisoned by Cromw> Ifs or- Alter his success in the wars in Trehnul an,l bcui- land !>i- inMH>rtaucc increased to such a degree that, on his retun. to London, many ^Tembers of I'ariia- ,nent a,ul a -reat number of persons of all ranks went some miles to na^.t and welcome him. Tie' ! ari.a- ment al^o settled on him, by degrees, an anniau revenue of J6,500 out of the confiscated estates, hoping either to bind lum lor ever to their Interests or to idace his ingratitude in a glann- b-ht, I .o.n- well polit.U- returned thanks; whereas Ireton, who entertained ' more republican sentiments, refused a similar settlement of t2000, saying that the rulni- ment ought not to be so prodigal of the pnhhe money. but rather pay the debts that had been contracted. All parties considered the present state of things asmerelv provisional and unsatisfactory; be.it what t-^,,,,., wa. tobe taken, what forms shouKl be esta- blished, ani what persons should be employed, on these points, as wehavesaid, there was an extraordinary diversity of opinions, and if some expressed theirs too loudly, others, for many reasons, were the more careful to conceal them. Already, on the 10th of Ucto- bei. 1051. Cromwell held a consultation with many distinguished persons on the future constitution of the kingdom, on which all the Officers (however monar- chicallv they acted in tin ir own regiments.) declared for a pure republic ; some wished to send for the first, second, or third son oi Charles ; and the lawyers pro- posed to give to the republic a monarchical addition. Cromwell acceded to the last proposal but, as uuhody deciarcd for him. In let the matter drop, and contented himself ^vitli Imvincr made himself better acquainted -With the views of dilTerent persons. In the sequel he spoke more openly to Wlntelocke, wlio obberved, perhaps not to his satisfaction, that the great question of a republic or n monarchy must not be eonverted into a mere question on ihi ^u-eference to be given to one of two families, by which all the republicans as well as the adherents of the Stuarts would be equally offended. Meanwhile the dllTerence between the Parliament and the army became more aiu! more serious. The Parliament bad it in contemplation t*) disband the armv, and ilHa'cliy t<) dotroy Cruniweirs influence; whereas, the army contrived to tmii to its own ad- vantage all the eornpUunt^ brought against the V 446 CROMWELL EXPELS THE P -\ H JJ A M ENT. [ChAP, V. Parliament and the contempt into wlilcli it had lallen. llie Parliament, it wa.N allied, levies enormous taxes, and \vt is in aiTt-ar in all payinentf^. espeeiallv that of the army; it impede^ the achninistration oi justice, arbitrarily puiH>h.i's_, and, eoniiseatos property, disregards all public ridits, arrogate:, to itM-lf all honom-s, and neglects all duties, tvraunieallv endea^ Tours to perpetuate its powi r, and entirely to do away with the supreme power uf the people. In fact, the Lower House, after it had \dolently put away (lie King and the Upper House, and lest tive-sixths of its Members in a similar manner, could l)y no means be considered as a lawful goYernmenL It was. in trutln in the position where might alone decides. In false confidence in Us power, the Parhament not only paid BO regard to a remonstrance of the arm\, which required the remedy of those evils, Ijut severely repri- manded its interference in pul)lie afHiirs. In this state of tilings, and as the Parliament would not dissolve itselt; but seemed inclined to jao- long its power indefinitely, Croniwelh being certain of the army, resolved to bring about a decision without delay. On the 19th of April 1653. he jdaced about three hundred soldiers round the House, then iN-ent in fbr some time, ami listened qifietlv to tlie debates. He then said to General Harrison, who stood next to him, -Now it IS tuner On which th, hitter replied. i 1653. J CROMWELL S DECLARATION. 4-h adinmiislrincdy, *''I lie thing is so great and dangerous that it needs tlie maturest consideration." ''You are ricrht." answered Cromwell, and remained still about ■1 (juarter of iin hour. But when a vote was to Tie Likiu. on the |uolongation of the sitting, he rose, and. If ^inninii; in very moderate terms, gradually proceeded to the most violent reproaches. ' Your speech/' interriiptedWentwortli. ''is unparliamentary, and dou- 1)1 V offensive as it comes from a man who is the servant of the Parliament, whom it has favoured and raised to Ins i^resrnt elevation." Croinweil, m a rage, now jvut on his hat, and exclaimed,, " T will put an end to your l)al)bling ! — You are no longer a Parliament! — Let the soldiers enter!" '^Your conduct," said Yane, ''is contrary to [vropriety and justice." *' Oh ! Sir Harry Yane ! Sir Harry Vane!" replied C'roniweri, mocking him, ''lie;' Lord deliver me from Sir Harry Vane^ ('^) Tie miiilit have prevented alt this; Tait he is a juggler vritleait any lionesty!" Some Members attempting to speak, Cromwell imperiously interfered, called several of them ill his passion drunkards, extortioners, &c. They were thaii turned out by the soldiers. Seeing the Speaker".-, mace, he ordered a soldier to "Take away tiiat bauble;" and, having previously commanded the soldiers to clear tlie Hou^e, desired that the doors shouLl be locked, put the key in his pocket, and retired to his lodgings in "\MiitehalL dims Cromwell, a servant and tool of the Parlia- ment. flestrov(Ml without resist n nee an assembly 448 LIUJMW'EIJ./'- iJKi LAUA'nu:^. [Chap. V. JjOO.j COUXtiL OF STATE DISSOLVED, 449 ^vliicli by its actions and its crimes appears till that time iiiiparulleled in modern history. Nemesis had overtaken all, tlii' Kiiiir, t1ie T.ords, th*" Eoyalists, the Bishops, till Presbyterians, llie iiidepeiKleiits, the Levellers; and, in the general ruin, amidst the general confusion, the man rose despotically \\ho alone had the energy and resolution equally to rule all. C i oiiiwell issued a public declaration, in justification of his conduct, of which the following is the substance : ** After God had so manifested his power in the war against Scotland and Ireland, and England was entirely purified, the Parliament had sufficient leisure and o[)|H)!t unity to prepare for the people the means to reap tlie iVuiu of so much labour and ^iich sacri- fices of property and blood : it might have established religious and lixil liberty, according to the duties wliieli it liad solemnly undertaken. Now, hardly anythuig being done in this respect, manv persons desirous of relief had applied to the army, which, however, being unwilliim; to interfere in eivil affairs, requested lii> Excellency and ihose Oliicers who were ^1 embers of Parliament to nv^o tliere the speedy adoption of tin necessary measures. But both these entreaties an^d tiie immlile remonstrances that were presented had no effect whatever; the evil-minded p;.irty rotainod ilie superiority, audit iir-oame evident to tlie army, ihat the jealousy of some and the snpineness or ambitionofotherMembers of Parliament would never suffer the desired object to be obtained. Xow a,s the people ara! lh,e nnny sought tli-o Lord, and Uic Ltird in In's niiglit is with the ami}', it was lir:-^! d'diberated in eonjunction with twonty ^lembers of l^arliarnent what should be done. Meantime the Parliairiont proceeded so rapidly in its absurd eonrse, iluit we, c^ontrary to our idea^ and wishes, were compel liM I In put an end to it." in tlie same manner, without any regard to the opposition of l>radshaw and others, Cromwell dis- solved the ( < unci] of State, and received iioiii aroiost everv p.ari of I'-nglaoid f so wearv were people of tlieir late rulers) addresses of thanks for his bold aetiniL The persons more immediately connected with hini wo re not so unanimous in their opinions respecting him and tlir measures it might be neces- sary to adopt: Lambert, for instance, proposed to appoint tan regents ; Harrison seventy, after the innnber o( tlic Interpreters and of the Sanhedrim; Ludhnv lilnmed Harrison for having assisted in dissol- ving the Parliament, to Vvliich the other replied, that " Cromwen aeted upon more elevated princinlcs than those of ei\ ii liJ;erly , lor, according to Dauicl, the saints were to take and possess the kingdom." '' The Generab'^ fc>iiid ilani^on, on anothoT occasion, " only seeks to open the road to the kingdom of Jesus;' " If that is the case," answered Major btreater, •* if Jesus does not soon come, the place will be already filled." *' I wisli," said Lndlow to Cromwxdl, *' iluit tli*^ people should be governed witli tlnn'r own \UL. ii. GG 450 Cromwell's condi'ct. [CllAF. T. 1653.J CROMWELL S FIRST PARLIAMENT. 451 coii^eiii ;" to ^Uiicli he replied, •' And where shall we fiiul It i in the party uf the Hishops, of ilic Priests, ot the iiulqH'iidents, the Levellers, or the Baptists 1" Uiuloubtt^lK it was the chief object of each of these parties 10 siibtlih/ w lu gam the others, or to coimler- balance each other ; and in tliis respect it was that Cromwell displaved tlie greatest cunning and dexte- rity. He encoiiragvd die Hoyahsts to hope that if tliev dill hut sacrifice the expeiied Royal Family, thev would easily acquire or recover rank, ofhccN aiicl privilecres. He flattered the Presbyterians whli the expectation of a grant of the tithes, and of a con- titutioii (if the Ciiureh conidrinable to their wishes; ■with the Indt pendents he lamented the sellishness and ddatoi-y eonducl of iho Parliament, and the intuleranee of the Presbyterians. He quieted the Lawyers hv hc^ldmu; lail tluit no greater innovations wuuld be nuide ; he agreed with the Republicans with respect to their plans of a coRbtilution , in the Catholie^ rie hail excited a hope that the existing laws aizaiiist them would be nioifiiietL As every party hoped to gain ihroiigh hiuu auul lie held out a prospect to every one, so lu* had rdso at hand some- thuig to frighten each. The restoration of Royalty, of Bishops, and of Pre>!)yterianism, or the establish- ment of a repubhe, or the anarchy of the Levellers, &e. In spile of all Cromweirs dexterity, words, hopes, and iear^ of this kind c*-)uld not suflice m the long nin. l)ua. it was necessary to have recourse to some- tbinir Uiore generally inviting and substantial. To ran Ibi'di tlie aetivttu ot' the sovoreigntv ol'the [^cople, as tlic doctrines of the day required, was contrary to the disposition and ihe object ef ( 'roniwelb Nor was it possible, after such obstinate combats for greater repubFu am liberty, entirely to do away with Parliamentary forms. For this reason, Cromwell took a middle course, such as it was alledged the t ircumstances of the moment required ; that is, he did not allow the people even the ancient liberty of elt^c- ti lu much less one more extensive ; but nominated fry his own autlinrity, and !)y the advice of his Officers, about one hundred and sixty Members of his new iharliament. They were to meet on the 4th of July, an 1 to nominate their successors for a year. The persons chosen were by no means, as some affirm. men w ithout property or education, though the extra- vagant, visionary, and indefinite notions of those times w^ere often manifested iu a strange or violent manner, ddu'doulit that w^as most likely to suggest itself, how (droinweli and the aian), without any right whatever, could convoke them and give them the supreme power; seems never to have troubled any of tlioni. On tlie dth of July, 1653, Cromwell opened the i^H'liament. in the presence of a great number of Ofiicers, with a speech whieli was dilTiise, irregular,, and full of qnotations from the Bible : but we can see G g2 452 CRo:\i\vF,Li/s fih^i parliament. [Ciiai\ \. from it ^vlKit he desired, and what lie was al)^.^ to do. A whole day wa^ lanployed, according to the expres- sion of iho liiiirs. ill seeking the T.ord, ixwl iirayers were reh tithes, to sell th- church kuul-, to new model ami even to abolish schools anil uni- versities, partly out of hatred to Icarnimr. &c. These and othia- propubaU were very disagreeable to Ci-oiii- well , and therefore, to put an end to them at once, it was moved in Parliament uii the 12th of December, to dissolve it, and return to Cromwell the full powers thev had received. Tin- ixr^^m majority assented to this, and proceeded in ^Vduteliall. when.' Cromwed 1653.] THE iWUinAMENT l)\<^ijl.\ El). 453 aOfected to lie higlily astonished at the resolution, as if he'^ Ini 1 lne/1 no k pea \v ledge or even notion of it. liiirty IMembers who obstinately resisted were, how- ever, dispersed at the same time by soldiers ; and it is said that Colonel White asked them, * What they w^ere doing in tlic House of Commons V Oji their answering ' We are seeking the Lord ;" he replied, *' Then you may go somewhere else, for I };now that the hoid has not be II here for some years." So endv I Cromwell's first Parliament, who (as Whit clock relates,) with his Officers now sought the Pord ter several days, and inquired how the great bur- den of governing all England, Scotland, and Ireland, the Army, and the Fleet, might be borne. For this purpose they drew up tlie following constitution : " 1 he legislative power shafl be in the Lord Protector and the Parli;uuent ; the administration of Government in aCoiineib u Inchi -livdl not consist of morethan twenty- one ic r iew( r than fourteen Members. A Parliament shall be called every three years, and notdissolved till it has set five months : it shall consist of four hnndred Meri]l)ers for England, tldrty for Scotland, and tliirty for Ireland. Persons possessing oi200 have the right of Vesting; all persons of nnlilemishcd character, pious, of good conversation, and twenty-one years of age, are eligible. All who l)y their advice or assistance t^'ok part in the contest against tlie Parliament, all Catholics, and favourers of the insurrection in Ire- kmcb are excluded from the right of voting or sitting 454 2sE\V C0N5T1TI:T10X [CilAP. V. ill Parliament. Military affairs, s'o long as the Par- liament 15 ijittiug, to be diructed by that and the Pro- tector; and ill the intervals l)y the Protectivr and liis Council. The same rule applies to foreign alFairs. Bilk offered totlie Protector by the Paa-lianunt, if not vim- tirmedby him in twenty days, are to be law;?, wiihout Ins assent, if they are not contrary totlie new constitution. The Army, and the sum allotted to its support, cannot be altered without the consent of tlie Protector. Taxes are to be imposed by the Parliament ; Imt the Protector on occasions of urgency, and with the con- sent of tlic majority of his Councib ma) raise money. The domains and crown lands are as:-ian( d to liini and his successors ; but may iiul be alienated wiilioul the consent of Parliament. Henceforth ilnTe shall be religious loleratiun, wilii the exclu:3ion of Catliu- lies. Episcopalians, and tliose w^ho in tli(> name of C hrist teach and practice licentiousness. Justice is athninistered in I lie name of thi^ Protector, who is ap- pointed for life ; hi* confer^ oilice^ and dignities, and has tlie rii^dit id* I'-ardon, except in cases of murder and treason. On tlie death of the Protector, the Privy Council appoints lirs successor, with the observ- ance of ctnlaiii formalities. To till u]) future vaean- cie-. in tlie Council, the Parliament is to select six persons, from wlioni the Privy Council selects two; one of whom IS a])pointed liy the Protector. The ProttH> tOT, as well as the Cfumsellurs and persons holding otiice>, are to take the oath to the new constitution/' It,5-}.' OPINIONS ON THE CONSTITUTION. 455 V On the 16th of December, 1653, Cromwell went m state from Whitehall to Westminster, at first pre- tended to refuse the high dignity of Protector, then took the oath, received the ermine cloak, a sword, purse, and seal, as emblems eflilb new power, and returned to Iris palace, as some say, amidst tlie loutl acclamations of the people. (^^) On the 8th of February, the city of London gave him a grand entertainment; and he probably thought liims.elf that by the new constitution riiid his elTorts he should put an end to all the iormer e.mi|.laints, and if not gain the minds of the peo- ])]e, v t [.at parties to silence. But only ten days after that entertainment, many persons were arrested fn- a conspiraev against the Protector and hi^ new ci ii>!itution, and manifold reproaches uttered, or ciiTuhm-d m pamphlets. '' It is the height of j^re- sumption," said many, '' for persons without any riiiht wliatever to attempt to force a constitution upon three kingdoms, according to their foolish ideas. If there were in thib eonsUtutiun, but some consistency, true wisdom, and sufficient securities for liberties ; but. instead of a I'/gitimate King, we have a military sovereign ; and instead of the Lords. Ids companions in arms at the head of affairs. In order to deceive tlioughtless and superficial observers, an appearance of rcstrictum is introduced in the regulations relative to tlie army, taxes, and sanction of the laws: Imt in truth the Parliament cannot / 456 OPIXIONS ON THE COXSTITUTIOX. [Chaf. V. reduce the army without the consent of the Pro- tector ; wliereas he. in case of pretended necessity, iiiav lew taxes by h. is own aulhurity, and may easily reject imy hill tluit he does not like, uiKler tlie pretext that It i.s contrary lu liie letter ur the .-.pirit of the new eonstitutioru Tliis constitution has neither the advantages of a monarchy, nor of a, |:i')\verhil repulilic. It is neither agreeable to the dictates of sense, nor sur^ported and >ircnglhenetl hv taistoin, or long-established affection of the peo|)h\ llie regnhitiuns respecting the church are ecpudl} ciin- dt iri]ia!)li . because they neither confirm a system of onler, unity, and obedience, nor satisfy thedeinar.(l of hljerfy of conscience and religion." I'hough these and other objections appearod to 1)0 unanswerable, none if the several parties, at thai tinuo. was exempt iroPxi blame, or certain of general approval. But the great majority of I lie people was heartily weary of revolution, and suljinittol to everything, provided tlie explosions ui part}- raa:e and a new civil war were prevcaited. Cromwell who liad essentially contrdiuiod to the (Ji^siilution oi all order, now soriou>lv (lult/avonred to re-estal)h.sli it. In hi.N |K)>iiion, however, this could only be efleetod hir a limf hy tyrannv. and before true liberty eonkl t)e restored, all tliai he p'rojeeted, and whieli wa^ advised h\ Iiiin, nnist, in like manner, L-e dissolved and overtlirown. How little he llin]^el^ eoniidrd in the temper of iho peo['le 165i.j CROMWELL S isKCOND FARLiAMENT. 45' appears iVoni tin* fact, that, though he wa,5 an auver- sarv to [luritaniccd rigour, he gave orders, on the 'M>\ of May, that all cnok-iigiits, races, and similar' amusements should be prohibited for six months, because they gave occasion to l)reaches of the peace. Diiring this time, CroniwelTs second Parliament was elected, according to the new regulations, and opened on tln,^ e'rtJ of September. 1654, the anniver- sary of the battle of Uunbar and Worcester, witli the solemn performance of divine service. On tlie ibl- low ing da}, Cromwell made a speech against Level- lers, Fifth -monarchy men, and Catholics, and all those who spread discontent, and would put no end to continued revolutions. He then gave an account of ihic domestic and foreign alTairs, and praised the constitution lYbicb had been introduced for thi^ res- toration of order. 1 he Parliament was, however, far from considering this constitution as inviolnhlo, but immediately commenced discussions whicli were equally unexpected and disagreeable to the Protector, On the 6th of September, they decided that it w as a matter of course tliat nobody could Ijc answerable to anv power or authority for what he had S])oken in Parliament. On the 7th of Se])tendjer, the question was put whether the new- constitution should be adopted hi into, or whether the several parts should first be examined ; and a majority of live resolved to refer the examination to a select committee. On 458 CROMWELI/S SECOVD PARLIAMENT. [CiiAP. V." 'th of lii.^ >-\vord." On the 9th of September, tiicy deliberated whi'tlier it wa^ necessary to invest an iiidu'idual vntli tlie executive powee', and whethi/T everv one was ai liberty to submit to i\irHament, for exaniiiiaticni. In.- viow:^ respecting the boNt constitu- tion. This discussion brought to light manifuld views and |ei!iei|*les. Tliutj many allirmed, as the supreme power originail}" belongs to the people, it is not proj^er to oppose two powers in tiie Goveriimunl to ladi other, as if there were two different interests to be n^presented. On tlil^ aeeouut, the former po^-i- tion of till' Kino; was erroneous and uiisuitabie. nor can tlie rights of a .supreme ruler be nicasjiired enlirei) according to the power of his sword : otherwise the Turkish buhaii woidtl have a better tiile thaii any Christian Prince. To those who recpiired a new examination of the jn'obent constituticHi. it was answ^ered : " Ibe^v, if the foundation of it shoidd prove deh'clive; mu>t not this (k'feet oxterul aJMi to the former Parhanwnt, since its separation from the Kin^y : and would not its jMenibers then be the worst and ba&est knaves in tlie world V In hal] not part whh it. Wliat 1 did against the Long Parliament w^asjust, necessary, and agreeable to the wishes of the people, and when i dissolved it not a doer barked. Of the resignation of the second i^irlianitait, 1 knew^ nothing, though my power ihere- ])y InH-ame unlimited. Meantime, many persons, A\iihoiii my taking any ])art, were engaged in drawing ii]s a new constitution ; anil it was not till after long hesitation, that 1 resolved to accept the office of Pro- tector. By virtue of this new ofhce I have sum- moned the Parliament : it has obeyed the summons, and is free ; l)nt only in conformity with the enact- ments of the new^ constitutiom All the Ibliies and nonsense out of doors trouble me as little as moats m the sun ; but that the Parliament would call in ^piestion my olheia.l situation,, thongh it is assembled 40U PARTJAMEVTARY PROCEEDI VGS. [CUAP. V. 1655.] SECOND PAIUJA'MENT DISSOLVED. 4 () I iiiider my authority, cannot but astonish me. Erery constitution needs certain basis, a l-arid of Magna Cliarta, wliich is fixed and nnalterable. Therefore, the Members uf Prtrliament siiaii sign a declaratiDn to lie faitliful to the Protector ami to tbo Common- "weahh, aiul lurt propose or coiist/iit to any change in tlie basis of the present constitution." On tile iol lowing day, the doors of the House were occu] >ieil by soldiers, who refused entrance to any one Yviio woiilti r,ut tirst sign such a. declai-ition. Aliove half of tlie Members refused, thuuuh the lh*otectors frnMi(l> represented that it was indeed very moderate and gracious in him to transfer to the Pailiament any part of the full and entire po\Ma" wloirh belonged to him. But, even after this violent noitilatioii (A the Parliamsent. f^^ the debate was ronowed on the ques- tion what w ere the main and what the subordinate points ( f tiie constitution. Tn order to consecrate themselves for such an important affair, they held a solemn fast day, on the 11th of October, on which sermons were preached from nine in tlic morning till four o'clock m the aftornoom The i^ariiament liien declared that the dicrnitv of Protector shoidd not be hereditrrrv, but elective : and tlnit ail the laws and ordinances of C'romwelh of tlie privy couneih and of the la>t i^arliiiment, shouild be revised. Tln?so and similar resolutions might have induced (n'onrwell to proceed earlier to new violent measures: but he hesitated, because the dissolution of liic Par- liament before the expiration of the fifili month was prohibited by the constitution. Immediately, how- ever, at the end, not of five calendar months, Ijut of five lunar months of twenty-eiglit days, he went to the House, on the 22nd of January, 1655, and spoke for i\n iiour and a half on the state of affairs. He said: " Ymi have not fulfilled my hopes, nor done what you ouglit 10 have done. For these five rnontlis I have not hindered you in any way, and liavc interfered in nothing; f)iit you have done nothing, and I have scarcely known whether you were alive or dead. But you have been sowing thorns and thistles, spreading discontent, and leading to (liNorilers. 1 am, therefore, compelled by my duty to (iol and the people, as well as for the public safety and tlie general good, to dissolve your assembly." '11 as treatment of the second t lected Parliament caused greater dissatisfaction than the dissolution of the fu'st, appointed by Cromwell of his owm autho- rity ; and the royalists and republicans now called him more loudly than ever, the former the murderer ei' liieir King, and tin: latter the betrayer of their good cause. But all liie many successive conspira- cies w ere ably discovered, suppressed by force, and punished with rigour ; all the prisons were crow ded, and even iTiCn who, like Harrison, had been the zealous friends of the Protector in his early career, did not escape suspicion and imjvrisonment. (^^) M^ ^..-j" rtaiBf REPDRT OF ^f. BOBPF.\T-X [Chap. V. To tlirow light on the state '>f opinion and of puljhe afiairs at that tiiiip, we lako tha IVillowinff remarks from the reports of the Iha iieh ambassador, Bordeaux: 0^) "'In nrdrr to ^trencxthen his party, Cromwell makes promises to everybody ; but it is here, as evi i vwhere else, no goveniment pleases the people, and the Protector, once their iduL i^ now the object of their censure, perhaps tlieir hatred. To maintain his ground, he wishes (witii LaniLeit and som.e counsellors,) for war, and is only considering whether he shall Ijegin with France or Spain. A con^pirnry liiving been discovered, he caused all the inns, ami many other houses, to be examined in the iiiuht. and alioii! twis lnrntlfrf! persons to be arrested. Ihese rigorous measures embitter the people's minds, and iJie laimber f the conspirators seems to be great. In tlieend, this attempt will consolidate the present go\ ernment, and serve as a pretext to act i\itli still greater severity. The judges who tried tliose conspirators liave, however. oliNcrvcd tliat f1ie ne (le of administering justice is contrarj to the esta- blislii ii forms ; others, on the contrary, say the government is new, and recognizes nothing uf wdiat wa'^ done l^y former governments. Most of tlie ^lembers (of the second Parliament) are oiiicers, or tlieir n lations; f )r tin i cljUity have been mean enough to choose only those who were agreeable to the Pru- tector; and t!ie people, quite impoveri-licd hv the 1655.] REPORT OF M BORDEAUX. 463 iicov taxes, have likewise sent up iiibignifieant men. \\ hell the Protector, in order to break down tlie opposition which nianifested itself m rarliamrnt,( not- withstanding the violent expulsion of so many Mem- bers,) dissolved It, the city remained (piiit, for civil war is more dreaded than his unlimited authority. The Presbyterians, mdeed, think of a repnljfic. witli rif>*orous church dicipline; but this will only make all more dependent upon him and the army ; and at the most vail only bring about that he wdll not assume any other title, or make his power hereditary. The (.{licers, enriched with the possessions of the King's friend^, lonu for their dismissal ; no other opposition is to be expected from this quarter. ** Yet we liear remarkable reasonnigs. i\Iany say, for example, ' If the sovereignty does not reside in the people, those who brought about the death of the King are murderers ; but if the sovereignty does by law lielomr to the people, those who wonld deprive them of it are traitors to their country. Cromwell's poliev is not to use force, except in ease of extremity. He has, however, driven away some colonels who presented a remonstrance against his government. All the conspiracies are so ill-contrived that they only confirm his power. Several prisoners coniined in the Tower have been sent by him to distant islands and castles : and some lawwers arrested who spoke too boldly against the levies, made without the consent of Parliament, and some other things. Far- 9 \ y 464 PT'BLIC DISCONTENT. [Chap. V. 1656.] TIllRI) PARLIAMENT. 465 ther proceedings were >tuppi'(l. hoeause it was Reared that the verdict iriiglit fall out as in the tiriir of Charles I. Some royalists iiavo lieen executed, and two judges de|)rivcd of their posts, because they afiirmcd that an insurrection against the ])re>ent goveniuieiit was no great crime. Consideraiyie changes are aibO inaiie in the departmeiit5 of war and justice, and many |)ersons are arretted nierelv hecau>e thev were attached to tlu:- King. 'l^o nuiintain his considera- tion, Cromwell atlects great zeal for religion ; in truth, however, he neitlier loves nor luUes either conteSftioiu d'hese who kut>w him he>t sav lliat hypocrisy and deceitfulness are the cluef features of his character.'' Thougii even (duirles 11. hirn>elf ad\usrd, hi^ ad- herents to remain ([uiet, because everv peahiie step would prol)a!ily oidy increase CroniAvell's power, tlie fermentation and ilaimer still appeared to the latter to l)e very great, and lie eagerly took every opportu- nity to extend his p.ower. TiiU>, in A|irii l()5li, the kingiioiu was diividt.'d into twelve districts, over each of which a M;nor-General wa^. |)laced, wlio, with en- tire disregard of ad |u-otectini^ lornis and authorities, "was invested wuih almi)^l unlimited power lor main- taining public safetyand the prcM-nt government, and was authorised lo arrest }unesons at his pleasure, to impose taxes, tu diunaud securities and confiscate property. Jn |)articu}ar tlie |)rofHa1y ef tlie royalists, and of maav pers^' acknowledged integrity and piety, and of good conversation, were to be chosen, and the majorhy of VOL, IT „ H 460 DECLARATION AGAINST fRnMWFLI,. [ChAP. V. 1656.} TlfE MAJOR GENERALS. 4 Gy *1 tlie ( 'oiiiu'il ;lecid('il wliu feiiuuki bu ailiiiittcti. '1 lie excluded Members had therefore to ctpi^ly to the Council aiul prove ilwiY (|uali{iejlioiis. 1 hir, ilccia- ratioii, ^\hich added mockery to \ icdcnce, increased llie discoritfiit, and tlir' t'Xelo'li'd Mriubers fuiind means to distrifjiite a tletence to the foHowing eifect: " lluiULrli Avt; were threatened and tlriven Ireni the doors, because we wi^hi d to impose some restrictions on tlc' powerful eonffiieror, for securing ih'.^ liberty and happiness of our country, we must, in j ( if Jini uice of enr doty to (hmJ, aiul man, |iroclaini !h<' tipprcssion, (inelty, and perfidy of that tyrant, and set 1m 1 «re the evcR of tlie wrli-disposed inliabiianis (»f xlw three kingdoms their present but-too-evident misery, as well as their fntnre dangers." ' After a narrative of the events, they proceeded: *' In spite of so many hypocritical protestations and promises of Cromwell to live and die as a faithful servant of the Parliament, everythinu' has filleninto the handft if this Sultan and his Janissaries. And, as a pronf that this conquered nation has lost all its right.-, he has now deprived ii if the freeduin of election, and set up a tlunir, which he calls a Parlia- ment, to do what he is ashanied lu do himself. But even these ardraals of his own irrdninir. di-dain such a rider,, the greatest U5urj)er, robl)er. and nmrdercr that Enghind oversaw, and against wdeH?i all ought to mute as agam^st liie de:^troyer uf their ha|'piiiess and thf ir rights." Though this defence was everywhere seized by CramwelVs orders, it did not fail to produce some effect; yet the Parliament believed that resistance was neither possible nor useful. It granted all that was (!i inandcd for the army, increased the penalties against higli treason, and appointed Commissioners to decide upon it in the last instance. It decided that those wlio would not take the new religious and civil oriths should iube twu thirds of their property, and sold church estates for a mere nothing. When all apprehensions frocii the Parliament vanished, Cromwell feared the power and the senti- ments of the twelve Pachas to whom he had lumself confided exorbitant power. Henry Cromwell, Ids relation, had a violent dispute with some of tliena in l?arliament, because they wished to tax the Royalists nnirh too heavily. Whether a sense of justice, eir hopes oi' gaining the Royalists, or fear of the ?^Iajor (xenerals, influenced him, Henry observed 'that if some of the Kings friends had done ill, all ought not be punished ; otherwise there would he reason for lieaimg all the Generals in the same manner." A per- son named Kelsey called him to order, and reqniied iiUii to name the guilty. He was ready to do this, ^\^len, (as the reporter says,) this fire was extinguished b\ tht: great armour-bearers. Henry however related cat' ailair to Cromwell who attempted to give it a •L, laughable turn, and sent to tlie iormer a scarlet robe and a pair of gloves, with whieh lie paraded in Par- II H 2 ^ - 3f. If * 468 ALDERMAN PACK. [ClIAP. V. liament, tu ili. ju) of some and the vexation of others. Soon afterwards Cromwell entirely removed his Major Generals, partly to rid himself of these rivals> and partly to make himself popular, with a view to the attainment of greater ohjecls. On the 18th of February, 1657, the Parliament was magnificently entertained by Cromwell ; and on the 23rd Alderman Pack proposed that he should be mad l\ii!j though Pack was supposed to have em- bezzled money, which Cromwell pardoned, and it was forliikl 11 t) propose changes in the constitution, the motion was taken into consideration, and in the end adopted liv a majority of one-hundred and forty-foiu* to fifty-four. When the Speaker presented this resolution to the Protector, on the 26th of i\Iarch, and supported it by various arguments, Cromwell said he Tuiist applv to in d to put an answer into his mouth. During the following six weeks, many meetings were 11 11 Tipoi! the subject, in which Cromwell made several unintelligible speeches, and neither accepted nor rejected the proposal. \\ 1 ' iiad at once boldly done either the one or the other, resistance Avould have been prevented, or tlb^ lio] ublicans gained , Ijiit now all till.-, doubting, delaying, and dissembling gave a verv uiipxpectt d tiirii to the affair. Flrehvood, Crom- well s son-in-law, and Desborough his brother-in-law, havingfailed in convincing hi ra thnt th v, hole plan liid been formed by his enemies ior iiis overthrow, boldly joined the Republicans in the army. On the 1657.] PETITION TO PARLIAMENT. 469 8th of May, notice was given to the Parliament that several officers desired to present a petition. It was taken for granted that it was in favor of Cromwell, and drawn up with his consent; besides it was signed by most of the officers then in London. '' Certain persons," said the petition, '' are endeavouring to reduce the people to the old state of slavery, and urge the Protector to assume the royal title, wishing by this means to ruin him. We therefore petition the Parliament to oppose such intrigues, and to abilt^- by the old cause, for which we are ready to hazard our lives." It is difficult to say whether Cromwell or the Parliament was the most surprised and astonished at this petition. (-^) The former immediately caused Fleetwood to be told that he wondered how such a pe- tition could have proceeded so far, as everybody knew that he would never have accepted the crovvii wiiliout the consent of the Parliament. At all events, the favour- able moment was lost for Cromw^ell, and the decision forced upon him by others. He called the Parlia- ment to him, and declared that he could not take the government with the title of King. Hereupon it was resolved, on t1ie 19t}i of May, by a majority of seventy-seven to forty-five, that, instead of King, the title of Lord Protector should be inserted in the con- stitution. Thib document, iiowever, contams the following claims : " Cromwell is Protector for life, and nominates his successor. The Parliament shall '\ 470 M-.W C0:XST1TUT10X. tt'HAf-. V. consist, in future, of two Houses ; the Upp&'TIouse is to iiave not fewer than iurt}'^ iiur more llnin .severi!\r Members ; they shall possess certain (|nalilieations; 1)6 a|-^|tointed by Cronuveli, ana. con finned 1)V the lion^e of Commons, llie latter deeidr.s itself on the admissibility or exclusion uf its Meinljerb. The Protector bliall receive a certain revenue, and, with the assent of Fariianiei!!, till inanv hiirh (;fliees. Eoman Catholics can neither vote at elections, nor be elected : any Protestant, liowever, wlio acknow- ledges certain rnaiii points of the Christian doctrine, is (|ualilied to liuld any office." Cromwell accepted tliis document, confirmed it, and said that he dul not come as in trinTn])li, hut with the most serious thoughts that he liad t \ er enter- tained, since such great liurilens ami duties were ini|)osed upon hn.u. He begged iui- their assistance, and tlunr prayers for tie.' fielp of Gcuh The Speaker, ])re>enting >e\aTal hills for his saiu/tirun excused the hk)wne^^ with which ihr Parliament Inul hitherto proceeded. On the 25iu of June, ItJGT, Cromwell was introihici'ih ant! aekinnvledged in t lie most solemn manner, as Prnteetor, in presence of the Pariiament, the Lord-, the andja-5badors. officers, and ma ufist rates. On tlie 15th of Ju\\, lie was solemnly jiroehiinied m Scotland. Some {lersons believed that by this new con>tiui- tion all re\-olutions were put an end to, aiiil a happy state of aifairs durably estabii-lieu : more, how ever. 1657.] SK\y C0:SJSTlTUTiOX. 471 blameii it eni various accounts. The friends of royalty said : " The framers of tlie constitution have stopped hndf-way : if tliey would not have what was the best and most natural, the restoration of the Stuarts, they ought to have appointed Cromwell king, and thereby have prepared lor their return. The present position of the Protector does not satisfy eithar tlic royalists or the republicans ; and if tlie lattrr had been offended by his royal dignity, the nohility would have joined him >\iili greater confidence, and the respect of foreign countries to^varcU liiiii would have increased." The Inde- pendents, on their part, complained of the underhand nitiuducLion of all ilie ancient evils of inonarchy and jiristocracy ; and the Presbyterians, of the dis- solutiun (d ail la'der and discipline in the Church. TaNf]\. the remark was obvious that every revo- iiirnjuaiy excess naturally brought its own puni^li- aunt Avit1] it; so tlial Cromwell longed for an Upper House, witli Poids and Bishops, and had, ly his ( wn elevation, shewn the necessity of royalty, and the iv]ek,edness ui' the jriurder of the Kinir, in the eh-arest light. Like mnny new revolutionary Governments^ the Parliament first, and then the Protector, endeavoured to draw the attiauion of the people from internal to foreign atlairs, in order to give to the restless s])irits a remote and honoraljhv3 em|)loym.ent. The h)ng i'oacc nndcr iLlizabetii had greatly increased the 472 FOREIGN AFFAIRS, [Chap. V, 1657.] THE NAVIGATION ACT. *78 popiilaticn of England, and the civil war had called for.h military inclinations and talent. On the other hand, most of the European states were exhausted hy the thirty years' war, and indisposed to new contests. In this state of things, a war broke out, for various reasons, between England and the United 2s ether- lands, so early as 1652. Those wlio held the power in England had conceived an idea that the two repubUcs ought to be most intimately connected together, nay, even blended into one ; whereas the Dutch would not take any part in the contest against the Stuarts, (even on account of the House of Orange,) and entangle themselves in quarrels. (^^) They w^ere also afraid of being inferior to England, and being turned aside from their own course. To this was added, (not to mention single affronts, for instance, of the ambassadors,) the act of navigation, passed in October, 1651, to this effect : " No goods or merchandize shall be imported from Asia, Africa, and America, into England, in any but English ships ; from Europe, every nation shall import into England only its own productions and manufactures, on pain of the confiscation of the ships and car- goes." This law has been most highly extolled, as the chief cause of the extraordinary greatness of the British naval power and Britibh commerce. At that time it was certainly passed witli liostile inten- tions to the Netherlands, and unquestionably contri- buted to turn the attention of the English to those oljjects. But, on the other hand, a thousand various circumstances and causes combined to establish the naval and commercial superiority of England, where- as the act of navigation, considered in a more elevated point of view, appears only in the light of a mono- poly. Now a monopoly may sometimes be asserted by force, and a reciprocity of laws be rejected by the more powerful party ; but this tyranny never operates lu ilic (jeneral good Nay, the very circumstance that, if every state adopted the above law, trade and commerce would be extremely impeded, proves how partial and objectionable it is ; and, independently of all considerations founded on philanthropy and the law of nations, it is of no more worth, even for the individual state, than the highly-extolled systems of prohibition and contraband. With the increase of theoretical knowledge and practical energy, such means of separating nations from each other could not fail to be gradually recognized as unjust, and rejected as injurious. ill the naval war between England and the ^Ne- therlands, Blake, Tromp and llm Irr equally distin- guished themselves. After both nations had dime each other immense injury, peace was concluded on ilii 1 Itlt (»t April, 1654, by which pecuniary indem- nities were given to the Enghsh ; aiid. l)y a secret article, iho Members of tlie House ot Urange exclud- ed from the general Stadtholdership : O a condi- 474 WAR WITH ^PAi.X. [ClfAP. V. tion as agreeable to the Lowestein party in llidhiii'l as to tilt' I'rotector. (^^) Scarcely was tlii^^^ war, which had been commenced by the Parliament without sufficient reason, termi- nated, w hen Cromwell sought to begin a new one. Since his elevation to his present dignity, 1 i auee and Spain had equally expressed a wish to form an alli- ance with him. It was in favor of the latter power that it would then expel the ^'liiarts, and jHuliably grant the Protestants more favorable iLruis ; against it, tliat the prosperity of Spain was declining, and that ui France increasing in a manner calculai. il to excite apprehensions. Cromwell, however, regarded only what was immediately suited to his purpose; that is to say, he w^ished for a convenient war which seemed to promise striking advantages. lie there- fore, demanded from Spain, that no Englishman bhriiild be subject to the Inquisition, and that the English should have free trade to the West Indies. The Spanisli ambassador answered that \ln< was asking for iiis master's two eyes. The Spanish liKiin>itiun liiKuaihtiMilv exercised an nnjnst tvrannv, Ijut Croiiuvell tiul nut, treat the Iri>h Catliolie^ Willi more niildrieRs ; and the secon.d demand of a free trade to tlie Spanibh eolonies was certainly iieithii reasonalile nor consistent at a time when the Nav illa- tion Act had just been |)assed. In May, ]()55, Aiiniiral Elake took the I -land of Jamaica; and in March, 1657, Cromwell jear.ed France for the conoae-t of Mar- 1657.] AiluLME^TS FUR CiiuMWKLL. 476 dyke and Duidn'rk. These conquests silenced, at that time, many opponents, and were represented in the sequel by some persons, as favorable points in tiK inwernment of Cromwell ; but in fact tins alli- aiK e with France, which was already too poweriid. appeals entirely contrary to genuine policy, and, after tla f;]vorad)le moment for checking it in its career of cuiiqiicj)t wa^ passed, cost the English such immense sacrifices that Dunkirk and Jamaica w^ere no indem- luiy lor them. (^^) Cromwell was certainly feared and courted by all the European powers, and he was king in everything Ijut in name. Together with the elevation, however, praise and blame increased. CromwelFs admirers said; "l)y his energy and activity, England had re- covered the importance in foreign countries which it enjoyed in tie reign of Elizabeth, and at home he laid >iit)dued t!ie inobi licentious passions, and turned ihem to salutary exertions. Right and justice were evervw here maintained ; all persons possessm ii uiie (jualitications are suitably employed ; every reason- ah'le |)ro|H..>sal is calmly i'xanHiu_al, am! there is m.) trace of the nnhridled cruelty of otlier upstarts. lie has il(di\-ered tlie connirv Irom the vengeance of the Eoy- alists, tlie tyranny of the Presbyterians, and the anarchical virions efth.e licvellers. lie inav be corn- pared with Closes, Gideon, Ehjali, David, Solomon, Alexander, Caesar, ami Constantino. * ■I / h ARGUMENTS AGAINST CROMWELL. [Chap. V. IV. iliis the enemies of tlie rrotector replied; ^' lie has successively flattered all parties, and he- trayed them all. (^') It is only from self-interest that this greatest of all hypocrites exhibits Liiii^^tif to the world as just and moderate in some solitary instances, wliil' hi^ whole existence is absolutely founded un injustice, and he himself was the cause of all the evils, the apparent suppression ul winch is attiibultd to him bv base flatterers as an extraordinary merit. Tlni-. for instance, we are to rejoice thai lie abolished the despicable tyranny of the Major Generals ; yet lie himself introduced it, and made the alteration not out of love for justice and liberty, but from sus- picion and fear. Thus others praise his moderation and condescension, while his family parade about, ixnd nothing is seen at his court but vanity and sin. (^^) Religion is but a means to obtain his ends, and he represents hi^ own interest as the cause of God. i Ic openly ckilares that in public affairs his v.ill imd lus conviction take place of all Lsws : tliat m dealing V, itli rogues, it is right to act like a rogue. As a just punishment for this way of thinking, he sees every- where enemies and conspirators, and neither lils innumerable spies, nor arbitrary arrests and ])uiiisli- ments, can cLiivcr him from the daily increasing iiiiiii- ber of his enemies." . Lei Li;. be permitted lu annex to this compendium of different opinions, some individual authentic tcbti- 1657.] ARGUMENTS AGAINST CROMWELL. 477 iiiniirs and expressions. Colonel Hutchison relates: ** \\ lin I to'l Cromwi^ll that he woiill fix an indelible stain upuu his reputation if he suffered himself to be carried away by ambition, he vowed love and grati- tiuie to luc; but never trusted me afterwards. In general he thankfully received counsels, warnings, and reproofs, entered into the matter, and answered and promised ; but all this was only lying and hypo- crisy. The system of watching, espionage, and informing, was carried by him to such a dangerous extent that no one ventured to speak to another." {-^) Major Wildman, a contemporary, writes : " Crom- well pretended zeal for God and the people ; liis solemn assurances of his devotion, simplicity and probity, hypocritical praying and fasting, assumed mildness and humility, as well as tears shed on every occasion, lulled us asleep, and into pleasant dreams of liberty and laws, till he sacrificed all our laws and lil^erty to his own ambition." ''Tears," says Beresby, • were always at his command, and he was undoubt- edly the greatest hypocrite in tlie wirl !. "'' He wept," says Sagredo, *' very often ; but more for the sins of others than for his own." Cromwell himself writ s to Lord Warton : '' Would that we were all Saints ; the best of us are poor weak Saints, but still Saints : and if not sheep, then lambs. Faith, patience, hope, charity, are practised by us. Yea, Christ is formed, and grows to a perfect man within us." In a like spirit, St. John wrote to Cromwell: ''Ail things 478 ARGUMENTS AGAl^Sl C ROM ♦VEI.L. [ChaI'. V. are ours, l)ccau^e we arc hi- f^lliat is, (icxi s.j ( iergy- meii, eontradictiiig tlii;. selt-siiilicieiil convict ion, called the Protectt.u', in thra,' ^froious, the greatest of thieves aiul rohhers ; and satirlcai poems treated him in the same manner : in one of them i> the ioHowing passage : *' A Protector, what's that? 'Tis a stately thing, That confessed himself but the ape of a King ; A tragical Caesar acted by a clown ; Or a brass farthing stamp'd with a kind of a crown." Thus reproaches and accusations increased, till Colonel Tandsey positively aflirmed that he had seen the solemn compact by which Cromwell had suld him--lf to the devil. (^^) The Anahai)tists spoke the most particularly; in a representation wli ell they caused to bo delivered to Charles Ih they said: {'') ''We have been seduced, deceived, deluled, and betrayed by the greatest of deceiver^ ; the disgusting hypocrite, the abominable traitor, the monster of nature, thr disgrace of hnmandty, the ^nm of injustice, the abyss of sins, the pattern of baseness, ^vho now calls himself our Prntnetor. \\ hat have we not done, that only hellish subtlety and brute force could execute? We have trampled all authorities undiU' loot, wc have laid impious hands on our own King ; we have robbed tlie Parliament, rend have destroveil the virgm liberty v^ our nation ; we havi^ imposed a yoke, a heavy iron yoke, on the Tiecks of oin- fl'llow Citizens, and pulled down the ramparts l«5fj THE ANABAPTISTS AND CHARLES II. 479 e' andliulwarks of jujljlic security: we have broken th often repeated promises, engagements, vow\s, and oaths ; liave perfidiously raised onr liands to heaven, and hetraved the coniicence placed in us; and, that nothiiiir *" ■*■■ ^^^ might be wanting to airii-ravate our sins, we have to all this added hyprocrisy ; and not onlv wiped onr laoutln ami boasted tlmt we had done nothing evil, but in the iimlM of edl onr basenesses, (which are too vile to bement innod amoriK the vilest heathens,) we have even had the impudence to say, ^'The Lord be praised anal Jesus Clirn-t be exalted; maythe kiu^-dom flouri^^h, tin gospel be spread, and probity everywhere prevail." We depbev tfie nii.-erv of onr ronntrv, but wdiat shall we do for it in these days of sorrow ? (^^) AVe were once shilfnl in puHrim down, but now we have no skill to rehenld ; we understood how to root up, but we do not underotaiid Ik^w to p'btnt : wp were strong to destroy, and are weak to restore. Where shall we seek for assistance, wlnther shall we turn for hr-lp ? 1 i we say, ' Let us have recourse to Parliament, tliey shall save us;' belmkl tinw are as a broken reed agitated by the wind ; they cannot save themselves. Jf w^eturn to t1ie army, and say, ' You are bone of our bone, and iie.^ii of our llcj^h , yuu, i[ you wilh may have ccanpassion witli us, and deliver us,' see they are rather become an iroii rod to chastise us than a strong stallMo support us. Lastly, if we go to him who has trailorouil} arrof?ated an unpist power over us, and perfidiously uses it, and say to feim, * DiUvir ^1 480 FOURTH PARLIAMENT. [CiLVP. V. us friiiii ihii yoke lor ii oppreses us, and from these burdens for tliev are heavier than our fathers bore and than we are able to bear ;' see he answers us, in the pride and arrogance of his mind, ' If yonr l)iirdens are heavy, I will henceforth niake them still heavier ; and if I liivi liitherto chastened you with rods, 1 will ill future scourge you with scorpions." It was a most important consideration whether this temper would be re-echoed in Parliament, or wiiether it would willingly submit to the commands uf Cromwell lie opened it on the 20th of January, 1658, with a speech in which some statements of the situation of public affairs were mixed Vviiii many quotations fi can Scripture and pious phrases. Ihese theological references could not however averi the discussion of two very important objects. In the lii>t |)lace, all the Members of Parliament v. iiu had I)' en before excluded by the Privy Council were ad- mitted by the Lower House, by virtue of the right given it by the new constitution; by which the num- ber 1 i CroriiwelVs adversaries was considerably in- creased. Secondly, they examined the composition and a iirw toriii of the Upper House. '' In this," says Ludlow, ** there were persons \\\\o had latterly ae(|uired uroat wealth, aiullioped tocMiricii ihembuives still more hs the sale of their consciences. Of the old iioliility, Lord Eure alone accepted the honor offered bv ( romwell ; all the others were unwilling to sit in tbr sain- House, like Colonel Pride and Harrison, 1558.J CROMWELL S SPEECH. 481 the former of whom had been a carman and the latter a shoemaker. Had they done nothing worse than that, there would have been no reason to separate from them. Now even citizens, like Haslerig, sat rather in the Lower than in the Upper House. From these objections to individual members, the transition w as easy to an examination of the whole institution, in which the arguments against an Upper House, and its veto, were again so warmly enforced, that it appeared that it would be wholly rejected, or the new constitution be considered as by no means inviolable. At the same time reports were spread of various plans contrived against Cromwell, both at home and abroad. He therefore, not regarding the dissuasion of some of the counsellors, repaired on the 4th of February, 1658, to the Upper House, and sending for the Com- mons, addressed them in a speech of which the following is the substance : " I did not seek my place, but accepted it only in consideration of the distress and the sad condition of the country. I can say, in the presence of God, in comparison of whom we are but like poor creeping ants upon the earth, I w^ould have been glad to have lived under my wood- side, and to have kept a flock of sheep, ra4:her than undertaken such a government asthisnow is. I desired that between me and the Lower House there should be another House, in order to keep in check a restless and democratical spirit; and I have, according to the VOL. II. 11 ^! .'& 460 FOUilTIi PAilLlAMKNT. [(.'ii.ii'. V. !*•( lis from this yoke f\)r it i^pprescs us, and from the>e burdens lor they are heavier than our father> horo and than we are alile to hear f see lie an-Avers us. in tlie pride and arrogance of his min/L ' If your burdens are lieavv, T will hiTieelbrtii make them ^till hcavu-r ; and if I have hitherto chastened you with reds, 1 wid in futm-e scourge you widi scorpions." It was a mo.t imr^ortant consideration whether this tiinper would be re-echoed in Parleinh'iit, or whether it would willingly bubnut to the commands of Cromwelb iio opened it on ilie ^Oih of January, 1G55, with a speech in whicli some >lat uu nts oi the situation of puldic af!^drs were mixed with many quotations fiom Scripture anal pious phrases. These theological references could not houa ver avert tim discussion of two verv iiUf oruait oldects. In tlu^ first place, all tlie ^lember^ of f'arllament wlio had been betbre exebkb'd by the Privy Couneii wiu'e aii- mitted by the Lower Hou^e, liy virtue of the riirlit iliven it bv fhe new eon^^litution ; l)y which the num- ber of Cromwell^ adversaries was consideraibl\ hi- creaseib SecomJly, ihey examined the com[)o:5ition and anew form of the l/pper House. '' In ibis;' says Ludlow. *Mhere were persons who had latterly acquired great wealth, and hoped to enrich themselves still more l)v thebaic of their eon>eienees. Ol the old uobilitv, Lord Eur.' alone accepted the honor ollered 1)Y Cromwell ; all ihe other^ were unwilling to bit i!i the same llou^e. like Cuboea Ibade anil blaiia^om 1558.J CROMVVKLLS SPEECH. 481 the lV)rmer of whom had been a carman and tlie latter a shoemaker. Had they done nothing worse tlian thau there would have been no reason to separate from them. Now even citizens, like Ilaslerig, sat rather in tlie lower than in the Upper House. From these objections to individual members, the transition was easy to an examination of the iv hole institution, in which the arguments against an Upper House, and its veto, were again so warmly enforced, that it appeared that it w^ould be wholly rejected, or the new constitution be considered as by no means inviolable. At the same time reports were spread * f various plans contrived against Cromwell, both at home and abroad. He therefore, not regarding the dissuasion of some of the counsellors, repaired on the 4th ofFebruary, I (bi^, to the Upper House, and sending for the Com- uions, addressed them in a speech of which the following is \}\q substance: '"I did not seek my place, but accepted it only in consideration of the distress and the sad condition of the country. I can sa}, in the presence of God, m comparison of vvhuui v. e are but like poor creeping ants upon the earth, i would have been glad to have lived under my woo.I- side, and to have kept a flock of sheep, rather than undertaken such a government as this no vv i-. I desired that betw^een me and the Lower House there should Le another House, m order to keep in check a restless raid democratical spirit; and I have, according to the \0L. 11. 11 -k' iiJ 4b2 PAilLIAMENi DISSOLVED. [C 11 A 1'. V 1658.] STATE UF Ail-AiiiS. 483 «i MA\ ri^lit iriveii me, (ippoiritrd iiidi tu u n^^t di^Uiigiiiblicd bv rank, titles, or party xkv;-, but by English and (liristian deling; iruai of your uwn rank and (iiud.ity, who ou^dit to be nio>t welcome to you. 1 consider myself a? bonnd by the con>titiit]()!i, and bidicve that a solid foundation has been ol)tain''d without an here- ditary King and l:iw- in the old fashion. Instead of this, many think of further innovations, endeav'.air to pervert the army, or ap|)ly loCliarlfS bluart, Winn whicli now wars must arise; it is therefore' hi^h tiine that an em! \)c p^ut to yonr sitting, and I do di.->^olve this Parliament ; aiul fiod judge between me ami sou/' Mimx remaiiu d in >ilent astonishment, oilior.-. cried " Amen, " but all obeyed v/ithout opposition. Thn- Cromwell liad >uecessively dissolved fuur Parliaments in a nuu h more arbitrary manner than Charles!.: vet all liis rower was not suirHo^ioit to govern wdhout them, and no prudence was able to reconcile them, and to m.ahe what was r-Pn nd by him appear inviolable and sacred. Cromwt 11, therefore, employed the old meanswitli increased iigor, flattered the army, dismissed suspected officers, both military and civil, searciied out and punished con- s])iracies, levied money, ke. From HMO to 1659, wliieli vears, according t*. former expenditure, would have eo^t about ll(M)fHM)00 sterling, ^£83,000,000 ■were expended., wliieli were chiefly raiseil in an illegal or injudicious luauuer ; (^^) yet all \\iv>r re- sources had not averted pecnniarv dis,tress and tiiC contracting of debts. Corisidt rinir this state of things, Hallam says, "All dehisions respecting the alleged benefits of the civil war, were now vanished ; it hnd led to a tyranny in comparison with v\hicli all the illegal acts of Ibriner Kings, ond rid tliathad cost Charles I. his crown and life, appeal-.^ but as dust in the balance. "Wdiat signi- fies the general taxation, by ship money, to that of a single class of persons, who had already been c^ftt n punished ind tli^n pardoned '^ what was the excessive severity of the Star Chamber, to the executions wliieli the Usurpercausedthrough those commissioned by him without legal forms, and without a jury ^" The Earl td 1 letth.im expressed himself in more severe terms : ' (ronnvll was a hypocrite, who, under the double (loik of religion and pntriotisnn ])roke, like a thief in the niuht, into the constitution, and stole the liberty of the people." Cromwell had certainly come to a point in his career where there appeared to be no way of proceed- ing farther, and the solidity, which still seemed to subsisi. liad in fart long since vanished. His own family was distracted by dissensions. Desborough and bled wood, in concert witli several Idivv Coun- selleas, wished to return to republican forms, i^liza- beth, ('rt)mweirs second daughter, reproached him far his form(U' and present conduct, and died at last, to Ills great atilic tic n- He was himself seized with fear and remorse, el ways wore a coat of maib never slept two niglit> together in the same chamber, had guards I I 2 Is- 4b4 DEATH UV (ROM WELL. [Chap. V. 1559.] RICHAUD CllUMWELL PROTECTOR. 4«5 posted everywhere, and secret avenues cciitiiTrd, .md V, as doubtless sensible liiai, li tried by the standard wliich had been applied to Charles T., h hail long sine 1 iiiei ill .1 the axe of the executioner. \\ hat in- tre|.idity was shown by the high-minded Elizabeth, in soiTiaii} conspiracies, in comparison with Cromwell? but slic found comfort and strengtli in the general love against the hatred of individuals, while scarcely one was in his heart devoted to the Usurper. In this situ itlou his death nvd::>i be considered fortunate, inas- miicli as heaven called him from this world on the 3rd of September, 165^, the anniversary oi the battles of Dunbar and Worcester, in the 59th year of his age. lie was l)iiried with royal pomp, and lii.- chaplain Starrv, said, in tlie llmeral oration, '' O hord, thy genaiit is now at thy ri2:ht hand, interceding for the sins of Enixhind." Evelyn, on the other hanal. relates, **Tliib was Uic nierriest funeral tliat I ever saw, for no one howled but I lie dogs, uiih vvliii'li tiiv soldiers made sport amidst barbarous noise, paradiuG; tiauugh the streets, drinking, and smoking." Ludlow adds, *-Tlie people were so indignant at the prodigality and foily if the funeral, that during the niglit they covered with nind Cromwell's arms over the gate of Somerset House." Tliough CroinwolFs eldest son had livrd in a thouditless manner, and showed neither inclination nor aljility for public affairs, he was acknowledged as Frotcctor beth at home and abroad; a^ if las claims were established beyond all dou])t, and no interruption to be apprehended. Many persons, too, said, "If he i^ inferior to liis father in nl)ility, be is however no gloomy hypocrite, and is free from all the guilt of the revolution and murder of t lie King; and if Oliver Cromwell was not able to govern with- out a Parliament. Elchard, pressed by want of money and other reasons, must hasten to call one." The elections took place on this occasion in the old man- ner, because it was hoped that the votes for the rotliM l)oroughs would l)e more easily gained. Yet a diversity of views manifested itself on the open- ing of the Session, 27th of .January, 1659, only the smaller portion of the Lower House following the new Protector, on hi« invitation, to the Upper House, li soon appeared that the party of the republicans was as strong as the court party, and the decision often depended on a few more moderate men, nay, almost on accident. Accordincrly the discussions immediately recommenced w^hether the Upper House was neces- sary, whethi r ilie present constitution was inviolable, whether the chief command of the army was to be given personally to Richard Cromwell. It was al^o asked, • is the testimony of the Privy Council suf- ficient to prove that Pichard was nominated by his lather, towards the close of his life, to be his successor; or must this nomination be examined and confirmed l}\ the Parliament"? Has this Parliament been legally convoked, or does it require another and a higher sanction ^" U 486 rAllLlAMENTAiiV DEiiATES. [CuAi . \ The mode of tliiiikmg and Mctiiig of \\n: Lower House i^ illustrated in a very iUbtructive nuiniior, l)y the followiiiix parliamentary eonversatu*ii miui voles. llaselrlj. *• Wu have never puUnl (liO\n anything except by prayer aiiil huuullation: let ii- buill up nuthiim wiiliout them. ii wa^ a glol•i^il^ work that our Saviour died tdr n^ upon tha cross for our ^|aritual good: it is a glorious work for our temiuaad good to do awavwitli the Kinir and the Upper Mouse. Al! right i;. originally without doubt in the people; to whom it unquestionably returns, wlmn the power that has been instituted is taken away. The ParUameut whichdrew up the last constitution was a constrained, ineoiiipkde, lame Tarliament. All it did is ui>t bu!- hcient to establish peace and order in this count iv ; we liiu^i nut ackiiuwledge without full proof the assertion that Cromwell appointed his son as his successor ; wc nui>t lir>t duidarc wdiat rights originally Ijekjuged to the people, and that the first Magistrate i^ answer- able ; we must secure ourselves against anarchy and tyrannv." Vane, ''The opinion of the Li a i<4- ikir- lianieut wa^., iliai all just autliurity resided in the people, and was exercised by tluir representatives." Eeciprocal accusations being brought forward on the delects of the uld, and the follies of the new goveniuieut, Lambert said, ** it cver\lhuig is weighed according to strict justice, T think that wa3 all ofu^, without exception, have forfeited our lives." Colonel Bnsi'oe added, we ought heartilv to confess 1659.} PARLIAMENTAilY iJLBATEb. 487 that there have been faults on both sides." Nh'liala^t, "The present constitution is but little more than a year old, and is scarcely able to speak English; 1 hope you will not think of building on such a sandy foun- dation. It was hurried through th^ House in a precipitate and unparliamentary manner, by a ma- jority of oni\ three votes, and it appears higlily objectionable, if it were only because it gives the command of the army and the negative voice to one man." Captain Baynes, ''AH property belongs to the people, and therefore the government ought to be in them It is often a misfortune when the people have a good head ; for, through affection, listlessness, and inattention, they often fall into snares. The govern- ment ought to be ordered in such a manner that even the most wicked of eii men can do us no harm." Ilaslerig. ''During the last five years, the govern- ment was worse than in live lumdred years preceding : let us call ilie.-t' had governof^^to accmmt." Trrmr, " A good law, given hy an exceptionable autho- rity, is not so innch as a bad law given liy a good authont) . I do not understand the doctrine of a natural law, prior to all magistrates, and t!iat we are reduced to this natural law." Harrison. '' As some persons have become tyrants, so have the lilierties uf the }>eople, like Pandora's Ijox, been misused." S(i( the i^ariianiont. all mockers, scoffers, and revilers of godliness : all who have not given satisfactory proofs of tlieir affection and faithfulness to the good cause, shall he excluded from offices and from l^irliament. The Parliamt'iit consists of an elective Chamber, with a council of state ; Fleetwood is Commander-in-chief of tlie army ; Oliver Croniweir.5 debts shail be paid : Pichard shall have c£in,000 a year, and his moth*']". J^bUUU. Pichard, who could not find any support in the remnant ef a Parliament which had been (\i>vh:r>pd bv hi:, lather, was in fact deposed by thi^ addre>s of tin; army, and it seem,ed uf little importance tliat he formally resigned, on tlie 25th. e-f Mux, and declared : " I agree to everyiliimr, and theimh 1 have not lieen able myself to con- tribute to tht^ change^, m tlie conbtitutnan i will voluntarily acquiesce in them, and expect from the new irovta-iinienl to ■\\iiieh I snlnnat, the pro- tection crranted ti) everybody." Ldxe !?ic]n.ird. his Ijrother Henry was obliged to give up the government of Ireland, where, after Fleetwood and 1659.] RICHARD CRUMWELL RETIRES. 491 Fnm1)er1, lie bati governed with great moderation anal was extremely beloved. Nobody nn)lested the two ])rothers, who wholly retreatctl freni the political stage ; but neither was the promised pension paid them, and li ich a rd hadi to think himself fortunate that the Parliament resolved, on the 4th of July, that, nubodv should tliree\- hini into prison for debt, during the next six months. He long lived unknown in Pari^, with a single servant ; returned to f^ng- land in 1680, and lived till 1712. Henry, whose talents and merit were superior to those of his bio- iher, employed himself till his death in agricultural pursuits. The Parliament approved provisionally of most of the proposals of the army, and confirmed Fleetwood as commander-in-chief But he, as well as Desbo- rough, soon lost ground in the respect of the ofiicers, because both thought only of their ovai advantage, and not of a republic. C") Others, on the contrary, considered it as very short-sigh teil and foolish that tlK*se men had assisted in overthrowing the Crom- wells, and had thereby necessarily prepared the way for their own destruction. The victors, that is the urni) and the Parliament, were very far from livuig in. liarmony together, and only their fear of the Presbyterians and Koyalisjls restrained them for a time from more violent measures. Tn reference to this state of ihmgs. Major Wuud writes : " The con- fusion is here greater than can be imagined, and 492 STATE OF PARTIES. [Chap. V. 1659.] STATE OF PARTIES. 493 chaos was a perfect and regular state in comparison with ours. The parties resemble islands, which appear to form a continent, but which are dispersed by the next flood, so that it cannot be foreseen in v;hat position they will next be. Fleetwood, j^aiii- beit, and Desborough are but little respected by the soldier?, who know their intrigues, and wi?h to take care of themselves ; the Parliament fears another dissolution; the Fifth-monarch y-men are in motion. and we live in daily apprehension tf murder and massacre." Mordaunt writes to the same effect, about the same time : " All is falling to pieces ; no one agrees with another. Yane endeavours to form a part) for personal objects. Harrison is a visionary, and superstitiously devoted to an undefined faith and religious worship ; Fleetwood, a Presbyterian and a Baptist, and in every respect, a weak brother Des- borough, a mere beast of prey : Lambert, if anything, a Papist ; Hasierig, a Presbyterian ; Neville, without any religion, &c." When the Parliament grndnally manifested more and more plainly its intention to subject the army to the laws, the latter presented such arrogant demands, that, on the 12th October, it \var> resolved, by a majority of fifty to fifteen, to dismiss several ( iiin- manders, including Desborough and Lambert. J n- stead of obeying, they cnvsr-d all ilie streets and avenues tu be occupied on the following day, anal when the Parliament applied for assistance to the city, it received for answer that it would not interfere hi the dispute, and only preserve order. Every one, indeed, went about his own business, as if it were no concern of his that the Parliament, which had been set up by the army a few months before, was again dispersed. The officers declared that they had assumed ihc power only to employ it for the full satisfaction of all honest men ; they appointed a Committee of Safety, while all safety was at an end, and had a fast-day, to exercise afterwards, wiih new ])resumption, despotic authority. To the Council of State, Colonel Sydenham said: "The army had been obliged to apply this last remedy, m 1 rsmpliance with a special commission from divine providence." Bradsbaw angrily called this expression blasphemy, forgetting that he had justified the murder of the King in a similar manner. "At this time of complete anarchy," says White- locke, '' everyone was guided by his own fancies and his own interests." Phillips v/rites, on the 11th of November, to Hyde Clarendon : " The leaders sought in vain to obtain the consent of the city for the dissolution of Parliament." When Fleetwood offered to raise a militia for the protection of London, he was answered that the Lord Mayor had sufficient power for that purpose. Desborough declared to the Council : " Because the Parliament intended to dismiss oflicers, we had a right to dismiss tlie Parhamoiit. Besides, it is a calumny to say tliat we ♦.i n '^X tJ ""t" 8TAT { ) !■■ ARTIES. [Chap. V, do not like any government: it is evident that we lovi' a Ijuil o:ovt.'riiin('iit nuich mure tliaii innir at all." At these vir^ords such a l)iirst of Liiiixhter arose that Destjorough \xa> put out of count t-nauce, and wlieii lie ii^ft the towii-hall with liis adlierents the peoph,! caHeci r)iit tor a IVt'c Parliament. ''We have here," says an eye-witness, *•' traitors of all iviiids ; ro}aiii,>tN in great numbers, liut wiihifait arms, pradiec, aial linmection ; Presbyterians whio would have half a Kaiii^ and half a rcpuhlica and whose ini})()rtance is declining ; then Independents, Anahajaic^ts, Seekers, (Quakers, and Singers, alwnys three wone n to one man, who, of course, make the graite>i ni)ise. Lastly, an army composed < f all these ingredients.'* A few zealots talkru ah)ud, andpublirh^ (as they had learned by vote for ten years past,) of a republic, as if il weiieihc oidy perfect anu, necessary constitution. ''An,(l. yet/ says an unprejudiced and acute historian, very justly, " no notion wa> more visionary tlian tliat of founding a re})ul>he at that lime in England. This naime, wljichi was never usual olved to take on himself a decided part. He w^as born on liie ()tli of Doeom- '■"•s ffl 'tW' 496 GENERAL MONK. [Chap. V. ber, 1608, of a distinguished family, at Potheridge, in Devonshire, liad accompanied the expeditions ai?ainst Cadiz and Rochelle, went in 1^29 to the Netherlands, and there served with honor till the commencement of the Scotch troubles. During the civil w^ar in England he was taken prisoner by the royalists, and did not recover his liberty till after tiie execution of Charles. Hereupon he acquired the confidence of Cromwell in the wars in Scotland and the Netherlands, and he gave him the chief com- mand in Scotland. Notwithstanding the prudence and caution w^ith which Monk conducted himself in this new and difhcult situation, Cromwell once wrote to him With admonitory pleasantry : I have been informed that there is in Scotland a certain cunning fellov. . C; eorge Monk by name, who has a scheme for restorin 2; Charles Stuart ; endeavour to catch inm, and send him hither." After Cromwell's death. Monk exerted himself for Richard ; declared in the most positive manner, to the great vexation of his royalist wife, against the restoration of the King ; boldly rejected his offers, but took no further part in the affairs of England. When the Parliament, how- ever, was dispersed by the army, and letters fell into Monk's hands from which it appeared that the new ( omiiiiitee of Safety intended to have him arrested, he dr( fared, on the 20th of October, 1659, that he wished for a reconciliation between the army and the Parliament. But if it could not be effected, he 1659.2 GENERAL MONK. h)^ •would assist the latter, l)ecause the estabhshment of the Commonwealth was the sole wish of his heart. Ihi^ caused as great joy among the citizens of Lon- do!i ;is dissatisfaction in the English army. To prevent an open rupture between that and the Scotch army, negociations were set on foot, on which it was observed that Monk, by causing this dispute, had taken the right means to restore the King. Price, Monk's agent, replied : " It is rather you who bring him back, and have also justified the late King; for he required only five Members, but you have destroyed the wlahe Parliament." During the progress of the negociations, such exaggerated reports were spread of the discontent of the Scotch and the superiority of the English army, an 1 were so confirmed by forged letters, that Monk's agent conchidod, on the 15th of November, a con- vention at London, which stipulated the rejection c 1 the Stuarts, and a government without King or l^iis, and besides contained other conditions V lorli did not at all accord with Monk's plans. 1 he latter, however, had m the meantime removed all the ill-disposed out of his army, and inspired it uiili such sentiments that he was able at first to make some objections to the convention, and then entirely to reject it. This was quite agreeable to oiost of the citizens of London who feared the tyranny of the Enghsh army; whereas Fleetwood strengthened the garrison to keep the discontented in check. Notwithstanding this, a quarrel ensued •0 VOL. II. K K 498 KlMr PAULIAMENT. [Chap, y . 1660.] GENERAL MONK AT \OHK, 499 It ' between the soLliers nm\ tlic people, in wlilch many were killed, and the unfavorable temper of the citizens became more and more manifest. Al)onl tin> time, Whitelocke lepresented to Fleet^vorHl that it was undoubtedly i\lonk's secret intention to rebton- the Kinix. and he therefore advised him to lie hetV^re- hand witli him. Fleetwood was already |)reparlng to send deputies to Charles 11.. when A'ane aiid Desborough induced lihn to change his niiinh 1)6- cause he ouglii not to take such a step wiihout the consent of hambert, who was absent; and. besides, IMonk hiid hut lately decidedly expressed his aversion to the restoration of Charles. P>nt w itliiii a fow days things look such a turn, that those leaders were o!)liged either to begin an open contest witli ihie City of Louilm, it yield to the general wi^h :nn\ restore the dispersed Parhament. Nay, a great part ( f the riimy deserted them, wherefore Fleetwood sent the keys of the House, with a verv polito message, to LenthuU the Speaker, adding that the guards had been removed, and the Members might resmne their duties. Un the 26th of December, the Enmp Parhament met again, at wliieh the same soldiers who had dispersed ii two mouih^ before expressed the greatest joy. The Parliament prompll\^ made u^e oi' the power which it had regained, and speedily n inovcd all the Mcmliers andrffi.cer> v.]um\ it did not nj*|a-nve ot. Desborough, with some others, tied to Lambert. lleetwo(>d went, praved, and exclaimed: ''When will thf House grant us pardon? When will God answer us ?" (hi \]u- l>t of January, IGGO, General Monk, ^\ iih about 0000 men, began his march to England, and on the 2nd received a letter from the Speaker, inform inir him csf thr^ victory and restoration of the i'arliament, gratefully acknowledging his | ru- d nee and fidelity ; but said not a word of the niaicli into England. \\ hen Monk caused the letter to lie rend ii) the soldiers, the army expressed great batisfaction at the re-instalment of its honored C laii- mander, but resolved to continue its march, in order to have the pleasure of seeing the -Members of Parli;j- ment in their places. '' AVIierever Moidx came," bay^ iluiiiie, " he was received as if he had been an angeb the people rung the bells, lighted bonfires, and (ieelnred their ardent wi^^ai ior a free Parliament, lAJonk !)ehaved whh great affability to all, but gave Id) intimation of hL> tnrther plans. Lambert's army V lie h;. being the most numerous, had so long threat- entd hnn, now entirely disbanded itself: a ]mn joined Monk ; some detachments went with (eat onl rs tn [jondon; and Lambert 1iad so entirely h)st ail his influence, that he at this moment withdrew from the scene of puhhr hfV. that be might not be called to account. On tile II ih e^f January, Monk arrived at York, and eame to so fiieudly an nudersianding walh K K 2 mse 500 DEPT^TIES SENT TO MONK. [Chap. V- I t Fairfax, who was still a person of importance, that till ParUainiit became suspicious, and considered both t'f them to be as dangerous as Lambert and Jleetwood a ^liort time bulure. (^) But as it was not sure of the obedience of the garrison of London, ana Monk lifal already advanced so iar wilhuut orders, tlie i/ailiament did not venture to direct liini to retiini to Seoilaial but considered iliai u ^\uuid maintain its authority if it now ordered hini to come to Loialun. Ai the same time, the Faiiiament sent two of its Members, Scott and Robinson, t) the army, whom Monk received with the greatest lionui. tiiough he very well knew that their object was to watch him. and to discover his secret intentions. (^^) Chi tiic following day, the 23rd of January, deputies from th.e city of London also arrived at the army, and he- manded the convocation of a new Parliament, or at least the restoration to their seats of the Members who w^ere excluded in 1648. Scott and Robinson were very indignant at this presumptuous demand, but could not hinder similar applications from many quarters to "Monk, which he politely kit it* thi in to answer. P>v tliese and similar means, Monk so gained the good will ui tlie deputies, that they made the most favorable report, and the Parliament resolved to receive him ami lii^ army in London, and to remove Fleetwood's troops to another place. This hii^hlv iii- censed tlie hitter, who iimrdered some of their officers, 1^60.J MOiNKS AlUl!\a\L IX I,ONDOY. ' 50] drove others away, and filled the Parliament with^ueh' terror thai it urged Monk to hasten his march. He arrived in London on the 3rd of February, and was ietrndiiced on the iih ir. the Council of State, and t)th to the Parliament. Aher he had mo- f ! 1 i il dcbtiy refused the place of honor which was offered Inin, the Speaker addressed him in a speech prais- ing has faithful services, to which Monk replied in such a manner as the critical and uncertain state ol 1 1 1 ings seemed to require. When the oath of ah ju- ration against the Stuarts was presented to him, he however answered that, as several had refused to take the oath, he wished that there miglit be a consultation between them and those that took it, as he and his men did not like heedlessly to take oaths. Very different opinions were expressed ui this speech and this conduct ; while some affirmed that he had too much flattered the Parliament, others said that his observation in favor of the people and the remedy of abuses was only to make liiULstii j)opular, and to represent the government ia a l)a(1 light ; that hy declining to take the oath his secret sentiments might be perceived, and lyy designating the best part of the people and tlie clrief men as fanatics he shewed his envy ami ii4in)raiiee. It was even in contemplation to deprive him of the rhirt command, and to send him to ihn Tower; iV-r however ill IdeaiweoJ and Lambert had treated the Parliament, they would never have declared 502 ^lO'SK SUBDUES THE CITIZEXS. [Chap V; laoo.] MOXK WRITES TO PARLIAMENT. 503 for the buiart;., ^vlucii wa^ ilie more to he appre- heiKli'd from :Monlv as he had had no share in iht ir expillsi^:'!!. cllK 1 had fiothincr to fear troiii them. An unexpected circumstance interrupted these jhins. Tho ( omiiKvii ( i)uu( il of the city of London resolved, uu the 9th uf I Vbruary, that the city should pay no more taxes till the ParUament "was filled. The Parliament, incensed at this conduct, ordered the General to lorul lils army into the city, to subdue the disobedient citizens by force, to seize eleven Mera- ber=; of tlie Common Council, and to pull down the chains, gates, and portculhsses. This commission was very disagreeable to iMonk, as it vvuukl make the city his enemy ; but, then, should he break with the Pnrliamcut v\]iirh had hitherto |)rotected him, bupport (usobedient citizens, and cause the rein- statement of Fleetwood and Lambert ? On the IHli ui February he executed the order, to the general astonishment, in it^ full extent, upon uiruli the Council of State, not satisfied with wliai hail l)e...'ii done, gave orders to dissolve the muiii(i pal aahnuii^- tratii 11 u\ the city of London, on account of th* ir ilNiral resolution. This new order exciied the greatebi dibcuntent, and things were come to such a crisis that one of the parties must necessarily cumpFlely irmnipli, or he overpinvenal whhiii a few davs. If tlie EepvJilicans kept the upper lunul, :\loiik' would lose all hi^ iiiliuence. Kay, they believed that as the army had made itself so odious to the city, it w aald !)e easy to employ Fleetwood's soldiers against it, and join five commissioners with jMoiil., \iy wlaaii he would be always controlled. (^^) At \\m moment. Monk, however, promptly came to an understanding witli liis officers, who had mi- wilhnulv used force against the city, then repaired to (luil lliall, gamed all the votes of those with whoiii he had just contended, distributed the sol- diers, without consulting the new commissioners, and on the Uth of February, sent a letter to the Parlia- ma rit HI his own name, and that of the army, in which, after enumerating many grievances, he posi- tively demanded that the Parliament should close its session on the 6th of May, and a new Parliamxcnt be summoned. This letter called forth the bitterest complaints from the Republicans. Monk, they affirmed, had himself led to the violent resolutions against the city, and had within a few days declared to Scott, Ludlow, aaad others, that he would live and die with the Parliament withrait Ixinir, Sole iiuler, am! Upper House; tliat he had wrhten to llaslerig ; " A republic, I say it in presence of Cod. is the wisli of iny soul, ami this Will be proved with God's assistance, by my actions." Ami in tlir^ iano^uage he still persisted ; hut took no pain:^ to prevent young men, encouraged by their parents and masters, from mocking in every way the uld rarliameiitary soldier>, breaking Barebones' win. dows, and, with incrcdilile noise and rejoicings. ^^^, 504 t A c L i: 1) I : n m c; \! b ERS RESTOEKD. [Chap. V.^ U I lialiiliig Lonfires, and. burning the Rump Pariiaiiiriit ill effiiiv. \ ane Vva^ ordered tu cjuit the cily, iias- leriff no longer ventured to appear in the streets ; and it coiilil iiavc liltie iiiiluence on Mouk that this part}* ivliich was diiUy growing weaker, offered him the Protector>liip or even ihc Cro\sn. Some zealots, indeed, stiil hoped to triumph h^y the most violent means: tliiis Scott exclaimed, •• 1 desire no greater honour than to have it one day inscribed on my torn!); 'lie M)irietl With heart and hand in the execution of of Charles Stuart." Others on the contrary, like Mrs. ilutehinson, lament the end ol our happiness was come, partly througii false exaggerated zeal, partly tlirouuliireacherv: ieut above all through the general voice of the people, which rushed to its own des- truetion, like the Israelites, when the) desired the return of slavery and oppression. As the Parliament delayed giving any answer to the above proposals of Monk, and appeared to intend to oppose allot lier army and another General to inm, he secretly agreed whh the hitherto excluded Members of Parliiuiieiit that they shonkl provide for the army and governmeut, summon a new Parliament, and continue his command. How astoiu^hed theretore were the Kepublicans when, on the 21st ofFehniary, the excluded member- were introdnced by Major ]\Iiller. The good old cause, it was said, was then restored, and while some of the most riniheaded cuicriiv retired, the others obtained the more decisive h I 1660.] LONG PARLIAMENT FINALLY DISSOLVED. 505 preponderance, and acted aceortJimi to the wi>lies of the (lenerah It is true that in his hitters and the declaration to the Parliament it was still stated that all tliose must be watched wdio aimed at the restora- tion of the Stuarts, or of any sole ruler; and a part of the otiicers still more warmly insisted on the preserva- tion of t lie Commonwealth Tint at the same time other persons in the Army and Parliament, secretly thought of arquirinn- for themselves the credit of restoring Charles. Monk, with great skill, prevented this for the present, and induced the army not to meddle with ajQfairs of government, but to w^ait for the meeting of a new Parliament. The present Parliament re- solved that ail oilicers to be appointed should ac- knowledge the war against Charles I. to be just and lawful, and that no person that had been in arms against the Parliament or his son should be chosen a ^kniber of the next Parliament. Ey these regula- tions many believed that every thing was regulated and secured for tlie iuture ; but the omni|)otence of Parliamentary resolutions had long since vanished %viili the respect of the people for them, and tlie per- mission given to the King's friends to vote at the elections parylized the effect of tliat liostlle resolu- tion. Uu tlir 17th of March HjCiO tlie Long Parliament, whiebi liad bioeii twice dispersed by violence, finally coiieludtM,} its sittnigs to tlie general joy of the nation. Its preceding conduct was then considered as (t li It n ■t ill 506 NEW PARLIAMENT Cii.ip. V. coiidemnable. and as one writer reports, -People eared no more for it > la^t resollltit>ll^ than ior a ilead man^. siloes^ About the same time a |)amter, w ith a paint-pot, appeared before the Exchange witli a ladder, which he muimted. effaced the inscription against the King, and cried, '' Kinn Cliarles Ih tor ever!" Instead uf hiuduring ur punishing him, all !hn>e who were in'escnt joined in has exclamation. Tlic King s heahh was everywhere pubhciy drnnk, and only the soldiers, who foresaw the end of their inflnence, still spoke against him. I'ndrr these circmnstances the more violeiii ]uirty, snflVred Lambert, who was imprisoned in tlie Tower, to escai)e, that lie might place himself at tlu^ head of a new army, wliidi was to bo assembled. The danger which arose t mint his step was nndonWedly great and urge ut : iuit ^iiaik and the Comicil of State, ^vhieh wa> clueiiy composed of moderate men, did ^^^^ l^^p tlair eourage. Lambert and his adherents were declared traitors; and, before he had time to strencTthen hiin-elt; \w wa>. through Monk's judicious measures, again taken prisoner. When the new Parliament, consisting thl> time both of Upper aiiii Lower House, met on the 25th of Aprih it immedicuely appeared that the Royalists had such a deeided preponderance that only one great qnestion remained lo be decided: wliether - Charie^iL shouki be restored with or without con- ditions, '^An imconditional re^luration," said one 1660.] B I V E R S i r Y O F (J I U M O X g . 507 party, " will destroy the eflFect of twenty years' efforts for the increase of civil liberty, will aualn surrender everythiiw^ to the arbitrary will of tlie sovereign, to liatred cuid self-interest, and make the whole revolu- tio)i appear a work of injustice and folly." However lunnerous those might he who expressed their opinion in general, there was a great diversity of views among them w hi 11 they came to determine the several con- ditions which they meant to propose. Tims the Episcopalians, Presbyterians, and Independents enter- tained directly opposite views respecting the church, and the most guilty parly hoped tlie more easily to obtain pardon if they manifested confidence, and met tlic King s wishes. The advocates of the nncondi- tioiial restoration of Charles said, ''The last conditions of the Long Parliament are too strict and partial to be taken as a basis, and a constitutional government, according to the ancient laws, is a matter of course. Eigorous conditions are the most easily attacked, evaded, or revoked. The main point now is prom])tly to avoid tlie dangers with wliicli licentious parties threaten all moderate men. d lie King will be able, with the Parliament and through its co-operatiou, soon to n^gulate everything in a much more rational and toulid iruiinua* than if we impose anything n|)on him, and reject the piroper mode of free deliberation ami reci|a'ocal agreement." This opinion received additional weii^ht, when Sir John (rrenville. as der)utv from Cliarles,, (with the il 568 DECL AnATlON OF BUEDA. [CaAP. V." knrnvledgc an 1 consent of Monk, v.]w had now openly declared himself, ) presented to tin; !\nliaiuuul his credentials from the King, and an important decla- ration, Avhich Ills Majesty had signed at iircua, uu th.' 14th r.f April, 106U, thesuhstance i. f %vl.icli was as follows: " We promise free and general ','ardoii oi all those ^vho ^s illuu ioriy days shall return to their iovahy and obedience, whatever they may lun o dune against us and ouv father, so that they sludl not suffer cither in their lives, liberties, or estates, or, as far aUies in mir i,.)wer, ni their reputation, by any reproach or terms of distinction i,y tlm rest of ..nr STihjocts, ()i:K those persons are excepted who shall hereafter be declared by ParliamoTit unworthy of such nar.lon. We therefore grant all liberty to tender consciences, and that no man shall be they however renewed their association for the King and religion. (3) Page 433. Cromwell himself reports with unfeeling coldness, ** Being thus entered, we refused them quarter, having the day before summoned the town. I believe we put to the sword the whole number of defendants, &c." A thousand per- sons, who had taken refuge in the great church, were likewise knocked on the head, stabbed, shot, &c. WhitelocTie ^ p. 411.412. (4) Page 434. Montrose liail made to the King an exag- gerated representation of what he could do for him in Scotland. (5) Page 437. Cardinal Bet z,^q\.\.^ . 234, relates that Henrietta was so neglected by Mazarine, during the troiibles, that she had no wood to make a lire, and wa*^ obliq-pd to lie in bed. (6) Page 437. Whitelocke, p. 408, 499; Lamojit of Al'wton, Diart/y J). 6; Ken's Life, Vol. I. p. 09. Proceedings were instituted against man} wl.o had been guilty of the crime eflc^valty. G?iflirie Mem. y. 253. (7) Page 438. Hutchinson, Vol II. p. 208 ; Brodie, Vol. IV. p. 274 ; lF/^itelocIx(\ p. 146, All Scoti'lirnen were ordered to ■> 51 NOTES TO CHAPTER W ifX^^e. iriquefort. Jllstoire des Provinces Umes. \\)1. 1 1 L |). '239. Oa the influence of Cromwell's party ior tlie war. Basnage, Vol. I. p. 256. The Netherlands would have very gladly maintained peace. Vie de Tromp, p. li . (24) Page 473. Bumont, Vol. VT. p. 2—74. Clarendon, Vol. XI. p. 2 3. Ill conformity with the treaty, Dtnniaik had supported the Netherlands. Mallet, Histoire de JDannemarJc, Vol. VITT. p. 265. Daring the wars, the piracies of the Barbary States had very much increased. T^r de Trojyip, p. 165. (27) Pago 47 i. Basnage Annales. Vol. I- ]'. 333. Charles II. aiiirmed to Estrades, {Negoc. Vol. L p. 139,) thai De Wilt had irritated Cromwell against the House of Orange, whirli De Witt and the Dutch, however, positively denied. (26) Page 475. JFelrvood, p. 99. Flassan , Vol. III. p. 398. Ludlow, p. 213. In the State Tracts, relative to the government of Charles II. p. 367, there is a severe rnticirsm on the foreign policy and domestic government of CromwelL Ifie war acrainst Spain, for instance, is designated a:, unjust and injudicious. (27) Page 476. In July, 1656, the Fifth-monarchy men held an assembly, and deliberated whether, when, and how, Babylon ought to be destroyed. It was resolved that the Saints ought to do it immediately, and with the sword. Thurloe. Vol. V. p. 197. (28) Page 476. Of Cromwell's two sons, we shall have occasion to speak in the sequel. His eldest daughter, \^ndl^:i v.a, married, first to Tleetwood, and then to Iroton. The second, Elizabeth, Mrs. Claypole, was distinguished ior lier intellectual (pialities, and was her father's favorite. The third daimliter, Maria, married Lord Falconbridge, and contributed to the liestoration. The iburih, Frances, married, first the Earl of Vv'arwick,then, JohnEussel, and died in 172D Ireton was a hceutious, cruel republican. Fleetwood, an enthusiast, withuut energy. Desborough, Cromwell's s NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 5!3 brother-in-law wa.s restless, proud, covetous, and of un- polished manners. Noble, Vol. I. p. 167—179, Vol. II. p. 343 — 350. Fellowes, p. 389. Hallam, Vol. 11. p. 380. Peck's Mem. of Cromwell, p. 91. Cromwell's wife was not handsome. Like the other members of the family she received many presents. Hist, of James I. Vol. II. p. 479 — 485. Nolle, Vol. I. p. 161. His grand-daughter. Miss Bendy sh, much resembled Cromwell, both in good and bad qualities. Hutchinson, Vol. 11. p. 463. (29) Page 477. An Englishman who travelled to the Conti- nent, gave his word not to see Charles II. and on his return, affirmed that he had kept his promise. " Yes," said Cromwell, who had been informed by his spies, " you put out the lights first." (30) Page 478. Noble, Vol. I. p. 147. Salmon in his Examination of Burnet, Vol. I. p. 408, endeavours to prove that Lindsay's opinion arose from a secret convention of Cromwell with a spy, before the battle of Worcester. (31) Page 478. Clarendon, Vol. XL p. 263. Hallam, Vol. H. p. 343—344 says : " I cannot agree in the praises which have been bestowed upon Cromw^ell for his just government. When his own authority w^as at all concerned, this soldier of the republic was more violent than any heredi- tary despot. The revolutionists who had produced the present state of things, were treated by hira with the greatest severity." CJarendon,Yo\. XL p. 172. (32) Page 479. In March, 1659, the Levellers sent divers l)olificai propositions to the King, to which indeed he could not assent. Clarendon' s State Papers, Vol. III. p. 481. (33) Page 482. KccovdimgtoFelloives Appendix, lJ^'yi\^\ The royalists paid in fines .................. £1,305,000 Confiscated estates .,,,.,.... 6,044,000 Corii])0>ition, in-^tonfl nl' confiscation, t 1,277,000 25,880,000 Side of church and crown lands, &c. « » » » ^ 514 NOTES TO CHAPTER V, ft On the other hand, the Saints, as they were called, received : In money ,,,, ^ *,«..» ^ ? #♦♦•••»••••••»•• * 1745,000 In offices ,, s .,......,,.,*. t ..».«•••'• * «3uO,000 In lands ..,..*.,.,..,.......•••••••♦•* 1 89,000 The spies cost Cromwell, annually . , 60,000 Lingard, Vol. XI. p. 349. In Thurloe's State Papers, there are innumerahle ordinances, relative to the levying of fines, taxes, conspiracies, arrests, &c. The debts amounted to £2,500,000. Journal of the Lords, VoL VII. p. 631. Proofs of the interestedness cf the Members of the Long Parliament. Pari, Hist. Vol. III. At the conclusion of 1601, each Member received, besides, £4. a week. 1612. Salmon^ Exammation of Burnet, Vol. I. p. 606, justly observes that Cromwell could do much, because he found means everywhere to obtain money and ammunition. (34) Page 488. After Cromwell's death, Desborough and his adherents wanted to impose an oath that everyone was con - vmced in his conscience that the execution of Charles I. was just and legal. This proposal, however, was even less approved than a second of Lord Broghill, to maintain the present constitution. One inti'igue outbid the other. Orrery Mem, p. m—^1, (35) Page 491. So mad were they with pride, as to think the nation would stand by, and reverence them, and obediently wait upon them in their drunken giddiness. Orme Baxter^ Vol. I. p. 194. (36) Page 500. According to Burnet, Vol. I. p. 136. Monk offered the chief command to Fairfax. (37) Page 500. They never lost sight of Monk. Pr^tv, p. 105, and endeavoured, though in vain, to gain him by bribery. (38) Page 503. Some affirm that Monk now first thought of the restoration of the King, in order to save himself. Orme' 8 Life of Jiaxta% Vol. I. p. 598. END OF VOL. II. J. Brimmer, Printer, 59, Creek Street, Soho. I I COi ■.■r/h A N-v't.RSiTY iii I! ' ^.'-t-C' Jl Jill III ii This book is doe two'w^tn^^rS^ the last date stamT>ed ' *!• , .. r->-. ' 3 4-2.0(S rtb ^ f^i. i i