FRANCO-AMERICAN TREATY OF COMMERCE. LEON OHO^n^EAU. My Two Campaigns IN THE ^ » * UNITED STATES. 1878 - 1879 . NEW YORK: 1879 . Macgowax & Slippkr, Printkrs, :}0 Hrbkman St., N. Y. \Qi‘^A CONTENTS. Composition of the French Cummittek organized at Paris for the Franco-American Treaty of Cuni- inerce. 5 . FIRST CAMPAIGN. I. —New York Free-'l’rade Club. 9 II. —Boston. Public meeting. 10 Board of Trade. 12 III. —New York Chamber of Commerce. 13 IV. —Washington. 15 V. —Baltimore. Board of Trade. 17 VI. —Philadelphia. Board of Trade. 19 VII. —New Orleans. ('otton Exchange and Chamber of Commerce. ... 21 VIII . —CiNCINN ATI. Chamber of Commerce. 23 IX. —Saint Louis. Merchants’ Exchange. 20 1 X. —Chicaoo. Board of Trade. XI. —San Francisco. Chamber of Commerce. 31 XI I. —Washington. 34 SECOND OAMBAIGN. T.—Boston, Board of Trade. 37 II. —Baltimore. Board of Trade. 41 III. —New York. Cliamher of Commerce. 48 United States Board of Trade. 54 IV. —Philadelphia. Board of Trade... GO Commercial Exchange. 07 V. —New Orleans. Cotton Excliange and Chamber of Commerce.... 74 VI. —Saint Louis. Merchants’E.xcliange. 82 VH.—Cincinnati. Chamber of Commerce. 89 VIII. — New York. Silk Association of America.. 95 IX. —Chicago. Board of Trade.. 101 X. —San Francisco, Chamber of Commerce.. ... 107 COMPOSITION FRENCH COMMITTEE OUGjlHIZED AT P/1\IS F0I^_ THE FRA((CO-/MEI\ICAH, COMMEp. Officers. President —Henier, Manufacturer, Member of the (Jhamber of Commerce of Paris ; Deputy of Seine-et- Marne. Yice-Presiden ts— Foucher de Careil, Senator. Daniel Wilson, Deputy. L. Hillard, President of the General Syndicate of the National Union of Commerce and Industry. Lalande, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Bordeaux. Pascal Duprat, Deputy. Treasurer —Alfred Koechlin-Schwartz, Manufacturer. Assistant Treasurer —O. Michel. Delegated Member —Leon Chotteau, Publicist. Secretary —Auguste Desmoulins, Publicist. Members of the Commiitee. Ardant, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Li¬ moges. Babut, President of the Chamber of Commerce of La Kochelle. 6 F. Barbedienne, President of the Union of Bronze Manu¬ facturers of Paris. Berthier-Roblot, President of tbe Chamber of Commerce of Troyes. Emile Brelay, Manufacturer; Deputy of the Seine. P. Bethmont, Vice-President of the Chamber of Depu¬ ties. Berard-Varagnac, Editor of the Journal cles DebaU. Calvat, President of tlie Chamber of Commerce of Gre¬ noble. L. Chantal, Merchant. Chauveau Senior, Paper Manufacturer; President of the Chamber of Commerce of Angouleme. Chiris, Deputy of the Alpes-Maritimes. Leon Chotteau, Publicist. Courcelle-Seneuil, Political Economist. Cousin, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Avig¬ non. Dauphinot, Senator, President of the Chamber of Com¬ merce of Reims. David, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Mans. P.-A. Delboy, Counsellor-General of the Gironde. • A. Desmoulins, Publicist. Dietz-Monin, Manufacturer; former Deputy Director of the French Section of the Exposition of 187&. F. Dreyfus, Publicist. L4on Droux, Civil Engineer. Dumeril, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Saint-Omer. Pascal Duprat, Deputy of the Seine. Foucher de Careil, Senator. Henri Fould, Commission Merchant. F. Gatineau, Deputy. Gerentet, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Saint Etienne. E. de Girardin, Political Editor of the newspaper La France', Deputy of the Seine. Granval, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Marseilles. Guillotteaux, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Lor lent. Giiyot, Deputy of the Rhone. Yves Guyot, Publicist. Oscar Galline, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Lyons. L. Hielard, President of the General Syndicate of the Union of Commerce and Industry. Adolphe Ilouette, President of the Chamber of Paris. Jeanmaire, Bookseller; President of the Society of Book¬ sellers of Paris. Alfred Koechlin-Schvvartz, Manufacturer. Edouard Laboulaye, Member of the Institute ; Senator. Laisant, Deputy of Nantes. Lalande, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Bordeaux. Laurent-Pichat, Senator. Elie Lazard, Banker. Lemounier, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Brest. Lepicque, President of the Chaml)er of Commerce of Honneur. Levois, Member of the Chamber of Commerce of Paris. Maillard, Merchant. Mallet, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Havre. E. Menier, Deputy. Gaston Menier, Merchant. O. Michel, Merchant. Edouard Millaud, Deputy of the Rhone. Gustave de Molinari, Corresponding Member of the In¬ stitute ; Editor of the Journal des Dehats. Sylvestre Moullon, of the Chamber of Commerce of Cognac. Pagezy, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Montpellier. Perraudin, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Macon. 8 A. Person, President of the Syndic Chamber of Com¬ merce of Exportation. Leon Renault. Deputy of Seine-et-Oise. ^taurice Roiivier, Deputy of Marseilles. Roux, President of the Chamber of Commerce ot Dijon. Scheurer-Kestner, Senator. Simonin, Mining Engineer. P. Tirard, Deputy of the Seine. D. Wilson, Deputy of Indre-et-Loire. Xardel, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Nancy. FIRST CAMPAIGN. (From March 14th to June 12th, 1878.) I. NEW YORK. Free Trade Club {March IGM, 1878). You see in me a defender of both French and American interests. If it be possible to divdde my heart into two parts, the first should be given to France, where I was born, and the second should belong to the United States. If it be possible to be at once a citizen of two coun¬ tries, believe that I am a citizen of America and France. You know what is the object we have in view. Those who have sent me desire the formation of an American Commission, which shall nominate a certain number of delegates. These delegates will have a special mandate. They will proceed to Paris and discuss with my countrymen the question how to conclude a treaty of commerce which shall meet the requirements of both countries. Neither you nor we will have the right to sign the treaty ; but we can say to the governments and parliaments of the United States and of France, when submitting to them the resolutions we shall have voted : Strike from such and such articles such and such duties, and you will favor the prosperity of two nations made to complete in each other all the branches of human industry. At Paris we are neither Free-Traders nor Protectionists. We are forming a National Committee, and we ask that an American Commission shall be formed by yon, in which shall be united both the partisans of Protection and of Free-Trade. 10 M. Menier lias given free lil>ertj of action. He imposes upon me but one condition—Success. I shall succeed if you second me. Promise me your assistance. I have letters for your statesmen and your hidi digni¬ taries. I purpose to visit Boston, Washington, Philadel¬ phia, Baltimore, Cincinnati, St. Louis, Chicago, San Fran¬ cisco, and all your large industrial centres, to unite a delegation possessed of sufficient moral force to lead the two Governments and the two Parliaments to ratify the wish of public opinion. Such is my aim, and this end I will attain. _ II. BOSTON. Public Meeting [March 18'78). When a foreigner comes to a distant land, the inhabi¬ tants of this country may ask the traveler : “ Who are you, and what do you want ?” Who am I ? I am the delegate of a French committee, whose president is M. Menier, deputy of Seine-et-Marne, and vice-president M. L. Ilielard, president of the National Union of Commerce and Industry. The deputies, senators, and manufacturers composing this committee, are of the opinion that the commercial re¬ lations between France and the United States are wanting in stability, and they are desirous of proclaiming an under¬ standing by a commercial treaty. If a committee from the United States accepts the invi¬ tation of the committee of Paris, as I hope will be the case, American delegates will accompany me to France. And at Paris, during the Exposition of 1878, a Congress- will be opened, where those interested will set forth their views. You may perhaps wish to know whether the committee of Paris are free-traders or protectionists. In regard to this, allow me to tell you a little anecdote. 11 In 1850, a writer of New York got up a long article, showing the necessity of establishing free-trade in America. The reasons he gave seemed very conclusive, so very con¬ clusive that another writer retorted : “To be sure, free-trade would be an excellent thing ; but every free-trader brings to m^’ mind the problem put one day by a schoolmaster to his young pupils; ‘If three bushels of corn cost twelve shillings and ten pence, how much will half a load of turnips cost?’ ” If I told you, I am a free-trader, some one among you might possibly put to me the schoolmaster’s problem, and 1 confess it would be difficult for me to give a satisfactory answer. Do not imagine from that that I am a protectionist. The eminent men who send me are only desirous, so far as concerns you, of increasing the exportations of America to France, and of France to America. Believe this, and you will know the truth. Here you stop to ask me; “ But will the resolutions of the Franco-American Congress of Paris have any certain influence upon the two governments?” Gentlemen, suppose the American delegation is com¬ posed of men remarkable for their works in industry, the sciences and political economy. Suppose that this dele¬ gation is really a part of the great soul of a great people. Do you venture to believe that the wishes expressed by such a group, joined to another group of Frenchmen, will fix the attention neither of the cabinet at Washington nor of the Versailles cabinet? You do not believe that, for you know that governments are established in this century only to follow public opinion. Now', the resolutions voted at Paris will be the expression of that very opinion. I know not what you are about to decide. Let me hope that I shall carry away from Boston encouragement and hope. 1876 was the centenary of your Declaration of Inde¬ pendence. The French came to Philadelphia. The year 1878 marks the centenary of the war declared by France against England, with the object of assisting your ancestors in arms against tyranny. 12 The Americans can not refuse to come to Paris for the pumose I have described. Two years ago I was writing the history of your memor¬ able revolution. In going through the annals, where is recorded the birth of a people, I was very much grieved. Do yc'U know why ( Because I regretted not having be¬ longed to the generation ending the eighteenth century. A Frenchman, a century earlier, I should have followed Lafayette. To-day, 1 forget my regrets, for I have the privilege of meeting here the sons of the heroes of other days. Your fathei-s freed themselves, and if you have maintained the liberty conquered, it is because you have preserved the virtues of your fathers. Gentlemen, in the present movement, which, I am pleased to believe you will second, know that I look for no other profit than the satisfaction of doing my duty. I shall be sufficiently rewarded if you grant me your sym¬ pathy and your friendship, if you will be so kind. {Meeting of the Board of Trade^ March 1878). You are the most honorable and most worthy represen¬ tatives of the commerce of Boston. You have the legiti¬ mate desire of creating new markets for your trade. Can you not see your commerce increase after the signa¬ ture of a treaty of commerce with France? Estimate the situation created by commercial treaties. Compare the importations into France of the nations that have accepted conventional tariffs. Take two dates—1859 and 1876. You find in favor of 1876 a difference exceed¬ ing by far a thousand millions of francs. Among all these nations consider Italy. The last few years show the progress of importations into France from Italy. I do not enter into details for fear of taking up your time. What will be the situation of the United States after the Franco-American treaty ? The United States will see their importations into France increase. They will surpass Italy on this point. Do they 13 not possess energy and intelligence to a degree never known by Italy ? III. NEW YORK. Chamber of Commerce {April 4^7i, 1878). The object of my mission may be summed up as follows: To discard illy-understood or illy-determined theories, and to draw from actual facts a new customs duties adjustment, profitable to both the United States and France.' You are aware that your manufactures are subject in France to the rather hard regime of the Tarif General. That Tarif Genei’al, I must declare, and I wisli it well understood, has not been framed in any spirit of hostility toward your country; still it inflicts absolute prohibition on some manufactures of those nations who have so far de¬ clined to make arrangements for a convtujtional tariff. Look over the list of such manufactures, and you will per¬ ceive that an immense outlet is clo.sed in this way for the American cotton and w’oollen goods, your cast iron, your wrought iron, your hardware, your refined sugar, your leather goods, with the American pe^le on the battle-fields of the War of Independence. The sentiments with which she is always animated, are the guarantee of her conduct towards the United States. You have not to fear, then, that tlie Franco-American Congress of Paris will be organized in any exclusive inter¬ est. A commercial treaty between America and France will certainly bring a profit of millions; but our greatest desire at Paris is to see these millions reward in equal pro¬ portions the zeal and activity of the two nations. The advantages will he summed up. Two equal parts will divide the future gain. You will take one of these parts. We shall keep the other. You know now the spirit animating the committee of which I am a member. This committee represents largely French industry. M. Menier is its president, and M. L. flielard its vice-presi¬ dent. The other members composing it come from the Chamber of Commerce of Paris, the Chamber of Deputies, and the Senate. All desire honestly the co-operation of the business men and legislators of the United States to establish a more perfect commercial union between the two republics. You will respond to the sincere appeal of the deputies, senators, and manufacturers who honor me with their con¬ fidence. Organize a national committee. This committee will send a delegation to Paris. And at Paris, during the 17 Exposition, hand in hand, and our hearts beating in nnisoju we will point out the way to be followed to augment the prosperity of the two Republics, which have to-day but one ■^vil]—to increase this prosperity by their eftbrts. V. BALTIMORE. Board of Trade {April IMh, 1878). You want to know wdiy tlie Deputies, Senators, and Manufacturers of France, men distinguished not only by their talent, but (and that is never amiss) by their honor¬ ably acquired fortune—you want to know, I repeat, wliy these citizens have sent a delegate to the United States. If a treaty of commerce is recognized to be necessary between the two countries, such a treaty will be made by the Governments of Washington and Versailles, and then submitted to the couipetent legislative powers. You may object to me : Why should we favor this Franco-American movement, since we possess no au¬ thority ? To this I shall answer : You have the power given by public opinion, to induce the Governments of the two countries to consider in this case the wishes and the needs we shall submit to you. It is to promote this end that the private initiative of France addresses and appeals to the private initiative of America. Since the era of treaties of commerce has been inaugur¬ ated, things generally happen in thiswise :—Two men, two ministers, agree to certain conditions which they submit to the approbation of their Governments. In tliis case the two men would be the lion. W. M. Evarts, Secretary of State, and Mr. Waddington, French Minister of Foreign Affairs. I have the most profound respect for Mr. Evarts. I have implicit faith in the honesty and the intelligence of the Secretary of State chosen by President Hayes. Rut with- out offering any slight to tlie intelligence of this statesman let me say that in America there is somebody far more intelligent than the most intelligent man, and that some¬ body is—you will not be surprised to hear it, gentlemen —the American Nation. My countryman, Mr. Waddington, is above suspicion, lie is capable of bringing to a successful ending the jnost arduous undertaking. Nevertheless—and no French citizen will contradict me—I affirm that somebody has more intel¬ ligence than the most intelligent minister, and that some¬ body is the French Nation. "Vi^ell, Mr. President and gentlemen, it is precisely these two nations, the French and American nations, whom we want to consult together, at Paris, during the Exhibition of 1878. Most of the American articles being prohibited in France, and the French articles having equally deserted the ports of America, would it be a good thing to establish between the two countries a conventional tariff, -which would not only double but treble, nay, even quadruple, the American exports to France, and vice vei'sa 'i Such is the problem Ave have to solve, and it is you, merchants and manufac¬ turers, whom we now consult. If your answer, as we are inclined to believe, is in the affirmative, you will constitute in Baltimore a local com¬ mittee. This committee Avill enter into relations with the socie¬ ties already or nearly constituted in Washington, New York, and Boston, and will elect representatives to take part in the National Committee, which is to accept the invita¬ tion of the French Committee to send a delegation to Paris. Once in Paris, at a date you will be at liberty to fix, say June or July, then the Franco-American Congress will open. The debate will be ended by a vote of resolutions, to be communicated by the Americans to the Government and Congress at Washington, and by the French to the Government and Parliament oif Versailles. At that date, public opinion will have asserted itself, and 19 we shall be able to aftirin, without being liable to any accusation of vain presumption, that much time w*ill not elapse before a treaty of commerce unites the now suffer► ing interests of the two countries. VI. PHILADELPHIA. Board of Trade {April 1878). I GOME before you with the feeling of confidence which never has left me since 1 made my first step on American soil. Prominent men at Paris offer themselves to combine with you in the endeavor to find out whether it will not be useful, even necessary, to ameliorate the commercial connection between the United States and France. This would give to both the industrial and commercial classes of the two countries a guarantee for the future which the uncertainty of to-morrow otherwise paralyzes. This guarantee would result from a Treaty of Commerce, the terms of which would have to be discussed at Paris, in the midst of a Franco-American Congress. The resolu¬ tions of the delegates of the two great republics would then liave ro be ratified by the two governments, at Washington and Versailles, the aim of which must be to fulfil the desires and wishes of the exporters of America and France. The spontaneous offer of the group, of which M. Menier is President, does not harbor, I assure you, any afterthought wdiatever. In accepting the invitation, which they have charged me to bring before you, you may be sure in advance to find in Paris, before you, men animated only by the desire to know and favor the needs of both nations. If reforms are urgent, then these reforms will be made the object of a Treaty of Commerce. Let not such a prospect alarm you. When the Convention of the 23d of January, 1860, between France and England, was signed, a French¬ man exclaimed: “ What I we have an economical regime 20 which has furnished us with the most wonderful progres& in both industry and commerce, and now you will suppress it all at once ! Why? Is it because it is a success; be¬ cause, thanks to it, all our industrial branches have grown ?” If you would address the cutting words of the French¬ man of 1860 to me, 1 would answer you : Calm yourselves and banish those feat’s that haunt you. AYe form no plots in the bosom of the Committee of Paris for the overthrow of fiscal laws that have permitted American industry to grow and to consolidate. Perhaps you w'ill insist I have spoken to you on probable reforms. Well, what ought to be these reforms ? Now, please, hear me ! The working classes are inter¬ ested to see the development of a rich market. IJow do you extend the productive powers of the country ? Dis¬ close the problem. If you close America hermetically, the admirable activity of your co-citizens will one day surpass tlie limits of national consumption, and the manufacturers of the new world will then endeavor to send off the pro¬ duce in excess. Idle undertaking! Vain enterprise! One does not buy in a country where one cannot sell. During recent years you may have been enabled ta estimate how many forces have been compressed in your country on account of the difficulty of exportation. To-day we come to ask you whether the hour has not arrived to furnish your manufacturers a fruitful activity. The road which we solicit you to enter with us was never obstructed by any hindrances. See France after 1860. The first commercial treaty favored both contracting powers. The English gained more money from the French, and vice versa. These phe¬ nomena renew themselves after every new contract. Besides, one can state beforehand that this act of recip¬ rocity between the United States and France will augment the productiveness of your manufacturing centres. Your interest, well understood, brings you to the acceptance of the invitation which I offer you. In organizing an Amer¬ ican Committee which responds to the appeal of the French 21 Committee and sends a delegate to Paris, you will not forget that my compatriots came lor encouragement and hope to Philadelphia in 1876, the year of the Centennial of your Declaration of Independence. I’he year 1878 recalls to mind the war that was once declared by France against England for the sole aim of sustaining your oppressed and struggling forefathci-s. Go to Paris! encourage the Republicans of 1870, descendants of the French who died here in order to assure the exist¬ ence of a nation. And then in the })erformance of a use¬ ful act you will have done a great one. VII. NEW ORLEANS. Cotton Exchange and Chamber of Commerce {April 29if4, 1878). Since my arrival in America, I have occasionally had such a conversation as this with eminent men of your country: I—“FTo treaty of commerce now exists between France and the United States.” They—“ Indeed ! ” I—“ Such is the case. ” They—“ The intention is to make one now, is it not ? ” I—‘‘ I hope so.” The abnormal situation created by the French and American general tariffs led to the organization of the Paris committee, which sends me over to you. How can a reciprocal tariff be conferred upon the two great repub¬ lics ? If M. Menier, deputy of Seine and Marne, had taken M. Waddington, Minister of Foreign Affairs, by his coat sleeve, and had said to him ; “ Pardon, your Excellency, do you not think that a treaty of commerce would be use¬ ful between France and America?” the Minister would have answered him : “ I will study up the question.” 22 If Senator Eustis, of Louisiana, had nudged the elbow of Mr. Evarts, Secretary of State, and had politely sug- gested to the member of'the Cabinet of President Hayes : “The French and American exporters call for an interna¬ tional act to put them out of the reach of surprises and misunderstandings,” Mr. Evarts also would have promised a serious study of the subject. ^ And then the successors of the jmesent Ministers would have multiplied like the leaves which an autumn wind chases. Then also Messi-s. Eustis and xMenier would have imitated Sister Anne, who was always on the lookout, but never saw anything coming. We at Paris wish to proceed differently; now-a-days a government resembles a block of granite which a single man cannot stir, but which several men lilt up. It is tlie simultaneous concurrence of efforts that we urge. Our plan is simple. A National Committee exists in France ; another National Committee, thanks to you, will be con¬ stituted in the United States, and will send a delegation to Paris. During the Exposition a Franco-American Con¬ gress will be opened, whose desires and wishes will be communicated to the established jjowers. Whatever the delegates of America and of France shall decide, will form the judgment of public opinion ; and as this opinion con¬ stitutes the lever which gives the impulse at Washington and at Versailles, we may then fix in advance the epoch when the expected treaty will be signed and rendered operative. I have obtained the concurrence of New York, Boston, Washington, Baltimore, and Philadelphia. I dare hope that New Orleans will not refuse to enter into the move¬ ment. A National American Committee without Louisiana would be a bouquet without roses, and a spring without sunshine. You will contribute toward the success of 1113 ' cause; everything here assures me of this—both the kindly atten¬ tions which you show me, and the marks of sympathy that I meet at every step. 23 When, through your efforts and tlie eflbrts of your fel- lovv-eitizens of the North, of tlie East, and of the West, a* treaty shall have reconciled the interests of the two peoples, you will take care that no evil-intentioned third party ever steps in to trouble tlie settled harmony. Two men put together their intelligence and their capi¬ tal; they construct a work; should an outside neighbor tear up the rails which transport their product to market, justice thrusts the intruder into prison. Why, when two people have come to an understanding for the juirpose of conferring upon their productions a durable activity, has another nation a right to lie in ambush behind batteries of cannons, and turn the industrial world upside down ? The assassin is arrested; why is not the nation which declares war punished i Does the crime cease to be a crime in passing from the individual to the State ? Peace is the condition of work. Now, the treaties of commerce favor and encourage work. Conventions of this nature will ymt an end to interna¬ tional disputes, for they banish the differences which divide producers. The international law' which will prevent the war of people against peeple, will be taught by international ex¬ hibitions. Come to Paris as members of the Franco-American Con¬ gress, and bring your stone to the edifice of the future. 7111. CINCINNATI. Chamber of Commerce {May Zd, 1878). A FOREIGNER visiting the American colonies a short time previous to the War of Independence could not have failed to observe how admirably fitted to each other were a country so happily endowed by nature, and the race that inhabited it, ami w’hose destiny it was to become the Ameri¬ can people. On this rich and inexhaustible soil your 24 fathers have displayed a remarkable intelligence and a .wonderful energy. . , , i o For a lonf*" time their s])irit of enterprise had roused the jealousy of England, and the mother country tried to par¬ alyze the efforts of the colonies which were denounced to lier as tending to insure their industrial independence. The first of the three ^’avigation acts was passed in 1651, in. order to embarrass the trade of the colonies with each other and with Enirhind. Charles the Second, in 1660 and 1663, completed the policy by reserving to English ships the pnvilege of carrying exclusively American freight. Instructive is the history of those exactions, in 1699 the Americans, tired of paying heavy profits to the English manufacturers, undertook to manufacture for themselves certain articles. The English Parliament interfered, and enacted a statute imposing a severe penalty on any one who should dare to import those goods from one colony into an¬ other, or to export them. This was not all, for in 1732 it was reported in London that the American manufacturers were making hats, and what was more provoking, with success, which was con¬ sidered as an insult to the mother couutry. The lull of 1699 was consequently modified so as to apply to hats, and it was forbidden to American hatters to employ more than two workmen. A few yeai-s later, in 1750, the English Parliament, being informed that the Americans were not only bold enough to make good hats, but even succeeded in producing some iron manufactures, absolutely forbade the establishment of any iron shop or foundry. in 1750 also, Pitt says; “If America dares to manu¬ facture a stocking or a hose, she must be made to feel all the weight of the power of this country.” The foreign visitor, recognizing the pernicious effect of a tyrannical legislation, would have come to this conclusion : in order to break the iron circle in which they are im¬ prisoned, the American people have left no means but in¬ surrection. 25 The American people, then, made the war of independ¬ ence. Legitimate war, indeed, undertaken and conducted in beliali of commercial franchises! Your fathers wanted to work and to gather the fruits of their labor. Their will they soon carried into effect. Even before the peace of 1783 had guaranteed the existence of the Republic, horn on the itli of July, 1770, American industry was already growing up. It has never since ceased to make rapid progress, and [)owerful as it is now, it has no rivalry to fear. The foreigner who at the present time visits your large cities, and who asks himself what would be your ex¬ ports with foreign markets more extensively open to your products, will surely consitler that the American people ought to make some treaties of commerce. A treaty of commerce, when maturely elaborated, is an act of reciprocity which always gives an impulse to the productive energies of the two contracting nations. In regard to France, you need not fear arbitrary regula¬ tions concerning the French and American interests, for the basis of the compact will be determined by yourselves. It occurs often that the gov^ernments taking the initia¬ tory step in such instances are liable to commit mistakes. Though they mean well, being in the dark for want of special and competent information, they are apt to jeopar¬ dize the interests they intended to protect. Our desire is to have in Paris a conference of representa¬ tives of the two peoples, for the purpose of consulting to¬ gether, and when the interested parties have stated how a treaty of commerce between the United States and France can and must be made, in order to better protect and se¬ cure the respective interests of both countries, then the governments and parliaments will do what is right. It is in order to obtain your co-operation in that move¬ ment that I have come to see you, and I confidently hope that my appeal to your enlightened experience will not have been vainly made. 20 IX. ST. LOUIS. Merchants’ Exchange {May 6M, 1S78). I AM not prepared to say, neither are you, doubtless, whether commercial treaties have not for their sole object to secure to the producing world a wise transition between the economical status condemned in 1860 and complete mercantile freedom. But what does it matter to you or to me ? The danger in such cases lies in the attempt to search for the hidden consequences of the step just taken. Do commercial treaties stimulate production among nations ? That is the question. Let us confine ourselves to this ground, which is sufficient to our immediate inter¬ ests, leaving to the future the task of perfecting the work commenced. In answer to the question whether a conventional dis¬ criminating tariff, replacing a general tariff, enhances pro¬ duction among the nations involved, I will give you a single fact. The convention of 1860, between France and England, was put in force very abruptly. Many were taken unaware, and many were the well grounded com¬ plaints. Among those most loud in their denunciation of the measure was a French manufacturer, the friend of a political official, who was also an ojiponent of the reform just decreed. Said the manufacturer to the statesman : “ I am a ruined man !” After a lapse of ten years the statesman, wdio was still opposed to the measure of 1860, met again the unfortunate victim of the conventional tariff and exclaimed : “ So you have failed !” “ I,” said the other, “ Not at all. I am now doing splen¬ didly.” “ How so ?” rejoined the statesman. “ Did not the treaty with England ruin you ?” “ It has enriched me! I am now worth millions !” 27 This instance and others which I might cite, prove that an act regulating in a sensible way the conditions of ex¬ change between two nations creates new wants, thereby ])roducing an increase in consumption, or in other words, adding to the general welfare. These remarks, gentlemen, I felt in duty bound to pre¬ sent, as a preface to the invitation, in the name of the French committee, to iix with my countrymen in Paris and during the Exposition, the basis for a Franco-American treaty of commerce, I have been able to organize local committees in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, New Orleans, and Cincinnati. I hope that St. Louis will not refuse to co-operate with the great centres which have so far shown the mi st favor¬ able disposition. On my return from Chicago and San Francisco a general meeting will take place at Washington, where will be discussed and adopted a reply to the address of the French committee. Each l«-cal committee will then select its dele¬ gates to Paris, and the Franco-American congress will convene at whatever time yourselves have fixed upon. You may desire to know before reaching a conclusion, what benefits St. Louis would derive from the present effort and from the act of reciprocity it would entail. Yesterday Mr. Geo. H. Morgan, your secretary, had the kindness to place in my hand his interesting “Statement of the Trade and Commerce of St. Louis for 1877.” In the report of the president, JMr. John A. Scudder, to the Board of Directors, I read that your magnificent hall will, “ on proper occasions, be thrown open to the public, in order that the people of St. Louis may from time to time enjoy its magnificence and beauty, and that grand musical entertainments may be given, creditable to those who conduct them and a source of great enjoyment and pleasure to those who attend,” To which, 1 trust, the ladies of St. Louis will not demur. Farther on, Mr. Morgan says, in his report to Mr. Scnd- der, when speaking of the commercial relations wdth South 28 America: ‘‘xi result of the movement will be the opening up of a trade with Central and South American States and islands. The subsidizing bv the government of a steam¬ ship line from I^ew Orleans to these countries, now practi¬ cally agreed to, will secure to the West a large proportion of the business, as this route will be the cheapest and quickest means of reaching those markets.” My oifer to you to-day is to surpass this programme, in establishing more direct and regular relations with France. Mr. Geo. II. Morgan asks for a line of steamers between St. Louis and New Orleans. I demand—encouraged in this by my New Orleans friends—a line of packets between New Orleans and Havre. The creation of such a line will follow closely’on the adoption of the Franco-American reciprocity treaty. And then the corn of Missouri, now unknown in France will reach my country through a safe, commodious, and speedy transit. Your interest well understood will require you to help me as soon and efficiently as possible. CHICAGO. Board of Trade {May Mh, 1878). When I landed in the United States I hardly knew how ^ frame iny course--a dark night seemed to surround me with Its shadows. What was I to do ? What should I attempt. I had absolute faith in the wisdom and good sense of the American people. Everything told me that fhe ^^ea ^hich inspired the members of the Pans committee. That confidence has poi t in airth^"’ heartiest sup- indiKjfrv representatives of industry and commerce in the United States? Simply 29 this, a public discussion, to take place in Paris during the present Exposition, on the question of knowing whether it would not be advantageous, necessary, to establish a con¬ ventional treaty between the two countries. You are aware that many articles manufactured in the United States are prohibited in France by the general French tariff. Do you wish to do away with the rigorous dispositions which strike those products? If so, answer the call of the French legislators and manufacturers who offer you a practical and lasting agreement. You would, perhaps, like to know what concessions France exj)ect8 in return from the United States. To speak frankly, J do not know, and the members of the Paris committee know no more about it than I do. Such a declaration proves to you that the liberty of action of the men in the name of whom I speak is neither limited nor hindered by any secret pro¬ gramme. Since my arrival in New Y^ork, many persons have insisted on that point. Those persons, by a very logi¬ cal consequence, seemed to contest the good faith of Mr. Menier, the President of the French committee, of Mr. Ilielard, Vice-President, of the Deputies and Senators, whose names yon are acquainted with. But really, is it impossible to admit that a number of citizens of France may liave enough patriotism to cry out to the American people : “ Send us delegates whose voices may be listened to throughout the United States, and we shall together examine loyally in what sense a commercial treaty ought to be concluded, so as to increase the exports from the United States to France, and I'rom France to the Ignited States.” But habit is hard to die. It resembles the commensal who, driven Ifom a palace, takes refuge in the office, then in the porter’s lodge, and finally expelled from this last shelter, wanders about in the dark woods which surround the edifice, watching his chance to regain the credit he has lost, in order to again impose his law. The criticisms would have been less severe had we simply followed the old rut. It consists, as you know, in two men, two minis¬ ters, sitting down at the end of a table, and in a short hour 30 writing up a reciprocity treaty which shall regulate the commercial treaty of two nations. Here in this French- American movement, we propose tiiat tlie terms of the con¬ vention be drawn by the interested parties themselves, to be afterward submitted to the ministers at Washington and Versailles, wlio will have nothing to do then but to ask their sanction by the competent legislative powers.^ If we go out of the usual way, I think we may be forgiven for that, for \ve only seek to solve a very important question to the satisfaction of all concerned, and to serve in a more efficient manner the interest of the two nations. Mr. President and Gentlemen, allow me to hope that you will organize a local committee without delay. Thus Chicago will appreciate the jiroposed answer to the French committee, and will be represented at the convention which is to take place at Washington toward the end of this month, when 1 am back fri>m San Francisco. This con¬ vention will be organized by the Cej.tral Committee at Washington, which is presided over by Senator T. B.Eustis of Louisiana, and has for Vice-Presidents the lion. Benjamin A. Willis of New York, and Mr. A. Pollok, and Mr. firnest Brulatour for Secretary, and will affirm the existence of the National American Committee. Then each local com¬ mittee will choose its delegates for Paris. To irresolute and timid minds who may still doubt, I will say: Never has there been a gathering of intelligent, honest men, of men prompted by good intentions and the desire of well doing, without some good results for humanity coming from such a gathering. I have been listened to favorably in the East, North, South and centre of the United States. I trust the great West will not prove hostile to my mission. St. Louis has already pronounced in my favor. Chicago will certainly not remain behind. :u XI. SAN FRANCISCO. Chamber of Commerce [May 20M, 1878). I HAVE been traveling overtliis vast country, from north to south, from east to west. The westerly limits have now been attained. I have reached the last station of my journey, and here, with your co-operation, 1 can bring to a close a movement which is now a national one. In the United States, patient and intelligently apjdied energy has accomplished wonders. Each of the States composing the Union has contributed, according to its resources and ability, to build up the great nation, wljose power to-day astonishes the Old World, it must be conceded that Cali¬ fornia’s share in the great work has been notew’orthy, and even marvelous. That is the reason, gentlemen, why, here, in the midst of a population whose strength and courage have never been known to falter, even in the midst of linancia! crises that elsewliere would have car¬ ried with them and precipitated failures, I feel more par¬ ticularly at ease and among friends. Why i Uecause I came to suggest to you the means—through a treaty be¬ tween this country and France—of giving to your never- failing activity a new stimulus and field of action. A great deal of misunderstanding has arisen as to the .signi¬ ficance and effect of international treaties, establishing i)e- tween nations conventional tariffs. The great phantom “ free tratle ” has been conjured up. The frontiers have gradually weakened, yielded, and, so to speak, become en¬ gulfed. The anxiety which the question had raised in timorous minds only increased. It was quite noticeable after 1860, the constituted authorities had proceeded -with such haste, and in such ill-advised manner, as to indicate other designs than the public good. To-day, as far as the commercial relations of France and America are con¬ cerned, a calm view, joined wdth intelligent moderation, will enable those most interested to understand and appre¬ ciate the situation. Let us see what is being done in fur- 32 therance of this. In the first place, private initiative brings about an expression of popular sentiments on the subject to the Franco-American Congress in session in Paris. It was with a view of giving to that manifestation an imposing character that a French Committee was or¬ ganized, with Mr. Menier of the Chamber of Deputies as President. In the name of that Committee, I invite you to he represented in the Convention, which is shortly to sit in Washington, as well as in the delegation which your National Committee will send to France. As tar as we in Paris are concerned, we have no desire to disturb, by work¬ ing any particular principle, the political economy of the United States. We only ask you, if Custom-house tarifts cannot be established wliicli will strengthen the friendship of the two sister republics, by increasing their reciprocal productions. Such a treaty, far from calling for any sacri¬ fices on the part of American industry, would stimulate the efforts of your manufacturers; far from injuriously affecting your exchequer, it would only increase the na¬ tional revenue, since its effect would unquestionably be to enhance two or three fold the importations from France into America, and to jiroduce a like result in the exporta¬ tions from America to France. Are you prepai-ed to facili¬ tate the carrying out of such an object i Can we, by a mu¬ tual and cordial understanding, cemented by considerations foreign to any feeling of petty jealousy, remove, or at least enlarge, the boundaries that to-day seem to imprison labor in both countries. Such is the question I put to you. Boston, New York, Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New Orleans, Cincinnati, St. Louis, and Chicago, with one accord, have answered, “ Yes.’’ I trust to find no dissent¬ ing voice here. Let no selfish consideration actuate you. 1 could not think of California under such an influence. If her co-operation in this matter was offered with the pre¬ conceived and secret intention of being as little affected as possible by the Treaty binding both Governments, I would say to you : “ Do not unite with the other cities that have joined in this movement, without intending to share in and derive, yourselves, all possible benefit from the proposed 33 treaty.” A treaty with France which would operate to the prejudice of California’s interests would surely not be to the advantage of the United States, It is for you to close the gap. Send to Paris representatives who will speak in your name and wdth full authority. Whilst Euro])e, occu¬ pied in vain and idle fpiarrels, was neglecting to connect London and Paris with Shanghai by rail, as she might have done, and thus carried new life and vigor into the sluggish and agonizing races of the Orient, you, on this side, were comideting your great railroad, and preparing to successfully cope with Europe herself for the Chinese and Japanese markets. France, ever foremost in applaud¬ ing the triumphs of man—such trium])hs as yours—has said to you : “ Well done,” without so much as asking her¬ self, what effect would your great achievement have on her Suez Canal. The Republic of the Fourth of September, safely emerged from trials and dangers, now proposes to you to enter into a practical and useful commercial alli¬ ance. I do not doubt you will accept the offer. Were no treaty to regulate the interests of both nations, the present situation, already so abnormal, would become even more critical. France would close her gates to American 8ta})le8, and French products could no longer find ingress into America. It is with nations as with individuals; seclu¬ sion begets suspicion, and seems to justify measures often the least to be countenanced. You have it in your power to prevent an antagonism, that, to say the least, must occa¬ sion the loss of millions to your exjports as well as ours. The distance between San Francisco and New York is greater than between Havre and the Empire City, To be with you, I have crossed two oceans. Between Havre and New York, we experienced storms, foaming billows, in a word, the elements at war with each other. On this side, notwithstanding the snows of your Rocky Mountains, I have only felt the soft and refreshing dew that flows from loving hearts. How preferable this last portion of my journey! 34 XII. WASHINGTON. American Committee {June Qth, 1878). It is nearly two months since influential members of Congress said to me : “ Carry the invitation of the Meiiier Committee to the people of the United States.” I have since visited the manufacturing centers, where the genius of your nation shines forth with brilliancy and strength. Everywhere, I am most happy to state, I was received with the kindness which your compatriots always bring to the examination of a question which is loyally put before them. 1 remember that I may have disappointed some predic¬ tions of yours. Some friends, hoping to preserve me from a fatal insuccess, told me in Xew York, in the last days of April: “ If you follow the itinerary you have laid out, if you go to New Orleans, Cincinnati, Saint Louis, Chicago, and San Francisco, you will never get back to Washing¬ ton till the end of June; Congress will have adjourned, and you will be too late.” I answered these friends in this wise: “I shall fulfill completely my programme and shall be in Washington at the end of May.” I was here on the 30tii of May, and should have been •on the 29th if a -mistake in my direction, caused by bad information, had not made me lose a day. You will forgive me these twenty-four hours lost to the cause we want to see triumphant. In Paris, the delegates chosen by each local committee will find themselves with the most worthy representatives of commercial and republican France. They will avoid the^ mistake made by most of my countrymen in the United States, when they complain of not seeing Paris in America. Washington will not be found, I assure you, on the shores of the Seine. All countries have their habits and customs. Gener- 35 osity consists in accepting these without complaint. Your delegates will be generous. They will also be just. They will look at Frenchmen, and they will seem to be full of faults; but, after a time, they will, under their apparent frivolity, lind seriousness aiui kindness. Europe can only find new elements of life in the rejiub- lican government as it is practiced and understood in the United States. In the year 1680, the English agents wanted to tax the merchandise introduced into Delaware. The colonists pro¬ tested. It was not just to tax them without first consult¬ ing them. They had received not only the land, but also the government. Without a right to govern themselves, they would not have accepted the land. They also added: “ The question of government is more important than the question of land. What are good lands without good laws ? ” A century later, the soldiers of Washington became legislators, and voted the “ good laws ” so ardently desired. To-day, you who are seated, by the will of the })eople, in the Senate and in the House of Representatives, you ameliorate those laws, pushed by a spirit of patriotism. After having endowed your country with a prosperous agriculture, you want to give the republic a flourishing in¬ dustry. I have just come from the Rocky Mountains, which seem to say to the Union Pacific Railroad builders: “ You shall go no farther.” I have seen also the prairies of the far West. Often the desertedness of the plains has struck me. I said to myself as 1 gazed at those plains where the antelope roams still unmolested; ‘Hn a short time these uncultivated lands will yield rich harvests; and, at the foot of these snowy mountains, will be prosperous manu¬ factures.” It is because your legislation encourages labor, and pro¬ motes activity. Your policy is the development of the economical forces of a great country. You are right. There is salvation. 36 This is why I came to jou with confidence. France is her own now. Till 1870 she had barely per¬ ceived liberty before she was again plunged into the shame of despotism. The republic appearing only to be shot down at the 18th brurnaire of the year YIII, and on the 2d of December, 1851. To-day the French people, rich in experience, stretch forth their hands to this side of the Atlantic. You accept, and are willing to meet them and insure pro¬ gress. The Franco-American treaty of commerce will ful¬ fill your hopes and our hopes. Perhaps, at the first essay, we will not arrive at the per¬ fection which is desirable. But patience, perseverance, which never forsakes steadfast men, will help us to amelio¬ rate our work, and strengthen us in the path which leads to prospei-ity and happiness. I desire to thank your honorable president, Senator Eustis, for having co-operated with such a zeal in the prose¬ cution of this important movement. I desire also to address my thanks to the press for the valuable aid they have given me. SECOND CAMPAIGN. Prom January 20th to July 16th, 1879. I. BOSTON. Board of Trade {January 1870). Ox leaving your country, in the month of June last, I hoped to obtain a second mission from the French com¬ mittee. 1 am again among you. If I encounter, in my new campaign, some hesitation, some scruples, or even some opi>osition, you will aid me in vanquishing the obsta¬ cles which unreasoning timidity and blind passion sometimes oppose to enterprises frankly conceived and loyally conduct¬ ed. Since the day when the members of the French commit¬ tee, rallied at the call of M. Menier, confided to me the difti- cult task which I am endeavoring to carry to a successful issue, never has une arriere penste come to disquiet me. Moreover, if for an hour, a minute, 1 had attempted to de¬ ceive you, you would very quickly have discovered the fraud. Perhaps you i)ropose to yourselves, besides, this question: Why has France taken the initiative of the Frauco-American movement ? Here are two countries, France and the United States, which suffer Irom the absence of a treaty. It is France which makes the first step. Ought you to infer that France has a greater interest than the United States in seeing an international conven¬ tion signed ? Ko. The interest is equally as great at Washington as at Versailles. But it would be equally as necessary from what quarter soever the initiative had come. It has come from Paris: accept it, and do not suspect my fellow-countrymen. Two good old friends shun one an¬ other, and isolate themselves; soon follow all the sad con¬ sequences of a separation, without motive, without ox- 3S cuse. One line dav, one of the two friends taps the other on the shoulder and holds out his hand. Is the other going to refuse the friendly grasp under pretext that he ought to have made the good movement which he approves and gently encouragesXo, gentlemen. Human nature, which follows its own law, gives way in a like case, and finds in its yielding the secret of its greatness. Eeceive, then, the offer of France. You can ask yourselves if the appeal which has come to you from Paris should not have gone from a point in the United States, Also, be well persuaded that the members of the French committee only claim priority, in order, beforehand, to engage themselves the better to compensate in an equitable manner the advan¬ tages which will accrue from a contract destined to favor the prosperity of the two nations. In the year 1878 the exports from Boston have amounted to $50,655,179; the imports to Boston to 836,682,228; total in one year of your foreign trade, $87,337,407. Your exports exceed your imports by more than seven millions of dollars. Good sign, indeed. If you asked of your neighbors and Europe more than you give them, you would see, in a more or less distant future, scarcity and ruin in your land. To-day I ask you to accentuate the success given to your work ; that is to say, increase your exports. _ Do you think that my intention is to impoverish the Custom House, which receives annually at Boston more than twelve millions of dollai-s ? Not at all; since if some French articles are imposed with some lower duties, they will come more numerously, and will give more money to the Treasurv at Washington. As to the surplus of the im¬ ports from France, which, I perceive ; you will know how to fix this, by a true regulation, in order not to lose your actual good situation. The trade of Boston with France (exports and Imports combined), from $229,497 in 1874, declines to $86,208 in 1875; to $68,387 in 1876 ; rises to $91,088 in 1877, and goes to $147,261 in 1878. During those five years the French imports at Boston 39 change as follows: §109,007, §86,20{5, §08,387, §75,540, and 21.913. Jlut you exported nothing to France neither in 1875 nor i'n 157^h In 1877 and 1878 lioston sends to France for §15,538, and $125,34^ of ju'oducts, respectively. That result ouj^ht not to induce you to forget that a loss such as that of 1875 and 1870 will threaten you as long as Boston will not see its commercial relations consolidated by a treaty of reciprocity. Let us examine, if you desire, the principal articles leaving the shore of Boston. You export some manufactured cotton to the Indies, Africa, England, and nearly everywhere in the woild. Why have you no market in France ? Simply because the general French tariff prohibits entii-ely your manufactured cotton. You export also some fish. Salt fish is subjected in France to a duty of §9.60 for 220 ])ounds. Same duty with the conventk)nal tariff. But fish in cans, with the clause of the most favored nation, i>ays §2 instead of §6. Loi)Ster ami salmon have the benefit of the same reduc¬ tion always for 220 pounds. About your foreign trade of butter and cheese: but¬ ter is generously treated in France; but cheese is sub¬ ject to a duty of §3.60 for 220 pounds. The conventional tariff'reduces those $3.60 to §<>.80. Many gallons of j^Ied- ford rum leave your port. Well, the rum is submitted in France, by the general tariff, to $6, and by the conven¬ tional tariff to §3, by the hectolitre, or about 26 gallons. Your whale oil is taxed to §1.20 per 22t' pounds, by the two tariffs. But you can ask a reduction. The lines of steamers—Cnnard. Wan-en. Thayer A Lin¬ coln—^bring annually from Boston to Liverpool, with the products ^ just indicated to you, some leather. But manufactured leather is prohil>ited into France. The raw leather, from 54 per cent, with the general tariff’, pays only 10 per cent, ad valoi'em with the conventional tariff. You see how the clause of the most favored nation can increase your exports to France. That clause will have. 40 for first consequence, to encourage your trade in ])repared meat, live stock, and fruit. Now, what conces.sion& will you be obliged to give to France ^ See, gentlemen, and take a resolution with complete liberty. I come to you only to collect your desires and wishes. Permit me, however, to communicate to you an extract of a letter which a citizen of Massachusetts wrote me to New York. I read in it : “Since a few years, many fam¬ ilies have established themselves in the industrial centres of New England. Thanks to the eftbrts of some energetic men, schools have been opened, and the taste for reading and studying is encouraged. With the American tariff it is not possible to introduce here the books published in France. Can we hope that the Boards of Ih'ade and the Chambers of Commerce will admit a reduction of duties? Such is the question 1 beg to submit to you, and I recom¬ mend it to your best attention.” Books, gentlemen, free of duty by the conventional Fi-ench tariff, are taxed 25 per cent, by the general Amer¬ ican tariff*. • You are the Athens of the United States; say if that duty of 25 per cent, must be maintained. Alter the conference of Paris, we boldly called for the advice of interested parties. In certain centres they approved without reserve. In other centres they [>rop<>sed some modifications. Sometimes, also, they declared that the project was entirely to the aclvantage of the United States; and they lioped that no French Assembly would ever be found to vote such a treaty. In the United States I wish to continue the inquiry commenced in France. The most certain march, in my opinion, consists in studying the industries of a district, and in showing how these indus¬ tries can profit by a treaty with France. The probable gain will tend to reassure you ; and we shall strive to avoid a loss to you, because we do not conspire against ajiy American industry. The line of conduct which I indicate to you allows us to escape from any adventurous speculations. You admitted last year the idea of a treaty of commerce. 41 You this year to follow me with courage in my deductions, and fix with me the part of influence such a treaty will have upon your future prosperity. As a stranger in your land, 1 enjoy among you a gene¬ rous hospitality, and 1 thoimht to prove to you my respect by leaving in the hands of the President of your great republic my hope and my faith. President Hayes received me with the kindness I expected from your first magis¬ trate. I told him the object of my second mission was to collect the reports of the Boards of Trade and the Cham¬ bers of Commerce on the pending question of a treaty of reciprocity with France. You will not refuse to say what you think about it. Your decisions and resolutions have a great authority, because you are wise and prudent men, incapable of losing the good of to-day for the visionary better of to-morrow. 1 call on your wisdom and prudence. BALTIMORE. Board of Trade {February IS^A, 1879j. I AM going to try to show you in what manner a treaty of commerce with France can be advantageous to the ex¬ ports of the city of Baltimore. But first let me answer some objections which have been raised. It is truly said that a treaty of commerce is the work of two Governments, ratified by two Parliaments, and that it is the duty of the Secretary of State, Evarts, and the Min¬ ister of Foreign Afiairs, Waddington, to consider and examine what it is necessary to do in order to promote, increase, and strengthen the commercial relations of France and of the United States; but being obliged to ask later the approval of the American Congress and the Chamber and the Senate of France, it might be considered oflicious, it is thought, in the Boards of Trade and the Chambers of 42 Commerce to give tlieir advice in America unasked to the members of the Cabinet of President Hayes. I confess that that remark has surprised me. I thought the people of the United States were a free people, and the honest citizens of tliis country had the riglit to indicate to their Government in any proper form the way to accom¬ plish any object foreseen and desired by all. I am a deep and earnest sympathizer witli republican America. You are always the nation of 1776 to me, and if your Government is strong, it is because it is governed by you; that is to say, by public opinion. If what 1 have heard be true, let me simply pray you to employ, in the nation, your legitimate part of sovereignty; that is, if you want the treaty, then earnestly ask your Government, by resolutions, to take the necessary steps to conclude it. In makins: this suggestion I hope I do not deserve re¬ proach, and Mr. Evarts, I think, will not su}>pose that I have any desire to contest his prerogatives in asking the opinions of the American Board of Trade. The Chatnbers of Commerce of my country have already made reports on this question, and the ministers of Mr. President Grevy do not think that their official privileges have been invaded. Perhaps I might have resisted the desire to address the Baltimore Board of Trade on the subject of the treatv, for on the 29th of November last, my friend, James Hodges, whose speech I read in France, in some excellent words revealed to you the necessity of supporting and encourag¬ ing the movement in favor of a treaty of commercial recip¬ rocity between the two respective Governments. If I dare to speak after Mr. Hodges, it is only to o-ive some statistical touches to his speech. My friend recalled to your minds a legend that Paris is the paradise of America, and that all good Americans go there when they die. A more practical idea is to j)eoiri 0 it with living Americans, to be drawn there by the influ¬ ence of an international commercial treaty, to manage the large export trade that would grow up under it. 43 Let us see how far Baltimore could profit bj a treaty of commerce. The foreign trade of Baltimore for the last year is summed up as follows : Exports.$55,256,226 Imports. 15,891,928 Excess of exports over imports.$39,364,298 In 1878, the custom house receipts of this port were $2,651,959. Your exports from Baltimore to the chief countries of Europe were: England.$27,826,567 Germany. 9,979,278 France.. 8,425,987 The population of France exceeds that of England more than five millions, and England, among your foreign mar¬ kets, occupies the first rank. Why ? I think that this is anomalous, and 1 venture to say that it behooves a body of intelligent men such as I have the honor to address to-day, to look for the cause. If you wish, let us take up the study of the question. We consider for that purpose, your principal exports, consisting of wheat, corn, rye, barley, fiour and meal, which are shipped from Baltimore. These are all inscribed in the French general tariif, under the title of (cer4ales, grains et farines). Now, in 1878, you forwarded to— England.27,719,374 bushels. France. 7,120,206 “ DiflTerence against France.20,599,168 “ But grain and flour go free of duty to England. In France the general tariff says : Grain coming directly from a country outside of Europe, 60 centimes per 100 kilogrammes (12 cents per 220 pounds), but coming into France through any of the Euro- 44 pean States the diit}* is 3 francs 60 centimes (72 cents) per 220 pounds. Flour coming directly from a country outside of Europe, 1 franc 20 centimes (24 cents) per 220 pounds; but com¬ ing in via neighboring ports, the duty is 4 francs 20 cen¬ times (84 cents) per 220 pounds. The duty is the same in tlie conventional tariff. You can provide, however, in a treaty with France tor the pay¬ ment only of the tax imposed on the countries of Europe. That tax is, for grain, 12 cents instead of 72 cents, and 24 cents instead of 84 cents. Grains are free of duty in Germany, whither you have exported 324,910 bushels in 1878. Hut the German Gov¬ ernment has proposed a duty of 20 cents per 220 pounds on rye, and of 40 cents per 220 pounds on barley, oats, and corn. May be you do not fully approve of the treaty pro¬ ject. If Germany were engaged with you by a treaty, she would not make the modification to your detriment. The shipments of salt meats from this port give this result: To England, 15,463,807 pounds and 575 barrels. To Germany, 15,122,815 pounds and 678 barrels. To France, nothing. Salt meats are free of duty in England, but pay 75 cents per 220 pounds in Germany, and are taxed in France as follows: under the general tariff, if going directly from your shores to France, they pay 12 cents and 4 per cent, per 220 pounds gross and 80 cents per 220 pounds net; but going to France through another country, they pay 72 cents and 4 ])er cent, per 220 pounds gros«, and 80 cents per 220 pounds net. If under the conventional tariff, 12 cents per 220 pounds gross and 80 cents per 220 pounds net. You can now understand why you made no exportation of salt meats to France. Under the conventional tariff, of which you can get the advantage by a treaty, you might ship, perhaps, as many barrels of salt meats as you export to England or Germany. France did not ask you for a pound of butter, and Eng¬ land received from you 45,691 pounds. 45 You will find the reason in the fact that hutter is free of duty in England, while in France it is subject to duty as follows; If imported directly under the general tarift'butter pays a duty of 50 cents per 220 pounds; but, if through another country, one dollar and ten cents per 220 pounds. If under the conventional tariff, directly or indirectly, then the duty is 50 cents. The same reasoning will apply to cheese. To England, 77,042 pounds; to France, nothing. Cheese, when entering an English port is free of duty, but is subject to the following rates, under the gen¬ eral tariff, when entered at French ports: White cheeses, going directly, $1.44 per 220 pounds; if via another country, $2 04; other kinds, $3.00, and $4.20 per 220 pounds. Conventional tariff, white cheeses, 60 cents per 220 pounds, in both cases ; for the other, 80 cents. The petroleum shipped from Baltimore amounts to a spring of revenue. Your exports of 1878 show— Germany.21,811,273 gallons France ... .. 1,181,803 “ Notwithstanding the 75 cents which are the duty upon that product in Germany, the Germans imported from Baltimore, as the figures denote, nearly 22,000,000 of gal¬ lons. Why does not France import from you the same quantity? Because the French general tariff imposes a high duty on non-refined petroleum. That duty is, if shipped directly frmn the country of production, 6 cents per about 2 pounds ; if through another country, 0 cents per ab ut 2 pounds, and one dollar per 220 pounds. If under the conventional tariff, 5 per cent, ad valorem, and about 4 cents for about 2 pounds. The conventional tariff, as you perceive, is not so rigorous. Kefined petroleum can be imported into France, under the general tariff, if refined in the country of production, and if directly, 7 dollars and 40 cents per 220 pounds; if through another country, 8 dollars 40 cents; if refined 40 outside of the country of production, 8 dollars 40 cents in hoth cases. If under the conventional tariff, 5 per cent, and 6 dollars 90 cents per 220 pounds. Here a]>er of lirst melting, whale- l)one, potash, silk-worm eggs, hi istles, quercitron, seeds, india-rubber, beeswax, gold -iind silver refuses. Eleven articles, free of dutj^ in England, are taxed in France, viz., breadstuffs (grains and Hours), 12 cents, or 72 cents ])er 220 pounds for grains, and 24 cents, or 84 cents for flours; all kinds of lards and drippings, GO cents, 81-20, or 81-SO per 220 pounds, sometimes proliibited ; non-reflned petroleum, 0 cents per about 2 pounds, or 6 cents per 2 pounds and 8l per 220 pounds; refined petroleum, 8T.40, or 8S.40 per 220 pounds; salt meats, 12 cents, 4 per cent, per 220 pounds gross, and 80 cents per 220 pounds net, or 72 cents, 4 per cent, per 220 pounds gross, and 80 cents per 220 pounds net; oak stavewoods, 2 cents })er 1,000, or 2 cents per 1,000 and 60 cents per 220 pounds net; machines and engines, from 86 to 816.20 per 220 pounds net; fish oils, 81-20, or $1-80 per 220 pounds, gross; lumber, for a kind and in a case, tree of duty, after 60 cents per 220 pounds gross, 1 cent per 90 yards, or 1 cent per 90 yards and 60 cents per 220 pounds, gross; codfish and mackerel, 12 cents, or 72 cents )-er 220 pounds ; ship building, per ton, $8; beeswax, 20, 60 or 80 cents per 220 pounds. If you take from the twenty-eight articles the two which are free of duty in France and England, the twelve articles always free of duty in England, and only in one case in France, and the eleven articles taxed only in France, you find but three articles taxed in France and England: leaf tobacco, in France, coming directly from the country ol‘ production, free of duty, coming through a warehouse of Europe, $1-20 per 220 pounds, in England, 81-65, 82.60, 82.07, or $2.80 per about 2 pounds; coffee, in France, $.-'0, 8-34, and $40, and $40.60 per 220 pounds, in England, 9 cents per about 2 ])ounds, $6.89, or $6.52 per 220 pounds ; brandies and spirits, in France^ $6 or $7 per hectolitre, in England, $57.37 per hectolitre (about 21 gallons). Then, among tlie twenty-eight principal articles of the American exports in France, the French general tariff taxes twenty-six, while England taxes only three. Besides, the French general tariff prohibits the entrance 51 into France of several American products: cast-iron, cotton goods, manufactured leather, etc. It is in order to overcome the obstacles whicli to-day paralyze your commerce with France that we otter you a reciprocity treaty. How can we establish that reci])rocity ? One of the important branches of the trade of New York with France is that in hemlock sole leather. U])on the French general tariff, tan colored large hides coming directly to France from a country outside of Europe pay 10 dollars 80 cents per 220 pounds, coming through a warehouse, 11 dollars 40 cents. The same hides made into sole leather, directly, 48 dol¬ lars ; indirectly, 48 dollars 60 cents per 220 j)ounds. By the conventional tariff, those duties are reduced to 2 dollars per 220 j)ounds. You perceive the great advantage that you would secure by being placed on the footing of the most favored nation. The French tanners have also perceived this advantage, and claim reciprocity in a document communicated to me. They say that the general American tariff by a duty of from 10 to 35 per cent, ad voLoreni^ taxes French leather })er 220 pounds, as follows: Leather for bondes, transmissions, and other sole leather.S24 00 High leather. 14 28 Light leather. 14 02 Blacked calf skins. 45 00 And they ask themselves: Can we adopt a Franco- American treaty of commerce which does not establish reciprocity pure and simple? Tlie Chamber of Commerce of Orleans thinks that the duty on leather ought to be the same in both countries. One of the most prominent men of the Chamber of Com¬ merce of New York, Mr. Jackson S. Schultz, thinks so. Mr. Schultz wrote me to France the 20th of July, 1878, a letter which I received only the 22d of February, 1879. The writer says: 52 “ Both France and the United States are large manufac¬ turers of leather. All descriptions of leather are made by each, and by reason of the government tax, each class has been about equally secured against foreign competition. Without much protection or interference, it is very clear that France would make the light leathers, and the United States the heavy leathei’s ; and exchange would result bene¬ ficially to both. At present the trade is hampered with a tax of about 25 per cent. This is so high as to materially interfere with the natural exchange; and the result is becoming more and more evident by each year’s return that soon we shall have no trade at all in leather between France and the United States.” jMr. Schultz is for a duty which shall increase the re¬ ceipts of the Custom Houses of both Governments. He proposes 10 per cent, ad valorem^ or 2 cents per jiound on American heavy leather into France, and 10 or 12 cents per pound on French light leather into America. He is sure such an arrangement would increase the leather trade between France and the United States to five millions of dollars for the first year, and, in a short time, to ten mil¬ lions. Mr. Schultz has in Xew York the authority which is the natural outgrowth of knowledge usefully applied. You will appreciate the kind of reciprocity wdiich he pro¬ poses. And now what conclusion must you infer ? Gentlemen, from 181:7 to 1856, the average of the im¬ ports into France from England was 127 millions of francs. That average rose from 1857 to 1866, to 460 millions, and, from 1867 to 1876, to 620 millions. In the three decennial periods, the imports from Belgium give 139, 231, and 397 millions. The products of Italy have a value of 130, 194, and 340 millions. Germany provides us -with 67, 158, and 283 millions of merchandise. And you, the United States, what do you export to France ? Here are the figures concerning you : 58 ANNUAL AVERAGE. From 1847 to 1856.francs 185,624,888 “ 1857 to 1866. “ 165,622,692 “ 1867 to 1876. “ 197,289,280 Also in the French markets, with your population of more than 40 millions of inhabitants, you are beaten by En^?lancl, with a population of 81 millions; by Helpum, populations millions; by Italy, population 26 millions; and by Germany, population 41 millions. That result would prove your interiority if the study of the facts did not show that this result proceeded from your improvidence. Wliy is it that England, which exported to France only 127 millions per year from 1847 to 1866, exported 460 mil¬ lions from 1857 to 1866? Because England concluded a Treaty of Commerce with France the 28d of January, 18.0. Why is it that Bel«-ium, from 189 millions (1847 to 1856) rose to 281 millions from 1857 to 1866 ? Because Belgium signed a Convention with France the 1st of May, 1861. Why is it, that Italy, which seems satisfied with her an¬ nual average of 180 millions, rose in the following decen¬ nial period, 1857 to 1866, to 194 millions? Because Italy contracted an engagement with France the 17th of Janu¬ ary, 1868. Why does Germany (then Prussia) see her annual aver¬ age of 67 millions, 1847-1856, rise to 158 millions. 1857- 1866 ? Because Germany executed a contract with France, the 2d of August, 1862. And why is it that the United States, from the first to the second decennial period, got only the difierence which exists between 165 and 135 millions, that is to say, 30 millions, instead of 333 millions, England ; 92 millions, Belgium; 64 millions, Italy; 91 millions, Germany ? Sim¬ ply because the United States did not adopt with F>aneea conventional tariff. If they had 'conducted at that time, and in the manner shown by the European nations, the conditions of their foreign commerce, they would not have found, from 1867 to 1876, any cause to repent, for, in those 54 ten years England, Belgium, Italy, and Germany have seen their exports to France increase. Your government can accomplish to-day the act which your national interests demanded you to conclude ten or fifteen years sooner. If so decided, the Franco-American treaty of commerce will give you in France, from 18TT to 1886, the annual average of the exports of England from 1867 to 1876, that is to say, nearly 600 millions of francs. Your average, from 1867 to 1876, was only 197 mil¬ lions. A conventional tariff with France would, then, bring to your country business activity amounting annually to 400 millions francs. As New York represents nearly the half of the American exports into France, New York would get annually 200 millions of francs, or 40 millions of dollars. If you ask me what attitude the two interested parties should take in order to make a possible and endurable commercial union, I answer you by the letter of Mr. Jack- son S. Shultz, of which I spoke to you above. Mr. Schultz, the 20th of last July, advised the French to promise the Americans the benefit of the clause of the most favored nation, and to ask them : What do you intend to give us in exchange ? It is precisely the question I submit to you to-day. You will know how to resolve it with willing, practical, and honest minds. United States Board of Trade {March 12^4, 1879). You invited me to address you a few words. I shall answer your invitation in order not to abuse your kind¬ ness. When the population of the young American republic 55 was only 3,9*20,827 inhabitants (1700), yoni* ancestors im¬ ported 823,000,000, and exported 820,205,150. From 1790 to 1870—the year of the last ])ublished census, the growth of your population—permit me to Jisk at what time your country will liave a hundred millions of citizens. The calculation of chances gives me that date; 2-lth of July, 1903, 5 o’clock, 24 minutes in the evening. Perhaps I commit an error, and the child destined to complete the number of a hundred millions will be born in the mornino-. You can verify*. Among an intelligent and ])roud peo])le, which likes and honors labor, the growth of the pojmlation ought to give an impulse to the production. In 1810 they desired to hx the values of the annual production in the United States, and they found 8198,613,471. Forty years later, in 1850, the annual production rises to 81,019,106,616. It is 81,885,861,676 in 1860, and 84,232,325,442 in 1870. From that you can infer; tlie ])roductive capacity of each American citizen, from $27.43 in 1810, rose to $43.94 in 1850, to $59.97 in 1860, and, linally, to $111.04 in 1870. France applauds these ]>eaceful concpiests. Does she not know your prosperous condition strengthens liberty on your soil, and proves to the world that the republicaiUgov- ernment brings with it fatally neither desolation nor ruin. But the figures of the exportations of the United States to France, and of France to the United States, do not cor¬ respond to the wants which are manifested on both sides of the Atlantic. You lose the money which a more intel¬ ligent regulation would cause you to gain. We lose the profit which a more extended commerce with you would bring to us. If you refuse to ameliorate such a state of circumstances, you leave it to be inferred that you think two losses constitute a veritable gain. Some one has pretended that light or logic would pro¬ duce eruption in human affairs, and would cause more havoc in the world than a bull in a china-shop. According to this account, we ought, in order to avoid ruin and to 50 conspire against calamities or ills, to pursue an opposite course from tliat which we are i)roposing to ourselves. That is to saj that we should guard against bankruptcy by enlarging the inaLmitude of the debt. I know well that homoeopathists cure fever by rendering it more violent and more ardent. Jlut so far the doctrine of Hahnemann has not illuminated political economy, and never have two peoples enriched and made themselves prosperous by plac¬ ing themselves hetorehand on the road to ruin. Also, at the risk of lowering myself in the esteem of the gentleman to whom I alluded, I maintain that we ougiit to labor to establish in our commercial relations, logic, clear and sound logic. Producti*'!! avoids so much the better, surprises—as it guards itself against consum})tion which depends upon a particular role. Suppose stjine manufacturers throw u})on your markets mountains of clothes, as they were fashion¬ able at the end of the eighteenth centnvy. They will not run olT their goods, although they would be perhaps I’ight to maintain that the ladies would wear the leg of mutton sleeves asformeily, and men breeches and wigs of the old times. Response to wants: such ought to be the end of manufactuiing. Moralists, rather than economists, create wants iti telling persons what they ought to do and what they ought not to do in order to insure their happiness. Under the influence of a new policy wants are modified. A people which abandons itself to a Cmsaror to a Solouque will lovefiivoli- ties and vanities which please enslaved souls. A nation which is elevated allows its wisdom to permeate the tastes which inspire it, and which only claim the making of use¬ ful and beautiful objects. From this j)oint of view France and the United States can only give to their consumption a salutary elan. Since the two countries possess equality, which produces a love of well-being or comfort, and liberty, which permits them to obtain it. Upon the domain of activity, a nation ought neither to condemn itself to isolation, nor to forget the measures of 57 prudence which the state of its industrv perlmps claims. To be isolated from the universal market is to swear that it is self-8uffic,ient; it is to want the olive of the South to ripen in the North, and the pine or lir of the North to germinate in the South. Impotent and barren would it be to impose such conditions upon ourselves: we should produce badly and at a high price. We should not even succeed in producing what the foreigner does easily and al)undantly at a cheap rate. We recognize, then, that it is not possible for us to free ourselves from the dependence that the diversity of climate has established between peoples, and which lowers a little the barriers which an excusable j-ride, after all, and a le¬ gitimate presumption had imagined. The other system, which consists in establishing absolute liberty of exchanges, and opens out all the great ports of a nation, can forbid a j)eople which adopts it from realiz¬ ing industrial conquests. To create factories and work- 8ho))s, they demand the aid and assistance of custom-house tariffs. Nothing better. But custom-house tariffs are some arms which it is difficult to handle. In order properly to benefit ourselves we must learn from the examples of prac¬ tical life that the fiscal law destined to protect an in¬ dustry incaj)able of developing itself upon the national ter¬ ritory always defeats'the end in view. The doctrine of absolute isolation has never had the honor of being reduced to practice. Peoples have limited their efforts to ap]>ly the principal ot protection. AVhen they have apydied it in a just and equitable manner, their prosperity has taken a great flight. Later, upon more than one point, industrv, powerful and sure of itself, en- Ileavers to enlarge its sphere of action. Recollect the de¬ sires and M’ishes of England before 1860. Persons have said that the industrial superiority of England resulted from the Revolution of 1688. Tliey were right in revealing the solid link which binds political to material interests. See, however, how progress has some¬ times a capricious gait. Your Declaration of Inde])end- ence dates from the 4th of July, 1776. It followed the act 58 of 1688, and preceded the French Eevolution of 1789. Tlie want of air and of space, whicli tormented England in 1860, forced Kichard Cobden to seek, in the midst of vou, a clear opening. Since you were born to political" life thirteen years before my fenow-countrymen, you had the inestimable advantage of knowing how to guard the liberty wdiich France has the misfortune to lose. If logic, whose absence we just proved, had existed in 1860, the first treaty of commerce would have been concluded between England and the United States. The engagement, you know, intervened between Great Britain and France. Since 1860, nations which have replaced a general tariff by a conventional tariff, based upon a just reciprocity, have seen their fortunes and well-being multiplied. To-day, the protestations of certain retarded groups resemble much the complaints of stage drivers, who condemned the railways and declared them impossible. All the powers are not yet bound by treaties. This is why we experience still the general tariff by the side of the conventional tariff. The autlvors of a general tariff, if they understand their mission, will banish every thought of reprisal, and will re¬ fuse to encourage })roductions which high taxes will neither cause them to produce better nor cheaper. In a word, they will be able to resist the ardent solicitations of interests which a shadow of commercial liberty appears to expose. So, a general tariff, equally removed fjom free-trade as from prohibition, will resist the act destined to show a dis¬ sident people that their refusal to accept a conventional tariff is without motive and without excuse. Here you will not fail to see an objection. I announce to you a general tariff which will in no manner ruffle your good sense nor justice; which dissipates, by its prudence and its courtesy, cause of alarm both to the interior and the exterior; which, in fine, approximates as much as possible to the perfection which human things admit. Then, add you, what good is therein a conventional tariff? I hasten to reply to you that a conventional tariff is use¬ ful even when the general tariff is perfect, because legis- 59 lators who regulate the situation to-day of the custom-house duties of a country, to-morrow may destroy their work. The foreigner, surprised by the vote which he condemns, will say that industry has need of security. This is pre¬ cisely what France declared to Spain in 1877. Some mar¬ kets were closed to French and Spanish exporters. One fine day Spain, without having allowed to transpire any indication of its resolve, raised its taxes. Great sensation at Paris. We obtained a respite of two years on condition that the wines of Spain should enjoy certain advantages on their entrance into France. A surprise like that of 1877 is always to be feared. Men are not angels, and nothing is better than a contract in good and due form. Industry and commerce claim the certainty of to-morrow which permits to define and acciirately fix transactions. Then the morrow is assured only by a conventional tariff matm’el^ debated, which persons execute or carry out in good faith during the lapse of a limited time. If you follow that way you will accept, between France and the United States, a reciprocity treaty. It is useful. A few days ago the report of Mr. John Sherman, Secre¬ tary of the Treasury, was communicated to me. I saw by it that the reciprocity treaty concluded between the United States and the Hawaiian Islands the 30th of January, 1875, gives this result. Value of exports from the United States to Hawaii for the whole year 1875... $947,260 For 1877. 1,762,805 Difference in favor of 1877.. . $815,545 You will see the same result for the exports from the United States to France. And now, gentlemen, decide. In finishing, permit me to hope that the future genera¬ tions, in modifying at their will the Constitution of 1787, will always have the wisdom to proclaim as a basis of the fundamental pact, federation. 60 Whilst the great Republic will be composed of as many small Republics as there shall be States iii its bosom, and whilst each State can administer freely without fear of intervention of a superior and arbitrary power; in a word, whilst centralization, they say, produces happiness in Europe, it will not be acclimatized in America, the Union in its actual limits could reckon more than 100,000,000 inhabitants. It will never have but one flag if the manufacturing North, the planting South, and the agricultural West know how to solve the economic question in the sense of Liberty. lY. PHILADELPHIA. Board of Trade {JTarch 18T9). The last year, the object of my mission was to invite you to the Conference of Paris, and I could not ap])reciate with you the advantages promised to Pennsylvania by a Franco- American Treaty of Commerce. Such a study was outside of my charge. To pursue it usefully, 1 had to wait till the French Committee would have the kindness to permit me to cross again the ocean. The forward denunciation of the Anglo-French Treaty seemed to encourage the hope of a portion of my fellow- citizens. They condemned the movement inaugurated in 1860, as if the facts had not legitimated the policy of the International Conventions. Afterwards, thanks to an awk¬ ward activity, they could credit the idea that the ministers of President Grevy would refuse to offer to the French Parliament to renew the treaty with England. The scheme I indicated to you made an impression on several American gentlemen, whose intelligent co-operation is valuable for me. I received some mournful lettere. A friend told me: 01 “You have against you your Goverunient, tlie Chainher of Deputies, and tlie Senate of Versailles.” Ano^^herfriend added: <‘A11 the Chanihers of Commerce in France disapprove you.” Finally, I was only the shade of a delegate speaking at the hid of a shade of a committee. The truth, gentlemen, is, that the French Government applauds the efforts of the citizens who try to ameliorate the commercial relations of the two peoples. The truth also is, that all the Chambers of France, e.xcept two or three, sent to Mr. Menier some good reports. You can infer from those feelinp that the treaty with England will be renewed in due time, and that if a con¬ tract does not soon hind your country with mine, it will not be the fault of France. Would Pennsylvania he opposed to a treaty of recijU’o- city ? Let us see if your interest justifies you in assuming a hostile attitude. For the whole year of 1878 the imports received at Philadelphia gave to the American Custom House $7,595,- 705. Philadelphia, in 1878, exported $i8,379,03i of merchan¬ dise, of which $11,773,783 onboard American vessels, and $36,605,248 on board foreign vessels. The imports at Philadelphia represent a value of $21,048,197, of which $13,791,225 on hoard American ves¬ sels, and $7,256,972 on hoard foreign vessels. Difference in favor of your exports, $27,330,834. The principal European nations which received your products in 1878 are as follows : England . Belgium. Ireland.. France.. Germany Portugal Italy.... $23,850,159 6,816,541 , 4,377,612 , 2,095,615 . 2,047,845 . 1,747,511 1,712,603 62 If we take the imports from the same countries into Piiiladelphia, we find ; England.810,177,618 Belgium. 699,961 Ireland. 5,355 France. 22,943 Germany. 267,816 Portugal. 58,657 Italy. 617,604 Then France, which asks you for $2,095,615 sends you only $22,943. Difference in your favor, $2,072,672. But why is France, among your foreign markets, com¬ ing after England, after a small country, Belgium, after a province of Great Britain, Ireland, and scarcely surpassing Germany { The most important branch of your foreign commerce is that of grains and flours (corn, corn meal, oats, rye, rye flour, wheat, wheat flour, other small grain and pulse, maizenu). It amounted for 187S, to $21,676,533. The amount is so divided into the above designated nations: Eiiirland.$10,791,981 Ireland. 4,311,101 Belgium. 2,003,525 France. 1,649,801 Portugal. 1,608,357 Italy. 190,002 Germany. 37,185 The United States is the country which produces the largest quantity of wdieat and maize. From 1867 to 1876 France, which brings grain frojn Eussia, Germany, Bel¬ gium, England, Italy, and Turkey, received from the United States an annual average of $2,500,000. About the S|)ecial export of the wheat your country has been beaten into France, in 1876, by Russia, Turkey, Algeria, and Italy. In 1878, Philadelphia sells more grains to England, to a province of Great Britain, Ireland, and to Belgium, than to France. It is because the grains, free of general French tariff. If that ohs-tacle was removed in a reasonable degree, you would provide France with much more grain than to-day. Tlie second article, according to its importance, in the list of your exported products, is that of salt or tresh meats (bacon and hams, salt beef, fresh beef, preserved moats, fresh mutton, pork). The year 1878 gives you this result, $8,61-7,739. We can divide it so : England.$6,823,808 Belgium. 1,718,717 France. 3,153 But fresh or salt meats, free of duty in England, are taxed in France. The French conventional tariff reduces the duties of 60 or 80 cents per 220 pounds to 12 cents for the salt meats, and exempts the fresh meats. We offer you that conventional tariff which Belgium has already assured her by the navigation treaty of the 20th of May, 1863. The third article of the treaty, by virtue of the clause of the most favored nation, gives you in Belgium the advantages formerly granted by Belgium to Franco, the 1st of May, 1861. The Convention of the 8th of May, 1875, signed by the American and Belgian Governments, did not annul the third article. Afterward comes refined petroleum. The port of Phila¬ delphia exported (1878) 67,219,735 gallons, which repre¬ sents a value of $7,170,690 : Belgium. Italy- Germany. Austria.. England. Denmark Portugal , Sweden . Spain . ... France... $2,311,011 1,180,113 , 1,131,553 256,968 , 211,715 219,811 61,313 23,761 23^065 2i;790 64 How can it be explained to you that France occupies the tentli row? If your product is going more accurately by the ways shown by the above figures, it is because tlie situation, towards custom houses, is better in Belgium, Germany, Italy, and elsewhere than in France. Here, again, is the necessity for you, by a Franco-American Convention, to often "for yourselves the rigors of the French general tariff. Tallow and lard are inscribed in the French general tariff under this title: Drippings of all kinds. You exported of them in 1878, $2,185,901. Englatid Scotland Belgium, Franee.. $1,479,935 386,894 384,520 90,689 But your drippings go free of duty to England. In France they must pay these taxes: General tariff, going directly to France from a country outside of Europe, free of duty; going through a warehouse of Europe, 60 cents per 220 pounds. The conventional tariff reduces the 60 cents to 48 cents. Your exports of machines and engines gave you $710 - 148: Germany.$468,950 France. 10,000 Why this enormous difference ? Because since the 1st of January, 1877, machines and engines are free of duty in Germany. In France the general tariff taxes the engines from six dollars to ten dollars—twenty cents per 220 pounds net. About the other machines the duty is sometimes sixteen dollars twenty cents. The conventional tariff orders one dollar twenty cents, two dollars, or two dollai-s forty cents per 220 pounds net for the engines, and reduces for the other machines the maximum of sixteen dollars twenty cents to five dollars. That proves to you that the $10,000 of France 65 would rise soon to the amount of Germany if the French conventional tarift' was applied to you. I must not forget your iron, casting and steel manufac¬ tures (pig, har, railroad bars, castings, car wheels, stoves, nails and spikes). You exported in 1878 to amount of 1401,693: England. 8-16,028 Belgium. 16,401 France. 1,253 If you wish, let us examine only the two extremities, England and France. In England the articles I mentioned to you are classified under this title : “Now denominated, manufactured or not manufactured articles,” and are free of duty. In France the bar iron is taxed, by the general tariff, to a duty from nine dollars forty cents to three dollars thirty-six cents per 220 pounds if going directly, and to a duty from three dollars to three dollars ninety-six cents if going through a warehouse of Europe. The conventional tarift reduces that duty to one dollar twenty cents or one dollar fifty cents. The refined casting, which is not in the category called “ mazee,” is prohibited by the French general tariff. There are also prohibited steel, casting or iron wheels, cast¬ ing, sheet iron or casting, and sneet iron stoves, the iron casting and sheet iron nails and spikes. A conventional tariff would soften the rigors "under which you suffer, and permit you to sell to France far more than $1,253. The last year you have exported some horned cattle, valued at $382,748: England.$382,485 France.nothing. In England, free entrance. In France tlie general tariff says: Oxen per head. 72 cents. Cows “ 24 “ Bulls “ 72 “ Heifers “ 24 “ Calves and sheep per head. 6 “ 60 Your last consignments of cattle to England lared badlj^. The Privy Council, on the ground that the animals were infected by a contagious disease, hav’e authorized measures which for the time being has suspended the traffic. The Council has the power to make this suspension permanent. Whether they will do this or not, is an open question. At all events, tlie English market is now closed to you. But we offer you one in its place, the market of France. Accept it, and you can increase the prosperity of Colorado, Kansas, Texas, and Wyoming, and give a renewed impetus to your shipping interests. You manufacture carriages. Your exports m 1878 were $31,145 ; England.822,855 France.nothing. This is because the entrance of any kind of carriages is free in England, and because the French general tariff prohibits the entrance into France of the suspended, fur¬ nished, or painted carriages. The wagons and tumbrels are admitted by paying a duty of 18 per cent, ad valorem^ if they go directly, and 18 per cent, and 60 cents more per 220 pounds, gross, if they go through a warehouse of Europe. Do not forget the manufactured cotton. You have ex¬ ported goods worth $99,175 : to England. $88,010 France. nothing. Here again, free entrance in England and absolute pro¬ hibition in France. The manufactured leather increases your exports with $7,712: England. $1,503 France. nothing. By the English general tariff, free entrance; by the French general tariff, prohibition. Shall 1 recall to you lamps and woolen hats ? These 67 two articles are prohibited into France, and also the manu¬ factured copper, drugs, and chemicals, printing presses and materials, which 1 see in the list of your exports. I have finished, gentlemen. I should be very sorry for having occupied yonr attention too long, if the figures 1 gave you had not had the privilege of silencing in your minds your scruples and fears. When France proposes to you the clause of the most favored nation, and asks you what you give her as a com¬ pensation, there is no danger for you, by giving something to o^ive too much, since in the commercial intercoui*se France is behind Philadelphia to the extent of $2,072,672. Consult your wisdom, and say on what basis ought to be concluded the Franco-American treaty in order to affirm and realize a good and just reciprocity. Your voice will be heard. Commercial Exchange {March 18th, 1879). We desire, by the Franco-American movement, to cor¬ rect the inequalities which exist in the actual state of com¬ mercial relations between France and the United States. Your exports into France give you the fifth row with the countries from which France buys raw materials and manufactured products. Consider that if, in the list of your exports, you cut off the cotton in bales, the petroleum and a few other products of your soil, you find only about ten millions of francs, or two millions of dollars, for the articles coming from your own manufactories. We offer you the possibility, by an International Conven¬ tion, to increase that sum of two millions of dollars. But you are practical men, and I frankly confess to you, France, which, by her imports into the United States, 68 occupies onlj the fourth row, would like to get with you the ground she proposes that you should get with her. Nothing better, will you say. For, after all, the French¬ men cannot suppress the prohibitions which close to-day their market to the principal industries of Pennsylvania without obtaining an advantage from the United States. In 1878, France has exported to the foreign countries for SC4:,000,000 of woollen fabrics; $5S,C'00,OCo of silk fabrics; $55,000,000 of wines, brandies, spirits and liquors* $33,000,000 of skin and leather manufactures; $29,000,000 of clothes; $28,000,000 of toys, mercery and buttons; $28,000,000 of silks $27,000,000 of refined sugar. The articles I have enumerated to you are the most im¬ portant articles of the French exports, and there is no doubt that you Avill be asked to amelioj ate the situation imposed upon them by the American general tariff. What better state of things, in all cases, can you desire ? It will give a profit for the Treasury of Washington, since the duties are not so high, but permit the custom-house to register more products and to receive more money. Perhaps you will desire to know at what taxes are sub¬ jected, in Europe and America, the above-mentioned French articles. The woolen fabrics, free of duty in England, are taxed, ad valorem^ with a duty of 5 per cent, in the Netherlands; of 10 per cent, in Belgium and Italy; per about 2 pounds in Spain, with a duty rising sometimes to four dollars eight cents; per 220 pounds, in Austria, from four dollars ten cents to sixty dollars. United States: ad valorem duty from 35 to 50 per cent., and duty per about 2 pounds, rising sometimes to one dollar fourteen cents. About the silk fabrics, free entrance in England. The duty ad valorem rises from 5 per cent. (Belgium) to ten per cent. (Italy). It is paid, per about 2- pounds, in cer¬ tain cases, forty-five cents (Norway), and nine dollai-s and seventy-seven cents (Kussia); per *220 pounds, three dol¬ lars twenty cents in Switzerland; thirty-three dollars sixty cents in Greece; sixty dollars in Germany. 69 In the United States the dutj is from 50 to 6(> per cent. ad valorem. The French wines are tlius taxed, ad valorem : 8 per cent. (Turkey); per bottle, tliree cents (Italy); from twentj'-six to eighty cents (Russia); per litre (nearly the fourth of a gallon) from eleven cents to twenty-three cents (Spain); six cents (Norway); per 2 gallons and a half, sixty-three cents (Portugal); per 26 gallons, from ten cents to thirty cents (Jklgium); from five dollai-s fifty cents to thirteen dollars sixty-five cents (I^ngland); ])er 220 pounds, from sixty cents to one dollar forty cents (Switzerland); four dol¬ lars (Germany, Austria); from five dollars sixty-three cents to fourteen dollars six cents (Greece); eleven dollars seven cents (Russia). In the United States, still wines, forty cents per gallon; per 12 bottles or 24 half bottles, one dollar sixty cents; sparkling wines, per 12 bottles or 24 half bottles, from one dollar fifty cents to six dnllars. Brandies, spirits, and liquors coming from France, ad valorem.^ 8 per cent. (Turkey); per bottle, two or three cents (Italy); fifty-two cents (Russia); per nearly the fourth of a gallon, twenty-one cents (Spain); twenty-three cents (Norway); per two gallons and a half, one dollar eighty- seven cents (Portugal); per 26 gallons, fifty-seven dollars thirty-two cents (England); from fourteen dollars fifty cents to twenty-nine dollars (Belgium); from one dollar ten cents to two dollars (Italy); per 220 pounds, nine dol¬ lars (Germany, Austria); from three dollars sixty-two cents to seven dollars three cents (Greece); forty-one dollars fif ty- one cents (Russia). In Russia, the spirits and brandies, from grains, in casks and barrels, are prohibited. In the United States, per gallon, two dollars. The skin and leather manufactured French articles aro so treated. Free of duty in England ; ad valorem., 10 per cent, in Belgium; 15 per cent, in Greece; 50 per cent, in Italy; 5 per cent, in Netherlands; per about 2 pounds, from fifty-four cents to four dollars thirty-two cents in Spain; per 220 pounds, from six to twenty dollars in Germany; in Germany, Greece, from twenty-eight dollars twelve cents TO to one hundred sixty-eight dollars fifteen cents; in Italy, ten dollars; in Switzerland, from three dollars twentycents to six dollar. In the United States from 35 to 50 per cent, ad valo^ T6Tn. The clothing, free of duty in England, is taxed in the United States, per pound, 50 cents and 40 per cent, ad valorem, or from 35 to 60 per cent, ad valw'em. The duty is from three dollars twenty cents to six dollars per 220 pounds in Switzerland; of 5 per cent, ad valorem in Neth¬ erlands; from twenty-one dollars nine cents to one hundred twenty-six dollars eighteen cents per 220 pounds in Greece; and of 35 per cent. ^ valorem in Russia. The toy goods, always free of duty in England, some¬ times also in Germany and in Austria, pay, ad valorem, 10 per cent. (Belgium), 20 per cent. (Spain), 5 per cent. (Neth¬ erlands), 15 ])er cent. (Portugal), 8 per cent. (Turkey); per about 2 pounds, two dollars seventy cents (Spain), from one cent to three dollars seventy-two cents (Norway), sixty- four cents (Russia); per 220 pounds, from six dollars to twenty-two dollars fifty cents (Germany); from five dollars sixtv-three cents to twentv-two dollars nineteen cents (Greece); eight dollars (Italy); three dollars twenty cents (Switzerland). In the United States, duty ad valorem, from 35 to 50 per cent. The mercery is free of duty in England, and sometimes in Greece and Italy. The duty ad valorem rises from 5 per cent. (Netherlands), to 20 per cent. (Spain). Per piece, 54 cents or 5 cents (Greece); per pairs, 5 cents (Greece); per dozen, from 2 cents to one dollar eighty cents (Greece); per about 2 pounds, from 9 cents to 19 cents (Norway); i from 64 cents to two dollars thirteen cents (Russia). ' In the United States, ad valorem from 25 to 75 per cent. ^ per box, one dollar; per twelve dozen, one dollar and fifty \ cents, and 75 per cent. j The buttons of France are free of duty in England. In the other countries they are so taxed : ad valorem, 10 per ) cent. (Austria, Belgium), 5 per cent. (Netherlands), from 25 J 1 to 30 per cent. (Portugal), 8 per cent. ('I’nrkej'), per about 2 pounds, from twenty-one cents to forty-three cents (Spain); from forty cents to one dollar twenty cents (Italy); trom nine cents to ninety-seven cents (Norway); from twenty-five cents to six dollars twenty-five cents (Portu¬ gal) ; i)er 220 ])ounds, from one dollar to seventy-five dol¬ lars (Germany, Austria); from seven dollars three cents to one hundred and twelve dollars thirteen ceiits (Greece). In the United States, ad vcd.orem^ from 30 to 50 per cent, and more, 50 cents per pound. The silk and the silk-flocK are always free of duty in England, Belgium, Italy, sometimes in Germany, Austria, Netherlands, Portugal, and Russia. They must ])ay in Spain, per about 2 pounds, from eleven cents to one dollar eighty-nine cents ; in Greece, per 22<> pounds, from eighty- four dollars nineteen cents to one hundred and sixty-eight dollars seventeen cents; in Switzerland, per 220 pounds, from twelve cents to one dollar forty cents. In the United States the raw silk ajid the raw silk flock is free of duty. About the others, duty ad valorem^ from 35 to 40 per cent. The raw and the refined sugar coming from Prance are free of duty in England. In the other countries it is taxed as follows: In Germany, per 220 pounds, from six dollars to seven dollars fifty cents; in Austria, from six dollars thirty cents to thirteen dollars fifteen cents; in Russia, from fourteen dollars eight cents to twenty-one dollars ninety-seven cents; in Portugal, per about 2 pounds, from ten to fifteen cents; in Turkey, 8 per cent, ad 'oalorem. In the United States, per pound, three, four, or five cents. The prepared skins are free of duty in England, and so treated by the tariffs of the other nations: in Germany, ])er 220 pounds, from seventy-five cents to seven dollars fifty cents; in Spain, per about 2pounds, from twenty-seven cents to fifty-four cents; iu Greece, per 220 pounds, from eight dollars forty-three cents to forty-two dollars nineteen cents; in Netherlands, from 1 to 4 per cent, ad valorem ; in Por¬ tugal, 20 per cent, ad valorem; in Switzerland, per 220 pounds, from eijrhty cents to one dollar twenty cents. In the United States, duty ad valorem, ivww 10 to 35 per cent. If you wish to do an increased business, take in con¬ sideration the French products L have just enumerated to you, and say how the situation imposed upon them by the Auierican tariff can be ameliorated. The mission of the nineteenth century is to cause to dis¬ appear the present system of personal government. It is fulfilling its task with the energy, constancy, and perseverance which serious works demand. A new power has been born, is becoming great, and is asserting itself—public opinion. But this force which we solicit is only usefully manifested after having inclined to both sides. At first are formed and propagated false judgments. We are badly informed, and we imagine that we have found the solution of the proposed problem, because we follow the secret prelerences of prejudiced minds. Shall I recall you my first campaign to the United Statesf An honest American citizen was thoroughly persuaded that my visit provoked suspicion. France desired much to sign a treaty with the Govern¬ ment of Washington. Then France wished to inundate America with her pro¬ ducts, and refused to buy anything from America. When in June last 1 embarked at New' York, I could reasonably suppose that the exaggeration had of itself fallen to the ground, and that you citizens began to admit my sincerity. Later, after the conference at Paris, I detected among my fellow^-countrymen indications of an error quite the contrary. Some Frenchmen remarked that the Americans were punctual at the rendezvous fixed for the 7th of August; that they had long preparator}' meetings ; that in the place of coming together to talk mattei's over and laugh, they visited one another to discuss, to become enlightened, and to go into accounts. 73 Then another sentiment manifests itself. Tliej confessed that the Americans did take to heart tlie cause of the Treaty of Commerce only with the certain end manifestly to sport with France, in f^iiarding for themselves all the advantages. And as the enemies of the national repose had traversed the Atlantic only at my entreaty, and thanks to my pressing invitations, they concluded from that that I had sold to you my country, and that all my acts revealed only the wish of a traitor. On quitting France I believe that i had succeeded in dissipating doubts and apprehensions. France holds itself in honor bonnd to conclude a treaty in good faith. Every advantage conceded to one of the two nations will be counterbalanced by a just and equitable concession to the other contracting paity. You know that a project was voted at Paris in the meet¬ ing of the 9th of August last. Although the authors of the project were wise, prudent, clear-sighted men, I think it useful to call the attention of the people of the United States to their work, 1 am not going to tell you that what was resolved upon in Paris is perfect. Approve it! No, I do not think that the recti¬ tude of intention of the French and American delegates is a sufficient guarantee. When persons wish to innovate, they ought always to fear lest they should replace one ab¬ use by another. We declare loudly that a treaty of com¬ merce, signed by two men, two ministers, who have deigned only to consult their secretaries, reveals sovereign con¬ tempt of the popular will, and brings only to commercial men an ensemble of offensive inequality. We have resolved to correct the evil. But you perceive that the progress piomised by us would be illusory if all our ardor terminated in replacing two ministers by eighty delegates. Truly we ought to suppose that eighty brains inclose more maturity and practical knowledge than two brains. We liave raised the proportion from two to eighty in the enterprise. This is something, no doubt. However, what is it, if we 74 take into consideration the tliirtj-six millions of France and the forty millions of inhabitants ol the United States? If we consult and interrogate you, gentlemen, and if we consult and interrogate the profound masses, it is because we intend to follow public opinion. V. NEW ORLEANS. Cotton Exchange and Chamher of Commerce (April ^th 1879). Fkanoe and Great Britain inaugurated, in 1860, an econ¬ omical movement which carried away Europe and will carry away the world. At that time it was reasonable to think and to hope that the international conventions would be modilied in due time, before being renewed, according to the w’-ants of the situation. But no man of good sense believed that, after a successful course of nearly twenty years, the enemies of the realized welfare would try to restore the old state of things. Those enemies met in France, and recently moved much spoke arrogantly, and proclaimed their triumph as achieved. But the public opinion was suddenly aroused. Among the protestations which the French government received^ I can mention the letter addressed to the Minister of Com¬ merce by the Chamber of Commerce of Paris. I read in it: “the Chamber is fully convinced that the treaties have enriched France instead of having iniured her inter¬ ests.” Then what did the advei-saries of the treaties of com¬ merce desire? They wanted what they called a “special home tariff.” You perceive that such a tariff would have been pre¬ pared only in order to protect, against foreign competition, 75 some special French industries, not worthy of protection. Without taking in consideration at all the interests of con¬ sumers, which are so often sacrificed, as said one dav Mr. Meiiier, they would have helped exclusively the alarmed manufacturers. Unfortunately, the enthusiastic reformers, in so doino- only paid attention to importation. But France can ex¬ port. She exported, in 1878, $073,800,000 worth of products. To satisfy the candle-makers who claim that the sun competes with them in day-time, should France refuse to satisfy the w'ants of her foreign friends, that is to say should she neglect her $073,000,000 of exports? For pro¬ ducts are exchanged against ])roducts, and if the foreign nations, thanks to the “ French special home tariftV’ could no longer sell to France, they would refuse immediately to buy from her. You now see why France cannot alter her commercial policy! She must progress, for she is trying to form a commercial alliance with her sister, the ^Treat American Republic, where 1 have the honor of residing at ])resent. The United States still cling to the “special home tariff,” which some of my countrymen intended to impose again on France. That tariff w'as very proper formerly, ^dien American industry was in its infancy. To-day, the pro¬ duction of the United States is an exuberant strength which must affirm itself outside of the frontiers. Your production is greater than your wants, and the national land, however extended, is really too small a field for your energy. Y^ou intend to export abroad : a good and just aim. But the general American tariff has only in view the imports into the United States, Do not then be surprised to shortly see your exporters in the same condition in which the French exporters would be to-day, were the ideas of the proposed economical reaction to succeed in France. Is it a reason to despise the American manufacturers who are sure to be ruined by a reciprocity treaty with France? No, gentlemen, and in proof of my wish to do 76 wen and correctly, I assure you that I shall appreciate the resolutions to l)e passed by the New York SilkAssocia- tion, after having heard me. I shall consult also the wine growers of California. The Chamber of Commerce of San Francisco will accept a Franco-American treaty, if that treaty is not applied to the wines. You will no doubt help me to win the confidence of the California people. The year ending July 31st, 1878, gives this result for the port of New Orleans: Exports. $84,861,724 Imports. II ,434,420 Excess of the exports over the imports. $73,427,304 The custom house of New Orleans received $1,635,537. In the amount of your exports, cotton in bales figures for $74,332,031, of which To Great Britain. .$42,107,256 To France. 16,719,586 In fact, from July 1st, 1877, to June 30th, 1878, Great Britain received 65.73 per cent. [$117,431,051] and France 14.42 per cent. [$25,955,493] of the whole raw cottou exported from the United States. The difference between 65.73 and 14.42 per cent, seems very strange, since your cotton is free of duty in France as well as in England. Tour astonishment will cease if you compare the French with the English tariff, and if you appreciate all the facts which encourage the exports from the United States to England and paralyze the same exports to France. In 1877-78, you have exported brown and refined sugar to the value of $697, while you have imported of the same $2,160,758. From July 1st, 1877, to June 30th, 1878, the value of the brown or refined sugar and molasses imported into the United States amounts to $79,826,448. 77 If you desire to know the proportion France shows in that kind of imports read the following table; Cuba... Spanish Possessions. Porto Pico. British West Indies and British Honduras.... French West Indies and French Guiana Hawaiian Islands. British Guiana. Dutch East Indies. Hong-Ivong.. British blast Indies. China. Danish West Indies. Dutch West Indies and Dutch Guiana . San Domingo. England. Mexico. Belgium. British North America. Central American States. British Possessions in Africa. United States of America. Hay ti. Peru. Germany. France. All other countries. $50,087,509 5,682,820 4,743,653 3,678,049 . 3,165,384 , 2,848,867 . 2,294,799 2,133,317 . 1,567,037 850,657 726,997 437,061 267,034 236,375 222,959 176,512 155,690 129,117 117,892 114,434 88,826 66,737 20,510 8,626 6,434 1,105 32 $79,826,443 You see that ranks France the twenty-sixth amon^ all the nations which compete to satisfy the wants oi the American consumers. In 1850 the United States sugar crop was $247,577 hogsheads. Louisiana gave 226,001 hogsheads; Alabama, 8,242 ; Florida, Georgia, and Texas the balance. In 1860 we find : Total production.230,982 bhds. Of which from Louisiana.221,726 “ Texas. 5,099 “ Ten years later we notice: Louisiana. 80,706 bhds. Texas, Florida, Georgia, and other States.6,336 “ From 1850 to 1854 the average of the annual production in Louisiana was 324,277,200 pounds. From 1874 to 1878 that average declined to 147,787,678 pounds. Decrease, 54.4 percent. The progress of the imports of brown sugar into the United States fully explains that loss, viz.: Imports from 1850 to 1854, pounds.1,917,533,209 From 1874 to 1878.7,824,922,389 Increase, pounds.5,907,389,180 Therefore, from 1850 to 1854 the national production gives 48 per cent, of all the sugar consumed in the United States. From 1874 to 1878 the 48 per cent, declined to 9 per cent. If the imports into the United States, from 1874 to 1878 have really contributed to this decline to 9 per cent., you have almost no reproach to make against France. From 1867 to 1876 the French colonies exported raw sugar to England, Italy, Algeria, and Senegal to an annual average of $3,488. In the same period, raw sugar exported from Fra: ce to Belgium, England, Italy, and Russia represents an annual value of $8,335,408. From 1867 to 1876 France exported also refined sugar to Russia, Sweden, Norway, Germany, Belgium, England, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Greece, Turkey, Egypt, Barbary States, Uruguay, Argentine Republic, and Chili, to an annual average of $20,374,485. She sent ‘‘vergeoise” sugar to Belgium, England, Italy, and Switzerland, amounting to $451,209. 79 Slie shipped molasses to Sweden, Norway, Germany, Belgium, England, Italy, and Switzerland, $4:33,522. She exported syrups, preserved fruits, and succades to Germany, Belgium, England, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Turkey, United States (we find them for the first time) for $869,085. What is the duty imposed by the foreign tarifts upon the French raw and refined sugars ? England, free of duty. Germany, per 220 pounds, raw sugar $6, refined sugar, $7.50. Austria, raw sugar, from $6.30 to $9.4:5; refined sugar, $13.15. Belgium, raw sugar, over number 18, $10.23; number 18 and below, free of duty; refined sugar, from $10.23 to $10.94. The duty imposed by Spain is from $5.10 to $6.97; by Greece, from $2.11 to $3.51; by Italy, from $4.16 to $5.77; by Norway, from $7.86 to $10.20; by the Netherlands, from $7.67 to $12.25 ; by Portugal, per about 2 pounds, from 10 to 15 cents, by Russia, per 220 pounds, from $14.65 to $21.97; by Switzerland, $1.40; by Turkey, 8 per cent, of the official value. In the United States the duty is established as follows: Draining syrups, cane juice sugar, melado, mo¬ lasses, and concentrated melado, per pound.. .$00.01-| Raw sugar or Moscovado, equal in color to the Dutch type No. 7. 00.02-j*j5 Superior in color to the Dutch type No. 7, but not to the type No. 10. 00.02^ Superior in color to the Dutch type No. 10, but not to the No. 13. 00.02-J-5 Superior to the type No. 13, but not to the type No. 16. 00.03 y\ Superior to the type No. 16, but not to the type ^No. 20. ..^. 00.05 Refined sugar, lumps, broken, in powder, pul¬ verized or in bits. 00.05 Being submitted to the general American tariff, France, 80 as we see above, exported sugar and molasses to the United States only in 1878, and for $1,105. Small sum, indeed ! France, however, is represented in your market. Why should you not be represented in the French market? You exported, in 1878, $097. If that timid beginning is encouraged, you can, by its exports, give a new opening and start to your sugar industry. From 1867 to 1876 France received raw sugars under No. 13 from the Netherlatids, Belgium, Egypt, English possessions in Africa, Dutch Indies, Brazil, Spanish pos¬ sessions in America, to an annual average of $8,754,837. She received from No. 13 to No. 20 inclusively from the same nations, except Brazil, for an annual average of $2,153,106. The raw sugars assimilated to the refined sugars, white powdered under No. 20, whicli came to France from Egypt and other countries, represent, for the same period, 1867-76, an annual value of $23,453. In those ten years, Belgium nearly alone gave annually to France, $381,657. The molasses received in France from Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium amount annually to $854,961. The syrups, the preserved fruits ,and succades from Ger- iuany, England, Italy, Switzerland, and Turkey, from 1867 to 1876, represent, in the imports into France, the annual amount of $110,318. By the general French tariff, the raw sugars going directly to France from a country outside of Europe, must pay per 220 poun s, from $12.60 to $13.20 ; going throuo-h a warehouse in Europe, from $13.20 to $13.80. ” The beetroot or cane raw sugars, under the conventional tariff, are taxed per 220 pounds, at $12.60, $13.20, or $13.80, and 4 per cent, more, sometimes 2 per ce!it. to be added to the 4. You see, a very strange fact, that the conventional tariff is more rigorous than the general tariff. The refined sugars from foreign countries are prohib- hited into France by the general French tariff. Under the conventional tariff, the refined or assimilated to refined 81 sugars must pay, per 220 pounds, from $15.65 to $18.50 and 4 per cent. more. Molasses for distillation is free of duty by the general French tariff, if it goes directly to France. It pays, through a warehouse in Europe, $00.60 per 220 pounds. It is always free of duty by the conventional tariff. Molasses ior any other purpose is submitted to duty as follows: General Tariff: Going directly to France, per 2i0 pounds net, from $4.29 to $12.60; through a warehouse in Europe, from $4.88 to $13.20. Conventional Tariff; From $4.29 to $12-60 and 4 per cent, more, sometimes 2 per cent, to he added to the 4. Same remark as above: The conventional tariff' is more severe than the general tariff*. The syrups and succades are taxed with the same duty by the conventional and general tariffs: directly, $12.60 per 220 pounds net; through a warehouse, $13.20. Preserved fruits, under the French general tariff, must pay from $2.40 to $0.30 per 220 pounds net, if they are ^oing directly to France. The duty, through a warehouse in Europe, rises from $3 to $6.90. The conventional tariff, per 220 pounds net, imposes a duty from $1.80 to $(>.00 and 4 per cent. more. only desire, in showing you what the conventional tariff is, and how it can be generously modified, is to induce you to export to France. The manufacturers of Massachusetts and of Pennsyl¬ vania intend to capture the French market. It is their right. The XIXth century is stimulating the nations for the struggle of labor. You will take a larger and more beneficial part in that struggle, if you can insure, by your intelligent assistance, the conclusion of an act made in. view of ameliorating the commercial relations of France and the United States. Last year, you accepted with eagerness, and I can say with enthusiasm, the idea of a Franco-American recip¬ rocity treaty. Among the advantages which such a con¬ vention seemed to grant was a probable reduction of the actual duty on the French wines imported into the United States. I3ut the Californians rose and said : A treaty of commerce with France! Yery well, upon the condition that such a treaty will not apply to the wines. If California excepts the wines because she has some vineyards, and if Louisiana excepts the sugars because she has some cane fields, how' can we reconcile the interests we intend to bring together ? I do not know iV a reduction of the actual duty on the French sugars will increase the small export froni France to the United States. I do not know’ if you can overcome the opposition of California by offering only the reduction I mentioned. Perhaps you wdll tell me after a wdiile how I can persuade the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce. Enlighten me! I come without foregone conclusions, my only ambition being to interrogate you, and transmit the expression of your w’islies to the proper powers. You have in Washington statesmen who know their obligations and will fulfil them. In due time the members of Congress wdll examine the answers of the French and American interested parties. They will frame from the actual movement the treaty which surely can increase the w’ealth of France and the United States, by strengthening the republican principle in the world. YI. SAINT LOUIS. Merchants’ Exchange {April 14^4, 1879). The treaties of commerce have for object to bring to¬ gether the producing people, and to enlarge the universal market. That object is always obtained" wdien, from the inequality of the imposed duties, there results an equality of advantages. 83 Men vvlio carry on the wealth of the world for the bene¬ fit of human kind, intend to associate the several powers of industry and commerce. They arrive at their end by an international exchange free from surprises and agita¬ tions. But the act which gives, maintains, and assures the se¬ curity is the reciprocity treaty. When such an act exists between two nations, it is loy¬ ally executed during a fixed time. They renew it later, by modifying it according to circumstances. They must, however, amend it only with great prudence. Here the important interests in question command due considera¬ tion. A thoughtless measure would have the most serious consequences. Recall to your mind the denunciation of the Fran CO- Austrian treaty. That convention expired suddenly the Slst of December, 1878, at midnight. One of the clauses of the contract said that the duty on the franchise of a ship would be at 40 cents ])er ton. So the General Transatlantic Company made a ship of 2,000 tons French, the 31st of December, and paid $800. The day after she would have paid $24,000, because the duty had been raised to $12.00 per ton. Otherwise, the day after, Ist of January, 1879, a ship¬ builder from the Clyde, not knowing the situation, deliv¬ ered at Havre a ship of 500 tons, for which he thought he might give $200. He was obliged to pay $6,000. This fact proves to you that the French Government of last year, which was not the one of to-day, had proceeded against Austria with an unreasonable hurry. The precip¬ itation was not at all required, because a law of the 14th of March, 1873, voted by the French House, said ; “ The conventional tariffs will be in force till the new tariffs voted or to be voted by the National Assemldy shall be applied.” Then the French custom house committed an excessive use of power bv raising the old duties, and the ship-builder of the Clyde could claim $5,800 of the $6,000 undulv paid. If disturbances like these appeared often, the exporters would employ the largest part of their energy to lie in wait 84 to spy and to over-reacli each other. They would give only a distracted attention to the progress to he realized in the industry, since that progress would be arrested by the backward men, whom no international convention could prevent from breaking forth on a sudden. So trade would be impossible. Fortunately, we shall not see that occur. The European , nations which have felt the effects of the movement inau¬ gurated in 1800, expect more and more from the treaties of commerce tlieir welfare and their prosperity. France, especially, is very glad to-day to have accepted in 1860, the loyal offer of England. On her side, she proposes to you a contract which safe¬ guards the reciprocal interests of the two people, and should be, for you and my countrymen, the reward of our intelli¬ gent labor. The situation of commercial France towards the United States, is as follows :— For the year ending the 30th of June, 1878, the United States registered: Exports.$680,709,268 Imports. 437,051,532 Excess of the exports over the imports. .$243,657,736 The trade of the United States with Great Britain and France, imports and exports combined, gives this result:— Great Britain.$494,791,407, or 43.14 percent. France. 98,698,008, or 8.61 per cent. France has more inhabitants and more wants than Great Britain: the 43.14 per cent, fall to 8.61 per cent, only in consequence of an abnormal situation. Correct such a situation, and you will get the difference revealed by the above figures, that is to say, $396,023,399. If we substract the exports from imports, we find : Exports from the United States to Great Britain.$228,431,574, or 54.57 per cent. To France.. . 54,289,918, or 7.79 per cent. i 85 Then France, among your foreign markets, occupies the second rank, and you would liave to make up by a treaty of commerce, the difference between 7.79 and 54.57 per cent.; that is to say, to increase the amount of our exjmrts into France at least $174,141,656. The imports into the United States give vou : Imports from Great Britain. ..$107,290,677, or 24.55 p. c. Cuba and Porto Rico. 61,702,149, or 14.12 p. c. France. 43,378,870, or 9.92 p. c. France, as you may know, will ask of you some conces¬ sions. She will try to increase the 9.92 per cent, to the 14.12, if she cannot attain the 24.55 per cent. She will be actuated by the legitimate desire of gaining in her ex¬ changes w'ith you $18,323,279, or even $63,911,807 annu- allv. You should not fear such a contingency, since you reserve for yourselves the care of getting annually from France, $174,141,656. So, the Franco-Arherican treaty of commerce gives you with France an advantage of $110,229,849. This result will permit you to correct the following fig¬ ures : In 1878, the excess of the exports from the United States over the imports into the United States, were: Into Great Britain.$280,140,053 “ Germany. 20,019,742 “ Belgium. 19,554,739 “ English possessions in North America.... 12,926,619 France. 11,940,268 Among the countries whereto youF products go with a real success, France comes only as the fifth. She will be the first if you encourage the conclusion of a Fran co- American treaty. But in what manner can an act of this character be of interest to Saint Louis? Let us see the movement of your exports in ISTS. St. Louis has exported 129,821 hales of cotton, of which to England.121.148 bales. France. 4,257 “ Such a difference would seem to you very strange if the general state of your relations witli England and France would not give you the opportunity to appreciate the reality. You sent to foreign countries 205,968 barrels of flour, of which to Great Britain.211,943 barrels. Belgium. 13,845 “ France. 615 “ A treat}' of commerce, by harmonizing the returns, would offer you in France a market as precious as the one in England. Finally, you would be able to increase the 615 barrels to the 211,943 which Great Britain is taking from you. Your meats represent 8,613,766 pounds, of which to Great Britain Belgium. Germany. ... France. .2,684 ,685 pounds. ,. 2,297,645 “ .. 677,432 “ ,.. 200,347 Your prodiict is free of duty by the English Tariff’. In France, under the conventional tariff, you would be submitted to duties not so high, for you are submitted to¬ day to the general French tariff, reserved to all the nations having no treaties with France. The two different English and French Tariffs show you why you send 2,684,685 pounds of meat to Great Britain, and only 200,347 pounds to France. Concerning the lard, with an export of 1,039,830 pounds, you forwarded to Great Britain.614,130 lbs. Belgium.330,000 “ Germany. 62,700 “ Holland. 33,000 “ France . .Nothing. 87 Here the contrast is still more striking. The tallow and grease that left Saint Louis confirm what we said, because we notice 460,935 pounds, of which to I Great Britain. ..460,935 France. Nothing. All the wheat sent from Saint Louis abroad, that is to say 16,188 bushels, w'ent to England and Ireland. France received none of it. Your tobacco exports shows us the same condition of things. With 7,349 hogsheads addressed from Saint Louis, we read : To Great Britain Belgium. Germany .... France. 6,237 hhds. 831 “ 139 “ .Nothing. From 1867 to 1876 the annual average of the tobacco in leaf imported into France from Germany, Austria, Italy, Greece, Turkey, United States, Algeria, and a few other countries, was 36,104,206 pounds, giving a value of $4,579,356. The United States alone, in 1876, sent to France about 25,220,624 pounds. France, from 1867 to 1876 has also imported some man¬ ufactured tobacco. The cigars from Germany, Belgium, Switzerland, Spanish Possessions of America, and other countries, represent per annum, and per hundreds, 277,126, showing an annual value of $1,044,029. The cigarettes from Germany, Spanish Possessions of America, and other countries, form an annual average of about 6,028 pounds, and a value of $5,281. France also exports tobacco. She exported, in^ the period from 1867 to 1876, leaf tobacco to Germany, Neth¬ erlands, Belgium, England, English Possessions of Medi¬ terranean, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Africa, Algeria, and a few other countries, an annual quantity of about 705,402 pounds, valued at $63,817. The manufactured or prepared tobacco exported from ss Fnince to Germany, England, Englisli Possessions of Medi¬ terranean, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Turkey, Egypt Brazil, Uruguay, Argentine Republic, Peru, Algeria, Saint Pierre, and other countries gives an annual average of nearly 4';4,4-84- pounds and a value of $247,845. The above figures will prove to you that tlie wants of France require her to be supplied from abroad. Formerly the French Consuls could buy in the name of their Government. To-day the Ministry buys some tobacco at Paris at a fixed day, and by sealed proposals. The Minister fixes for himself a maximum rate, which he intends to be an extreme limit. But we are told that, by some indiscre¬ tions, tlie maximum is always found out by the rival buyers. You perceive that the French Government therefore pays much higher prices to the sellers admitted in the con¬ spiracy. Suppose the Minister of France, according to reports from abroad, has resolved not to buy for a price higher than $24. The maximum figure is kept secret so well, that the interested houses know it immediately. Wliat are those houses doing ? They form a coalition and offer to sell for a price as near as possible to §24.00, for instance for §2*4.50, or §23.75. Perhaps they were ready to sell for §20.00; they have been smart enough to be informed. They sell at a high price, and of course believe they are authorized to deliver some of bad quality. The French Government could not be so mistaken if it should buy, as formerly, by its Consuls, or if it left that care to some special agents. Such a reform can be the consequence of a treaty of commerce with France. Then the tobacco of Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, and Missouri, to which it appears insufficient justice is done at Paris, would obtain all the success you could wish. On this side, as on every other, you are then directly interested by encouraging the conclusion of a contract between the two nations. 1 come from Xew' Orleans, where I learned that since, the work of Captain Eads, your great fellow-citizen, has opened 89 the Mississippi river to the largest steamers. Missouri and the surrounding reirion are naturally inclined to estab¬ lish regular commercial relations with France. The Trans¬ atlantic Company has answered the wishes ot the people of Louisiana, by establishing a service of steamers between Hew Orleans and Marseilles. Perhaps that company also has favored your secret desires. That is. gentlemen, all I desired to tell you. You have listened to me with kindness. Thank you ! A prominent citizen of Philadelphia a few days at^o de¬ clared to me: ” You ask tlie interested people \vliat they desire, what they think, and you intend to communicate the answers of public opinion to the competent powers. That is very republican, and I ajiprove of it. 1 hope that, by some resolution, you will give me, also, your assent. You are our elder friends in a republic. You cannot refuse to favor a movement which has for its object, in reality, to affirm the principle of liberty on which your institutions as well as ours are based. VII. CINCINNATI. Chamber of Commerce and Merchants' Exchange {April 1879). An active, courageous, intelligent nation wants soon to export the surplus of its production. But that nation can sell with profit only to the foreign country which produces much on its side, and which is able to give it something in return. For products—we cannot repeat that too often— are exchanged against products. You ought to infer that each people is interested by favoring the prosperity of the people which surrounds it; and that the gain realized at a given point of the globe is 90 always a good sign for tlie employers who excite competi¬ tion instead of restricting it. That is well understood to-day, and if the enmities are extinguished, if the prejudices disappeared, and if the pro- ducei’s of a country got accustomed to look outside of the frontiers, such a result would be obtained from the inter¬ national exinbitions. The desire of exporting to foreign countries shows the necessity of giving to the transactions the security claimed by commerce and industry. The guarantee of the future is found in the treaties of commerce. An. universal exhibition has for its object, it must be acknowledged, the teaching to people the advantages to be expected from a good and just regulation of their commer¬ cial intercourse. At this point of view, we hope that the Exhibition of New York will take place very soon. After the Exhibition of Philadelphia, which your promi¬ nent fellow-citizen, Mr. A. T. Goshorn, organized so skill¬ fully, the Frenchmen said to the Americans, what the Eng¬ lishmen had said to the Frenchmen in 1851, after the first Exhibition of London : “ Of what are you afraid ? Your prodiic*s show us that you are always equal with us, and you sometimes surpass us. Modify your general tarift*, which does no longer agree with your intelligence, and let us adopt, with mutual approval, the conventional tariff* whicli will stimulate your and our efforts.” The Americans of 1876, as the Frenchmen of 1851, were deaf. Tliey wanted another experience. In 1878, at Paris, they were, no doubt, convinced. The Frenchmen have accepted the usefulness of an understanding with Great Britain only after the interna¬ tional concourse of 1855. To-day, by enumerating the medals obtained by them at Paris, your countrymen can not fail of admitting the reality. If. however, a contract is not signed soon between your country and mine, the Exhibition of New York will be a third experience which will result in the full conviction of its necessity. 91 That Exhibition will not be openeel before 1883. Per¬ haps it will take place later. U may be five or six years lienee. But five years, six yeai-s in the life of a people possessing the energy that you have, represent some mil¬ lions gained, a wealth better established and a welfare more certain. Then you will favor the commenced work, and if it is necessary in order to urge your zeal, to show you in what manner Cincinnati can profit by an act concluded by the Governments of Washington and Versailles, I shall try to enlighten you. Cincinnati has not a direct large trade with foreign na¬ tions, and seems, at first, not to he so interested as New York by the conclusion of a treaty with Franco. But many exports from Cincinnati, indicated for the interior of the United States, go to New York and cross the ocean. If New York, thanks to a Franco-Ameriean treaty, regis¬ ters the double or triple of its exports to France, Cincin¬ nati will send twice or three times more products to New York. It is for that reason you will not be unconcerned in the actual movement. For the year ending August 31, 1878, your commercial situation is thus summed up : Imports from the United States. .. $222,237,157 Exports to the United States. 186,209,646 Excess of imports over exports, $37,027,511 You must balance those $37,000,000, if you wish to have a trade balance in your favor. You will get them by the international convention, which will increase the prosperity of New York regarding France. Your principal article of exportation is the whisky ($18,153,400). By adding $746,232 of alcohol, we find $18,898,632. . . ^ i Your shipments were nearly all for the interior ; tor the United States, in the year ending June 30, 1878, sent abroad only $1,140,272 of spirits. France imports some brandies, spirits, and liquors, spe cially from England, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Germany, 92 Netherlands, Belgium, English Possessions of Atrica, Span¬ ish Possessions of America, Guadalonpe, and Martinique. From 1867 to 1876, she received from the United States an annual average of $-184. You will increafe this sum by ameliorating the actual state of our commercial relations. The “provisions” embrace lard, pork, butter, cheese, beef, fish, apples, beans, eggs, onions, potatoes, grease, and give you $15,752,569. The last year, the United States, in “ provisions,” ex¬ ported a value of $123,556,323, of which— To Great Britain.$80,163,620 France. 8,622,625 The difference between 8 and 80 proves to you that the United States, regarding France, are in an abnormal situa¬ tion, and as Cincinnati forwarded $15,000,000, you can rationally suppose that an important part of these $15,000,- 000 served to form the amount of the $123,000,000 ex¬ ported. If, therefore, France received, like England, $180,- 000,000 of provisions, the $123,000,000 would rise to $180,000,000, and Cincinnati would lose nothing by that. In 1878 the United States exported $28,484,482 of leaf or manufactured tobacco— Great Britain. $9,163,140 France...... 2,288,512 Cincinnati sent of this to New Orleans by water, to other down-river ports, to up-river ports, and via canal and rail¬ roads, $15,180,807. Suppose France asks of your country a value, no longer of $2,000,000, but of $9,000,000 of tobacco, like Great Bri¬ tain, the export of the American product rises to $7,000,- 000, then rises too the production of Cincinnati to $15,000, 000 . The raw and manufactured iron and steel forwarded from the United States represent an amount of $15,882,508 : Great Britain.$1,481,914 France. 120,073 93 You produced of this at Cincinnati, over your con* sumption, $12,032,380. ’ If you remember that all the manufactures of cast-iron sheet-iron, tin-plate, steel, cast-iron, and iron ore are entirely prohibited from France by the general tariff, you will not hesitate to accept the French conventional tariff. Us mod¬ erate duties assure you of the French market. Logic always asserts its rights, and the singular irregu¬ larities I have just shown you are again signalized in your exports of raw cotton from Cincinnati, 184,895 bales amounting in value in dollars to 9,613,111. If France’ instead of asking of the United States $25,000,000 of cot¬ ton, expects from them $119,000,000, the amount of the export to Great Britain, you will then see whether the American export of that product, rising from $191,000,000 to about $280,000,000, is not more beneficial for your city. The trade in live animals, cattle, horses, mules, hogs, and sheep is increasing in the United States. In 1878, the ex¬ ports w'ere ?5,844,653; Great Britain..$3,175,330 France . 41,460 Such a difference, perhaps, urges you to equalize the two European nations, since Cincinnati, in 1878, forwarded, in cattle, horses, and sheep, a value of $7,495,095. The grain and breadstuffs, among the exports from the United States, amount to $181,777,841: Great Britain.$125,817,093 France. 7,655,008 Cincinnati would have no excuse by refusing to raise the $7,000,000 above, to the $125,000,000 of England, since the bread and bread-stuffs left here for consumption, give a value of $5,849,823. If the export into France is soon what it ought to be, the part of Cincinnati in the Ameri¬ can consumption perhaps will not be larger; but Ohio surely will send to France more grain than to-day. 94 The sugar and molasses from the United States to foreign countries, in 1878, amount to $4,878,407 : Great Britain. .$2,251,756 France. none. If France could receive only the half of the $2,000,000 •ent to Great Britain, Cincinnati would have, of course, no opportunity to complain, for the sugar and molasses ap¬ pear in excess of the production of your city, for $5,160,- 245. The American furniture is celebrated abroad. In 1878,. the United States exported $16,775,411: Great Britain.$4,218,604 France. 657,122 You must change, as soon as possible, the $657,000 into millions, because Cincinnati, already sells $5,089,207 in furniture. Same remark about the mineral oil: Exports from the United States.$46,574,974 Great Britain. 6,508,547 France. 2,368,608 Exports from Cincinnati, $3,253,977. Such are, at Cincinnati, your princi))al articles, which the present tendencies of the trade of the United States permit you to send to France. An increase of business, you perceive now, will be for you the result of a Franco-American treaty. I show you the smallness of our reciprocal exchanges, and you declare immediately, that nothing can authorize such a state of things. You proclaim, on the contrary, that everything leads us to suppress the obstacles which embarass to-day the growth of our mutual productions,, while our old friendships, and our community of ideas and feeling, urge us to be in accord. We know' how' to clear the svay that is opened before us, if, gentlemen, you consent to help us. And the work ac¬ complished by united action will have for consequence a more sincere and solid union of the two great Republics. 95 VIII. NEW YORK. Silk Association of America {2fay IZth, 1879). I NOW have the honor to address a powerful association which knows how to escape false impressions, and consult only its true interests. Washington, at the when he re¬ signed his high office, recommended liis countrymen to always resist sentiments disagreeing with reason. You follow the principles proclaimed in the farewell speech of the first President of your Kepublic. Therefore we shall arrive sooner at a good understanding. Some prominent men in France and in the United States think it is possible to ameliorate the actual commercial relations of the two countries. They desire that expected progress should not injure American or French industries. You must approve their prudence. You manufacture silk, and your annual production aggregates a value of more than 20 million dollars. Tell us how should a Franco-American reciprocity treaty he concluded in order not to disturl) your manufactures. You will be surprised if I confess that some honest per¬ sona contest, at this late day, the usefulness of treaties of commerce. In a city of the United States which I do not name, they declared—countries which were closed had become great, and those which remained open had fallen behind. If such a remark is true, we ought to find France in deep povert}", since France, from 1860 till now, that is to say for nearly twenty years, persists in opening her doors. Let us see the facts. The trade of France, imports and exports joined, gives this result; 1859—14:80,000,000. 1878—§1,566,000,000. The 1,566 millions of dollars reveal some new sources ot activity. And first a large quantity of loaded ships have gone out from France. In reality: 1859—3,036,000 tons, of which 1,4:73,000 tons were under the French flag. 1876—5,61-1,000 tons, of which 2,362,489 tons were under the French flag. The movement was perceived in the tonnage of merchan¬ dise carried by the steam river navigation : 1859—2,616,000 tons. 1876—6,146,034 tons. The innovation was also advantageous to the railroad lines : 1859—19,047,799 tons carried on 5,706 miles. 1876—62,131,107 tons carried on 12,697 miles. The French post oflftce has no reason to complain. Be¬ cause : 1859—258,000,000 postal letters, of which 18,456,730 were transmitted abroad. 1875— 367,443,307 postal letters, of which 45,300,664 were transmitted abroad. The directors of the telegraph companies cannot lament. For, in 1859—598,501 dispatches wore forwarded, of which 144,703 were international. 1876— 8,080,964 dispatches were forwarded, of which 1,027,249 were international. French industry, in order to produce more, was obliged to increase its means of action. 1859—14,691 steam engines were used in the private in¬ dustry, representing 169,167 horse power*. 1875—32,000 steam engines were used, representing 400,756 horse power. The well being of the workingmen improves also: 1859, December 31st—Owed payment to the depositors of the savings banks, $67,292,336, divided between 1,121,465 small books. 1875, December 31st—$132,082,793, divided between 2,365,577 small books. 1878, December 31st—Owed payment, $205,*291,903. 97 From all that must result the larger amount of the national wealth m trance: 1859-V,^ueom ^capital of the ascertained inheritaucos, 1876—$1,540,(100,000.' You will agree with me that your countrymen from_ have been gravely mistaken by asserting that a Treaty of Commerce is always for a people a cause of ruin. The truth is that a reciprocity treaty with France would increase your exports, encourage your maritime trade, give a new impulse to your river navigation, raise the recSpts of your railroad lines, your post offices, and telegraphs, double the number of your steam engines, permit your workingmen to economize, and bring your national wealth to a more certain and solid basis. The general interests of the American republic commend you to sign a reciprocity treaty with France, hut how can that treaty be concluded in order to protect the special interests of the silk maker's of America France exports silk fabrics to Germany, England, Portu¬ gal, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Turkey, Uirited States, &azil, Argentine Republic, Algeria, Russia, Netherlands, Belgium, Egypt, English India, Mexico, New Grenada, Uruguay, Chili, Peru, Spanish Possessions of America, Martinique, and so on. She sent to the above countries, fi'om 1867 to 1876, an annual average of $85,622,309 worth of silk, of which $18,250,158 came to the United States. In 1878, France exported : Silk fabrics.$57,742,000 Silks and silk flocks. 28,463,000 In the year ending June 30th, 1878, you received some manufactured silk from abroad : France. Germany.... Great Britain Netherlands.. China. $10,891,287 . 5,638,832 . 2,797,309 390,033 73,407 Japan. 19,498 Belgium. 18,335 Italy. 2,784 Canada . 2,763 Hong Kong. 2,368 Other countries. 1,326 $19,837,972 The value of the raw silk imported into the United States is thus divided : China. Japan. France. Great Britain Hong Kong.. Germany.... Belgium. Canada. $2,957,617 . 831,3.53 . 721,425 526,252 36,002 27,364 2,505 560 $5,103,084 By adding— Silk Worms, Silk Worm Eggs, and Silk Cocoons. .$520,091 Silk Waste and Noils. 372,392 $892,483 We find that the total import into the United States, in the last fiscal year, amounts to $25,883,539. Of that sum France represents $11,612,712, that is to say, 54.90 per cent, of your import of manufactured silk, and 14.14 per cent, of your import of raw silk. [n England silk fabrics are free of duty. Silk fabrics, or silk flocks, pay in Germany, per 220 pounds, from $45 to $60. Austria established a tax rising from $60 to $80 for the same quantity. Belgium asks 5 per cent, ad mlorem for tulles and laces; and for other silk fabrics $60 per 220 pounds. In Spain the duty, per nearly 2 pounds, is from $1.85 to $5.94. 09 Greece, per 220 pounds, demands, according to tlie kind of fabrics, §49.20 to §112.40, or even so iniidi as §337.40 {velvet, plush, and veils). In Italy, per nearly 2 pounds, 10c., 30c., §1 or §1 GO; and sometimes from 5 to 10 per cent, ad valorem. Norway taxes, per about 2 pounds, 45 cents or 97 cents. In the Netherlands 5 per cent, ad valorem. In Portugal, per about 2 pounds, from $2.25 to §7.75. Russia also, per about 2 pounds, charges $1.95, $4 29 or $9.77. ’ ’ In Switzerland, per 220 pounds, from $3.20 to $6. At last, Turkey is satisfied with 8 per cent, ad valorem. The above figures permit you to compare them with the United States, where the general tariff says : Silk fabrics for gowns or in pieces, pure silk ribbons and velvet, or velvet in which silk ap¬ pears as the princijial material, ad valorem.. .60 per cent. Silk fabrics for waistcoats, shawls, scarfs, mantillas, veils, laces, men’s and womens’ hats, silk cords and fancy trimming, ad valorem.. .60 per cent. Silk fabrics, non-denominated, in which silk is the principal material, ad valorem .50 per cent. Perhaps you already ask if a practical convention con¬ cluded Iw the two Republics would not permit you to ex¬ port to Prance. From 1867 to 1876 the annual average of the silk fabrics imported into France amounted to §6,390,138. The coun¬ tries which formed that sum were England, the English East Indies, China, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, and Bel gium. By the general French tariff, silk fabrics coming from countries outside of Europe are free of duty if going di¬ rectly to France; but they must pay, if they go through a warehouse of Europe, 5 cents per about 2 pounds net. The authors of the general tariff had specially in view the silk fabrics from India and China. Here you would have no advantage by accepting the conventional tariff ap¬ plying to the European nations, since that tariff taxes silk 100 ribbons with 80 cents or $1 per about 2 pounds net; silk lace, made with or without silver, from 70 cents to $2.40 per about 2 pounds net. But the conventional tariff can always l)e modified, and in all cases w’ould offer you an advantage for silk flocks, which are prohibited by the general tariff, or admitted into France under a duty, per 220 pounds net, of from >'48 to $240. In 1826 the English, without neglecting foreign mar¬ kets, specially secured for themselves their own market. They manufactured some nice silk fabrics. They thought that the high duties imposed on silk fabrics coming from abroad proved to the ladies of Great Bntain that the home product could not compete with the French product. In order to show that they had confidence in themselves, the manufacturers claimed that the duty on silk fabrics could be reduced from 75 to 30 per cent, ad valorem. Idiat re¬ duction gave a new impetus t(' the ])roduction of England. And later, in 1852, some manufacturers of Manchester complained of being yet too much protected. They peti¬ tioned their government to abolish the duties on silk fab¬ rics received from abroad, and not partially and by degrees, but wholly and immediately. The English of 1826 and 1852 had a fuller success at home. As to France, the annual average of the export from England to France increased from $165,755 for the period between 1847 and 1856, to $423,833 in 1857-1866, and to $1,701,228 in 1867-1876. For the imports into England, Huskisson said in the House of Commons, that; no larger a number of silk hand¬ kerchiefs or gowns w^ere introduced than formerly, when the duty was 75 per cent, ad valorem. The wants of the consumers were the same. But the consumers of the years before 1826 supplied themselves by the help of smiigglers. Later, with the duty of 30 per cent., they desired only the aid of the law. In the United States the vigilance of the Custom House is seldom at fault. We admit that smuggling is very rare. If the 50 and 60 per cent, are reduced in a reasonable measure, the import of French silk fabrics will increase in 101 the United States, an;ned. In spite of the tendencies now being sliown by some European governments, and although England be some¬ what inclined to follow Germany’s example and tax Ameri¬ can grain, I can certify that France has not the slightest idea ot impeding your export trade. For the last few months the doings and sayings of some people supposed to be acting in an official way, may have alarmed you Do not be afraid for so little! The Erench Parliament intends to act for the best interests of the French people, and re¬ pudiates the theory of tiiose patriots who wish to tax wheat and admit, tree of duty, the flutes with which careworn and hungry suflering laborers may while away their leisure hours. Such a guarantee will result from “a reciiirocity treaty. The export of “ hog produce ” figures largely among the merchandise exported directly from Chicago to Europe. Last year you exported 54y,225 boxes of ham and ha^ con ; 290,792 packages of lard ; 67,010 barrels of pork, beef, etc. Which, added to the butter, canned meats, alco¬ hol, etc., comes to 002,018 tons. The French Consul at Chicago, in his January report of 1879, estimated that a barrel of pork, weighing about 300 pounds in bulk, and holding some 190 pounds of meat, would cost at Havre $7.92. Now let us see what duty these “ provisions” are sub¬ jected to by the principal nations of Europe: In England (exportation from the United States, $80,- 163,620) no duty. In Germany (exportation $10,648,562) there is a duty of 75 cents per 220 pounds. In France (exportation $8,622,625) the conventional tariff which we offer you would only be 12 cents per 220 pounds in bulk, and 80 cents per 220 pounds net. Our general tariff, on the contrary, obliges you to-day to jiay 12 cents and 4 per cent, per 220 pounds in bulk, but also 80 cents per 220 pounds net, when your " provisions ” are directly shipped to France. If they pass through another 106 European port the duty comes to 72 cents and 4 per cent, per 220 pounds in I)ulk, and 80 cents per 220 pounds net. In Belgium (exportation 86,596,233) no duty. In thel^etherlands (exportation $1,129,346), the tax is 43 cents per 220 pounds for salt pork or mutton, and 53 cents for smoked or dried meat. Any other meat, fresh or salted, must pay $2.55 and $3.39, smoked or dry. In Sweden and Norway (exportation, in 1878, $660,312), no duty. In Italy, where your export is not large, the duty on provisions amounts to $5 per 220 pounds. Spain, which hardly imports any of your provisions, jdaces a duty of 56 cents per 220 pounds. The fresh meat trade becomes very important between Europe and the United States. According to our general tariff, the duty comes to 12 cents per 220 pounds in bulk, when these meats are directly imported from a trans- Atlantic country. If imported from any European port, the duty comes to 72 cents per 220 pounds in bulk. Tlie conventional tariff offers —no duty. The advantages which might be derived by the United States through a Franco-American Convention, can be ap- f >reciated through the large quantity of cattle which daily eave New York for France. Another branch of commerce, wdiich must not be for¬ gotten by Chicago, is the exportation of live cattle. Our general tariff says, that cattle imported, directly or other¬ wise, to France, shall pay 72 cents per ox, 24 cents per cow, and 6 cents per sheq). The conventional tariff maintains the same provisions: but these duties can be diminished if your Government wishes to show ours the mutual advantage which can he derived from it. 1 have told you already that your cereals would not be taxed by a prohibition duty, because the legislators of my country are good patriots, and would not impose starva¬ tion. No more will my parliament pay any attention to the requests of some producers, who want the prohibition of your meats on our markets; because it furnishes a good 107 and healtl y food to our working classes. Our interest, to-day, is to work with you against tins protective propen- sitv, and we will succeed only tlirougli a reciprocal treaty My object in coming is to let you know our desire to ameliorate the general situation of commerce, which is critical, and ask lor your help. I try, in my travels through your grand country, to gather the best advice. I consult you to-day ; in a few days I will consult San Francisco. Here, and there I hope to disperse prejudice. ’ Since 1860 the producing world has believed in treaties of commerce. Many people to-day are opposed to them, because, they say, that a war may oblige a nation to raise duty on imported goods, for war expenses. This is the very reason why we must insist on treaties, and render war impossible. X. SAN FRANCISCO. Chamber of Commerce {June 13, 1879). If we take for granted that facility of exchanges tends to promote the general welfare, and also the cordiality of relations which ought to exist between the people of a different origin, we must wish, and for my part I heartily hope, that an international convention will soon bring to America and to France the opportunity of giving to their commercial relations the devolopment already called for by the intelligence and energy of two great nations. But the contract will be signed only when both governments shall understand the necessity of modifying the state of things actually existing. Kecall to your mind what France was before 1789. Owing to the severe, rigorous interior Custom House regu¬ lations, our thirty-two provinces were as many kingdoms in the kingdom. Jealousy and hate had engendered a society giving the spectacle of ploity for a few contrasting with the most absolute want for the greatest number. Large, wealthy cities saw misery at their doors, and yet re¬ fuse.I to do anything to alleviate the public evils. At that time, the national products could not be transported freely from one part to another part of the country; the North was protected against the South, the East against the West, and so every section of the country against its im¬ mediate neighbors. At last the day came when the people saw the folly of all these local barriers, and France was satisfied with only one Custom House at her political frontiers. This luis been the policy of the United States. Always, since the war of Independence, that is to say, since* the days when you became a nation, it was as easy to send ^ cental of wheat from Massachusetts to Connecticut as it is to-day in France from Normandy to Brittany. The question of knowing if the people will go further that way, and if, after having suppressed the interior, they will abolish the exterior custom houses, ought not to fix our attention here. We may hope that our children will accomplish the reforms urged in the future, but now, let us confine ourselves to consider only the necessities of the present time. To those who maintained that the United States were committing a mistake by applying their efforts to industry, the United States have answered by that admirable indus¬ trial movement, which, starting from the shores of the Atlantic, is extending itself to the coast of the Pacific. To- dajq however, your country, large as it is, is no longer suf¬ ficient for your energy. You intend to export. I appre¬ ciate your desire; I nnd it so natural and so legitimate that I should like to investigate with you how we can break the hindrances which, at this very day, shut off the products of your industiy from the French market. When your Bureau of Statistics at Washington informs you that the United States, in 1878, have exported a value of $228,431,574: of merchandise to Great Britain, and only an amount of $54,289,918 to France, the difference between 228 and 54 disagreeably surprises you. Why are the Am- 3—Broud Stuff-i (grain and flour;: Wheat SjK-lt Mong Corn ( flour. Rye'’ Com grain. Barley Buckwheat I flour Oats I 4—Greases of all kinds—animal • for GENERAL TARIFF. EXTRA EUROPEAN PRODUCTS. Imported directly from a country outeideof Europe. Imported from European Warekouees. . .Free. 2—Leaf Tobacco: fnr thf* (invf*mTn<‘T\t. . Free . L .. $1.‘20 for ‘2‘20 lbs. gross. for the Trade. CONVENTIONAL TARIFF. . 12 cents per 220 lbs. gross... . 24 cents per 220 lbs. gross... .•very 2 lbs. net of illuminating! oil at H00‘' contained in thei crude oil. 1 .6 cents . For every 2 lbs. of spirits of petroleum at 700° contained in the crude oil. . ... 72 cents per 220 lbs. gross.. .84 cents per 220 lbs. gross.. . .60 cents per 220 lbs. gross . 10 cents per 220 lbs. gross . .. See general tariff do. 6—Refined Petroleum—refined and rectified illuminating oil at 800° or more. Besides, SLOO per 220 lbs. net of 5 per cent, ad valorem and besides crude oil. | 4^ cents of internal ta.x. . 8 cents.Besides, $1.00 per iKO lbs. net of 5 per cent, ad valorem and besides .. $7.40 per 220 lbs. net.'.$8.40 per 220 lbs. net.. 6>*5 cents of internal tax. $7.40. besides 2 cents for each degree $8.40, besides 2 cents for each degree 6 per cent, ad valorem, besides ■ below 800. below 800. $6.90 per 220 lbs. net of internal tax, I and 2 cents for each degree below 800 Naphtha at 700° or less.'.$9.00 per 220 lbs. net.$10.40 per 220 lbs. net.5 per cent, ad valorem, besides 7—Meats: $9.90per 2201bs. net of internal tax. ( butcher’s meat_'.12 cents per 220 lbs. gross.... --72 cents per 220 lbs. gross.!.Free Fresh \ game & poultry (killed) | I turtles (killed)...60cents per 220 lbs. gross . ...iFree, see general tariff for killed 1 turtles. 1 pork, lard and bacon in-12 cents (besides 4 per cent.l per 220 72 cenU (besides 4 percent.) per 220 12 cents per 220 lbs. gross, besides ■) eluded, and other meats lbs. gross, besides 80 cents (without lbs. gross, besides 80 cents per 220 80 cents per 220 lbs. net. the 4 per cent.) jier 220 lbs. net. lbs net. I Animals (living): Oxen . '. Cows. Bulls. Steers. Heifers. Calves . Rams and Sheep. Lambs Goats and Kids . Porks . Sucking Pigs.. . 8—Raw lliflcs and Skins head.. . 72 cents, besides 4 per cent.■.See general tariff . .24 do. do. do. . do. .72 do. do. do. . do. •21 do. do. do. — . ilo. 21 do. do. do. ° do. . 6 do. do. . 6 do. do. do. do. do. ..Free .. 2!4do. . . do.. .Free. do. ... ..6 cents, besides 4 per cent. do.. 2>^do. do. do. ....... .Free.60 cents per 220 lbs. gross.. 9—Brass, first smelting . . do.(. do. do. do. do. 10_Oak Staves...2>fj cents per 1000 . 2Mi cents per 1,000. besides 60 cents per 220 lbs. gross. 11— Engines and Machinery: r Resting. $6.00 per 220 lbs. net.$6.60 per 220 lbs. net. . Steam J For Navigation. .$8.40 do. do. do.$9.00 do. do. do. .. Engines i Locomotives without 1 Tenders. $9.60 do. do. do.$10.'20 do. do. do. Engines, other than steam_ From $.8.60 to Sl.I.OO per 220 lbs. net From $4.20 to $16.20 per 220 lbs. net From $1.20 tc 12- CoSf: I Green Coffee. .$.80.00 per ‘220 lbs. net.$.84,00 per ‘220 lbs. net.!.$112.20 per 220 lbs. net Roa.sUxl or Ground .$40 00 do. do. do.$40.60 do. do. do..See general tariff 1.8—J8sh Grease.$1.20 per 220 lbs. gross.$1 80 per 220 lbs. gross.$1.‘20 per ^ lbs. gross 14— Whale Bones.. .Free..60 cents do. do. do.. Free 15— Wootl. for building..do. .. 16— Potash. ... . .do. .. 17— Wines. Beers, Brandies, Spirits and Lliiuors; Ordinary wines..$1.00 per 26.40 gallons .$1.00 per 26 40 gallons, besides 60 cents per 220 lbs. gross, er 26.40 gid'--■ ’ . $4.00 per Fine Wines. $4.00 do. Beers. $1.44 do. Brandies, i $6.00 do. Spirits, I Otherwise . ... do. do. do. do $6.00 per Liquors.. $7.00 per "allons, besides 60 cents per &0 lbs. gross. do.$l.+t per ‘26.40 jmllons. besides 60 cents per 220 lbs. gross. do.$6.00 per ‘26.40 gallons, besides 60 cents per ‘220 lbs. gross, er 26.40 ~ - ' 6 cents per 26.40 gallons (or an hectolitre). .6 cents per 26.40 gallons '. irrosi 20 lbs . 10 lbs. gross ... ) gallons.' besides 60l cents per ‘2‘20 lbs. >6.40 gallons.$7.00 per 26 40 gallons, and 60 cents i)er 220 lbs. fjross. 18— Goldsmiths’ Ashes. . .Free. ... 60 cents per " 19— Bilk Wonus (seed). .. . .do.tiO cents pei“.^ 20— Hogs' and Boars’ Hair.do. do. 21— Codfish and Mackcrei.12 centner 220 ibs .. -72 do. 22— Ouercitron. Free.60 do. 28—Foreign Woods — for cabinet making: ‘ Boxwootl. .20 cents per ‘220 lbs. gross. do. Other wood.Free. —72 do. Oiloriferous wood..do. do. Dyelnjg wootl. in logs.do.'.60 do. (fo. pulverised.do... IM—Seeds. do.60 cents 25- Wooden Ships.$8.00 per each tr- • — 26— Rubber and Gutta Percha..Free 72 cents per ‘.BO lbs. gross.. 20 do. do. do. .. .Free... .$1.15 $3.00 per ‘26.40 gallons (or i hectolitre). $3.00 per 26.40 gallons (or i hectolitre). .$.3.00 per 26.40 gallons . do. . See general tariff 109 erican products going more numerously to England than Erance ^ Let us look for the cause of that fact The United States export to France twentyleight prin¬ cipal articles. Let us examine under what conditions each of these articles is admitted to France, according to the general and conventional tariffs now in force: You will observe that only two articles are free of duty iu all cases by tlie French general tariff. The other twenty- six are taxed with more or less high duties. On those twenty-eight articles, England taxes only three: leaf tobacco, coffee, brandies, spirits, and liquors. In order to establish your success in France, we offer you the conventional tariff of which you could appreciate above the advantages. That tariff, as you saw, is sometimes as the general tariff. You can then ask some reductions. Sometime even, a very strange thing, the conventional tariff is more rigid than the general tariff. Thus it is for coffee. In such a case also it is necessary to modify for your benefit the conventional tariff. Among the exports from the United States for the year ending June 30th, 1878, I find, manufactured cotton, to Great Britain. France. Manufactured leather, to: Great Britain. France. $1,572,934 none. $4-739.092 . none. Why? Because the manufactured cotton and leather are prohibited from coming into France by the general French tariff. Some other prohibitions are inscribed in that tariff, and will be abolished by a Franco-Am erican treaty. Would, however, such a treaty be to the advantage of California? In 1878, the exports from San Francisco, amounted to.$36,392,804 The imports to San Francisco, to. 32,502,313 Balance in your favor $3,890,481 i 110 This result strengthens your confidence in yourselves* Can you not obtain more? B'or the whole year 1878, you exported to : Great Britain.$16,076,668 France. 1,342,278 Then you must get with France.$14,734,396 You will arrive at that end by encouraging the conclu¬ sion of an act destined to increase the exports from the United States into France. The cereals (wheat and flour) represent, in your exports of 1878; Wheat.$14,457,556 Flour. 2,646,349 In all.$17,103,905 Your cereals sent to Great Britain were, centals 7,286,602 To France. 762,866 Your other exports to PYance w^ere honey, lumber, and pearl shells. If a Franco-American treaty would permit you to ex¬ port to France sixteen millions of dollars instead of one million, your merchants of grains, honey, lumber, and pearl shells should not object, since they raise their busi¬ ness with their French correspondents. For your mer¬ chants of abalone shells, beeswax, borax, bone dust, cotton, cofiee, fruit, hops, leather, oil, copper and silver ores, sal¬ mon, skins, syrup, shells, tallow, and wool, they will not protest, because selling already to-day to Great Britain, they will sell also at that time to France. Y^ou admit that a convention giving to the United States the advantages granted to England by the Franco-Englisb treaty of 1860, will have as a consequence some concessions yielded to France. What will those concessions be? I do not know. Till now, the large cities I visited in your country said to the Goveniraent and Congress at Washing¬ ton to establish a just and equitable reciprocity. Here, at in San F rancisco, jon can, if you desire, determine on which French products you would accept some lower duties and on which other French articles you would intend to main¬ tain the actual duties. Last year, the trade of France and the United States save these figures: ^ Exports from the United States into France ....$54 289 918 Imports from France into the United States..’.”. 43’378j870 Difference in favor of the United States... .$10,91l7)48 The imports from France are divided as follows; Silk and manufactures of.712 Wool and manufactures of. 7^091^13 Leather and manufactures of. 3^770^800 Wines, spirits, and cordials. 3 255’503 Chemicals, drugs, dyes, medicines. 2’23o’399 Cotton, manufactures of. i’88i’h47 Fancy’good^. Precious stones. 1,381,886 Buttons of all kinds. 1,136,392 Straw and palm-leaf, man ufactm-es of. 856,046 Furs and fur-skins. 731,150 Fish of all kinds. 589^648 Fruits. 558,974 Earthen, stone and china ware. 531,383 Flax, manufactures of. 451,079 All other articles. 5,723,014 $43,378,870 California receives from France sardines, conserves, mus¬ tard, soap, corks, almonds, oils, cream tartar, alcohols, and wines. Perhaps you pay specially your attention to the wines. You will appreciate, if the duties imposed by the Amer¬ ican tariff could not l)e reduced without injuring the wine- 112 growing industry of California. Those duties are as follows : Wines (not sparkling), in cask, by gallon.$ .40 In bottles, by 12 bottles or 24 half-bottles. 1.60 Sparkling wines, champagne and others, by 12 bottles.. 6.00 The French wines must pay in England from $5.50 to $13.75 per 26 gallons; in Germany and Austria, $4 per 220 pounds; in Belgium, from 10 to 30 cents per 26 gal¬ lons ; in Spain, from 11 to 22 cents per about a bottle; in Greece, from $5.63 to $14.00 per 220 pounds ; in Italy, 30 cents per bottle, or $1.15 per 26 gallons; in Xorway, 50 cents per about 2 pounds, or 60 cents per about a bottle; in the Netlierlands, an interior tax; in Portugal, 63 cents per about 10 bottles; in Busssa, $11.23 per 220 pounds, or per bottle, from 26 to SO cents; in Switzerland, from 60 cents to $1.40 per 220 pounds, and in Turkey, S per cent. ad valorem. They have no longer in the United States the same success. Mr. Ant. Forest, the French Consul at San Francisco wrote: “ Two causes have contributed to reduce the importation of our wines and spirits to the figure of to-day, which is scarcely the third of what it was ten years ago. 1 mean the increase of the tariff, which is equal to a quasi-prohibi¬ tion, and the vini-cultural production of California; the influence of tlie second cause is permanent, and will make itself felt more from year to year, even if the first ceases to exist. “ Foreign wines, in wood, are taxed 40 cents, or 2 francs per gallon, or 71 centimes per litre ; those in case, $1.60, or 8 francs per 12 bottles, or 66 centimes per bottle. At this same price of 2 francs per gallon, the consumer can procure California wdnes the quality of which, it must be admitted, is preferable to that of our cargo wines de cargaison). It is therefore evident that a reduction of the tariff, even if 50 per cent., which is not presumable, would not be sufficient to enable us to sustain the contest for this kind of wine. If a certain quantity still finds an outlet in this market, it is because the jobbing and retail merchants enlarge {allongent., to use the common expression) with Cali- 113 forma wmcs the little French wine that they Imy to such a degree that there are consumed certainly ten barrels of native wine to one of our vineyards.’' No doubt :smu regret that the use of wine is not m'eater in the United States. The tnan who, in any one of the Eastern States would open u bar-room wliere a glass of good common wine should be sold lor the price the workingman pays to-day for a glass of beer, which would not be- impossible will give the signal ol a movement that will enrich the wine¬ growers of California, ^nd contribute greatly towards re¬ moving the habits of drunkenness from this country Then California will produce no longer a sufficient quantity of wine for the consumption of the United States. In the meanwhile, with this improvement, which a man of good sense will no doubt soon realise, you can, in favorino- the conclusion of a treaty of reciprocity with France, ex^ port to France your surplus. ’ We receive from Spain and Italy wines which, mixed with some of our native wines, acquire new qualities. Why should we not accept the peculiar or the special merits of California wines ? From 1867 to 1876 the United States have exported to France annually about 8500 of spirits. Last year the exports of wine from San Francisco amounted: To Germany.$2,274 Great Britain. 712 France.•.7 casks. If you wish to continue this essay, you will not fail to urge your country to accept the French conventional tariffi Now, in fact, our general tariff, as you have seen above, taxes your wines from $1 to $4, and our conventional tariff claims only $0.6 2 )er 26 gallons. Here is, gentlemen, all that I had to tell you. Concerning the special interests of California and the general interests of the American Union, you will know how to pass some wise, intelligent, and practical resolutions. 114 The object of my journey in California was to consult with you. I shall " not have lost my time if my sojourn among you should enable me to appreciate exactly your as¬ pirations and your wants.