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 I 
 
AUTHOR: 
 
 MULLER, PETER JOSEPH 
 
 TITLE: 
 
 EXERCISES FOR 
 TRANSLATION... 
 
 PLACE: 
 
 NEW YORK... 
 
 DA TE : 
 
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 Miiller, Peter Joseph, d. 1895. 
 
 Exercises for translation into Latin, chiefly on the rules 
 of syntax. Collected and arranged, by Rev. Pet. Jos. Miil- 
 ler ... -New York and Cincinnati, F. Pustet & co., 1884 
 ^1883] 
 
 vi, 371, i2i p. air*". 
 
 Based on Dr. F. Scliiiltz*s grammar, cf. Prcf. 
 
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 iM 
 
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 'I 
 
 I 
 
EXERCISES 
 
 FOR 
 
 TRANSLATION INTO LATIN, 
 
 CHIEFLY 
 
 ON THE RULES OF SYNTAX. 
 
 COLLECTED AND ARRANGED 
 
 BY 
 
 REV. PET. JOS. MtJLLER, s. j., 
 
 PROFESSOR OK LATIN AND C.RKEK IN CANISIUS COLLEGE. 
 BUFFALO, N. Y. 
 
 ttm $ ■ o I 
 
 \ 
 
 « « 
 
 FR. PUSTET & Ck>. 
 
 NK^V YORK A.Nr> CINCINNA.TI. 
 
 1884. 
 
i 
 
 t I 
 
 Copyright 1883 by E. Steinback 
 of the firm Fr. Pustet & Co. 
 
 Prefatory Notice. 
 
 ?8r 
 
 X HE Exercises here presented to classical teachers 
 and students consist of three parts. The first is in the 
 closest conformity with the Syntax of the excellent 
 ,^ Latin Grammfir, Adapted to the Use of Colleges. From 
 the Fifteenth German Edition of Dr. F. Schidtz's Gram- 
 mar. Pfihlished hy Fr. Pmtet, New -York (first ed. 1878, 
 second ed.) l^SS^''. It is intended not so much to aid 
 the first understanding as to accompany a thorough re- 
 petition of the rules of Syntax, the practical knowledge 
 of which is absolutely necessary for a successful study 
 of the Latin authors. The second part is based on those 
 authors that are usually read in the middle Classes of 
 Colleges and is designed not only to keep up familiarity 
 with them but also to derive the greatest possible profit 
 from them for improvement in the Latin language. To 
 this part also sketches of the lives of Sallust, Livy and. 
 Virgil have been added. Beside the division and general 
 ammgement of the whole book, the Exercises contained 
 in these two parts have been freely borrowed from a 
 collection of Exercises on the Eules of Latin Syntax, 
 
 392831 
 
IV 
 
 Prefatory Notice. 
 
 by the same Dr. F. Schultz, not, however, without many 
 changes, omissions, and substitutions from other excel- 
 lent books of the same kind. Of some pieces the editor 
 himself claims the authoi-ship. These two parts are to 
 furnish matter for oral and written translations to stu- 
 dents of the third and fourth Classes, yet not so that 
 the pieces of the first part should be exclusively used 
 in Class III, of the second in Class IV, but each accord- 
 ing to the advancement in the study of Syntax and 
 the authors read. Since the last piece of each Section 
 is more difficult than the preceding ones in the same 
 Section, it is advisable to i)ut its translation off to tlie 
 fourth Class. These pieces will thus give the Class a 
 short re\iew of the rules akeady learned, without the 
 annoyance of repeating the same Exercises. 
 
 The editor has deemed it necessary not to give the 
 pieces of these twa parts in pui^e idiomatic English. 
 On the one hand the book is not intended for the study 
 of the mother tongue; on the other the editor has, by 
 the experience of many years, been fully convinced, that 
 students of such a standing as is here supposed are not 
 yet able, without an enormous loss of time on the part 
 both of the teacher and the students themselves, to find 
 the exact equivalent, in Latin, for even the smaller 
 number of idiomatic English expressions. Moreover it 
 cannot be denied, that this method of adapting the 
 English idiom to the Latin, as far as the nature of the 
 fonner permits, is the shortest, easiest and surest way 
 of acquiring a practical knowledge of the latter. 
 
 The tliird part consists of Cardinal Newman's Sketch 
 
 Prefatory Notice. V 
 
 of the Life and Writings of Cicero, with the omission 
 of No 0, as being less interesting and intelligible f^ 
 boys, containing a digression on the doctrines of the 
 Academic school. This Sketch has been adapted to the 
 fifth Class. Although the students of this Class are 
 rightly supposed to have fully mastered the rules of 
 Syntax and to be going over to free Latin composition, 
 they should, however, continue now and then to be 
 exercised in translating a given English text. A greater 
 variety of matter might have been expected in this part. 
 But the piece itself is too interesting to be shortened 
 any further, since it gives a complete idea of an author 
 whose writings should be the inseparable companion of 
 every classical student, and enables the teacher of Ehe- 
 toric constantly to refer to it for details in the life of 
 Cicero so necessary for the understanding of many of 
 his writings. 
 
 As to the notes added, the aim was not altogether 
 to supersede the annoying use of a Dictionary but to 
 lessen it. In parts I and II generally, and a few times 
 in part III, references have been made to the para- 
 gi-aphs of the Grammar mentioned above to revive rules. 
 But though only one Grammar has been referred to as 
 being without doubt one of the best, yet the Exercises 
 may be profitably used in connection with any Gram- 
 mar whatever, since the general arrangement of all of 
 them is more or less the same. 
 
 In part III the expressions given are more numer- 
 ous than in the two first parts, for the obvious reason 
 that no existing English-Latin Dictionary furnishes the 
 
VI 
 
 Prefatory Notice. 
 
 necessary supply. Notes on the Latin style might have 
 been added. However some are included in the phrase- 
 ology itself, the addition of others would have swelled 
 the volume to a greater extent than was desirable, and 
 besides the remarks on style form a chapter whicli 
 every teacher may aptly take advantage of to enliven 
 the otherwise somewhat dry, though necessary, work of 
 translating from English into Latin. 
 
 Some inaccuracies in the print may be accounted 
 for by the fact that circumstances did not allow us to 
 see all the proofs. Finally the editor discharges a pleas- 
 ant duty of returning his sincere thanks to some of his 
 friends and fellow-teachers who have readily and gener- 
 ously contributed towards the completion of the work. 
 
 Canisius College, Buffalo, N. Y., on the feast of 
 St. Ignatius, 
 
 July 31, 1883. 
 
 The Editor. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 ^■V\r~ 
 
 Exercises on the Rules of Syntax. 
 
 -^ 
 
 Mil Her, ExercitieH. 
 
SECTION I. 
 
 Preliminary Exercises. Agreement of the Parts 
 of a Sentence. Use of the Xominatire. 
 
 (Grammar §.189—192.) 
 No. 1. 
 
 On the Boundaries and Parts of Ancient Greece. 
 
 Northern Greece. 
 
 Ancient Greece, the seat(l) of the most renowned 
 of all nations, was, towards (2) the North, separated (3) 
 from Illyria and Macedon by high mountains. Towards 
 the East and South it was washed (4) by the Aegean 
 sea, towards the West by the Ionian sea. The whole 
 country is divided by nature itself, as it were (5), into 
 tliree parts. The first of these parts is Northern (6) 
 Greece; the second is Central Greece, which is also 
 called Hellas; the third is the Peloponnesus. The islands 
 can also be added, so that these form (7) a fourth part 
 of Greece. But besides (8), the Greeks inhabited (9) still 
 many other countries, into which they had led (10) co- 
 lonists. — Northern Greece included (11) two provinces 
 (12), Thessaly and Epirus. Thessaly was a lovely (13) 
 and fertile land. Here was Tempe, that very renowned 
 valley, which was situated (14) between two mountains, 
 
 Ko. 1. (1) sedes, domicilium. (2) ad — versus, Gram. ^ 164, 
 15. (3) sejungere. (4) alluere. (5) quasi, tanquam. (6) septen- 
 trionalis. (7) efficere. (8) praeterea. (9) incolere. (10) deducere. 
 (11) complecti. (12) terra, provincia. (13) amoenus. (14) situm esse. 
 
 1* 
 
4 Part i. 
 
 Olympus and Ossa, and traversed (15) by the river Pe- 
 neus. Olympus was, as is related by the ancient poets 
 of the Greeks, the abode of the Gods. The largest of 
 the towns of Thessaly was Larissa, the birth-place (16) 
 of Achilles. Near the town of Pharsalus Pompey was 
 vanquished by Caesar. Pherae is also renowned. — In 
 Epirus was situated Dodona, which town was the seat 
 of the oldest oracle of Jupiter. Pyrrhus, who waged 
 war against (17) the Eomans, was king of Epirus. 
 
 No. 3. 
 
 On the Provinces of Central Greece. Acamania, Aetolia» 
 
 Doris and Locris. 
 
 Central Greece or Hellas consisted (1) of eight coun- 
 tries or provinces, the names of which are: Acamania, 
 Aetolia, Doris, Locris, Phocis, Boeotia, Attica, IMegaris. 
 — Acamania is situated toward the West (2), and is^ 
 in great part (3), surrounded (4) by the sea. The most 
 noted town of this province is Actium, where, in the 
 year 31 before the birth of Christ, the Roman general 
 Antony was vanquished by his adversary Octavianus in 
 a great naval engagement (5). Acamania is separated 
 from Aetolia by the river Achelous, of which many 
 things are related in the fables of the Greeks. To Acar- 
 nania Aetolia is adjoining (6). The inhabitants of these 
 provinces were less cultivated (7) , than the other (8) in- 
 habitants of Central Greece. Doris was a small (9) pro- 
 vince between Thessaly, Locris, and Phocis. It had four 
 small towns, united (10) by a confederacy, which are 
 called the Dorian Tetrapolis. Locris consisted of two 
 
 \lb) perfluere. (16) patria. (17) bellum gerere cum or ad- 
 versiis. 
 
 No. 2. (1) constare. (2) spectare ad occasum, ad or in occi- 
 dentem solem. (3) magnam partem. (4) circumdare, cingere* 
 (5) pugna navalis. (6) finitimus. (7) colere, excolere. (8) ceteris 
 (9) exiguus. (10) inter se conjungere. 
 
 Section i. 5 
 
 parts, which were separated by the intermediate (11) 
 Phocis. One part was situated near (12) the Corinthian 
 gulf (13), and had two larger towns, Amphissa and Nau- 
 pactus. The other and smaller part was situated near 
 the strait (14) of Euripus. Of the towns in this part 
 the largest was Opus, from which the Locri, who lived 
 (15) here, were also called the Opuntian Locri. But 
 most(16) remarkable in this Locris is Thermopylae. This 
 is that defile (17) between Mount Oeta and the Malian 
 gulf, where Leonidas, with 300 Spartans, died (18) a 
 most glorious death for his country. 
 
 No. 3. 
 
 Phocis. 
 
 Phocis is situated between the two(l) Locris, and 
 touches (2) the Corinthian gulf towards the South, Mount 
 Oeta towards the North. Very noted in the history and 
 fables of the Greeks are the town of Delphi and Mount 
 Parnassus, wliich are situated in this province. Delphi 
 was especially (3) renowned for (Abl) the oracle of the 
 P^iihian Apollo; in the very same place (4) were also, 
 every fourth year (5), celebrated the Pythian games, to 
 which always a great multitude of Greeks came to- 
 gether. Deljihi was, as the ancients say, the centre (6) 
 of the earth (7). That very renowned tribunal of the 
 Ampliictyons had also its seat there. 
 
 Mount Parnassus was the abode of the Muses; at 
 its foot (8) was a sacred spring, which was called (9) 
 Castalia. Parnassus and Castalia were very often celebrated 
 
 (11) interpositus. (12) ad. (13) sinus. (14) fretum. (15) habi- 
 tare, incolere; Participial Constr. (16) maxime. (17) angustiae, 
 fauces. (18) obire. 
 
 Xo. 3. (1) uterque. (2) tangere, pertinere ad. (3) imprimis. 
 (4) ibidem. (5) quarto quoque anno, Gram. § 68, Note 4. (6) umbi- 
 licus. (7) orbis terrarum. (8) sub — radicibus. (9) Gram, 
 §207. 3. 
 
6 
 
 Part i. 
 
 by ancient poets; they were consecrated to the Muses 
 and Apollo, the leader of the Muses. Of the river Ce- 
 phissus mention is also often made in the poems of the 
 ancients. Elatea, the largest town of the country (10), 
 was taken and fortified (11) by Philip, king of the Mace- 
 donians, whereby (12) the name and power of the king 
 were greatly increased (13) in Greece. 
 
 No. 4. 
 
 Boeotia and Thebes, Its Capital (1). Some Other Towns* 
 
 Boeotia has, towards the North, Phocis and the 
 smaller Locris, but towards the South Attica as neigh- 
 bours (2); in (3) the West and East it is bounded (4) by 
 the Corinthian gulf and the strait of Euripus. After (5) 
 Attica, Boeotia is the most important (6) province of 
 Hellas. Here were Mount Helicon and Mount Cithae- 
 ron, after Parnassus the most renowned abodes of the 
 Muses; moreover (7) Lake Copais and the rivers Asopus 
 and Ismenus. On (8) the river Ismenus was situated 
 Thebes, the capital of the country, of which something 
 (9) is to be said in this place. The citadel (10) of the 
 town is said to have been founded (11) by Cadmus, a 
 prince of the Phoenicians; it was therefore called also 
 Cadmea. After the Peloponnesian war this citadel was 
 occupied, in a perfidious manner, by the Lacedaemonians, 
 but again freed by Pelopidas. Thebes was the birth- 
 place of the very renowned poet Pindar. Its greatness 
 and power was increased especially by (12) Pelopidas 
 and Epaminondas, the most illustrious (13) generals of 
 the Thebans. Alexander the Great destroyed (14) the 
 
 (10) terra. (11) munire. (12) qua re. (13) augere, ampli- 
 ficare. 
 
 No. 4. (1) caput. (2) finitimus, vicious. (3) ab. (4) con- 
 tinere. (5) Secundum. (6) magnus, potens. (7) turn. (8) ad. 
 (9) pauca. (10) arx. (11) condere. (12) per. (13) illustris, ex- 
 cellens. (14) evertere, diruere, delere. 
 
 Section i. 7 
 
 town and burned down (15) all the houses, except (16) 
 the temples of the Gods and the house of the poet Pin- 
 dar, whose poems were in the highest repute (17) with 
 the ancients. 
 
 Among the other towns of Boeotia, Leuctra, Pla- 
 taea and Chaeronea are often named in history. By 
 the battle of Chaeronea, where Alexander the Great as 
 a youth of eighteen years (18) obtained the highest 
 honours, the Macedonians became the masters of Greece. 
 
 No. 5. 
 
 Attica. 
 
 Attica is, among all the provinces of Greece, the 
 most celebrated. Nearly (1) the whole country was 
 washed by the Aegean sea; towards the North it was 
 bounded (2) by Boeotia, towards the West by the small 
 country of Megaris. — Attica was less distinguished (3) 
 for its fertility, than for the genius (4) and activity (5) 
 of its inhabitants. It has many mountains, several of 
 which are worthy of being named (6). Pentelicus yield- 
 ed (7) the most excellent (8) marble, Hymettus the best 
 honey; for on account of (9) its abundance of herbs it 
 was well suited for (10) apiaries (11). Near (12) Lau- 
 rium there were mines (13), out of which a large quan- 
 tity (14) of silver came (15). In the extreme part of 
 Attica, towards the South, was the promontory (16) of 
 Sunium, on the top (17) of which a magnificent temple 
 
 (15) comburere. (16) praeter. (17) esse in honore. (18) Gram, 
 .^' 211. Note. 
 
 No. 5. (1) fere (after totus). (2) contineri aliqua re, at- 
 tingere, or tangere aliquid. (3) insignis. (4) ingenium. (5) in- 
 dustria. (6) Gram. § 258. (7) praebere, dare. (8) praestans, 
 praeclarus. (9) propter. (10) idoneus, aptus ad, Gram. § 203. 2. 
 Notel. (11) res apiaria. (12)Apud. (13) metalla, orum. (14) vis, 
 copia, Gramm. ,^ 212. 2. (15) redire. (16) promuntorium (pro- 
 montorium). (17) vertex, or after Gram. ,§ 237. 3. 
 
8 
 
 Part i. 
 
 "f 
 
 of Minerva had been built of (18) Pentelian marble. 
 For in Attica this Goddess was especially (19) worshipped 
 (20) before (21) all other Gods, and the whole countrj- 
 was under her particular protection (22). Neptune was 
 also held as a guardian (23) God of the country. The 
 rivers of xittica are very small; most noted are the 
 Ilissus and Cephissus; but this Cephissus must be 
 distinguished from that other one, which flows through 
 Phocis and Boeotia. 
 
 No. tt. 
 
 The City of Athens. 
 
 By far the most famous town of Attica was Athens, 
 which is said to have been founded by Cecrops, an 
 Egyptian king. The citadel of the city was cidled Ce- 
 cropia after (1) the name of its founder. About Athens 
 many and wonderful things are related by ancient 
 writers; they extol it with such praises (2) that, without 
 doubt, it must be considered the first and most beauti- 
 ful city of all antiquity (3). Here were the most magni- 
 ficent temples and public buildings, here was a great (4) 
 profusion (5) of the most beautiful works of painting (6) 
 and sculpture (7), here was the market (8) not only of 
 the most precious wares, which were imported (9 j from 
 (10) all countries, but also of sciences (11), as it were, 
 and the fine arts (12). All the streets, all the public 
 places of the city were adorned with statues. All the 
 excellent, all the rare things, that could be foimd(13) 
 in no other city of the globe (14), were found at Athens, 
 
 (18) ex. (19) maxime. (20) colere. (21) praeter. (22) esse 
 in praecipua tutela. (23) tutelaris. 
 
 No. 6. (1) ex. (2) laudibus eiferre. (3) antiquitas. (4) in- 
 gens. (5) copia. (6) ars pingendi, pictura. (7) ai*s statuaria. 
 (8) mercatus. (9) advehere. (10) ex. (11) litterae. (12) bonae, 
 or optimae artes. (13) reperire, invenire. (14) orbis terrarum. 
 
 Section i. 9 
 
 so that Athens has not injustly(15) been styled the in- 
 ventress of all the liberal arts (16). No state has pro- 
 duced (17) more and greater generals in war, none men 
 more skilled in the administration of the state (18), than 
 Athens. Their names are mentioned in the history of 
 Greece with the greatest praise. The Athenians also 
 surpassed all nations of antiquity by the endowments 
 (19) of their minds. 
 
 No. 7. 
 
 The Harbours of Athens and other Remarkable Places 
 
 of Attica. Megaris. 
 
 Athens was not situated on the very {i2)se) sea- 
 shore (1), but it lay at a distance (2) of forty stadia, 
 i. e. (3) five Roman or five English miles (4), from it. 
 But the city had a most excellent harbour, the Piraeus, 
 which, at the advice (5) of Themistocles and especially 
 of Cimon, had been strongly (6) fortified and joined 
 to (7) the city by the so-called (8) long walls. This was 
 perhaps the most useful thing, which these men have 
 done for their country. Munychia and Phaleron also, 
 two smaller harbours, had been fortified, and they form- 
 ed (9), with the Piraeus, a considerable (10) sea-port (11) 
 town. These three harbours can be regarded(12) as parts, 
 as it were, of Athens itself, and they were very import- 
 ant (13) for the preservation and extension of its power (14). 
 
 Besides Athens some other towns of Attica have 
 fJso become renowned, chiefly Eleusis, Marathon and 
 Decelea. At Eleusis the mysteries (15) of Ceres were 
 
 (15) injuria, Gram. 224. 3. 1. (16) See 12. (17) parere. 
 (18) administranda res publica, Gram. § 213. (19) virtus, bonum. 
 
 No. 7. (1) mare. (2) abesse. (3) i. e. = id est. (4) quinque 
 millia passuum sive quinque milliaria Britannica. (5) consilium; 
 AU. (6) valde. (7) cum. (8) Gram. § 238. 2. h. (9) efficere. 
 (10) satis amplus. (11) maritimus. (12) putare, habere. (13) gra- 
 vis, or plurimum valere. (14) ad tutandam et amplificandam 
 potestatem. (15) mysterium, arcanum. 
 
10 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 celebrated, who is sjiicl to have first taiight men agri- 
 culture in Attica. These are the Eleusinian festivals (16), 
 the authority of which seems to have been very great 
 among the ancients. We must also name Marathon and 
 the Marathonian plain (17), which is a monument (18) 
 of the greatest glory of the Athenians. For Miltiades, 
 who had been chosen general by the Athenians, vanquish- 
 ed here, with ten thousand Greeks, the tenfold (19) number 
 of Persians. Decelea was in older times an inconsider- 
 able (20) place; but in the Peloponnesian war it was 
 fortified by the Spartans at the advice (21) of Alcibiades 
 who had been declared an enemy of the country and 
 banished (22) by his fellow-citizens. Thus Decelea be- 
 came very dangerous to the city itself. 
 
 The smallest among the provinces of Hellas was 
 jMegaris. Its capital is Megara, from which the country 
 received its name. This town was the birth-place of 
 the philosopher Euclid, a pupil of Socrates. 
 
 No. 8. 
 
 The Peloponnesus. 
 
 The Peloponnesus is a peninsula (1), which is almost 
 entirely surrounded by the Aegean and Ionian seas. 
 The island received its name from Pelops, the son of 
 Tanttdus, king of Phrygia. For, in the year 1400B. Chr., 
 when the land had not yet (2) a definite name, Pelops 
 had come there and had been made king; Peloponnesus, 
 then (3), means (4) the island of Pelops. It is connected (5) 
 with the mainland (6) by a narrow slip of land (7), which 
 is usually called Isthmus. On this Isthmus, at the be- 
 
 (16) sacrum. (17) campus. (18) hy nuntius. (19) decemplex. 
 (20) exiguus, parvus. (21) consilium; Abh; or according to Gram. 
 § 284. 1. (22) expellere. 
 
 No. 8. (1) paeninsula. (2) nondum. (.S) autem. (4). esse. 
 (5) adhaerere alicui. (6) continens. (7) „a tmrrmo slip of lamV^^ 
 terrae fauces. 
 
 Section r. 
 
 11 
 
 ginning of every third year, the Isthmian games were 
 celebrated, which are siiid to have been instituted by 
 Theseus in (8) honor of Neptune, and wliich were no 
 less renowned than the Pythian. The contests consist- 
 ed (9) in chariot-races, running, singing (10), and other 
 arts; the most noble and irreproachable (11) men were 
 chosen as arbitrators (12) of the combats. Whosoever of 
 the combatants had been declared the worthiest by the 
 arbitrators, was announced victor. It is related (13), 
 that the poet Ibycus, when he was making a journey 
 to these contests, was killed by robbers. But the story 
 goes, that the robbers were recognized in a wonderful 
 (14) manner, and punished (15) with death. 
 
 Tlie Pelopomiesus, like Middle Greece, was divided 
 into eight provinces, Corinth, Sicyonia, Achaja, Elis, 
 Messenia, Laconica, Argolis, Arcadia. All these pro- 
 vinces touched the sea, except Arcadia, which was si- 
 tuated in the centre of (16) the Peloponnesus, and, in 
 (17) no direction (18), extended (19) as far as (20) the sea. 
 
 No. 9. 
 
 Corinth. 
 
 The small country of Corinth was situated on the 
 Isthmus between the Corinthian and Saronic gulfs. The 
 capital of the country was Corinth. This city had, by 
 extensive commerce (1) and industry, acquired (2) so great 
 a power (3) and so great riches, that it suq^assed, in 
 splendour and magnificence (4) , almost all the other 
 towns of Greece. The temples and public buildings 
 
 (8) in, tcith Ace, (9) „the contests consist'', certatur. (10) cur- 
 rus, cursus, cantus, AH. mthout Prep. (11) integer. (12) arbiter. 
 (13) traditur. (14) admirabilis. (15) multare. (16) Gram. § 237. 3, 
 (17) ex, or ab, also in, tvith Ace. (18) pars. (19) pertinere. (20) us- 
 que ad. 
 
 No. 9. (1) trequens mercatus, or mercatura. (2) comparare, 
 parare, acquirere. (3) opes. (4) Gram. § 226. 
 
12 
 
 Part i. 
 
 especially were adorned with the most magnificent pil- 
 lars (5). The Corintliian pillars were considered the most 
 artificial (6) ; the Dorian pillars were distinguished by 
 their simplicity and dignity, the Ionian by their slender- 
 ness (7) and a certain (8) boldness. If the hight of these 
 pillars is compared with their circumference (9) , the 
 Ionian columns were of a smaller circumference than 
 the Dorian. But in art and elegance the Corinthian 
 surpassed them. In the history of arts the Corinthian 
 brass is also remarkable (10), which is said to have been 
 (11) mixed of (12) gold, silver, and copper. It was (13) 
 in great renown with the ancients. Out of it artificial 
 vessels and statues were formed, which were considered 
 most precious. Earthen ware (14) was also made (15) 
 at Corinth. 
 
 No. 10. 
 
 S 1 c y o n. 
 
 The province of Sicyon, whose capital likewise (1) 
 was called Sicyon, was of nearly (2) the same extent (3) 
 as (4) Corinth. The city of Sicyon is considered by 
 many to be the oldest city of Greece; but it seems, 
 that several other cities have been either older or at 
 least (5) of the same age (6). Sicyon was the birth-place 
 of Aratus, an excellent citizen and general of the Achaean 
 league. At various times arts greatly (7) flourished at 
 Sicyon, and even (8) Daedalus, that most renowned art- 
 ist, is said to have been born there. A school of paint- 
 ing (9) was afterwards founded there by Eupompus. 
 
 (5) columna. (6) artificiosus. (7) gracilitas, proceritas. 
 (8) quasi quidam. (9) amplitude, ambitus. (10) memoria dignus, 
 or memoratu dignus. (11) fuisse. (12) ex. (13) fmi, or esse in. 
 (14) opus figlinum, or fictile (Hur.) (15) conficere. 
 
 No. 10. (1) item. (2) fere. (3) magnitude. (4) Gram. §238, 
 2. (5) saltem. (6) vetustas (Gen.). (7) magnopere. (8) atque 
 adeo. (9) schola pingendi. 
 
 Section i. 
 
 13 
 
 Before the time of Eupom^Dus only Attic and Ionian 
 painting had been in honour. From tliis school Apelles 
 as well as others have come (10). Apelles, however, was 
 not a Sicyonian by birth (11), but had been bom in the 
 island of Cos. The Sicyonian shoes (12) were also prais- 
 ed in Greece because of their beauty and elegance ; but 
 for the very same reason they were considered woman- 
 ish (13), so that they were declared (14) unworthy (15) 
 of a man. The most ancient brass foundries (16) are 
 also said to have been established at Sicyon. In the 
 Sicyonian territory (17) was also situated the city of 
 Phlius, which, when Aratus of Sicyon as leader (18) of 
 the Achaean league waged war against (19) the Spartans, 
 remained faithful to the alliance of the Spartans in bad 
 as well as (20) in good fortune. The Sicyonian state 
 was generally governed (21) by tyrants and never obtain- 
 ed (22) great power. 
 
 No. 11. 
 
 Achaia and Arcadia. 
 
 Achaia occupies nearly the whole northern coast (1) 
 of the Peloponnesus on the Corinthian gulf. It is se- 
 jmrated from Arcadia by liigh mountains. Of these 
 mountains Erymanthus has become (2) the most renowned. 
 There Hercules is said to have killed the huge (3) Ery- 
 manthian boar, wliich, during a long time, had laid 
 waste (4) the whole country. Diana, the Goddess of the 
 chase, had become very fond (5) of the forests of Ery- 
 manthus because of the abundance of game (6). The 
 
 (10) prodire, prolicisci. (11) natione. (12) calceus. (13) mu- 
 liebris. (14) judicare. (15) Gram. § 223. (16) fabrica aeris. 
 (17) ager. (18) princeps. (19) cum. (20) tarn — quam. (21) regere. 
 (22) adipisci. 
 
 No. 11. (1) ora. (2) evadere, exsistere. (3) immanis. (4) va- 
 stare, populari, vexare. (5) „fo become fotid of'^, adamare, with 
 Ace. (6) ferae. 
 
14 
 
 Part i. 
 
 province of Achaia consisted of (7) twelve small republics, 
 which were united (8) by a league. Its capital was 
 Patrae. The inhabitants of the country are called Achae- 
 ans; but the Homeric ^Axctioi^ who, by the Latins, are 
 not called Achaeans, but Achivi, is a common name of 
 aH the Greeks. 
 
 The province of Arcadia occupies the middle (9) of 
 the Peloponnesus. It is a mountainous (10) region, full 
 of forests with herbiferous(ll) pastures (12) and fertile 
 valleys, renowned for its many natural beauties (13). 
 For this reason Pan, the God of shepherds and husband- 
 men, is said to have liked Arcadia above all other 
 countries. Diana also very often came thither to follow 
 the chase (14), because there was plenty of game in those 
 large forests. The largest city of the province was 
 JVIegalopolis. But Mantinea has become more celebrated, 
 proclaiming (15) the glory of Epaminondas, who vanquish- 
 ed the Lacedaemonians near that city and died himself 
 for his country. In the northern part of Arcadia is 
 Lake Stjonphalus, where those ugly rapacious birds were 
 living (16), which Hercules is said to have killed. The 
 Arcadians themselves were a simple, hardy (17) and 
 warlike tribe (18) of shepherds; they are not unjustly 
 compared to the Swiss. 
 
 No. 12. 
 
 Elis. 
 
 The province of Elis lies on(l) the Ionian sea. 
 It has its name from the city of Elis, which was the 
 capital of the country. But the most renowned place 
 of the province was Olympia, where the Olympian games 
 
 (7) ex. (8) inter se conjungere. (9) medius. (10) montanus. 
 (11) herbosus. (12) pascuum, saltus. (13) amoenitas locorum. 
 (14) causa, icith Gen. of Genmd. (15) by nuntius, a, um. (16) ver- 
 sari. (17) durus. (18) gens. 
 
 No. 12. (1) adjacere, with Dat. {^rarely Ace.), 
 
 Section i. 
 
 15 
 
 were celebrated. Ol^-mpia, a plain of uncommon loveli- 
 ness (2), was enclosed (3), on the South, by the river 
 Alpheus, on the North by a sacred grove (4) of Jupiter, 
 which was called Altis. On this plain stood only a few,' 
 but magnificent buildings, in which those things wer^ 
 kept (5), that were necessary for the games; for it seem* 
 that the number of the inhabitants of 01;yTnpia has been 
 very small. Nevertheless (6) the whole country^ was 
 adorned with statues, altars (7) and temples of the Gods, 
 of which the most splendid was the temple of Jupiter. 
 But all the splendour of the edifice was sui^Dassed by that 
 most famous statue of the God himself, which the Athen- 
 ian Phidias had shaped out of gold and ivory. It is 
 said in Homer's IHad, that Jupiter, by a nod (8) of his 
 eyebrows (9), makes the whole Olympus tremble (10). 
 Phidias had taken up (11), in his mind, this figure, in 
 which the highest power of the God is described, and 
 had expressed it with so much skill, that no work of 
 art, ni all antiquity, has acquired a greater or an equal 
 (12) renown. 
 
 No. 13. 
 
 The Olympian Games. 
 The Olympian games occupied (1) among the Greek 
 festivals (2) by far the first place. They were ^renewed (3) 
 with the greatest solemnity (4) every fourth year. On 
 those festive days an immense multitude of people came 
 to Olympia from all the Greek states, and even from 
 Sicily, Asia and Egypt. However only Greeks were 
 admitted; the presence of foreigners (5) was deemed un- 
 
 (2) amoenitas; Omm.^^i/. (3) claudere. (4) lucus. (5) ser- 
 
 vare. (6) nihilo minus, nihil eo setius. (7) ara. (8) nutus. 
 
 (9) supercilium. (10) „fo make tremble'', tremefacere. (11) eon- 
 cipere. (12) par. 
 
 No. 13. (1) obtinere. (2) soUemnia. (3) instaurare. (4) ce- 
 lebritas. (5) barbarus. 
 
16 
 
 Part i. 
 
 fit. The hearts (6) of all were, during the days of the 
 games, aroused (7) to joy and cheerfulness. There was 
 a universal (8) peace; discords and enmities rested (9). 
 Old friends and guests were seen again (10) after (11) 
 a long interval, new connexions (12) were made (13), 
 friendships concluded (14) and hospitalities (15) renewed 
 between individuals and states, so that these Olympian 
 meetings (16) became (17), as it were, a certain common 
 (18) bond of all Greece. Although the Olympian festivals 
 belonged (19) principally (20) to religion, and sacrifices 
 were offered (21), and the Gods worshipped by dances (22) 
 and hymns (23) , yet the minds were mostly carried (24) 
 to the contests themselves, of which there were hve 
 different kinds, called by the Greeks ntvTal^kov^ by the 
 Latins quinquertium. 
 
 No. 14. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 The contests embraced also the liberal arts(l). 
 Sappho is said to have recited her poems (2) there; 
 Herodotus read part of the Greek history, and it is re- 
 lated (3), that Thucydides, who then was present as a 
 boy, was, precisely by this (4), inflamed to (5) the emul- 
 ation (6) of Herodotus. Generally only Eleans were 
 chosen as umpires, who themselves, for that reason, were 
 not allowed to contend. He who had been announced 
 victor, received, as a reward of victory, a crown of olive 
 branches (7) and a palm(branch), without any other gain. 
 But this was considered the greatest glory. A victory 
 
 (6) animus. (7) excitare. (8) communis. (9) quiescere. 
 (10) revisere. (11) ex. (12) societas. (13) inire. (14) jungere. 
 il5) hospitium. (16) conventus, coetus. (17) exsistere. (18) quasi 
 communis quidam. (19) pertinere ad. (20) potissimum. (21) sa- 
 cra facere. (22) chorus. (23) cantus. (24) ducere ad. 
 
 No. 14. (1) artes ingenuae. (2) carmen. (3) perhibere. (4) ea 
 ipsa re. (5) ad. (6) aemulatio. (7) by the A(ij. oleagineus. 
 
 Section i. 
 
 17 
 
 in (8) the Olympian contests (9), says Cicero, was held, 
 by the Greeks, almost more glorious, than the consulate 
 or a triumph at Eome. When once Diagoras of Rhodes, 
 a celebrated (10) Olympian victor (11), had, on one day, 
 seen his two sons victors at Olympia, and the sons had 
 put their crowns on their father's head, a Lacedaemonian 
 approached (12) and said (13): „Die (now), Diagoras, for 
 you do not intend to ascend(14) into heaven." For 
 three Olympian victors (15), having sprung (16) from one 
 house, seemed to that Lacedaemonian to be almost a 
 superhuman (17) glory. 
 
 No. 15. 
 
 Messenla, Laconica, Argolis. 
 Messenia was separated, from the rest of the Pelo- 
 ponnesus, by mountains. The largest river of the country 
 is Pamisus. Of the cities of Messenia the most renown- 
 ed are Messene, the capital, Pylus, the birth-place of 
 Nestor, and Ithome and Ira, two fortified towns, the 
 former of wliich was bravely defended by Aristodemus 
 in the fii^t, the latter -by Aristomenes in the second 
 Messenia n war. 
 
 Tlie province of Laconica was the most powerful of 
 the whole peninsula. The most noted mountains were 
 the Pamon in the North, and the Taygetus in the West. 
 The river Eurotas flowed through the middle of the 
 country, and fell(l) into the Laconian gulf, near the 
 city of Gythium, where the naval (2) arsenal (3) used to 
 be. The promontory of Taenarum had a deep cavern 
 (4), in wliich a way down (5) to the infernal regions (6) 
 
 (8) Oenit (9) Olympia, orum. (10) nobilis. (11) Olympio- 
 nices. (12) accedere, adire. (13) inquit, fo be plac&l after the first 
 tcord spoken. (14) ascendere; „fo inte^td to ascetid'', by Periphrast. 
 Conjiig. (15) See 11. (16) proficisci. (17) Transl „a greater than 
 a hiinuin'^ — . 
 
 Xo. 15. (1) effundi. (2) navalis. (3) castra. (4) specus. 
 (5) descensus. (6) inferi. 
 
 MUller, Exercises. 2 
 
18 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section i. 
 
 19 
 
 il 
 
 !! 
 
 was said to be. The capital of Laconica is Spjirta, which 
 is also allied liacedaemon; it is situated on the river 
 Eurotas. The Spartans were believed to be the bravest 
 of all the Greeks , which they owed (7) especially to the 
 severe laws of Lycurgus. Argolis is enclosed by the 
 Argolic and Saronic gulfs, so that it forms (8) a penin- 
 sula. The most ancient cities of Greece were situated 
 in this province, Argos, Tiryns, Mycenae, and several 
 others. Among them Nemea is worth mentioning (9) ; 
 for there Hercules is said to have killed that dreadful (10) 
 Nemean lion, and instituted public games in(ll) memory 
 of this victory. 
 
 No. 16. 
 
 The Grecian Islands. The Cyclades. 
 
 The mainland of Greece is surrounded (1), as it were, 
 by a belt of islands, the most remarkiible of which are, 
 in the West, Corc;yTa, Cephalonia, Zacynthus, and the 
 small and stony (2) island of Ithaca, the birth-place of 
 Ulixes; in the South, Cythera, sacred to the Goddess 
 Venus; in the Saronic gulf, Aegina and Salamis, near 
 which Themistocles gained (3) the greatest naval \'ictory 
 over the Persians. The largest of all the islands near 
 the mainland is Euboea. 
 
 The Aegean sea is filled with islands, many of which, 
 not far from Greece, forai, as it were, a circle of is- 
 lands (4), called with a common name Cyclades, from 
 the Greek word xvxXog, i. e. circle. Among these Cy- 
 clades Delos, Paros, Naxos, and Ceos are especially to 
 be mentioned. In the island of Delos Apollo and Diana 
 are said (5) tc have been bom, on the moimtain Cyn- 
 thus. Therefore these Gods are also called the Delian 
 
 (7) debere. (8) efficere. (9) commemorandus, memorabilis. 
 (10) horreudus, immanis. (11) in, tcith Ace. 
 
 No. 16. (1) cingere, circumdare. (2) saxosus. (3) victoriam 
 reportare ab. (4) orbis quidam insularum. (5) perhibere. 
 
 or Cynthian Gods. The Athenians sent yearly a solemn 
 embassy (6) to Delos, to (7) offer sacrifices (8) to ApoUo 
 for the victory, which Theseus had gained over the 
 Minotaurus. 
 
 Paros had the largest marble-quarries (9) ; the Parian 
 marble was considered the best on account of its exceed- 
 ing whiteness (10). Two hundred years ago a marble 
 table was dug out in the island, which is said to have 
 been made (11) about 200 B. Chr., and on which a short 
 history of Greece is written. This table also is called 
 the Parian marble. It is known, that (12) Miltiades was 
 woimded, whilst he was besieging (13) the city of Paros; 
 of which wound it is said he afterwards died. Naxos 
 was the largest and. most fertile of the Cyclades; Ceos 
 was the native country of the poets Simonides and 
 Bacchylides. 
 
 No. 17. 
 
 The Sporades. Some Larger Islands. 
 
 Sporades, i. e. dispersed (1) , those islands are es- 
 pecially called, which are situated near the western 
 coast of Asia Minor. The most renowoied of them are: 
 Ehodes, which has flourished not only through (2) com- 
 merce and navigation, but also through (2) love of letters 
 and arts; again (3) Cos, the native country of Hippo- 
 crates, the most excellent of all the Greek physicians, 
 and of the painter Apelles; then (4) Icaria, which is 
 said to have received the name from Icarus, the son of 
 Daedalus; moreover (4) Samos, a very rich (5) island, in 
 which the philosopher P;yi}hagoras was bom; finally (6) 
 Lesbos, the native country of the poet Alcaeus and the 
 
 (6) legatio. (7) ut, or qui, with Subjunct. (8) sacra facere. 
 (9) lapicidinae. (10) candor. (11) conficere. (12) Ace. c. Inf. 
 (13) oppugnare, obsidere. 
 
 No. 17. (1) dispersus. (2) Ahlat. (3) deinde. (4) turn. (5) opu- 
 lentus. (6) denique, postremo. 
 
 2* 
 
20 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Sbction I. 
 
 21 
 
 ; 
 
 poetess (7) Sappho, and Tenedos, which has become re- 
 nowned through (2) the Trojan war. 
 
 The northern islands Lemnos and Imbrus are not 
 reckoned in the number of (8) the Sporades; they were 
 sacred to Vulcan because of (their) fire -vomiting (9) 
 mountains. The largest of the Greek islands are Crete 
 and C3rprus. Crete is said to have been the realm of 
 Minos, the most just lawgiver (10) ; it also (11) was the 
 native country of Idomeneus and Sthenelus, who acquir- 
 ed great glory by their bravery in the Trojan war. 
 The best known (12) cities of the island are Cydonia 
 and Gnossus. The Cretes were held as the best archers 
 (13); for that reason (14) the Cydonian bow and the 
 Gnossian arrows are often jiraised by ancient poets as (15) 
 the most unerring ones (16). Cyprus was sacred to Venus; 
 the known cities of this island are Paphos, Cittium and 
 Salamis, the last of which is said to have been founded 
 (17) by Teucer, the son of Telamon, king of the island 
 of Salamis. 
 
 No. 18. 
 
 The Asiatic Colonies of the Greeks. 
 
 Besides the above named (1) islands the Greeks 
 possessed (2) still many other countries and cities, wliich 
 had been founded by Grecian colonists. These colonies 
 were, in great part (3), very powerful, but remained 
 generally faithful to those cities, from which they de- 
 rived (4) their origin. On the coast of Asia Minor on (5) 
 the Pontus Euxinus were situated Tmpezus and Sinope, 
 the birth-place of Diogenes. On the Aegean sea in 
 
 (7) poetria. (8) annumerare, tcith Dat. (9) ignivomus. (10) le- 
 gis, o»' legum lator. (11) „iY rt/«o" = the same. (12) Superlat. 
 (13) Sagittarius. (14) idcirco, or quocirca. (15) ut, tanquam. 
 (16) certus. (17j condere. 
 
 No. 18. (1) Gram. § 238. 2. b. (2) tenere, obtinere. (3) Ace, 
 without Prep. (4) habere. (.5) ad. 
 
 Lydia were situated the cities of Smyrna, which is 
 believed to be the birth-place of Homer, and Ephesus, 
 where stood (6) that famous temple of Diana, which, 
 being set on fire (7) by a certain Herostratus, is said 
 to have burnt down (8) on the same night, on which 
 Alexander the Great was bom. The largest of the 
 Grecian colonies in Caria was Miletus, where Thales the 
 . philosopher was bom, a very rich (9) city, which itself 
 sent many colonies (10) into other countries. In the 
 same province was also situated Priene, which city be- 
 came more renowned through its citizen Bias, than by 
 its power; finally also Halicamassus , the birth-place of 
 Herodotus, whom they have called the father of history; 
 and several other cities, which are said to have been 
 founded by the Greeks, and have all become rich and 
 flourisliing(ll). To these Asiatic cities Cyi-ene can be 
 added, a powerful (12) colony of the Greeks in Africa, 
 the birth-place of Aristippus the philosoj^her and Calli- 
 machus the poet, of whom the one was a pupil of So- 
 crates, but the other lived about 100 years aftei-wards 
 (13) at Alexandria. 
 
 No. 19. 
 
 Some Colonies of the Greeks in Europe, and especially 
 
 in Italy. 
 
 No less flourishing were many of the Greek colonies 
 in Europe. On the coast of Macedonia, which before 
 king Philip's time (Pliir.) was held to be barbarous, 
 were the highly renowned cities of Chalcis, Amphipolis 
 and Potidaea. These cities were partly already in the 
 Peloponnesian war a cause of conflict between the 
 Athenians and Spartans. But a much more violent (1) 
 
 (6) esse. (7) incendere. (8) deflagrare. (9) locuples. (10) „to 
 sei\d colonies'", deducere colonias. (11) opulentus. (12) potens. 
 (13) Gram. § 234. 2. 
 
 No. 19. (1) gravis, acer. 
 
22 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section i. 
 
 23 
 
 contest about (2) them arose shortly before (3) Philip of 
 Macedonia invaded (4) Greece. A greater power, how- 
 ever, than these, Byzantium acquired (5), a city situated 
 in Thrace on the Propontis, which was afterwards made 
 the capital of the Roman empire, and called, by the 
 Emperor Constantine the Great, Constantinople, i. e. city 
 of Constantine. 
 
 Lower Italy was full of Greek Colonies, wherefore (6) 
 it is also called Great Greece. There flourished, by 
 authority and power, Tarentum, the birth-place of the 
 Pythagorean philosopher Archytas. It was founded, in 
 the year 707 B. Chr., by Phalanthus, a leader of the 
 Lacedaemonians. Sybaris, too, whose citizens were no- 
 torious (7) for (8) their effeminate manners, again Croton, 
 Cumae, and Rhegium must be mentioned (9). In Sicily 
 Syracuse, a very old Grecian colony, which is often 
 mentioned (10) in the history of the Eomans, was the 
 most powerful city. In the very same island Agri- 
 gentum, Messana and Catana were founded by the Greeks. 
 Massilia, too, which (is situated) in Gaul, and Sagimtus, 
 which is situated in Spain, owed (11) their origin and 
 their power to Grecian colonists. 
 
 No. 20. 
 
 Of the Reception (1) of Men among the Gods. 
 
 As the Thasians had received many benefits from^ 
 Agesilaus, they wanted to be grateful to him. ^There- 
 fore they sent ambassadors to him and asked, whether 
 he wished to be declared a God and to be honored (2) 
 
 i 
 
 (2) de. (3) paulo ante quam. (4) invadere in, tvith Ace, 
 (5) nancisci, adipisci. (6) quam ob causam. (7) infamis. (8) AM. 
 (9) commemorare, Periphr. Cmjng. (10) mentionem facere. 
 (11) debere. 
 
 No. 20. (1) Part. Fut. Pass., recipere in decs, or rec. in nu- 
 merum deornm. (2) ornare. 
 
 with temples. Agesilaus asked, whether through their 
 endeavor (3) men could become Gods. When they 
 affirmed (4) it, he said: „Well(rD), make yourselves Gods 
 first, then I shall believe, that I myself can also be 
 made (6) a God by you." This was sarcasm, worthy of 
 a reasonable man. Not so free from the absurdest 
 vanity and the most frantic pride was Alexander, king 
 of Macedonia, who on account of his great deeds and 
 schemes appears, not without reason, to be styled the 
 Great. When he, not without his own efforts, had been 
 hailed as a God by Jupiter Ammon, he insisted (7) on 
 being honoured as (8) such by the Macedonians and 
 Greeks. The Lacedaemonians decreed: „As Alexander 
 will, by all means (9), be a God, he may be one (8)". 
 At Athens he was declared a God by the motion of 
 Demades, yet this venal orator, of whom (10) they right- 
 ly believed, that he had been bribed by the Macedonians, 
 was afterwards punished on account of his temerity. 
 In the army numerous conspiracies arose, the cause of 
 which was, for (11) the greatest part, the divine honour 
 paid to Alexander. One day (12) the soldiers said, he 
 alone with his father Jupiter might (13) meet the enemy. 
 
 Xo. 21. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Callisthenes from Olynth, sister's son of Aristotle, 
 who accompanied Alexander as(l) a naturalist (2) and 
 friend, remained always opposed to the divine worship 
 of the king, and this seems to have been chiefly (3) the 
 
 (3) Transl. „(hrough them''. (4) Plupf. (5) igitur. (6) fieri, 
 effici. (7) postulare, nt. (8) Transl. „as God''. Likewise „he may 
 he a God". (9) utique. (10) Gram. § 268. 3. (11) Ace, without 
 Prep. (12) quondam. (13) Gram. § 248. 1. 
 
 No. 21. (1) lit. (2) speculator venatorque naturae. (3) ma- 
 xima ex parte. 
 
24 
 
 Part i. 
 
 reason why he was put to death (4); for it is rightly 
 believed, that he had no part in the conspiracy of Her- 
 molaus. Yet Alexander sometimes laughed with his 
 friends at his own divinity (5); for one day when he 
 had been wounded, and blood was flowing from the 
 wound, he said: „This, indeed, is blood, and not what 
 flows through the veins of the immortal Gods^. Upon 
 the whole the flattery of some low people seemed to 
 the king to have sometimes been extravagant and mean (6). 
 On one occasion (7) one of (8) his architects, named (9) 
 Stasicrates, wanted to give to Mount Athos the shape 
 of a statue of Alexander, in the one hand of which he 
 wanted to place a city with (10) 10,000 inhabitants, in 
 the other a basin, from which a river continually flowed 
 into the sea. But Alexander said: „ Athos may remain 
 as it is! it is already a memorial of a king's foolish 
 pride, and that is more than enough" (11). 
 
 No. 32. 
 
 Chapter m. 
 
 Aristobulus was one of (1) the companions of the 
 king and wrote his life and his deeds, like Ptolemy, 
 who afterwards became king of Egy^it. He had described 
 the struggle of Alexander with Porus, and greatly 
 exaggerated (2) his deed and bravery. When he read it 
 to the king whilst sailing (8) on the Hydaspes, Alexan- 
 der threw the writing into the water, siiying: „You also 
 deserve (4) to be thrown thither, since you make (5) me 
 undergo such a combat and kill an elephant with a 
 
 (4) supplicium sumere de. (5) numen. (6) vilis. (7) ali- 
 quando. (8) unus ex. (9) nomen, Gram. ^ 226. (10) Transl. 
 „filled with^^. (11) satis superque. 
 
 No. 22. (1) See 21, 8. (2) nimis valde laudare, or valde 
 verbis augere. (3) vehens (Intransit), navigans in. (4) Gram, 
 § 258. (5) Gram. § 275. 2. 4. 
 
 Section h. 
 
 25 
 
 throw of the lance." In later times the most miserable 
 kings of Egy]3t and Syria were called Gods and wor- 
 shipped as Gods, which must really be held as a dis- 
 grace to those nations (6). Augustus was not called 
 Lord by the Eomans, but altars were erected to him, 
 and he was adored as a deity. And to many of the 
 emperors after (7) Augustus, who are to be called mon- 
 sters(8) of the human race, divine honours were attribut- 
 ed, and even men like Trajan knew, that their statues 
 were worshipped (9) with frankincense and wine, and 
 men like Pliny did such things. Marcus Aurelius com- 
 manded the senate to declare his vicious wife Faustina 
 a Goddess after her death. In these proceedings the 
 meanest flattery and the most wretched nature of man 
 reveal themselves. Domitian began (10), when he wrote 
 lettei-s, in this form: „Our Lord and God commands, 
 that it be done in such a way." (By the expression) 
 Lord and God, however, he denominated himself. It is 
 certain, that human reason must be corrupted and blind- 
 ed, as feeble men, even men covered with outrages and 
 crimes (11) are acknowledged (12) by it (to be) Gods. 
 
 SECTION n. 
 Use of the Accusative. 
 
 (Grammar § 193—202.) 
 No. 23. 
 
 The Fate (1) of Tantalus. 
 ^ Who has ever equalled (2) Tantalus in happiness (3)? 
 If it is al lowed to believe the fables of the ancient poets, 
 
 (6) Gram. § 208. 2. (7) insequi; Part. Perf. (8) portentum 
 prodigiumque , or monstrum atque prodigium. (9) supplicare, 
 Gram. § 204. 1. (10) exordiri. (U) sceleribus flagitiisque co- 
 opertus. (12) aliquem agiioscere deum. 
 
 No. 23. (1) fortuna. (2) aequare. (3) felicitas. 
 
26 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section ii. 
 
 27 
 
 II 
 
 i 
 
 Tantalus was king of Phrygia, and so powerful, that 
 even (4) most of the princes flattered him and sought (5) 
 his friendship. But no one was able to vie (6) with his 
 greatness. For he was so dear even to Jupiter, that 
 the latter admitted him to the banquets of the Gods, 
 and entrusted (7) to him his secret plans. And once the 
 Gods are said to have been even (8) invited by, and to 
 have dined with him. But Tantalus, having grown 
 proud by this honour, entirely fell off (9), at that time, 
 from his wisdom and piety. For the ungrateful king, 
 far from (10) imitiiting the kindness of Jupiter, revealed 
 even the conversations and plans of the Gods to men. 
 This perfidy could not long escape (11) Jupiter. In- 
 flamed with wrath he threw (12) the impious man into 
 Tartarus. There Tantalus, whom here on earth fortune 
 had never quitted, was tormented with hunger and thirst. 
 The purest water flowed around (13) him, but it vanish- 
 ed(14) from his lips as often as(15) he tried to drink(16); 
 the most delicious fruits (17) were hanging over his head, 
 but they were of no use (18) for the hungry man; for 
 as often as he endeavored to catch (16) them, they es- 
 caped his hands and were withdrawn (19). Thus Tan- 
 talus was punished (20) for his perfidy by everlasting 
 torments (21). — The same Tantalus is the father of 
 Pelops. Of the latter it is said, that he escaped the 
 snares of his father and came to the Peloponnesus, 
 which peninsula received its name from him. 
 
 (4) vel. (5) petere. (6) aemulari. (7) credere. (8) atque 
 adeo. (9) deficere. (10) tantum abest, ut — ut, Gram. § 27 o. 
 2, 2. (11) effugere. (12) detrudere. (13) circiimfluere. (14) See 
 11, (15) quotiescunque. (16) Periphr. Conjitg. (17) pornuin, Bur, 
 (18) Transl ,,Mped nothing''. (19) in altum tollere. (20j poenas 
 alicujus rei solvere, or pendere. (21) cruciatus. 
 
 No. 24. 
 
 Cruelty of Phalaris. 
 Phalaris , the tyrant of the Agrigentini , was of so 
 wild (1) a character, that he committed many and most 
 horrible (2) crimes, but never repented of any cruelty. 
 He felt disgusted at his power, if he could not use it 
 for cruelty. To this man once came Perillus of Athens, 
 whom his contemporaries considered a great artist, and 
 ofiered (3) him, for a high price, a brazen bull, artificial- 
 ly made, saying: „You will never regret it, most mighty 
 king, if you will buy (4) from me this work of art; for 
 if you bum (5) your enemies in this bull, nobody will 
 pity (6) them; for never will there any lamentation of 
 the wretched be heard, but only the roaring (7) of the 
 buU'^. As the artist, for whom it was becoming to 
 serve humanity (8), was not ashamed of promoting (9) 
 cruelty, the tyrant liimself was so disgusted with this 
 \'ileness(10), that he burned Perillus first in the bull. 
 Pliny, who has related the affair, calls this a juster 
 cruelty, than that of the artist; and not without reason 
 was the tyrant less ashamed of this action. But not 
 even (11) he himself escaped the punishment of the Gods, 
 which always follows impious (12) men; he was captur- 
 ed (13) by the Agrigentini, and, as nobody had pity on 
 him, cruelly killed. Thus neither escaped that punish- 
 ment, which was the fit reward (14) of such inhumanity. 
 
 No. 25. 
 
 Miltiades. 
 When the Persians had invaded (1) Attica with a 
 great army, the terrified Athenians chose ten men of 
 
 No. 24. (1) saevus. (2) dirus, immanis. (3) oflferre. Abl of 
 Price. (4) II. Fut (5) I. Fut. (6) miseret. (7) mugitus. (8) hu- 
 manitas. (9) adjuvare. (10) nequitia. (11) ne — quidem. (12) sce- 
 lestus, nefarius. (1.3) opprimere, capere. (14) Transl. „whidi was 
 becoming so great ati^' etc. — decet. 
 
 No. 25. (1) irrumpere, invadere in, with Ace. 
 
28 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 Section ii. 
 
 29 
 
 I 
 
 f 
 
 known (2) bravery as generals, who should kive(3) an 
 equal power. For they considered it dangerous to their 
 liberty, if only one possessed the highest command. 
 Among the ten generals was Miltiades, who had already 
 shown himself brave, and very experienced in war on 
 several expeditions. When therefore Aristides, another 
 of the ten generals, thought the command of one more 
 useful in this great danger, than that of many, he him- 
 self resigned (4) his power to Miltiades, and effected, 
 thereby, that all, by common consent (5), chose Mil- 
 tiades commander-in-chief. Miltiades showed himself 
 such a one, as his fellow-citizens thought him to be, 
 and he completely (6) defeated the Persians in the Ma- 
 rathonian battle. At that time, indeed, the Athenians 
 acknowledged Miltiades as their deliverer. Soon after 
 they chose him leader in the war, which they waged 
 against the island of Paros; and when he was not able 
 to conquer it (7), they accused him and tried (8) to prove 
 him an enemy of the country. The judges, indeed, 
 acquitted him of the guilt (9) of treason, but inflicted (10) 
 a pecuniary fine (11) on him. In like manner the Athen- 
 ians often showed themselves ungrateful towards (12 j 
 their best citizens. They exiled from the city even the 
 most innocent (13) men, if they thought them more 
 powerful than the other citizens. 
 
 No. 26. 
 
 The Art of Memory. 
 
 It is said that once the poet Simonides came(l) to 
 Themistocles and said: „I will teach you the most use- 
 
 (2) cognitus, spectatus, Gram. § 211. (3) esse, vnth Ahl. 
 Gram. § 225. (4) deferre ad aliquem. (5) consilium. (6) om- 
 nino. (7) ^and — it'', by qui, Gram. § 238. 6. (8) studere. 
 (9) judicare aliquem expertem. (lO)multare. (ll)pecunia. (12) in. 
 (13) innocens, ianoxius, insons. 
 
 No. 20. (1) accedere, adire, venire. 
 
 ful art, and I will not conceal anything from you about 
 it, which will help you to (2) excel in it, if you will 
 promise (3) me the price (4) which I ask of you". There- 
 upon Themistocles asked him the name of that art, in 
 which he intended to instruct (5) him, and Simonides 
 replied: „It is the art of memory which I am willing 
 to teach (5) you; and when you have learned (6) it (7), 
 you will be able to remember (8) everything that you 
 wish." „What price, then (9), do you ask from me?" 
 said Themistocles. Simonides replied: „Well, 1(10) ask 
 a talent of you." Whereupon (11) Themistocles, who 
 had (12) so excellent a memory, that he distinctly knew (13) 
 the names of all his fellow-citizens, said: „I shall not 
 conceal from you my judgment about your art; I con- 
 sider it entirely (14) useless; for what I wish to retain, 
 I can keep without that art. But if you will teach me 
 the art of forgetting (15), you may ask of me two talents 
 and I shall willingly give them to you. For very often 
 I cannot forget what I wish (16) to forget." It is not 
 kno^vn, what(17) Simonides replied; but it is probable(18), 
 that he was ashamed of his boldness, and repented of 
 having asked such a thing of a man, who was want- 
 ing (19) neither in renown for military skill (20), nor for 
 menta 1 endowments (21). 
 
 Xo. 2J. 
 
 On the Greatness of the City of Babylon. 
 Babylon had already been, for many years, one of 
 the greatest cities of Assyria, when king Ninus died and 
 
 (2) ut. (3) //. Fut. (4) merces. (5) docere, Periphr. Cmjug. 
 (6) Gram. § 244. 3. (7) See 23, 7. (8) tenere, with, ar without 
 memoria. (9) igitur- (10) „ire«, 7", equidem. (11) ad quod. 
 (12) Transl. „in whom there was''. (13) percipere, Plupf. (14) pla- 
 ne, omiiino. (15) oblivio. (16) cupere. (17) quid, Gram. ,^ 263. 
 (18) yeri simile, Gram. ,§ 270. 2. (19) deficere. (20) ars mili- 
 taris. (21) ingenii dotes. 
 
30 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section ii. 
 
 31 
 
 left an only son, who was not yet twelve years old. 
 Therefore Semiramis, the widow (1) of Ninus, held, for a 
 long time, the government (2). To her especially the 
 city owed (3) its greatness and splendour. Babylon had, 
 as Herodotus relates, the form of a square (4), the sides (5) 
 of which were each one hundred and twenty stadia or 
 nearly fourteen English miles (6) long. On each (7) side 
 were twenty five gates of brass (8) which were nearly 
 five stadia distant (9) from one another (10). The wall, 
 built (11) of brick (12), is said to have been two himdred 
 cubits (13) high, and fifty cubits broad; on it six car- 
 riages were able to run (14) abreast (15). At equal inter- 
 vals two hundred and fifty towers were built on the 
 wall, each of which was ten feet higher, than the wall 
 itself. The Euphrates, the greatest river of this country, 
 flowed through the city. A trench, many feet deep, was 
 dug (16) round the wall and could easily be filled (17) 
 with the water of the Euphrates. The city had fifty 
 streets, leading from each gate to the opposite (18), one 
 hundred and twenty stadia long and one hundred and 
 fifty feet broad. No other city of the world is said to 
 have been so large and so beautiful. In the most ancient 
 times it held, for many centuries, the supremacy of Asia. 
 But even after the loss (19) of the supremacy the glory 
 of the city still continued (20) for a long time. 
 
 No. 28. 
 The Journeys of Pythagoras. 
 Pythagoras was bom at Samos. The ancients relate 
 many and wonderful things about this man and especially 
 
 No. 27. (1) vidua, (2) praeesse reipublicae, gerere or admi- 
 nistrare rem publicam, imperium tenere. (3) debere. (4) qua- 
 dratum. (5) latus. (6) railliarium Britaimicum. (7) singuli: 
 „ow",i)rt^. (8)aheneus. (9)distare. (10) inter se. (11) exstruere. 
 12) later, AU. Plur. (13) cubitum. (14) vehi. (15) simiil, una. 
 (16) ducere. (17) complere, implere. (18) adversus, a, uni. 
 (19) Transl „after the lost ^Kp-.", amittere. (20) permanere. 
 
 about his journeys. He is said to have come from Samos 
 to Sidon and also to have been at Tyre for many months. 
 From Tyre he travelled to EgyjDt and stayed (1) for 
 about twenty two years at Heliopolis, at Memphis, and 
 in other cities of that country, to (2) learn the mysteries (8) 
 of the Egyptians. As some relate, he travelled (4) east- 
 wards even as far as India, and westwards as far as 
 Gaul. When about fourty years old he returned to 
 Greece which he is said to have traversed (5) almost 
 entirely. He visited especially (6) Sparta, Sicyon, Phlius, 
 and other cities of the Peloponnesus. At Sparta he be- 
 came acquainted (7) with the laws of Lycurgus; at Sicyon 
 or at Plilius he is said to have styled himself, the first 
 of all, a philosopher, i. e. a student (8) of wisdom, whilst (9) 
 his predecessors (10) had been called the wise. At Delphi 
 he stayed also for some months. From Greece he first 
 returned to Samos, his native country. But on account 
 of the despotism (11) of Polycrates he betook himself (12) 
 from Samos to Lower Italy, which is also called Great 
 Greece, and lived long at Croton. From Croton he went 
 to Locri, to Sybaris and Metapontum; and it is said, that 
 he had been seen, at one and the same hour, at Croton 
 and at Sybaris, which was ten miles distant from Croton. 
 Other wonderful things also are related about the jour- 
 neys and life of this man. 
 
 No. 29. 
 
 Who is to be considered the Wisest? 
 Merchants from Miletus had once bought the next(l) 
 draught (2) of their nets from some fishermen. But to- 
 
 No. 28. (1) versari, commorari. (2) ut. (3) mysterium, ar- 
 cana doctrina. (4) „fi€ travelled — to'', transl. „he icas — in'', (5) per- 
 agrare, perlustrare. (6) imprimis. (7) discere, cognoscere. (8) stu- 
 diosus. (9) quum, twY/i Sjf^y. (10) priores, superiores. (11) tyrannis, 
 idis. (12) se conferre. 
 
 No. 29, (1) futurus. (2) jactus. 
 
32 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 Section ii. 
 
 33 
 
 gether with the fish (Phir:) a tripod (3) of gold was 
 drawn out of the sea, which, as the fable has it, Helena, 
 when sailing back from Troy to Sparta, had sunk (4), 
 by order (5) of the oracle, in that place. At once the 
 fishermen said: „The tripod is ours; for we have sold 
 nothing but (6) the fish". But the merchants said: „It 
 is ours; for we have bought the whole draught". Thence 
 a great quarrel (7) arose, which was brought (8) before 
 the judges at Miletus, and was settled (9) by a decree 
 of the people (10). The people of Miletus sent messengers 
 from Miletus to Delphi, who should consult (11) Apollo 
 about this affair. At Delphi the following (12) answer 
 was given them by the God: „The tripod must be given 
 to the wisest". As the Milesians considered nobody wiser 
 than Thales, their fellow-citizen, they sent, to obey (13) 
 the God, the tripod as a present to Thales. But Thales, 
 who considered Bias to be wiser than himself, sent it 
 from Miletus to Priene; Bias again (14) from Priene 
 to Lesbos to Pittacus, who, at that time, had (15) the 
 supreme power in (16) that island, and in the same 
 manner this tripod went to all the seven wise men, and 
 was at Ehodes with Kleobulus, at Lacedaemon with 
 Chilon, at Corinth with Periander, the tyrant of this 
 city, and finally (17) it came to Athens to Solon. But 
 he considered the God alone the wisest, and sent the 
 tripod as a present to Apollo at Delphi {Ace). 
 
 No. 30. 
 
 Cincinnatus. 
 
 Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus had shown himself, 
 in peace and in war, an excellent (1) citizen, and was 
 
 (S) tripus. (4) demergere. (5) jussu. (6) nisi. (7j contro- 
 versia, rixa, lis. (8) deterre ad. (9) componere, dirimere. (10) po- 
 puHscitum, plebiscitum. (11) consulere. (12) hie. (13) obsequi, 
 obtemperare, parere, oboedire (obedire). (14) rursus, contra. 
 (15) tenere, obtinere. (16) Gmit. (17) postremo, denique. 
 
 No. 30. (1) egregius, praestans. 
 
 honoured at Rome by all. But when his son Caeso, 
 by the hatred of the tribunes, was expelled from Rome, 
 he himself also left the city and betook himself into 
 the country. Here he resolved to remain; for the other 
 noble Romans lived also more (2) in the country than 
 in the city. The greatest simplicity of manners pre- 
 vailed (3) in his house; he himself dug the field with 
 his own (4) hands; and when from thence (5) he came 
 home, he found there (6) his wife engaged with house- 
 hold works (7). But the Romans soon missed (8) such 
 a man and elected liim consul. The ambassadors of the 
 state found him ploughing and led him back from the 
 country to Rome. Leaving home he said to his wife: 
 „Our little field will remain untilled this year". At 
 Rome he administered (9) the consulship with the 
 greatest prudence and justice. Yet his heart recalled 
 him home and, at the end of his consulship (10), he 
 again retired (11) at once into the country. But when 
 two years afterwards the Romans had been vanquished 
 by the Aequi in a great battle, the Senate proclaimed (12) 
 Cincinnatus dictator and called him again to Rome. 
 Once more he was obliged to return from the country 
 to Rome. Here he collected with the greatest swiftness 
 an army, put the enemies to flight (13), resigned the 
 dictatorship and after a fortnight returned home again. 
 He spent the remainder of his life, far away (14) from 
 public affairs, with his family in the country. Oh that 
 happy man, who preferred (15) country life (16) to the 
 honours of the dictatorship! 
 
 (2) plus. (3) esse. (4) suus. (.5) unde quum, Gram. § 256. 
 II. 2. (6) „tJiere^^, transl. ,^at honie^. (7) domesticis operibus in- 
 tentus. (8) desiderare. (9) gerere. (10) consulatu finite. (11) se 
 recipere. (12) dicere. (l.S) fundere atque fugare. (14) remotus. 
 (15) „pref€rred — to'^, transl „Uked better — than'^, malle, Perf. 
 Suhj. (16) vita rustica. 
 
 HUller, Exercises. 3 
 
34 
 
 Pakt I. 
 
 Section u. 
 
 35 
 
 I'm 
 
 •I 
 ■ft 
 
 I r 
 
 IP! 
 
 No. 31. 
 
 On Friendship. 
 
 Friendship cannot exist (1) but among good men, 
 and we must always consider it as its first law, that 
 we neither ask shameful things of a friend, nor do such 
 at his request (2). When of P. Rutilius Lupus an un- 
 lawful thing was asked by one of his friends, he refus- 
 ed (3) it. Now when the latter veiy indignantly said (4): 
 „What do I want your friendship for, if you do not do 
 what I require", Rutilius answered (5): „What do I want 
 yours for, if j-ou ask me to do what is dishonest" (6)! 
 But if a friend requires something of us, which it is 
 lawful (7) to do, we must willingly comply with his 
 wish, and we must not hesitate to assist a heli)less 
 friend, to prefer his advantiige to our comfort (8), and 
 to undergo difficulties for liis sake. J. Caesar used to 
 treat liis friends with such gentleness and condescension, 
 that he even yielded once his bed in a lodging to 
 C. Oppius, who accompanied him on a journey through 
 a forest and was suddenly taken sick, while he himself 
 lay on the ground in the open air. Cicero had a faith- 
 ful friend in Atticus, the younger Scipio Africanus in 
 Laelius. We must also mention the friendship, which 
 existed (9) between Epaminondas and Pelopidas. Once 
 when they, jointly with the Spartans, fought against the 
 enemies in the Peloponnesus, all fled, even the Spartans: 
 the two youths alone checked the attack of the enemies 
 with their shields joined together, until Pelopidas broke 
 down pierced with seven wounds. Quickly Epaminon- 
 das placed himself before him and alone warded off the 
 crowd of enemies from himself and from the wounded 
 
 No. 31. (1) esse. (2) Abl. absol (3) Transl. ^.refused to do 
 (perficere) t7". Gram. ^i^o5. (4) Plupf. (5) inquit. Gram. § 148. 
 Note. (6) inhonestus. (7) licet. (8) cominodum. (9) intercedit 
 inter nos {or mihi tecum) amicitia. 
 
 {Sing,\ until his strength also failed, when a spear had 
 wounded his breast and a sword his arm. They did 
 not act against each other (10), but mutually (11) tried 
 to free, to protect, to raise their country. 
 
 No. 33. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Wlien the mother of Darius after the battle of 
 Issus(l) had been made prisoner, and had hailed He- 
 phaestio, who came with Alexander to her, as (2) king, 
 and had paid homage to (3) him according to the Persian 
 custom, but afterwards, on perceiving her mistake, had 
 become embarrassed, Alexander said to her: „You are 
 not mistaken, mother, for he also is Alexander." Whom (4) 
 shall we congratulate more, the king, who had a friend, 
 whom he considered a second self (5), or liim, who de- 
 served the friendship of so great a king? After the 
 death of Hephaestio Alexander commanded the horses 
 and mules to be shorn and the pinnacles of the walls 
 to be pulled down, that the cities, too, might appear to 
 mourn the deceased. Why should I mention (6) the 
 two Pythagoreans, Damon and Phintias, who are said 
 to have had such feelings (7) towards each other, that 
 when Dionysius of Syracuse wanted to kill the one, and 
 the latter asked for .time to go home and arrange his 
 affairs (8), the former pledged himself to present his 
 friend (9). When the latter came back (10) on the ap- 
 pointed day, the tyrant admired their fidelity so much, 
 that he asked them to receive him as the third (11) into 
 
 (10) obtrectare inter se. (11) Partk. of cousentire. 
 
 No. 32. (1) Transl. ,,after the battle of I. Jiad been fought 
 (facere)". (2) tanquam. (3) adorare. (4) Gram. § 67. 3. (5) tan- 
 quam alteram se habebat; or tanquam alteram exemplar sai in- 
 tuebatur. (6) Gram. § 24:8. 3. b, (?) animatum esse. (8) rem 
 familiarem constitaere. (9) vas fio tai sistendi („/ j^fej^e mi/self 
 to premit you^). (10) See 31y 4. (11) adscribere aliquem tertiam ad. 
 
 3* 
 
36 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section n. 
 
 37 
 
 i ** 
 
 i 
 
 vt 
 
 their friendship. Who would not admire the friendship 
 of the Cjmic philosopher Demetrius and the physician 
 Antiphilus, who lived at the time (Phir.) of Caligula, 
 Claudius and Nero! Demetrius once travelled to Egypt 
 to see the pyi-amids and the pillar of Memnon. Anti- 
 philus accompanied him, but soon stopped in a city for 
 fear of the road and the heat. His slave, a Syrian by 
 birth, had broken into a tem2)le of Anubis together 
 with other robbers, had stolen from it two gold vessels, 
 a herakVs staff of gold, and other similar things, and 
 had concealed them in (12) the house of his master. As 
 these things were discovered soon after, Antiphilus was 
 also thrown into prison, where nobody seemed to have 
 pity on him. 
 
 \o. 33- 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 But scarcely had Demetrius, after his return, heard 
 of the misfortune of liis friend, when (1) he hastened to 
 the prison, where he finally found him changed by 
 misery. From that time he gained a considerable sum (2) 
 by carrying burdens, one part of which he gave to the 
 jailer to rouse his pity, but the other he used (8) for 
 his and his friend's food and maintenance. He remain- 
 ed as much as possible (4) with liis friend, and consoled 
 him, even during the night he slept near (5) the door 
 of liis prison on a bed of straw. When he finally was 
 prevented (6) by the guards from visiting his unhapi^y 
 friend, he falsely declared himself an accomplice (7) in 
 robbing the temple, and obtained, by many entreaties, 
 that he was brought to Antiphilus. He forgot his own 
 sufferings and showed sympathy only with those of his 
 
 (12) condere in, icith Ace. 
 
 Xo. 33. (1) quum, Gram. § 256. II. S. (2) nonnuUa merces. 
 (3) impendere in. (4) quoad fieri poterat. (5) Transl. ,^not far 
 from^. (6) Gram. § 2oS. (7) me imum ex iis facio, qui . . . 
 
 friend (8). When at last the prisoners had succeeded in 
 breaking (9) the chains, with which they were fettered, 
 and all escaped from the prison (10), the two friends 
 alone remained and caused (11) the judge to inquire 
 more strictly (12) into the affair. When he had found 
 both of them free from guilt (13), he praised, admired, 
 and dismissed them both, and presented Antiphilus with 
 10,000 drachms, and Demetrius with double that amount 
 (14). — David (15) had formed the most intimate friend- 
 ship with Jonathan (16), the son of king Saul (17), and 
 he loved him like his own soul. Jonathan protected 
 him against the snares of the king, and David said, 
 when he heard, that Jonathan had been killed in a 
 struggle against the Philistines (18), that he had loved 
 him as a mother loves her only son. Intimate friend- 
 ship existed also between Basil (19) the Great, bishop of 
 Caesarea in Cappadocia, and Gregory (20), bishop of 
 Nazianzus in the same province. „A faithful friend, 
 snys Holy Scripture, is a strong defence (21), and he 
 thtit has found him, has found a treasure (22). Nothing 
 can be compared to a faithful friend; and if you place 
 his value in the one scale, gold and silver are not 
 worthy to be put (23) in the other. They that fear the 
 Lord will find Him." 
 
 (8) Transl. ,,Jie shmved only, hmc much he pitied his friend"^. 
 (9) rumpere. (10) e custodia se eripere. (11) commovere, ut. 
 (12) subtilius quaerere rem, or de re. (13) aliquem culpa vacuum 
 probare. (14) Transl. ^with the double sum''. (15) Davides, is. 
 (16) Jonathas, ae. (17) Saulus. (18) Philistaei, or Philisthini. 
 (19) Basilius. (20) Gregorius. (21) propuguaculum. (22) thesau- 
 rus. (23) Gram. ^ 258. 
 
il 
 
 !-i 
 
 S8 Part i. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 Use of the Dative. 
 
 (Grammar § 203—209.) 
 No. 34. 
 
 The Most Ancient Physicians. 
 
 Nothing is dearer to men, than good health, without 
 which they cannot become useful either to the country, or to 
 themselves, or to their friends. Just as agriculture furnishes 
 food(l) for sound bodies, in the same way medecine(2) 
 has discovered remedies (3) for sick ones. But in the 
 most ancient times medical science was unknown to 
 men; it is said to have been discovered by Aesculapius^ 
 the son of Apollo. He made known (4) his art to many 
 persons, especially to his sons Podalirius and Machaon^ 
 who proved themselves very useful to the army of the 
 Greeks near Troy. — However the most ancient phy- 
 sicians healed only wounds; also in Homer Podalirius 
 andMachaon bring help only to the wounded, putting (5) 
 wholesome (6) herbs on the wounds, and thus alleviat- 
 ing (7) their pains. No remedies were used (8) against 
 other diseases of the body, which are often more danger- 
 ous to the life of men, than wounds. For all these 
 came (9), as the Greeks believed, from the wrath of the 
 Gods, so that no human art was able to heal them. 
 Wherefore Calchas, the seer, persuaded the princes^ 
 to (10) supplicate the Gods, and to seek from (11) them 
 help against (12) the plague; whereupon (1.3) the malady 
 spared the army at once. Afterwards the philosophers^ 
 especially Pythagoras, Empedocles and Democritus applied 
 
 No. 34. (1) alimentum, Ftur. (2) medicina. (3) remedium, 
 medicamentum. (4) tradere. (5) imponere. (6) saluber. (7) le- 
 nire, levare. (8) adhibere. (9) proficisci. (10) ut. (11) apud. 
 (12) adversus, or Genit. (13) quo facto. 
 
 Section ni. 
 
 39 
 
 themselves (14) to medical science. Hippocrates was the 
 first, who cultivated this art alone and brought it to 
 higher perfection (15) than any one else, so that he 
 rightly has been styled the father of medicine. He 
 lived in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war at 
 Athens, where at that time so violent a plague raged (16), 
 that it sj^ared but very few people. 
 
 No. 35. 
 
 Curius Dentatus. 
 
 From the example of Curius Dentatus you will be able 
 to convince yourself, that(l) an honest man, however (2) 
 poor he may be, neither blames (3) fate, nor envies 
 others their riches. Wlien consul he vanquished the 
 Samnites and Sabines in the year 294 B. Chr. The 
 Sabines asked for peace at once; therefore he spared 
 them and persuaded his fellow-citizens to (4) give the 
 citizenship (5) to the Sabines. But the Samnites sent 
 ambassadors, that they might treat (6) with him about 
 peace. They found Curius sitting on a wooden bench (7) 
 near the fire-side. When they saw (8) his poverty, they 
 believed, that he could best be persuaded by presents 
 to (4) be useful to them. Therefore they offered him a 
 large sum (9) of gold. But Curius refused it saying: 
 „I prefer (10) to reign (11) over kingdoms to being rich 
 myself." Thus it happened, that the ambassadors return- 
 ed without accomplishing anything (12). Soon after(13) 
 the war was renewed, and the Samnites were routed by 
 Curius. Thus this man followed the precept of the 
 ancient Eomans: „To spare the subdued (14) and to fight 
 
 (14) vacare. (15) excolere („to bring to perfection''). (16) esse. 
 
 Xo. 35. (1) Ace. with Inf. (2) quamvis. (3) maledicere. 
 (4) ut. (.5) civitas. (6) agere de, Imperf SttbJ. (7) scamnum. 
 (8) animadvertere. (9) vis. (10) malle. (11) imperare. (12) re 
 infecta. (13) haud ita miilto post, non multo post. (14) subjicere. 
 
40 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section in. 
 
 V 
 
 ;fei 
 
 li i 
 
 down (15) the proud." Nevertheless the same Dentatus 
 was envied by many. The Patricians belittled him, and 
 tried to convince the people (16) that(l) he had em- 
 bezzled (17) much of the booty. But the people could 
 not be convinced of this (18), but they easily saw, that 
 the patricians, moved by envy, had calumniated (19) the 
 best citizen. Curius afterwards administered (20) the 
 highest offices. But he never persecuted liis adversaries, 
 but he spared all and made most of his adversaries his 
 friends. 
 
 No. 36. 
 
 Alexander and Hannibal. 
 
 Alexander the Great must be numbered among the 
 most renowned generals of antiquity, and it will not be 
 improper (1) to compare the commander-in-chief of the 
 Carthaginians with the king of the Macedonians. Al- 
 though neither of them spared his own life, yet both 
 spared the lives of the captives; both possessed (2) all 
 the virtues of a great general, prudence (3), bravery, 
 knowledge of military affairs (Sing.) , more than (4) can 
 be explained here. In battle and on the march (5) they 
 went at the head (6) of the soldiers, never yielding to 
 hardships (7). But while fortune accompanied (8) the ex- 
 peditions (9) of Alexander, it opi)osed(lO) Hannibal; it 
 surrounded Alexander with divine majesty, it stained (11) 
 Hannibal with the poison of envy; it gave Alexander, 
 when a youth, a great kingdom, it deprived (12) Hanni- 
 bal, when a man, of all goods. Both were present (13) 
 in very many battles, and added in the beginning (14) 
 
 41 
 
 (15) debellare. (16) plebs. (17) avertere. (18) id, illud. 
 (19) maledicere. 
 
 No. 36. (1) iniquus. (2) inesse. (3) consilium. (4) supra 
 quod. (5) iter. (6) anteire. (7) labor. (8) adesse. (9) expeditio, 
 inceptum. (10) obsistere, obstare. (11) adspergere. (12) privare, 
 orbare, Gram. ^ 229. (13) interesse. (14) primo, initio. 
 
 one victory to the other (15). Although the one is not 
 like the other in eveiy respect (16), since there are not 
 two men perfectly (17) alike in all things, yet fortune, 
 which remained faithful to Alexander up to(18) his death 
 delivered (19) Hannibal, who had been forsaken by his 
 (own) fellow-citizens, to the hatred of his enemies. Both 
 fill(20) us with the highest admiration; but whilst Alexan- 
 der's fate IS envied by many, that of Hannibal inspires(21) 
 us with compassion. 
 
 No. 37. 
 
 A Stratagem (1) of Solon. 
 
 The Athenians had quarrels (2) with the state of 
 the Megarenses about the island of Salamis, since (3) 
 both claimed (4) the possession of it for themselves (4) 
 A war broke out, and the Megarenses conquered the 
 island, before the Athenians were able to come to the 
 assistance of their friends. The loss (5) of Salamis was 
 for the Athenians a great disadvantage. Besides they 
 considered it a disgrace to themselves, that (6) they had 
 been conquered by so small a state. But the Athenians 
 themselves had, at that time, only a few ships. Not- 
 withstanding (7) they several times renewed the war but 
 were driven back with {Abl) such great slaughter (8), 
 that they gave up (9) the island, and even decreed capi- 
 tal punishment (10), if any one (11) should ever give ad- 
 vice (12) to (13) renew the war. Thus it happened, that 
 the Athenians were an object of derision to the other 
 
 (15) Transl ^victo^^ to victory'^, (16) omni ex parte. (17) plane 
 omnmo. (18) usque ad. (19) objicere. (20) afficere aliquem 
 aliqua re. (21) alicui aliquid injicere. 
 
 Xo. 37. (1) dolus, artificium. (2) controversia. Cmstr. ace. 
 to Gram § 207. L (3) quum. (4) sibi vindicare. (.5) amissio. 
 W quod. (7) attamen, sed tamen. (8) clades. (9) omittere. 
 (10) poena capitis sancire. (11) ne quis. (12) suadere. (13) Transl. 
 pthat (ut) the war might be reneived''^. 
 
42 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 Section hi. 
 
 43 
 
 Greeks. Then Solon appeared in (14) the assembly of 
 the people (15), feigning madness (16), that (17) he might 
 be more secure, and read (18) a poem, in which he show- 
 ed (19) to the Athenians, in the sharpest words, their 
 cowardice and disgrace. This cunning device succeeded 
 excellently. The people were inflamed, and by the as- 
 sistance of Pisistratus, with whom Solon kept (esse) friend- 
 ship (20), was again (21) roused (22) to war. The chief 
 command was entrusted (23) to Solon liimself; and he 
 showed himself in it so good a general, that the Athe- 
 nians recovered the island in a short time. Tlie same 
 Solon is said to have inserted two verses in (24) the 
 Iliad of Homer, from which it appeared (25), that Sala- 
 mis belonged (26) already to the Athenians at that time. 
 
 No. 38. 
 
 On the Love(l) towards Parents. 
 
 Obey your parents, because they take care of you; 
 show obedience to their commands, for they have your 
 welfare at heart (2); cherish love and gratitude to them 
 during your whole life, for great are the benefits, which 
 they have bestowed on you. To whom of all mankind 
 do we owe more than to them? For that reason children 
 are often admonished in Holy Scripture, to honour and 
 love their parents, to obey them, and to be obliging (3) 
 to them. God often threatens (4) ungrateful and arrogant 
 children with punishment and misfortune. ^Gratitude 
 towards parents has no limits (5), says (6) king Frederic; 
 
 (14) prodire in, with Ace. (15) contio, imth, or tcithout populi. 
 (16) simulata insania, Abl (17) quo, Gram. §231. (18) recitare. 
 (19) Gram. § 20S. 2. (20) necessitudo. (21) denuo, de integro. 
 (22) excitare. (23) deferre. (24) „fo inmt in'^, subjicere, or sup- 
 ponere alicui. (25) elucere, apparere. (26) Gram. § 207. 2. 
 
 No. 38. (1) pietas. (2) cordi, curae est. (3) officiosus in 
 aliquem. (4) minari alicui aliquid. (5) terminis circumscribere. 
 (6) inquit, or, ut ait; Fredericus. 
 
 it would be an object of reproach to us, to show them 
 too little, but never to show them too much love". Al- 
 phonsus IV., king of Leon (7) in Spain, gives us an 
 example of filial love. It is known, that the Arabians, 
 after they had given themselves up to the errors of 
 Mahomet (8), spread themselves also into Africa. From 
 thence, under the command (9) of Musa, they carried war 
 into Spain, defeated the Spaniards, under the command (10) 
 of Taric, with terrible loss (11) in the year 711, and 
 reigned (12) now over a larger, now over a smaller por- 
 tion of the country, until the year 1492. The Christians 
 had withdrawn into the mountains, but they tried to 
 take away from the enemy larger and larger (13) por- 
 tions of the land. Ferdinand 11., king of Leon, a small 
 Christian kingdom of Spain, resigned (14) the government, 
 and Alphonsus IV., his son, succeeded liim. 
 
 No. 39. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 When Ferdinand, being much advanced in years, 
 succumbed to the weaknesses of age, Alphons fulfilled 
 not only the duties, which he had as king, but also 
 those of a son(l), and he never left the side of (2) his 
 father, unless he had to attend (3) to the welfare of the 
 kingdom. One day he returned victorious (4) from a 
 battle, which he had fought with the Mahometans (5). 
 At once the old man ordered his servants to carry him 
 to meet (6) the victor, that the victor might rejoice not 
 
 (7) Leon, Leontis. (8) Muhamedes, is. (9) imperator, Gram. 
 §284.2, (10) dux Taricus. See 9. (11) alicui ingentem cladem 
 afferre. (12) dominari in loco (re), in rem (aliquem). (13) in 
 dies major, or, magna et magna magis. (14) eitJier abdicare alone 
 (= ^to resign the gov.""), or, regno (imperio) se abdicare. 
 
 No. 39. (1) officio satisfacio, quo filius {or, ut filius) fungi 
 debeo. (2) only deesse alicui. (3) consulere, prospicere, provi- 
 dere,. Gram. § 204. 2. (4) victor. (5) Muhamedani. (6) obviam 
 ferre (= ^to carry to meet'') alicui; Pass. Constr. 
 
44 
 
 Part i. 
 
 only in the pleasure of the victory, but also in the good 
 
 health of his father. As soon as Alphons saw his father, 
 
 he leaped down from his horse, hastened to meet (7) him, 
 
 and sufficiently showed by his words, how highly he 
 
 esteemed (8) his father, how eagerl}' he took care of 
 
 him, how much he was attached (9) to him, what great 
 
 thanks he owed to him (10). In vain did the old man 
 
 tell (11) him, that it was not becoming to him to go 
 
 on foot, whilst the othei^s were on horseback (12). His 
 
 son answered: „The others are not your sons". Scarcely 
 
 had they approached the royal castle, when he took him 
 
 in his arms (13), brought him to his room, and said to 
 
 him with the most heartfelt love : „My father, you know, 
 
 how much you love me and how many benefits you have 
 
 bestowed on me by your kindness and love, but you 
 
 cannot know, with how great love I am attached (14) to 
 
 you. It is not enough for me to accompany you on 
 
 foot, I envied your servants the happiness of carrying 
 
 you. More than once I was willing to command them 
 
 to stand still and to take you upon my shoulders'^ (15). 
 
 Ferdinand could only answer these words with many 
 
 tears, and the grateful son had still for some time the 
 
 pleasure (16) of seeing his father alive (17). He emulated, 
 
 in an excellent manner, Him who not only when a boy 
 
 obeyed his parents, but still when he was fastened to 
 
 the cross (18), tenderly cared for his afflicted mother, 
 
 and recommended her to the care of saint John. 
 
 (7) obviam procedere, prodire alicui. (8) Gram. § HIS. 1. 
 (9) deditus, obstrictus. (10) gratiam alicui habere et referre. 
 (11) admonere. (12) in equo vehi, sedere. (13) in manus acci- 
 pere; Fartic. Constr. (14) addictum esse alicui. (15) aliquem in 
 humeros suos efferre. (16) mihi contingit, ut (= „/ fuive tJie 
 pleasure of^^, etc.). (17) habere aliquem secum. (18) cruci affigere, 
 suffigere. 
 
 Section hi. 
 
 45 
 
 No. 40. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 Filial love is a law naturally inherent (1) in us, 
 therefore the ancient nations, who did not know the true 
 God, also had it. Who does not remember (Siibj.) the 
 two brothers Cleobis and Biton, whom antiquity highly 
 praised, because they had (2) such a love for their mother! 
 Another noble pair of brothers, too, has been immor- 
 talized (3) on account of their fUial love, Amphinomus 
 and Anopus are their names (4), Catana is the name of 
 their birth-place. When the eruption of Aetna took 
 place (5), they carried (6) father and mother on their 
 shoulders (All without B-ep.) and rescued (7) them from 
 the fires of the mountain. The poet Claudianus, who 
 lived at the time of Honorius and Arcadius, has de- 
 scribed to us the memorial, which had been erected to 
 them. Virgil has glorified Aeneas, because he carried 
 (Suhj.) his father Anchises out of the conflagration of 
 Troy, and -the poet has given to him, for that reason, 
 the surname of „the Pious^ Socrates admonishes his son 
 most earnestly (8), to love his mother Xanthippe and to 
 obey her. He reminds him of the many benefits, which 
 he has received (Suhj.) from his mother, of the love and 
 of the care, with which she provided (9) for the welfare 
 both of soul and body, and says, that she, though (10) she 
 scolded(ll) him and was angry(12) with him, yet was 
 very anxious (13) for liim and always wished (13) him 
 well. Epaminondas, who may serve (14) us in many 
 things as a pattern, said, of all good things which he 
 
 No. 40. (1) mnatus (= ..naturally inh.^^). (2) inesse in. 
 (3) memoriae prodere. (4) Gram. ^^ ^07. 3. (5) ignes ex Aetnae 
 vertice erumpunt. (6) sustinere. (7) eripere ex. (8) summo 
 studio. (9) See S9, 3. SubJ. Pres. (10) quamvis. (11) maledicere 
 alicuj, convicia alicui facere; SuhJ. Pres. (12) SubJ. Pres. (13) Gram. 
 § ^04. 2. (14) Gram. § 208. L 
 
46 
 
 Past i. 
 
 
 •I 
 
 had met with (15), the most pleasing was, that he had 
 conquered the Lacedaemonians, wliilst his father and 
 mother were still alive (16). 
 
 No. 41. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 The love of Alexander the Great for his mother 
 Olympias was so great, that it must be made to him 
 an object of reproach. For although she seems to have 
 taken part (1) in the murder of Philip, Alexander's father, 
 yet he said, when Antipater afterwards complained about 
 her: „ Antipater does not know, that one tear of my 
 mother has blotted out innumerable complaints against 
 her". How great a love Pliny the Younger had (2) for 
 his mother, has been related in another place. Solon, 
 who his reckoned (B) among the seven wise men, would 
 not assign any punishment to (4) him, who had killed 
 his fiither, because he thought that this crime was against 
 human nature. As Diogenes of Li\erte (5) in Cilicia (6), 
 who, under Septimius Severus, collected many remark- 
 able things about renowned philosophers (7), relates, So- 
 lon gave also the law, if one did not support his parents, 
 he should be declared infamous. Aescliines has recorded, 
 that he, who had beaten his fiither or mother, or did not 
 support them, or did not give them a lodging, was not 
 allowed to commence orator (8) at Athens. K a public 
 office was about to be confen-ed upon any one, inquiries 
 were first made, whether he had shown his parents due (9) 
 love. The Komans ordered the parricide to be sowed 
 up alive in a sack and so thrown into the river. 
 
 (15) Transl „which had happened (Snbj.) to him"^. (16) Ahl 
 absol. tcith vivus; Gram. § 284. 3. 
 
 Xo. 41. (1) socium esse alicujus rei. (2) esse. (3) annume- 
 rare, or, qui fuit unus ex septem ... (4) supplicium constituere 
 in. (5) Laertius. (6) Ciliciensis. (7) multa dicta factaque iio- 
 bilium philosophorum. (8) aggredi ad dicendum. (9) Transl. 
 y^slmcn his parents love, as he meed (debere)'^ 
 
 Section iv. 47 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 Use of the Genitiye. 
 
 (Grammar § 210—219.) 
 No. 43. 
 
 Socrates and the Sophists (1). 
 Socrates is doubtless (2) one of the greatest men of 
 ancient Greece. His memory is very dear to us for this 
 reason also , because the love of truth and virtue alone, 
 and not the love of money and glory, led him to the 
 pursuit of wisdom. Other philosophers, like Hi^jpias, 
 and Gorgias, and Prodicus, the sophists, whom the multi- 
 tude's) believed to be men of talent and exceUent teachers 
 of wisdom, were led more by the desire of gold, than 
 by the love of wisdom, and acquired (4) great riches. 
 And these riches, of which they were so desirous, were 
 to them rather incentives (5) to vice than to virtue. But 
 Socrates was a great lover (6) of poverty, and he re- 
 mained very poor throughout his life, although he was 
 a man of acknowledged \artue and gi^eat wisdom, and 
 had many rich pupils and friends, who were ever ready 
 to present him with whatsoever he might desire. For 
 Plato, Kriton, and Alcibiades were men of the greatest 
 liberality and of a wonderful generosity (7) ; but Socrates 
 despised aU their gifts, however (8) great and precious 
 they were, and preferred poverty to riches. But of those 
 sophists only the names are left (9); for men of this kind, 
 who have Uved only for themselves, and have been as 
 Ignorant of true wisdom as (10) of virtue, are unworthy 
 of the remembrance of posterity (11). But the doctrines 
 
 No. 42. (1) sophista. (2) sine dubio. (3) vulgus. (4) sibi 
 acquirere, sibi comparare. (5) incitamentum; „fo", Genit. (6) Sm- 
 perlat. of Am&ns. (7) benignitas. {8) quRmvis, with Suhj. (9) super- 
 esse. (10) „ew_rra«, tain — quam. (11) posteri. 
 
48 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section iv. 
 
 49 
 
 j 
 
 of Socrates, which are so full of wisdom and so fertile 
 in virtue, remain and will remain, and the admiration 
 paid to him will never be diminished. 
 
 No. 48. 
 
 Aeneas Leaves Troy. 
 
 When Troy had been conquered by the Greeks, a 
 large multitude of Trojans were killed within (1) the city 
 itself, and but few of the princes with their relatives 
 escaped death. Of these Aeneas, the son of Anchises, 
 is the most illustrious. Aeneas had always been, after (2) 
 Hector, the bravest of the Trojan heroes; he was like- 
 wise (3) skilled in warfare, full of prudence (4) , and in 
 all things ever mindful of the Gods. He therefore most 
 bravely defended the citadel, as long as (5) it could be 
 done. But when it had fallen, and the Greeks, greedy 
 for slaughter and booty, had broken into it, he resolved, 
 with a small body (6) of brave men, to leave the city. 
 He therefore collected the scattered (7) , and set out (8) 
 on a voyage, full of hardships and perils. With his 
 old (9) father whom he carried (10) on his shoulders, with 
 the penates and the tutelary Gods (11) of Troy, with his 
 wife Creusa and his son Ascanius, he himself and his 
 brave friends proceeded (12) through the streets of the 
 city and thi'ough many dangers, and reached (13) Mount 
 Ida. Not till (14) then he missed (15) his wife. Unac- 
 quainted with the roads, she had wandered away, in 
 ^e city, from her relatives. Aeneas, fearing no (16) 
 danger, at once returned to seek her. But he did not 
 find her, still he brought back some consolation. For 
 
 No. 43. (1) in. (2) secundum. (3) „he — lilceicise'^, idem. 
 (4) consilium, (5) quamdiu. (6) manus. (7) dispergere. (8) in- 
 gredi. (9) senex. (10) sustulisse; „(m''j Abl (11) dii tutelares. 
 (12) transgredi. (13) pervenire. (14) demum, to be placed after 
 the emphatic word, (15) desideraie. (16) Transl. „7wthing o/"". 
 
 the shade (17) of Creusa appeared (18) to him, which said, 
 that (19) she had been taken up (20), by the Gods, into 
 heaven, and been made partaker of divine honours. Then 
 Aeneas went, with his friends, on board (21) the ships, 
 and set siiil(22) to acquire for himself a new home in 
 another part of the earth. 
 
 No. 44. 
 
 Arehytas of Taront. 
 Archytas of Tarent lived about (1) the year 400 be- 
 fore the birth of Christ. He was very fond (2) of, and 
 very eager for wisdom, and had not only a very great 
 and extensive (3) knowledge (4) of philosophy and mathe- 
 matics (5), but was also much skilled in public affairs 
 (Sing.) and warfare. For that reason he was seven times 
 elected general by his fellow-citizens. Once he conducted 
 the army in a war against the Messanians, and accom- 
 plished everything that is the duty of a good general. 
 At last (6), after several years, he returned from war, 
 as conqueror, to Tarent. After he had laid down his 
 office (7), he betook himself, desirous of leisure, to his 
 country-house. There he easily saw, that the steward (8) 
 had been very negligent in (9) all his affairs, and he 
 was excited with indignation and anger. But not even 
 in his anger(lO) did he prove himself unable to control(ll) 
 reason; he considered it the characteristic of the unwise 
 (Sing,) to punish in anger (12), and said to the steward: 
 „You must thank (13) the Gods, that (14) I am angry; 
 
 (17) umbra, imago. (18) videri. (19) Ace. with Inf. (20) tol- 
 lere. (21) „to go-on board'', conscendere. (22) solvere, proficisci, 
 also vela dare. 
 
 No. 44. (1) circa. (2) „rery fond", Superlat of amans. (3) am- 
 pins. (4) notitia. (5) artes mathematicae. (6) See 43, 14. (7) ira- 
 perio se abdicare. (8) villicus. (9) Genit. (10) iratus. (11) ini- 
 potens (= ^unable to control''). (12) Ace. of iratus, (13) gratias 
 agere. (14) quod. 
 
 Mttller, Exercises. 4 
 
50 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section iv. 
 
 II 
 
 51 
 
 It 
 
 
 else (15) I would kill you with my own hand". Such 
 a control (16) of anger (17) is the sign of a perfect man, 
 whom people justly admire. For nothing is more diffi- 
 cult than to remain mindful (18) of justice even in a 
 passion (19), and never to forget what is the duty of a 
 good man. 
 
 No. 4-5. 
 
 Hippias and Darius. 
 
 Hippias, expelled frOm Athens, could not forget his 
 period of dominion (1). Tlierefore he betook liimself first 
 to the Spartans and Corinthians to be restored, by their 
 help, to liis sovereignty. The Spartans, at least, were 
 ready to do, what he wished (2); but Sosicles of Corinth 
 reminded them of the disgi'ace and infamy, wliich they 
 would have (3) with the other Greeks, if they came to 
 the aid of a tyrant against a free people. „Eemember 
 the common country", he said, „and(4) you will not be 
 able to restore him, who. altogether forgetting his duty, 
 has oppressed his country." All assented to Sosicles, 
 and Hippias, repudiated by the Greeks, went, full of 
 rage, to Asia, to ask aid of the enemies of Greece 
 against the Athenians. There he lived some years at 
 Sardes with the satrap (5) Artaphemes, by whom he 
 was sent to Darius, king of the Persians, himself. Tlie 
 latter (6) kindly received him and promised him aid. 
 At the same time the news was brought to Darius, that 
 the Greeks, who inhabited Asia Minor, with the aid of 
 the Athenians had raised a sedition and destroyed Sar- 
 des by fire (7). Then the king's wrath burst out (8) and 
 
 (15) aliter. (16) continentia. (17) iracundia. (18) Accmnt. 
 (19) perturbatio. 
 
 No. 45. (1) anly^ dominatio. (2) concupiscere, petere. (3) Pe- 
 Hphr. Cmjiig. (4) „awrf" is to he left mt, or to be replaced by jam, 
 Gram. § 264. Note 3. (5) satrapes, 1. Bed. (6) hie, or Bdat, 
 Pron. (7) incendium. (8) exardescere. 
 
 was daily more strengthened by Hippias. Darius threaten- 
 ed (9) the Athenians with ruin; and that he might not 
 forget his wrath, a slave was to exclaim (10) to him 
 three times daily during (11) his meal: „Sire, remember 
 the Athenians!" Thus it happened, that Darius soon sent 
 an army to Greece. But it was repulsed with {Ahl.) 
 such great slaughter, that he never afterwards, through 
 his whole life, could forget it, although he was by no 
 one reminded of that war. 
 
 No. 46. 
 
 Ungratefulness (1) of the Athenians. 
 
 The Athenians have often shown themselves very 
 ungrateful towards their best citizens. Miltiades and 
 Themistocles, who had freed the state from the danger 
 of the Persians and had always been much attached (2) 
 to the countiy, were, without a just reason, accused of 
 treason, and found guilty (3); the one was fined in a 
 sum of money (4) and, as he was not able to pay it, 
 thrown into prison (5). The other was condemned to 
 death and saved, at that time indeed, his life by a 
 liasty flight, but perished afterwards in exile in a miser- 
 able manner. And what, after all (6), was it, that was 
 imputed as a crime to Aristides? He (7) was found 
 guilty, as it were, of justice, and sent into exile, because 
 he was just above (8) the rest. The same was the lot 
 of Cimon, who was accused (9) of friendship with the 
 Spartans, and had to leave his country. Alcibiades was 
 accused of the violation of religious rites (10) and con- 
 demned to death, which punishment he escaped only by 
 
 (9) minitari alicui aliquid. (10) acclamare, succlamare. 
 
 No. 46. (1) ingratus animus. (2) amans, Superlat (3) con- 
 demnare. (4) pecunia (= „a mm of m."). (5) in vincula, or in 
 carcerem conjicere. (6) tandem. (7) hie. (8) praeter. (9) in- 
 simulare. (10) violata religio (= „the viol, of rel. rites'"). 
 
 4* 
 
 m 
 
52 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section iv. 
 
 53 
 
 prudence and determination (11). Nevertheless he never 
 entirely swerved (12) from the love of his country. Pho- 
 cion, too, when he was already a very old man (13), 
 was summoned to court on account of treason. Though 
 many, mindful of the merits of the man, pitied him, 
 yet he was, without a hearing (14), condemned to death. 
 Socrates, though he was distinguished no less by his 
 love of piety, than by his zeal for wisdom, was never- 
 theless not acquitted of impiety, but punished with death. 
 
 No. 4?. 
 
 Virtue is the Highest Good. 
 
 The best men have always esteemed virtue and wis- 
 dom more highly than all other things, which men are 
 accustomed (1) highly to esteem. Epicurus, indeed, valued 
 pleasure more than virtue, though he siiid, that even 
 virtue ought not to be undervalued. But if we wish 
 to fix (2) the value of each thing, we must consider (3) 
 what each one effects, and for how much it can be ac- 
 quired. What, then, does virtue effect? It makes man 
 happy; it gives him that peace of soul, which one will 
 be able to buy nowhere else either for a low or high 
 price. Wliat does pleasure effect? An honest and mo- 
 derate (4) pleasure no doubt can be useful; but it easily 
 oversteps the limit (5) and causes weariness (6) and re- 
 gret. No one has ever regretted virtue, but very many 
 pleasure. But what does virtue cost? Very much no 
 doubt (7); for he who wishes to possess it, must apply 
 himself (8) to it alone throughout his whole life. He 
 must devote (9) liimself entirely to virtue, and only for 
 
 (11) consilium. (12) discedere. (13) admodum senex. (14) in- 
 dicta causa. 
 
 No. 47. (1) solere. (2) statuere, Future, (3) id spectare, 
 Fut of Periphr. Conjug. (4) raodicus. (5) modum excedere (= „to 
 step over the /."). (6) lassitude. (7) sine dubio. (8) studere. (9) de- 
 dere, dare. 
 
 this price he can buy it. And how dearly does one buy 
 pleasure? Mostly for a very low price, if at least (10) 
 we look at the money or labour, by which it is acquired. 
 For most pleasures can be acquired for little (11) money 
 and without any labour; and all the money of a man 
 is still by far less worth than man himself. But if the 
 loss (12) of health, peace and honesty is taken into con- 
 sideration (13), which very often follows pleasure, it 
 often costs, in fiict(14), very much. Virtue, therefore, 
 is justly always to be esteemed highest, since it not 
 only costs more than pleasure and other things, but 
 also effects better ones. 
 
 No. 18. 
 Shortness of Human Life. 
 
 The pliilosoplier Theophrastus had(l) first Plato, 
 and afterwards Aristotle for his teacher. To the latter 
 especially he was so acceptable, that he gave him the 
 name of Theophrastus, which means (2) a „ Divine 
 Speaker". He was also highly esteemed by several 
 kings, but especially by the Athenians, as could be seen, 
 when he was impeached of impiety; for he was not 
 only acquitted of that crime, but he defended also his 
 accuser successfully (3) against (4) the threats of the 
 Athenians. His books contain many wise words (5), but 
 what he is said to have spoken on liis death-bed (6) 
 about the shortness of life, is not worthy (7) of so great 
 a man. For he accused nature, because it had given to 
 the deer (Pliir.) and crows (8) a long life , but to men a 
 short one. He believed, tliat it could be of no interest to 
 beasts how long they lived, but that it was of very gi^eat 
 interest to us. Similar complaints (9) are often heard; but 
 
 (10) siquidem. (11) exiguus, parvus. (12) amissio. (13) spec- 
 tare (= „to take into cons.''^). (14) re vera. 
 
 Ko. 48. (1) uti, Gram. § 231, end, (2) valere. (3) feliciter. 
 (4) a. (5) 3apienter dicta. (6) moriens. (7) Gram. § 223. (8) cor- 
 nix. (9) querela, querimonia. 
 
54 
 
 Part i. 
 
 J^ECTION IV. 
 
 55 
 
 they are in no way (10) jiist. For of what importance 
 is it to us, how long beasts live, when men's life is in 
 question (11)? This (12) can as little (13) be compared 
 to the life of beasts, as to that of oaks and beeches. 
 But if we consider the life of man alone, it matters 
 little, how long he lives; but it matters very much^ 
 how well he lives. If you always take pains (14) to 
 become wiser and better, even in this short life, time 
 will not be wanting (15) to you; but if you believe^ 
 that it concerns you notliing, of what kind your life 
 be, even the longest life will be of no value to you. 
 But which (16) is more desirable (17), to have been a 
 good man (18), or (19) to have become an old man (18)? 
 
 Xo. 49. 
 
 What Great Honour has been Paid (Suhj.) to 
 
 Learned Men. 
 
 Men, who distinguished themselves by talent, learn- 
 ing, and wisdom, have been highly esteemed in all 
 times, either (sive) diu-ing their lifetime, or (sire) after 
 their death. Alexander the Great was very fond of 
 Grecian sciences, but especially esteemed most of all (1) 
 the poems of Homer, wliich he always carried about 
 him, and which at night, when he went to sleep, he 
 put under liis pillow together with his sword, calling 
 them an instruction (2) in warlike bravery. To his 
 father, who once asked him, why he esteemed this poet 
 higher than all the others, he answered: ,,As not every 
 dress is becoming to a king, neither is every poem". 
 When he found among the booty of Darius a precious 
 
 (10) neqnaquam. (11) agi {= to he in qu.^). (12) Relaf, 
 (13) „a« little — a«", non magis — quam. (14) operam dare, ut. 
 (15) deficere. (16) quis, or uter? (17) expetendus. (18) Accusat. 
 (19) an, Gram. § 176. 2. 
 
 No. 49. (1) Transl. „very highly^. (2) praeceptio. 
 
 box (8), adorned with gold, diamonds and pearls, destin- 
 ed (4) to keep ointments, he ordered that it should be 
 used (5) to keep the poems of Homer, that the most 
 magnificent product (6) of the human mind might be 
 enclosed (7) in a precious work of art. Alexander said 
 to a messenger (8) who came up at full s^eed(9), with 
 the news of the happy issue of an important affair: 
 „What is the information, that causes you to come at 
 such a speed (10)? has (11) Homer risen from the dead 
 (12)?" Hence it clearly follows, that the king of Ma- 
 cedonia esteemed Homer as highly as (13) any one ever 
 has esteemed him. The same Alexander gave the order, 
 when the Thebans, having been oppressed by a Mace- 
 donian garrison, had tried to shake off the yoke of 
 servitude (14), to destroy their city and to sell the pri- 
 soners; yet poetry was with him of so great value, that 
 he spared, besides the temples of the Gods, the house 
 and the descendants of the celebrated poet Pindar. 
 
 No. 50. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, asked Plato, a philo- 
 sopher of acknowledged superiority and excellence, by 
 many letters, to come to him. When the latter had 
 complied with his wish(l), Dionysius sent a guarlanded 
 ship to meet him, he himself welcomed him, when he 
 landed (2), placed him (3) in a carriage, and drove it (4) 
 
 (3) theca, or scrinium. (4) factus. (5) adhibere ad. (6) opus. 
 
 (7) concludere, or includere; tJie former with in aiid Ace., or AM. 
 instrum., the latter with in and Ace., or in amlAhl., or Ahl. instrum, 
 
 (8) eques. (9) citato equo, admisso equo. (10) Transl. „which is 
 (Subj.) ioorthy of such a speed^. (11) Begin with nisi forte, foil, by 
 Indie. (12) reviviscere (= „fo rise from the (f."). (13) Correlat, 
 (14) jugum servile dejicere. 
 
 No. aO. (1) vohintas. (2) escendere. (3) Ablat. absol. Part. 
 Perf. Pass. 4) jumenta agere. 
 
56 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section v. 
 
 57 
 
 I 
 
 himself. Such great respect Dionysius paid to Plato, 
 although he knew, that he was a friend of Dion. Zeno, 
 bom at Cittium in the island of C^^rus in the year 
 362 before Chr., starved liimself, being 98 years old, 
 because he was troubled with a great pain of liis finger, 
 which he had broken. And yet Zeno and his disciples 
 say, that it is not the characteristic of a wise man, to 
 be moved by anything (5); he is a king, although he 
 may serve in slavery (6), happy, although he were cast 
 into the redhot bull of Phalaris. In the beginning Zeno 
 was a tradesman (7) ; but he gave up his business (8), 
 when he had lost (9) his whole property through ship- 
 wreck, and devoted himself to the study of philosophy. 
 Yet others say, that he possessed property sufficient to 
 live upon. After having prepared his mind for 20 years 
 for the knowledge of wisdom, he commenced to expound 
 his tenets (10) in the Stoa, a most celebrated hall at 
 Athens, wliich Polygnotus, Panaenus. and Mycon had 
 adorned with paintings; therefore his philosophy was 
 called the stoic, and his followers were called Stoics. 
 Zeno was esteemed very liighly at Athens by the rich 
 and by the poor. Antigonus Gonatas, king of Mace- 
 donia, heard him as often as he came to Athens, and 
 he was so full of sincere veneration for him, that he 
 very often followed the opinion of the philosopher, and 
 wished to draw him to his court. Zeno himself did 
 not, indeed, comply with his wish (11), but sent him 
 two of his disciples. With the people of Athens the 
 philosopher had such authority, that they not only 
 honoured him with a golden crown, but also entrusted 
 him with the keys of the castle (12). A certain man 
 
 (5) uUa res. (6) servitatein servire. (7) mercaturani facere. 
 (8) a negotiis recedere. (9) detrimentum facere alicujus rei; 
 Abl, absol. (10) praecepta tradere. (11) See 1. (12) TransL „gave 
 him the keys of the castle to keep {themy^. Gram. § 28L 3. (Fut, 
 I*art. Pass.) 
 
 of Gades came, as Pliny tells us in the second book of 
 his letters, attracted by the name and glory of Titus 
 Livy, that celebrated historian, from the extreme limits 
 of Europe to Italy, in order to see him, and after see- 
 ing him immediately returned home. 
 
 SECTION V. 
 Use of the Ablative. 
 
 (Grammar § 220—235.) 
 Xo. 51. 
 
 The Oldest SibyUine Books. 
 
 To king Tarquin the Proud nine books were brought 
 by an unknown old woman that he might buy them. But 
 as she asked an immoderate price, the king declined (1) 
 to buy them at that price. The woman at once left (2), 
 and burned three of her books; then she returned and 
 offered to the king the remaining six. „At what price 
 will you sell them?" asked the king. „At the same price, 
 for which I offered you the nine". Tarquin, offended 
 at this folly, refused (3) the woman a second time, and 
 she, having gone away, again burned three other books, 
 but returned even a tliird time, and asked Tarquin, whe- 
 ther he was ready to buy the three remaining books for 
 the same money. The king, then, astonished at the no- 
 velty of the thing, ordered (4) the Augurs to be called 
 to him, that the books might be examined by them. 
 They (5) obej^ed the command (6) of the king, and soon 
 l)erceived, that in those books were contained the oracles 
 of the Sibyl of Cumae. Much delighted at this disco- 
 very (7) they brought (8) the affair before Tarquin. The 
 
 No. 51. (1) nolle. (2) abire. (3) repudiare. (4) jubere, with 
 Ace. and Inf. (5) hie, or Belat. (6) Gram. ^ 203. 1. (7) inven- 
 tum. (8) deferre ad {,^before^^). 
 
58 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section v. 
 
 59 
 
 king, therefore, at the advice of the Augurs, bought 
 those three books at the same price, which the old wo- 
 man had asked for the nine; and at once the woman 
 disappeared and was not seen any more (9). By order 
 of the king the books were deposited in a sacred place (10), 
 and guarded (11) by two men (12) with great care (13). 
 In this manner the oldest Sibylline books came to Rome. 
 Later on other oracles, too, of the Sibyl were discovered; 
 but these were of less authority with the Roman people 
 than those, wliich were contained in the books bought 
 by Tarquin. 
 
 No. 52. 
 
 Socrstes*s Frankness of Speech. 
 Though Socrates had been accused of a capital crime, 
 yet before (1) the judges he spoke with such frankness, 
 that he, trusting in his innocence, seemed to despise (2) 
 their kindness and commiseration. So it happened, that 
 the judges, rather led by hatred than by proofs, first 
 declared him convicted of impiety. Then, after the 
 manner of the Athenians, they asked him, of what pu- 
 nishment he deemed himself (3) worthy. Whereupon (4) 
 Socrates answered: „You have condemned me imjustly; 
 for (5) I have not committed any (6) crime, but always, 
 with fidelity, discharged (7) the duties of a good citizen. 
 Therefore I deem myself worthy, not of a punislmient, 
 but of the liighest reward, which is wont to be granted 
 to the best old men. Not from a love of life, but from 
 a consciousness of my innocence have I said this; not 
 that I might free myself from the danger of death, but 
 for your sake, that you might not pass a judgment (8) 
 
 (9) non amplius (= „mt — any more''). (10) sacrarium. 
 (11) servare. (12) duumviri. (13) diligentia. 
 
 yo. 52. (1) apud. (2) repudiare, aspernari, contemnere. 
 (3) Gram. ^ 237. 2. (4) ad quod. (5) neque enim. (6) hy quid- 
 quam, Gram. § 212, 2. (7) persequi. (8) judicium facere. 
 
 unworthy of such men'^. Socrates had trusted too much 
 to his innocence. Many, indeed, of the judges acknow- 
 ledged, that he was free from all guilt, and they endea- 
 voured (9) to save (10) him from punishment. Some, too, 
 were moved with pity for the old man. But most of 
 them, partly from disgust(ll) at the great haughtiness (12) 
 of Socrates, partly from fear of the multitude, which 
 seemed to demand the death of the accused, condemned 
 him to death. Socrates was content with this judgment. 
 He thanked (13) those of the judges, who out of love 
 for justice, had acquitted him, and the others he forgave 
 the injury (14). Then, trusting in the consciousness of liis 
 virtue, he returned to prison. Afterwards, when his friends 
 took pains(15) to free him by bribing the guards (16), he, 
 induced by his reverence for the laws of the country, 
 refused (17) to quit the prison. Some days afterwards 
 he cheerfully (18) drank (19) the poison, and died (20) 
 with a firmness (21) worthy of so great a man. 
 
 No. 53. 
 
 Anacharsis. 
 
 Anacliarsis, by nation a Scytliian, was a descendant 
 of renowned ancestors, and even, as many believe, of 
 the royal family. He is said to have lived nearly 600 
 years before the birth ef Christ. The Scythians were, 
 indeed, at that time, justly considered to be uncivi- 
 lized (1) and wanting in every kind of culture, though 
 they far surpassed the Greeks in purity of morals (2). 
 
 (9) studere, cupere. (10 liberare. (11) taedium, ^at\ Genit 
 (12) fastus, superbia. (13) gratias agere. (14) injuriam condo- 
 nare alicui. (15) See 48, 14. (16) Transl. „thrmgh bribed (pecunia 
 corrumpere) guards''. (17) recusare, Gram. ^ 253. (18) hilaris, 
 or laetus, or both, conneded hy et. (19) haurire. (20) obire mor- 
 tem. (21) Traml. y,wifh that firmness, which ivas worthy'-' etc. 
 
 No. 53. (1) rudis, indoctus. (2) integritas vitae. 
 
60 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section v. 
 
 61 
 
 But of Anarcharsis ancient wiiters report, that (3) he 
 was endowed not only with a good disposition (4) , but 
 also with great mental (5) powers and an insatiable desire 
 for knowledge. Out of a great zeal for wisdom he left 
 his country, and travelled to Greece, which was reputed 
 to abound with wise men. At Athens he met Solon, 
 and it is recorded that he said to him: „ Solon, I need 
 a helper and teacher in wisdom, and I am willing to 
 make (6) friendship with you". But Solon, who was 
 then occupied with the drawing up of laws (7), replied 
 to him: „If you are destitute of friends, seek them 
 among your countrymen (8) ; for in my judgment it is 
 better to establish friendships at home than with foreign- 
 ers (9)". „Well then (10), said Anacharsis, you yourself 
 are now at home, and therefore make friendship with 
 me here". Solon, delighted with the man's ingenuity, 
 received Anacharsis into his house, and recognized him 
 as one, who was (Suhj.) endowed with many virtues and 
 most worthy of the friendsliip of the best men. There 
 he excited (11), by his talents and liis wisdom, in a short 
 time, such a general (12) admiration that, by some, he 
 was even reckoned among (13) the seven sages. Satisfied 
 with a short stay (14) at Athens, he returned home to (15) 
 instruct (16) his countrymen, at whose ignorance he was 
 grieved (17), in tlie knowledge, he had acquired at Athens. 
 But soon (18) after his return into liis native country he 
 is said to have been killed by his own brother Saulius. 
 
 (3) Gram. § 268. 3. (4) indoles. (5) animus. (6) facere, 
 inire. (7) in scribendis legibus occupatum esse. (8) tuus, also 
 popularis. (9) exteri. (10) age vero. (11) movere. (12) by the 
 Genit. JPltir. omnium. (13) in numero — haberi. (14) commoratio. 
 (15) ut. (16) docere. (17) dolere, Gram. ,<? 194. 4. (18) paulo, 
 hand ita multo, non multo. 
 
 No. 54. 
 
 Some Remarks (1) on the War, which was waged by 
 
 the Romans with Pyrrhus. 
 
 i. BatUe (it Heradea. 
 In the Tarentine war the Romans not only dis- 
 played (2) remarkable bravery, but also acquired for 
 themselves the greatest renown by their magnanimity (3) 
 and perseverance (4). Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, who had 
 come to the assistance of the Tarentines, was himself 
 both personally brave (5) and well skilled in the art of 
 war. He also (6) had the bravest soldiers, whose valour 
 had already been tested in many battles. Besides his 
 liopes rested on the elephants, which he had brought (7) 
 with liim, wliich animals the Eomans had never seen 
 before. At Heraclea in Lucania the first battle was 
 fought. Tlie Romans displayed the greatest bravery, 
 and they would, no doubt, have gained (8) the victory, 
 if they had not been frightened by the impetuosity (9) 
 and fierceness of the elephants, and, in this manner, been 
 deprived of the hope of victory. Thus the Romans suf- 
 fered (10) a great defeat. But Pyi-rhus, too, had bought 
 the victory dearly. The best leaders and many very 
 brave soldiers had fallen in the battle. The army seemed 
 to have lost (11) courage (12) and the hope of future 
 victories. He liimself, admiring the bravery of the Ro- 
 mans, is said to have exclaimed: „How easy would it 
 be, if I had (13) these soldiers, or if the Romans had 
 me as leader, to obtain the dominion of the world (14)!^ 
 Some days after the battle at Heraclea the Romans sent 
 C. Fabricius Luscinus, a senator of great courage and 
 singular self-possession (15) with two others as ambas- 
 
 No. 54. (1) quidam. (2) uti. (3) animi magnitude. (4) con- 
 stantia. (5) manu fortis. (6) idem. (7) ducere. (8) potiri. (9) im- 
 petus. (10) afiici, Gram. § 229. (11) orbatum esse, Gram. § 229. 
 (12) bonus animus. (13) uti. (14) orbis terrarum. (15) constantia. 
 
62 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section v. 
 
 63 
 
 i 
 
 sadors to Pyrrhus to (16) arrange with him about ex- 
 changing the captives (17). The king who wished to 
 have such brave men as friends, had hoped, that (18), 
 after the defeat at Heraclea, the Romans would wish 
 rather to enjoy peace than to continue (19) the war. 
 Therefore he believed, that (18) the ambassadors would 
 sue for peace. 
 
 No. 55. 
 
 2, Fahricius, 
 When Pyrrhus had admitted the ambassadors to Ids 
 presence (ad se), he was, by the speech of Fabricius, at 
 once deprived of all hope of peace. But as he had heard, 
 that Fabricius was very poor, he endeavoured, by pre- 
 sents and promises, to win liim over to liimself(l); but 
 Fabricius rejected everything. On the following day 
 Pyrrhus tried (2) to shake (3) the courage of the man by 
 a sudden (4) fright and used the following artifice (5). 
 He placed an elephant of enormous size behind a cur- 
 tain (6). At a given sign (7) the beast uttered (8) a ter- 
 rible roar (9), and at the same time, put its trunk (10) 
 around the head of Fabricius. But the courageous man 
 said, quietly smiling (11), to the king: ^Neither could 
 you yesterday by your gold, nor will you to-day by this 
 elephant effect, that I faithlessly discharge the office, 
 laid (12) upon me by the state". Pyrrhus admired the 
 magnanimity of the man and returned many of the 
 captives to him without ransom (13). So much did he 
 deem virtue worthy of honour even in an enemy. To 
 
 (16) qui, with Siihj. (17) agere de redimendis captivis. 
 (18) Ace. with Inf. (19) persequi. 
 
 No. 55. (1) sibi conciliare. (2) tentare, icith ut, w conari, 
 
 vrith Inf. (3) concutere, perturbare. (4) repentinus. (5) ars. 
 
 (6) aulaeum. (7) signo dato. (8) edere. (9) mugitus. (10) pro- 
 
 boscis, idis. (11) subridere. (12) deferre, „tijxwi", Dat. (13) pre- 
 tium. 
 
 this an illustrious example of integrity (14) may be ad- 
 ded, which was given by the same Fabricius two years 
 afterwards. When he (15) was elected consul after the 
 battle at Asculum in Apulia, and sent, with an army, 
 against Pyrrhus, to keep him ofF(16) from the Eoman 
 territory, he pitched his camp (17), in a fiivourable place, 
 not far from the enemy. There a messenger came to him 
 from Nicias, the physician of the king, and handed (18) 
 him a letter, in which the physician promised to (19) 
 kill Pyrrhus by poison, if a reward were given to him. 
 Fabricius shrunk from so great a crime (20), and at once 
 sent Nicias's letter to the king. Astonished (21) at liis 
 integrity the king exclaimed: „This is that Fabricius 
 who can no more be turned from the path of integrity 
 than the sun from its course". 
 
 No. 56. 
 
 ^. Cineas goes to Borne, 
 Not long after the battle at Heraclea Pyrrhus sent 
 Cineas, a man of remarkable prudence and great elo- 
 quence, to Rome to conclude (1) peace with the Romans. 
 Cineas tried first to bribe the noblest Romans with gold; 
 but he soon desisted from this plan; for he found no 
 one, whose house was open (2) for presents. Then he 
 delivered a brilliant speech in the Senate, in which he 
 recommended, with admirable eloquence, the peace pro- 
 posed by Pyrrhus. Some of the Senators had already 
 been won over (3) by Cineas, when Appius Claudius 
 Caecus was carried (4) in a litter (5) into the Senate and 
 thus spoke: „Not without sadness (6) have I long been 
 
 (14) honestas. (15) qui quum. (16) arcere, prohibere. (17) cas- 
 tra ponere. (18) reddere (= „to hand''). (19) Ace. with Inf., 
 Gram. § 268. 2. (20) scelus. (21) obstupefieri. 
 
 No. 56. (1) componere. (2) patere, apertum esse, Imperf. 
 SttbJ. (3) capere. (4) portare, deferre, Perf. Indie. (5) lectica. 
 (6) luctus, maeror. 
 
64 
 
 Pakt I. 
 
 Section v. 
 
 65 
 
 destitute of the light (7) of my eyes; but now I wish 
 also to be deaf of my ears in order that I may not hear 
 what is unworthy of the Koman Senate". With such 
 dignity did blind Appius, in his old age, discharge the 
 Senatorial office (8). At liis advice the Senate rejected 
 the conditions of the king and replied to Cineas: „Be- 
 fore Pyrrhus will have left (9) Italy, there can be no 
 negotiation (10) about peace with him^. Cineas perceived, 
 that the Eoman Senate could be moved by no artifices, 
 and he, therefore, desisted from all other attempts (11). 
 Thus, without bringing the affair to a close (12), he 
 returned to Pyrrhus. But he faithfully and conscien- 
 tiously (13) told the king all that he had seen and heard. 
 He could not abstain from praising (14) the Romans, but 
 with much frankness he said that the city had appeared 
 to liim, as it were (15), a temple, and the Roman Senate 
 an assembly (16) of kings. With such great admiration 
 had the dignity of the Roman people impressed (17) him. 
 
 No. 57. 
 
 4. End of the Tarentine War. 
 After Pyrrhus (1) had punished the physician, whose 
 proposals (2) Fabricius had so generously (3) rejected (4), 
 with a (is) death, of wliich he had rendered himself 
 worthy, he, out of gratitude (5), sent back to the Ro- 
 mans all the captives without ransom. But they did 
 not wish to be sui-passed by liim in magnanimity, and 
 returned to him an equal number of their captives. From 
 
 ^^ II — ^ 
 
 (7) lumen. (8) munus senatorium. (9) discedere ex. (10) agi- 
 tur de (= ^there in a negotiatim of*). (11) desistere a tentatio- 
 nibus. (12) infecta re. (13) by the Suhst. fides, and religio. 
 (14) Transl Jrmu the praises of. (15) tanquam. (IB) consilium, 
 consessus, with quidam. (17) afficere. 
 
 No. 57. (1) Pyrrhus postquam, Gram. § 245. 2. (2) con- 
 ditio. (3) tanta (cum) animi magnitudine. (4) repudiare, respuere. 
 (5) gratus animus. 
 
 this time Pyrrhus tried, in an honourable manner, to 
 depart from Italy. By those two victories, too, he had 
 been so much weakened (6), that he did not dare to 
 fight (7) with the Romans in a third battle. Therefore, 
 invited by the Siculi, he went to Sicily to free that is- 
 land from the dominion of the Carthaginians, who had, 
 at that time, taken possession of a large part of the is- 
 land. But though Pyrrhus (8) obtained several victories 
 in Sicily also, yet two years afterwards, induced by the 
 entreaties of the Tarentines, he returned to Italy by the 
 same way. The Consul Manius Curius Dentatus, a man 
 who (9) was equal to Fabricius in moderation (10) and 
 integrity, marched against him with an army. In the 
 year 275 B. Chr. he attacked (11) the king near Bene- 
 ventum, and defeated liim in so great a battle, that 
 Pyrrhus at once resolved to desist from war and to de- 
 part (12) from Italy. He fled with a small portion of 
 his army in ships to Greece, where, soon after, whilst 
 besieging (13) Argos, he was killed by the blow (14) of 
 a stone. Three years after the departure (15) of Pyrrhus 
 the Romans conquered the city of Tarentum, and, by 
 this victory, gained (16), at the same time, the dominion 
 of the whole of Lower Italy. This happened in the year 
 272 B. Chr., ten years after the war with the Tarentines 
 had been begun (17). 
 
 No. 58. 
 
 In what Manner Pisistratus obtained (1) absolute 
 
 Power (2). 
 A few years after the death of Solon violent dis- 
 sensions arose among the citizens at Athens. In* these 
 
 (6) debilitare, frangere. (7) confligere. (8) Sed Pyrrhus 
 quamvis. (9) Gram. § 238. .5. (10) temperantia, continentia. 
 (11) aggredi. (12) decedere. (13) bi/ a clause ,,when he hesieged"", 
 Gram. § 256. I. 4. (14) ictus. (15) decessus, profectio. (16) Transl. 
 y,hy which v. they gaitied^^. (17) coepisse. 
 
 No. 58. {1) Perf. SubJ. (2) tyrannis, dominatio(= „afcs.poM?er"). 
 Mttller, Exercises. 5 
 
 1^ 
 
/ 
 
 66 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section v. 
 
 67 
 
 r 
 
 I 
 
 « 
 
 SF 
 
 quarrels Pisistratus, who was far more in favour (3) with 
 the people than with the nobles, again obtained abso- 
 lute power. He used his power with great moderation; 
 but yet the Athenians could not endure the loss (4) of 
 Hberty. The leaders (5) of the nobles, Megacles and Ly- 
 curgiis, who had been at variance, made an alliance be- 
 tween themselves and expelled Pisistratus from the city. 
 But as Lycurgus seemed to become more powerful than 
 Megacles, the latter (6) secretly informed (7) Pisistratus, 
 that (8) he was wilHng to lead (9) him back into the 
 city, upon condition, that he (10) should marry (11) his 
 daughter. The condition was accepted. Megacles pre- 
 pared in the city, what was necessary. But Pisistratus, 
 in order to be able without danger to get (12) into the 
 city, used a stratagem, which Herodotus not unjustly 
 considers very strange (13). There was, then (14), a wo- 
 man of enormous size, Phya by name, who was taller 
 nearly by a third part than Pisistratus himself. This 
 woman he dressed in a cuirass (15), and put a spear in 
 her hand, and a helmet on her head, so that, as to the 
 whole equipment (16), she equalled Minerva. When, there- 
 fore, Pisistratus had accoutred the woman in this manner, 
 he placed her by liis side on a magnificent chariot, which 
 was drawn (17) by the handsomest horses. Heralds (18) 
 were sent beforehand into the city, who, in all places, 
 with great clamour, thus exliorted(19) the people: „Ee- 
 ceive (ye) with a good heart (20) Pisistratus, whom our 
 Goddess Minerva holds dearer than the rest of men, and 
 herself leads back into her castle". This rumour was 
 heard throughout the city and believed by many. The 
 
 (3) gratiosus. (4) hi/ non posse carere, Ivtjfcrf. (5) princeps. 
 (6) hie. (7) renuntiare alicui. (8) Ace. with Inf. (9) Peripfir. 
 Conjng. (10) ille. (11) uxorem ducere, in matrimonium ducere. 
 (12) pervenire. (13) minis, mirabilis. (14) igitur, enim. (15) lo- 
 rica. (16) apparatus. (17) vehere. (18) praeco. (19> adhortari, 
 Suhjimd. (20) animus, voluntas. 
 
 woman enjoyed the honours of the true Goddess on that 
 day, imtil(21) Pisistratus had again taken possession of 
 the sovereignty. What happened (22) to her later, has 
 not been recorded. 
 
 No. 59. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Herodotus himself, to whom we owe this story, 
 holds so stupid (1) a folly (2) unworthy of the Athenian 
 people. For he adds: „The Greeks are wiser than all 
 nations; but more prudent than the rest of the Greeks 
 are the Athenians. But the more prudent men are, the 
 more unworthy of them must it be deemed, if they suffer 
 themselves to be deceived in such a manner". Pisistratus 
 married, indeed, as he had promised, the daughter of 
 Megacles, but treated her with so great contempt, that 
 Megacles, inilamed with anger, tried again to deprive 
 him of the sovereignty. When Pisistratus perceived this 
 and believed (3) himself weaker than liis adversaries, he, 
 of his own accord , left (4) the city and established his 
 abode at Eretria. In this city also his sons and friends 
 assembled. Pisistratus, using their advice, resolved to 
 prepare an army and recover the lost sovereignty by 
 force. But it was not until eleven years later, when he 
 seemed to have forces enough, that Pisistratus marched 
 into Atticii and pitched his camp in the Marathonian 
 plain. When tliis was announced (Plupf.) at Athens, 
 many citizens, to whom the tyrannis was more agreeable, 
 than the sovereignty of the people, left the city and 
 went over to Pisistratus. In this manner liis troops 
 were greatly increased, so that he defeated in a battle 
 the army, which had been gathered by the nobles against 
 liim. This victory he used very prudently. He sent 
 
 (21) dum, with Perf. (22) Perf. Subj, 
 
 No. ;>», (1) stolidus. (2) simplicitas. (3) habere. (4) dece- 
 dere ex. 
 
 5* 
 
68 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section v. 
 
 69 
 
 
 
 horsemen to announce in all parts of Attica, that no 
 one should be punished, who would lay down his arms 
 and return to his business (5). Most then did this, since 
 they wished rather to enjoy peace than to continue the 
 war. Thus Pisistratus obtained the tyrannis a third time 
 and kept it until his death. He died in the year 528 
 B. Chr. and left the sovereignty to his sons Hippias and 
 Hipparehus. 
 
 No. 60. 
 
 God's Nature cannot be comprehended (1) by Men. 
 Wlien Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse, with whom the 
 celebrated poets Pindar of Thebes, Simonides of Cea, 
 Aeschylus, bom at Eleusis in Attica in the year 525, 
 Epicharmus, born in the island of Cos, and Bacchilides, 
 the son of Simonides's sister, were staying for some time, 
 one day asked Simonides, what, or of what nature Gk)d 
 was, he demanded one day for deliberation (2). When 
 Hiero, on the following day, asked him about the same 
 thing, he demanded two days. When he had often 
 doubled the number of days, and the king, astonished, 
 asked, why he did so, he said: ^Because the more I 
 think over the matter, the more obscure it seems to me 
 to be^. — When St. Augustine at Hippo wrote liis book 
 on the Most Holy Trinity (3), and exerted himself in 
 vain, to comprehend a doctrine, which exceeds (4) human 
 reason, and to adapt it to the human intellect (5) , he 
 used to walk for some time on the sea-coast in order to 
 give some relaxation to his mind, fatigued (6) by the 
 difficult study. One day, so it is recorded, he saw a 
 lovely little boy sitting on the beach, who had dug a 
 
 {b) negotium, opus; Phtr. 
 
 No. 60. (1) perspicere; Ace. icith Inf. (2) deliberare; ,,for^, 
 causa {Genii, of Gerund) (3) Trinitas. (4) progredi ultra, or su- 
 perare. (5) accomodare ad humanain intelligentiam. (6) de- 
 fatigatus. 
 
 small hole (7) in the sand, and was busying liimself(8), 
 with great eagerness, in drawing water from the sea 
 with a spoon and pouring it into the small hole. Augu- 
 stine, who, for some time, had been looking with pleasure 
 at the childish play, finally asked the boy, why he exerted 
 himself so much, to fill that small hole with sea-water. 
 „I wish, answered the boy, to enclose (9) the whole sea 
 in tins small space". — „You will never succeed, replied 
 the bishop, with whatever eagerness you labour". — 
 „Yet I shall, I believe (10), more easily accomplish this, 
 said the boy with gravity, than you will succeed in 
 comprehending the doctrine on the Most Hol^^ Trinity". 
 Then he disappeared. — „He who investigates the Ma- 
 jesty of God, will be overwhelmed by its splendour", 
 says Holy Scripture. „How will man, says St. Basil, 
 who cannot even folly explain the nature of an ant, be 
 able entirely to comprehend the nature of God!" Yet, 
 though we are not able to comprehend it, we are bound 
 to use our reason, more and more to learn and admire 
 the perfections (11) of God. But what surpasses (4) reason, 
 is not yet against reason. 
 
 No. 61, 
 
 Marcus Porcius Gate the Eider. 
 
 We may rightly (1) count (2) M. Porcius Cato among 
 the most remarkable men of Rome. He was bom (Hupf. 
 of nascor) in the country of the Sabines, distinguished 
 for its ancient severity of life and manners, and was 
 educated in the neighbourhood of that villa, which Ma- 
 nius Curius Dentatus, noted for liis great moderation 
 and illustrious as conqueror both of the Samnites and 
 
 (7) scrobiculum (= „a small hde^) facere, or fodere. (8) ope- 
 ram ponere, stadium collocare in. (9) See 49, 7, (10) opinor, or 
 ut opinor. (11) vires divinae virtutesque. 
 
 No. 61. (1) jure optimo. (2) in numero habere, ducere, 
 reponere. 
 
70 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section v. 
 
 71 
 
 l» 
 
 1^ 
 
 of Pyrrhiis, liad once inhabited. This M'. C. Dentatus 
 and Fabius Maximus Cunctator, the latter being espe- 
 cially favourable to the ancient Roman fashion, Cato had 
 taken, as it seems, as models for imitation (H). He was 
 possessed of all the moderation, industry, and ability of 
 the early Roman times, as also of their severity (4); yet 
 he was not always consistent with himself (5). When 
 Scipio, in the year 203, prepared himself, in Sicily, for 
 the war against Carthage, Cato, his quaestor, was one 
 of his principal accusers. People said, that he was going 
 about (6), in the gymnasia, in Grecian attire, and was 
 employing himself (7) with Greek books and exercises; 
 that his army also was becoming effeminate by luxury, 
 and was enjoying the attractions of Syracuse; that Han- 
 nibal and Carthage were forgotten. Two tribunes of 
 the people, together with a praetor and ten legates were 
 sent to Sicily, in order to inquire into the accusations 
 on the spot (8), and, should (9) it be necessary, to de- 
 pose (10) Scipio from his office, and bring him to Rome. 
 But Scipio was found innocent. The hatred, by which 
 Cato was animated against the Scipios, has been touched 
 upon in another place. When the Athenians, in the 
 year 155, had sent as deputies the three most illustrious 
 philosophers of that time, the Academician Cameades, 
 the Peripatetic Critolaus, and Diogenes of Babylon, to 
 Rome, and all the young men, desirous of learnings 
 wished to enjoy their company and their instruction, 
 Cato made a motion in the senate (11), to dismiss those 
 Greeks a soon as possible, that the youths might not 
 be corrupted (12) by them. As Cameades had a parti- 
 
 (3) aliquem sibi proponere ad imitandum , or aliquem sibi 
 exemplum proponere ad imitandum. (4) acerbitas. (5) sibi con- 
 stare. (6) circumire; „intheg.''jAcc. (7) operam ponere, studium 
 coUocare in (,,ir*7A"). (8) in re praesenti. (9) Transl. „if it were 
 n." (10) abrogare imperium alicui. (11) referre ad senatum. 
 (12) depravare. 
 
 eular habit of speaking in the same way for and against 
 a thing (13) with an astonishing copiousness and power 
 of thought {Phir,\ Cato feared, that the love of probity 
 would disappear; if that man spoke, it was not easy to 
 distinguish (14), what amount (15) of truth there actually 
 was. „Believe, he wrote (16) to his son, that a prophet 
 has said, if that nation brings (17) us its sciences, it 
 will ruin everything; but still more, if it sends (17) us 
 its physicians." 
 
 Xo. 62. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Yet when he was serving under Fabius Maximus, 
 and, after the taking of Tarent in the year 209, became 
 acquainted with the Pythagorean Nearchus, he had fre- 
 quent intercourse with that learned man, and did not 
 deny, that he owed much to him. Towards the end of 
 his life he learned the Greek language (1) . read the 
 books composed in it (2), and made use of the know- 
 ledge acquired from them, in his own works. When, in 
 the year 195, he was sent as consul to Spain, where he 
 conquered the nations on tliis side of the Ebro, that 
 had fallen off, he slept on goatskins, and was content 
 with the same food and wine as (3) the sailors; he also 
 used to say, that that state was in a bad condition (4), 
 in which a fish was as dear as (5) an ox. Nevertheless, 
 when, by the administration of public offices, he had 
 become rich, he himself gave sumptuous banquets. He 
 showed himself kind towards his slaves. He worked (6) 
 and dined with them, and did not punish them, though 
 
 (13) de omni re in utramque partem, or in contrarias partes 
 disputare; ordisputare pro omnibus et contra omnia. (14)inter- 
 noscere. (15) Transl ^,Mo much of tr.^' (16) inquit. (17) //. Fut 
 
 No. 62. (1) linguam discere. (2) sermone aliquo librum 
 componere. (3) Gram. § 170, 2., and § 238. 2. a. (4) male se 
 habere, or male agi cum. (5) See 5. (6) Opus facere. 
 
72 
 
 Pakt I. 
 
 they were negligent in some things (7). Yet he advises 
 his son, to buy slaves cheaply, when still very young, 
 to let them learn something from other slaves, and then 
 to sell them dearly, in order to increase the pro^ierty. 
 Nay, in his later life-time, he whipped those, who made 
 some mistake, whilst serving at table, drove away those 
 weakened by age, or sold them, when he found a pur- 
 chaser. Though Plutarch extols Cato ^ath gi*eat praises, 
 yet lie cannot help bhiming this. „As if there was no 
 longer room for kind feeling, says he, when there was 
 no more advantage to be derived from them; as if 
 equity was not more comprehensive (8) than justice. 
 Even dogs and other animals are still fed, though one 
 cannot use them any longer. The Athenians fed the 
 mules, which they had used for the building of the 
 temple of Athene, though they were freed from all 
 laboiu' afterwards." Cato was accused, during his life, 
 forty four times, at one time of this, at another of 
 that (9) crime, but always acquitted. He finally placed 
 such great confidence in his innocence, that once, when 
 he was publicly examined (10), he demanded for himself 
 Tib. Gracchus as judge, with whom he was at variance (11) 
 on account of the administration of the commonwealth. 
 We have said, that Cato served in the Punic war, and 
 that he successfuU}' fought against the Spaniards; but 
 he marched also to (12) the East, to fight the enemies 
 of his countrj'. For when Antiochus the Great had in- 
 vaded Greece, and the consul Acilius Glabrio was will- 
 ing to attack him at Thermopylae, in the year 191, 
 Cato, who was as legate with the army, ascended the 
 mountains by unknoA^^ai and badly guarded paths, and 
 
 (7) Transl ^neglected smiething'', (8) amplus. (9) alias alius 
 (== „ai one this, at another that^% Gram. § 238. 7. 3. (10) publi- 
 cam quaestionem habere de aliquo, or in aliquem. (11) dissi- 
 dere ab, or cum aliquo. (12) in, or ad, icith versus. Gram. 
 § 164. 15. 2. 
 
 Section vi. 
 
 73 
 
 attacked the king in the rear (13), who then fled to 
 Asia, where, in the following year, L. Cornelius Scipio, 
 the brother of Africanus, defeated him at Magnesia on 
 the Sipylus, whence he acquired the surname (14) of 
 Asiaticus. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 Miscellaneous Examples on the Cases. 
 Use of Prepositions. 
 
 (Grammar § 161 — 164.) 
 No. 63. 
 
 Description of the City of Home. 
 
 The city of Rome is, without doubt, the most 
 famous of the cities of antiquity, of which at least we 
 have a sufficient knowledge (1), and, therefore, it is, be- 
 fore the other cities of the world, most worthy of a 
 more accurate description. Eomulus had built the city 
 on the Palatine liill, and had called it after his name. 
 This is siiid to have happened in the year 754 B. Clir. 
 on the 2P* of A^jril, on wliicli day, in (2) honour of 
 Pales, the Goddess of shei^herds, the Palilia were ce- 
 lebrated. Afterwards the same day, too, was always 
 considered the birthday (3) of Rome. The city, theii- 
 fore, comprised, in the beginning, only that moimtain. 
 But already before the death of Romulus the Capitoline, 
 and, at the same time, the valley, wliich is situated 
 between the Palatine and Capitoline, were added to the 
 city. To this valley the name of the Roman Forum 
 was given. Thus the city had already become a great 
 
 (13) a tergo aliquem adoriri. (14) cognomen trahere. 
 No. 63. (1) satis cognovisse de (— Jo have a suff. hiowl. of). 
 (2) in, ivith Ace. (3) dies natalis. 
 
74 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section vi. 
 
 75 
 
 deal more spacious under Romulus. By Numa Pom- 
 pilius nothing was added to the city. The third king 
 of the Eomans, Tullus Hostilius, connected Mount Coe- 
 lius, and the fourth, Ancus Marcius, Mount Aventine, 
 with the city. Finally (4) by Servius Tullius, the sixth 
 king, the city was much enlarged by the addition of 
 three hills (5), the Quirinal, the Viminal, and the Esqui- 
 line, which are said to have already been cultivated 
 before. At this time, therefore, the whole city em- 
 braced seven hills, and this extent (6) it has kept many 
 centuries. This is the reason, why Rome, in our time 
 also, is called, by many writers (7), the city of the seven 
 hills (8), although later, especially under the emperors, 
 it received (9) a far greater extent, and comprised still 
 several other hills. Among (10) these the Vatican is 
 most worthy of mention, of (11) which in another place 
 more will be said. 
 
 Xo. 64. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 The whole city had, in the time of king Tarquin 
 the Proud, the shape of a semicircle (1), nearly in the 
 midst of which Mount Capitoline was situated. Towards 
 the West and North the Tiber enclosed (2; the city; on 
 the other sides (3) were those six hills, which we have 
 named above, distant from the Capitoline at almost 
 equal intervals: towards the North on the Tiber was 
 the Quirfiial; next to this was the Yiminal, then the 
 Esquiline, the Coelius, the Palatine, and lastly the 
 Aventine, which touched the Tiber towards the South. 
 Romulus had already surrounded the city with a wall. 
 
 (4) denique {after the emphatic icord). (5) Transl Jfy three 
 hills added'', (6) amplitudo, ambitus. (7) auctor. (8) by the Adj. 
 septicollis. (9) nancisci, adipisci. (10) ex. (11) de. 
 
 No. 64. (1) orbis dimidiatus. (2) claudere. (3) pars, AH. 
 without JVep. 
 
 But this seems to have been neither strong, nor liigh, 
 if indeed (4) Remus was able to leap over (5) it. King 
 Servius Tullius built the first walls (6), which are worthy 
 of this name. They comprised all (7) the seven hills, 
 and had a circuit of nearly 10,000 Roman paces, which 
 equal ten English miles (8). But outside the walls, too, 
 the city was enlarged. In the year 73 A. D. (9) its 
 circuit is said to have been 13,500 paces, as is record- 
 ed (10) by ancient writers. Rome received its greatest 
 extension under the emperor Aurelian, who, about the 
 year 270 A. D., surrounded the city with new and 
 strong walls. Aurelian seems to have fortified the city 
 from fear of the barbarians, who already, at that time, 
 often invaded the Roman territory (11). But Rome be- 
 came, by the new walls, not only much stronger (12), 
 but was also, for a considerable (13) part, enlarged. For 
 these walls of Aurelian embraced, besides those seven 
 liills, also the Mounts Pincius, Vatican, and Janiculum, 
 and together with these the Campus Martins. At that 
 time, therefore, the city seems to have had a circuit of 
 22 or 23 miles (14). However by some writers it is re- 
 lated (15), that it was much larger, and the matter will 
 remain doubtful. 
 
 No. 65. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 The city, founded by Romulus, had three, or, as 
 some relate, four gates. Of these, when the Servian 
 wall was built, but one was left, the porta Carmen- 
 talis, and this is, therefore, the oldest gate of Rome. 
 Besides this several others are often mentioned (1) 
 
 (4) si quidem. (5) transilire. (6) moenia. (7) universus. 
 (8) milliarium Britannicum. (9) A. D. = after tlie birth of Christ, 
 post Christum natum. (10) memoriae prodere, tradere (Perf.). 
 ill) fines. (12) munitus. (1.3) magnus, insignis. (14) mille pas- 
 sus (= mile). (15) perhibere. 
 
 No. 65. (1) commemorare, nominare. 
 
76 
 
 Part i. 
 
 in the writings of the ancients. Pliny says, that the 
 gates, in his time, were 37 in number, besides 7 old 
 gates, wliich had ceased (2) to be. Of the number of 
 houses and inhabitants, in earlier times, nothing certain 
 is known. Not until (3) the time (Ahl) of Theodosius 
 a description of the city was made (4), from which it 
 appears (5), that it had, at that time, 48,382 edifices. 
 Of these 1780 were very- large buildings (6), 46,602 com- 
 mon (7) houses. But what the number of inhabitants 
 was, is not mentioned (8) in that description. The 
 greatest number of citizens, who have ever been count- 
 ed (9) by the censors, is about 300,000; as, however, 
 the women, the boys, and the slaves were not counted, 
 the whole (10) number of the inhabitants of the city 
 seems to have been two or three millions. Across (11) 
 the river Tiber there were several bridges, of wliich the 
 lowest and oldest, which Ancus Marcius had built (12), 
 was a wooden one; it was called pons Sublicius. A 
 little further up (13) was the senatorial bridge, which 
 the senators were accustomed to use in solemn pro- 
 cessions (14). Then followed five others. Outside of the 
 walls, farthest distant (15) from the mouth of the Tiber, 
 was pons Mihius. The streets of the city were alto- 
 getlier destitute of regulanty (16). Eacli street had a 
 name, as, the sacred road, the broad street, the Subura, 
 and others. That famous Apj^ian road, which the cen- 
 sor Appius Claudius had constructed (17) in the year 
 312 B. Chr., was not in the city itself, but led from 
 the porta Capena to Brimdusium. Of public places the 
 most famous were the Plain of Mars, and the Roman 
 
 (2) desinere. (3) demum {= „Not until''); see 43,14. (4) con- 
 ficere. (5) Pass, of cognoscere, (w intelligere. (6) domus. (7) vul- 
 garis, communis. (8) tradere. (9) censere. (10) universus. (11) in, 
 icifh Abl (12) facere. (13) superior, Gram. ,^ ^36. 2. (14) pompa 
 (= ,,sdemn proc.''). (15) longissime remotus. (16) certus ordo. 
 (17) struere. 
 
 Section vi. 
 
 77 
 
 Forum. In the latter especially the assemblies (18) of 
 the peojjle were held. In the very same place had 
 also been erected that famous columna rostrata, adorned 
 with the beaks of those ships, which Duilius had taken (19) 
 from the Carthaginians in the first naval victory. 
 
 Xo. 66. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 Rome offered, in the remotest times, a very(l) 
 miserable aspect. The city consisted of wretched (2) 
 huts (3) rather than of liouses, which, until the war of 
 Pyrrhus, were covered either with straw or with 
 sliingles (4). However already by the kings temples and 
 other public buildings were erected (5), which were an 
 ornament to the city. Among these (6) must be counted 
 especially the Capitol with the temple of Juppiter, 
 which, being built by Tarquin the Proud, has, indeed, 
 often been destroyed by fire (7), but has always been 
 rebuilt (8) with the greatest splendour. The Circus 
 Maximus, where the public games were held (9), the 
 sewers (10), large underground (11) canals, in which the 
 filth (12) was carried (13) out of the city into the Tiber, 
 and the oldest walls, which have been spoken of above, 
 had (Petf.) likewise been built by the kings. While (14) 
 thus in the most ancient times already the public edi- 
 fices were more and more adorned, the private houses 
 of the Romans remained very miserable until the second 
 century B. Chr. Two reasons can be given (15) for 
 this (16). First, the ancient Romans had so great a sim- 
 plicity of manners, that they easily got along with- 
 
 (18) Sec 37, 15. (19) capere. 
 
 No. 66. (1) admodum. (2) vilis. (3) casa, tugurium. (4) scan- 
 dula, with Adj. ligneus. (5) exstruere. (6) Transl .,in this num- 
 ber''. (7) incendium. (8) restituere. (9) dare, edere, (10) cloaca. 
 (11) subterraneus. (12) sordes. (13) educere, deducere. (14) quum. 
 Gram. ^ 256. I. 3. (15) afferre. (16) Transl. .,of this thing". 
 
»l 
 
 78 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section vi. 
 
 79 
 
 out (17) the splendoiir and beauty of the houses. Second- 
 ly, in the first times of the republic, the noble Romans 
 generaUy did not live (18) in the city, but in their 
 country-houses (19) , so that the houses of the city, for 
 the gi-eatest part, were inhabited (20) by citizens of 
 lower rank (21). In the city itself, therefore, only the 
 temples of the Gods, and the other buildings, which 
 were for public use, were erected with great splendour, 
 wliilst the single citizens were, for a long time, content 
 with their huts. 
 
 No. 65. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 In the last century B. Chr. the Romans were seized (1) 
 with a strong (2) desire (3) of building. But above (4) 
 others, who erected public buildings in honour of the 
 Gods, or for the benefit of the commonwealth, and for 
 the pleasure of the people, Pompey and Caesar are di- 
 stinguished. By Pompey the first theatre was built of (5) 
 stone (P7«r.), which afforded seats to 40,000 spectators (6), 
 whereas formerly they had had but a wooden theatre. 
 Caesar, at an immense outlay (7), founded that gorgeous 
 Caesarian Forum, and in it a temple of Venus Genitrix, 
 which, by its splendour, ftir surpassed all the others. 
 The private houses, too, of the rich were then already 
 built with great extravagance (8). On Mount Coelius 
 the first house is said to have been entirely covered (9) 
 with marble by a certain Mamun-a, which example most 
 of the Romans soon followed. How costly many private 
 dwellings were, may be learned from the example of 
 
 (17) carere (= „fo get along ivithmtf'). (18) habitare. (19) prae- 
 dium. (20) tenere; or habitare in, with Ahl (21) tenuis (= „o/* 
 
 ?Ofr rank^^). 
 
 No. 67. (1) capere. (2) ingens. (3) cupiditas. (4) ante. 
 (5) ex. (6) Transl Jo 40,000 people to look at (spectare)". (7) pre- 
 tium. (8) luxuria, luxus. (9) vestire. 
 
 Clodius, who is said to have bought his house for 
 700,000 Dollars (10). But most of the houses of private 
 people, till the last periods of the republic, were built 
 of wood or brick (11). Wlien Augustus got possession 
 of the supreme power, Rome had, indeed, already been 
 adorned with many and splendid buildings, which, how- 
 ever, belonged (12) either to the state, or some (13) very 
 rich people. By far the greatest part of the private houses 
 were still (14) of the primitive (15) simplicity, constructed 
 of wood or brick. But Augustus, in whose hands alone 
 was all power, deemed it to be his duty (16), to give (17) 
 the whole city a new appeiirance(18). He easily under- 
 stood, that for this purpose (19) he needed (20) a man 
 skilled in the art of building. And such a one was not 
 wanting to him; for, at that time, there was at Rome 
 M. Vitruvius Pollio, who in the opinion of all was deem- 
 ed (21) the most skilled architect (22). Augustus, there- 
 fore, employed this man to carry out (23) his plans. 
 Whole districts (24) of wretched houses were pulled 
 down (25), and in their place not only many public 
 edifices, but also a gi-eat number of private houses, were 
 built of marble. The city was, in this manner, so much 
 embellished, that Augustus, towards the end of his life, 
 was able to boast, and not unjustly, that (26), though 
 he had found a city of brick (27), he left one of marble(28). 
 
 No. 68. 
 
 Chapter VX 
 The next emperors imitated Augustus in embellish- 
 ing (I) the city. But Rome received an entirely new 
 
 (10) thalerus. (11) later, Hur. (12) Gram. § 207. 2. (13) sin- 
 guli. (14) etiamtum. (15) prisons, pristinus. (16) Gram. § 215. 2. 
 (17) dare, or induere. (18) species. (19) ad hanc rem, or ad hoc 
 perficiendum. (20) opus est. (21) habere. (22) architectus. 
 (23) exsequi, Gram. § 288. 1. (24) vicus. (25) destruere, or de- 
 moliri. (26) Atv. with Inf. (27) latericius. (28) marmoreus. 
 
 Xo. 68. (1) Gram. § 289. 2. 
 
80 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section vi. 
 
 81 
 
 II 
 
 'M 
 
 appearance through the emperor Nero. For this emperor, 
 in July of the year 64 A. D., set the city on fire in 
 many places at the same time (2) and rejoiced greatly (3) 
 at the flames, which, for eight days, filled all the citizens 
 with terror. But then he was not ashamed to impute (4) 
 this deed of his as a crime to the Christians, that he might 
 seem justly to exercise (5) the greatest cnielty against 
 them. This was the first persecution of the Christians, 
 from which at Rome few of them escaped; the holy 
 Apostles Peter and Paul were likewise put to death dur- 
 ing (6) it. Those who escaped the hands of the tyrant, 
 partly concealed themselves at Rome, partly migrated 
 to other countries, and carried the doctrine of Christ 
 there. But at Rome almost two tliirds of the city was 
 destroyed by that vast conflagration. Soon after, how- 
 ever, Nero caused (7) it to be restored with gi^eat care 
 and liberality, so that it became far more splendid and 
 magnificent, than it had been before the fire. For this (8) 
 Nero needed much money. But since he himself, through 
 luxury, had squandered (9) the public treasure (10), people 
 in most of the provinces were most cruelly robbed of 
 almost all their property (U). No one was spared, neither 
 rich nor poor. But the streets of the city were made 
 wider, many houses were built of Gabinian stones (12), 
 which were believed to be the best, and adorned with 
 the most beautiful porticos. For himself, too, he built 
 a house of so great splendour, that it was called, by a 
 great many, the golden house of Nero. This house was 
 in fact most worthy of its name. For it was not only 
 most splendidly adorned with gold and precious sto- 
 nes (13), but embraced also ponds (14) and lakes, plains 
 
 (2) simul. (3) mirifice, exiraie. (4) dare, Gram. § 208. 2, 
 (5) uti. (6) in. (7) Gram, § 281. H. Note. (8) by finis, or Utter, 
 ad hoc perficiendum. Gram. § 288. 1. (9) perfundere. (10) pe- 
 cunia (Plur.). (11) boniim {Plur.). (12) saxum. (13) gemma 
 (= „a p-. stone^'). (14) stagnum. 
 
 and woods, so that, in extent, it fully (15) equaUed a 
 small town. Not only at that time, but for many years 
 afterwards no building of so great splendour was seen 
 at Rome. 
 
 No. 69. 
 
 Chapter VTC. 
 
 After Nero the emperors Vespasian and Titus also, 
 but especially Trajan and Hadrian, endeavoured to make 
 the city more beautiful and magnificent. Caesar had al- 
 ready built a Forum, which seemed not so much for its 
 own sake, as for the sake of the splendid houses, by 
 which it was (Plupf.) surrounded (1), worthy of admira- 
 tion. Some other emperors had followed him in this 
 pursuit. But by far the most magnificent and splendid 
 Imperial (2) Forum was the Forum Trajanum, which the 
 emperor Trajan caused to be built by (3) ApoUodorus of 
 Damascus (4), the most famous architect of that time. 
 In the same Forum was erected the columna Trajani 
 entirely of marble, 120 feet high, on which the statue 
 of the emperor was placed. The emperor AeHus Hadria- 
 nu8, who was Trajan's successor (5) , built many other 
 edifices as also for himself that famous Mausoleum, i. e. 
 a most splendid tomb, which, because of its immense 
 magnitude, is usuaUy (6) called moles Hadriani. On the 
 foundations of that building, long after, the so-called 
 Castle of S. Angelo (7) was erected. But there stiU re- 
 mained (8) such extensive parts of the old building, that 
 Hadrian himself is not unjustly considered the builder 
 of the Castle of S. Angelo. The Aelian bridge, which 
 leads (9) from the city to the moles Hadriani, was like- 
 wise built by the same emperor and caUed after his 
 
 (15) prorsus, omnino. 
 
 No. 69. (1) cingere, circumdare. (2) imperatorius. 
 (4) Damascenus. (5) succedere alicui (= „to be succ. of''). 
 lere. (7) Castellum Angeli. (8) superesse. (9) ducere. 
 M tiller, Exercises. g 
 
 (3) per. 
 (6) so- 
 
82 
 
 Part i. 
 
 I 
 
 h\ 
 
 name. Besides the columna Trajani there were, at Korne, 
 still many other magnificent pillars, of which especially 
 one must here be mentioned (10) , wHch the emperor 
 M. Aurelius Antoninus erected. On the columna Trajani 
 to-day the statue of S. Paul, on the pillar of Antoninus 
 the statue of S. Peter is seen (11). Of other piUars the 
 Egyi)tian ObeUsks, which were {Plupf-) erected in many 
 places of the city, are most desei-ving of mention. Al- 
 ready had Augustus transferred the first Obelisk to Rome, 
 and placed it in the Campus Martins. Later on, by the 
 same as weU as by other emperors, still more Obelisks 
 were brought from Egypt to Italy and Rome, where they 
 were greatly admired. 
 
 >o. 70. 
 
 Chapter VIH. 
 T7ie Declining (l) Splendour of Rome and Its Downfall (13). 
 Soon after the death of M. AureUus the whole Ro- 
 man empire, and with it also Rome itself began to de- 
 cay. Very sad and turbulent times followed, in which 
 the emperors thought (2) only of their own welfare, but 
 entirely neglected (3) the embellishment of the city. It 
 was also a great disadvantage for the city, that (4), by 
 the emperor Constantine the Great, the old city of By- 
 zantium, to which, at that time, the name Constanti- 
 nople was given, was made the second capital of the 
 empire. Many works of art, which could be moved, 
 were transferred from Rome to Constantinople. The 
 emperors oftener stayed (5) at Constantinople than at 
 Rome. After the death of Theodosius the Great, in the 
 year 395 A. D., the Roman empire was divided into the 
 
 (10) Periphr. Cmjiig., or debere. (11) conspicere. 
 No. 70. (1) labi, occidere. (2) cogitare de („oD. 
 tere. (4) quod. (5) versari, commorari, degere. 
 
 (3) omit- 
 
 SeCTION VI. 
 
 83 
 
 Eastern (6) and Western (7) empire, each of which had (8) 
 its emperor. The Romans hoped, that their emperors 
 would again live at Rome. But Honorius was already 
 tired (9) of Rome, so that he far oftener stayed at Ra- 
 venna. In tliis manner Rome decayed more and more. 
 Moreover (10) the barbarians soon rushed (11) into Italy, 
 filled everything (Neut Pliir.) with terror, and spared 
 neither the city nor the inhabitants. From (12) the times 
 of Romulus up to the downfall (13) of the Western em- 
 pire Rome has been three times conquered by barbarian 
 nations. The first of these were the Gauls, who, under 
 the leadership (14) of Brennus, in the year 390 B. Chr., 
 took possession of the city, and are said to have de- 
 stroyed a great part of it by fire. But at that time 
 only wi^etched edifices were burnt, and soon better ones 
 were erected in their place. From that time, for 800 
 years, the Romans saw no enemy within their walls. 
 But towards the beginning (15) of the fifth century A. D. 
 barbarian nations penetrated into Italy, and brought (16) 
 sufferings (17) on the city, which nobody was able to 
 heal. Alaric, king of the Visigoths, was the first, who 
 marched up (18) to the city with an army and besieged 
 it. But for a long time past (19) the Romans had lost 
 all sense of shame (20) of their cowardice, and, therefore, 
 they promised Alaric a large sum (21) of gold and silver 
 to free themselves from the siege. But as they did not 
 pay (22), what they had promised, Alaric returned two 
 years afterwards, and conquered Rome in the year 410 
 after Christ. 
 
 (6) orientalis. 7) occidentalis {thmigh very rare, as likewise 
 orientalis). (8) Transl ^received'' (accipere). (9) taedere (= „to 
 be tired''). (10) insuper, praeterea. (11) invadere, irrumpere. 
 (12) jam inde a. (13) interitus, excidium. (14) Gram. § 284. h 
 (15) eitlier sub, %cith Ace. (Gram. ^ 164. 13.), or Abl. absol, 
 ineunte fere, etc. (16) inferre. (17) malum. (18) accedere. 
 (19) jam pridem (= „for a Img t. past''). (20) Transl. ,,were not 
 ashamed" (non pudet). (21) vis, pondus. (22) solvere. 
 
 6* 
 
 M 
 
lit 
 
 t 
 
 1 
 
 84 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 No. 31. 
 
 Chapter IX. 
 A time full of terror and cruelty came (1) then upon 
 Rome. The soldiers of Alaric ravaged (2) and sacked (3) 
 the city with fire and sword (4) for three days, and many 
 of its magnificent ornaments perished. After six days 
 Alaric left Rome and died, in the same year, in Lower 
 Italy. But the city suffered far greater damage, when, 
 some years after, it was conquered a third time. This 
 came about (5) through Genseric, king of the Vandals. 
 Following the example of Alaric, he came, in the year 
 455, from Africa to Italy, and took Rome without diffi- 
 culty (6). The Vandals sacked the city for 14 days with 
 the greatest cruelty (7) and ferocity (8). Temples and 
 houses were burnt, works of art either destroyed (9) or 
 carried away (10), and all this was accomplished (11) with 
 so great barbarity (12), that VandaUsm is stUl in our 
 days the name for the most frightful (13) devastation (14). 
 When the Vandals had plundered (15) everything, they 
 left Rome and returned to Africa. Genseric led with 
 him the emperess(16) Eudoxia and her two daughters, 
 one of whom married Hunneric, Genseric's son. Not 
 long after, in the year 476 after Christ, the Western 
 empire was dissolved by Odoacer, leader of the Heruli. 
 The city, which had formerly been the terror of nations, 
 had already been weakened to such a degree, that it 
 voluntarily (17) surrendered to the enemy. From this 
 time the sovereignty of Rome was oftener in the hands 
 of (18) the barbarians, than of the citizens. The city 
 
 No 71. (1) opprimere, occupare (= „to conie upon'% (2) va- 
 stare. (3) diripere. (4) igni ferroque, but more commonly^ ferro 
 ignique, or ferro atque igni. (5) fieri. (6) sine (alio) labore, 
 nullo negotio. (7) saevitia. (8) feritas, ferocia. (9) diruere. 
 (10) abripere. (11) peragere. (12) inhumanitas. (13) immams. 
 (14) vastatio. (ib) vacuum facere, vacuefacere. (16) imperatnx. 
 (17) sua sponte. (18) penes. 
 
 Section vi. 
 
 85 
 
 was altogether destitute of a defender. It lay open (19) 
 to every enemy, and it was easy to take possession of 
 it. Therefore it was some times taken and ravaged by 
 hostile armies in the following centuries, whereby it 
 was more and more stripped of its old splendour and 
 most magnificent ornaments. Later on there were in 
 the city itself vast and deserted districts, devoid (20) of 
 men and houses, filled with ruins. That famous Forum 
 Romanum had been changed into a field, in which herds 
 of cows pastured. But nevertheless so many and so 
 great monuments of ancient art still (21) remain, that 
 the former greatness of the city can be recognized from 
 them. 
 
 No. n. 
 
 On the Love of Enemies (1). 
 The sublime and noble virtue, whose name is „Love 
 of enemies", is only known among Christians; to those 
 who are not Christians, it is and always was unknown, 
 and though there seem to be some examples of it among 
 them, still those examples have only the appearance of 
 virtue. Cyrus wished to live so long, that he might be 
 able to outdo his benefactors (2) by benefits, his ofiend- 
 ers(2) by punishments. We read in Plato, that most 
 of the Greeks believed it, indeed, a virtue, to bestow 
 benefits on friends as well as to take revenge upon 
 enemies. But the heroes and kings of the Greeks also 
 have the same opinion; nay, Minerva herself says, that 
 it is sweet to laugh at an enemy. Dionysius of Syra- 
 cuse said to Plato, that not only the deeds of enemies, 
 but also their intentions ought to be hated and punished. 
 
 (19) patere (= Jo lie open''), (20) inanis, vacuus. (21) hodie, 
 hodie etiam, etiam nunc. 
 
 No. 72. (1) inimicus = „a personal foe''; hostis = „a puMic 
 enemy'', „a« e. of the state". (2) Transl by clauses with Jhose 
 who"" etc. 
 
 M 
 
 -I 
 
li^ 
 
 86 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Still worse is, what Aristotle teaches in the first book 
 of his Ehetoric , where , enumerating what (3) is beauti- 
 ful and honest, he deems it also good and right, not to 
 be reconciled to one's enemies, but rather to revenge 
 oneself on them. „For it is just, says he, to return 
 what one has received, and it is the duty of a man of 
 character (4) , not to yield, nor allow himself to appear 
 as the weaker". Cicero considers (5) it the first precept 
 of justice, to harm nobody, unless one be stimulated to 
 it by offences. Of Scipio Africanus it is related, that 
 he thought it an honour to himself to be surpassed by 
 no one, whether he had done liim good or evil. Nay, 
 it seems that this was considered to be so important, 
 that it was inscribed on his tomb, on wliich there was 
 the following: „Here lies he whom neither a fellow- 
 citizen nor an enemy was able to repay (6) for his deeds.'* 
 It is said, that to revenge oneself is agreeable to (7) 
 nature. But we say, that revenge is agreeable to(7> 
 the corrupted (8) nature of man. Yet many are found 
 even among the Greeks and Eomans, who controlled 
 their anger, pardoned their enemies, and did them good. 
 To set forth only a few examples, Lycurgus had one 
 eye knocked out (9) by one (10) of his fellow-citizens. 
 The people seized the young malefactor, and delivered 
 him up to Lycurgus, to be punished by him in what- 
 soever manner he wished. But he kept him for some 
 time in his house, instructed him in the institutions of 
 the forefiithers and the discipline of the state (11), and 
 made him a good man. Then he conducted him to the 
 place, where the people used to assemble (12) and said 
 
 (3) ,,whaf' = that whkh (Plur.), (4) vir constans. (5) judi- 
 care. (6) gratiam alicui referre pro. (7) secundum. (8) cor- 
 ruptus ac depravatus. (9) Transl either „L. was deprived of' 
 (privare), or Jo L. one eye was k. out'' (elidere, excutere). (10) qui- 
 dam. (11) aliquem instituere atque erudire ad majorum insti- 
 tuta atque civitatis disciplinam. (12) congregari in locum. 
 
 Section vi. 
 
 87 
 
 to the astonished multitude: „This man I received from 
 you as a youth of great insolence, I return him to you 
 as a man of great gentleness and a citizen of many 
 virtues." 
 
 No. 73. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 The Macedonian kings, too, knew how(l) to mo- 
 derate themselves and to control their mind and words. 
 Wlien, one day, Alexander, Philip's son, heard that he 
 was reviled (2) by one of his soldiers, he being called 
 upon to revenge himself said: „It is beautiful to forget 
 the injuries inflicted on us by others." Among the 
 Romans we find also many who sometimes did not 
 suffer themselves to be overcome (3) by the desire of 
 revenge. To pass over other examples which are most 
 worthy of mention, Cicero defended Gabinius, who had 
 been accused of extortions, with the greatest energy, 
 though that man, when Consul, had expelled him from 
 the city. The meekness and gentleness of Caesar are 
 justly praised. When he had crossed the Eubico, Labie- 
 nus, his most confidential Legate, deserted him at the 
 most momentous time, and went over to Pompey; but 
 Caesar sent (4) him all his baggage (5), and spared all 
 his rich and productive estates. In the battle at Phar- 
 salus Caesar said (6) to his soldiers: „ Spare the citizens". 
 After the battle he generously (7) pardoned those, who 
 survived, and granted them freedom and property. All 
 the letters of Pompey, that had fallen into his hands, 
 he burnt, without reading (8) them, that they might 
 not be a cause of suspicion and revenge to him. It was 
 
 No. 73. (1) Infinit. (2) maledicere, Gram, g 204. 1. Also 
 conviciis aliquem insectari, lacerare aliquem verborum contu- 
 meliis. (3) vinci (= „fo suffer oneself to he overcome"). (4) sub- 
 mittere alicui aliquid. (5) sarcina (Plur.). (6) inquit, Gram. 
 ,^148. Note. (7) clementer. (8) Part. Perf. {,,mt having been read"). 
 
 i 
 
88 
 
 Part i. 
 
 m 
 
 
 Caesar's greatest praise, that Cicero was able to say of 
 him, that he was wont to forget nothing (9) except 
 injuries. 
 
 We find, then, many examples of moderation among 
 the Greeks and Romans worthy of imitation. But they 
 checked their anger and pardoned the enemy rather 
 from prudence, or on account of advantages and glory, 
 or from the love of their country, not from the love of 
 God, not because they acknowledged themselves in need 
 of pardon (10), not because they had a high esteem of 
 every man as a child of the heavenly father. Higher 
 and nobler must the love of ennmies be considered 
 among the Jews. They were commanded by God him- 
 self, to consider all men as brethren rather than as 
 strangers. Therefore all foreigners, who lived in Ju- 
 daea, enjoyed the same rights, had the same laws as the 
 natives. But highest of all stands the love of men and 
 especially of enemies among Christians. How many 
 have there been at all times, who imitating the example 
 of Christ, who besought his heavenly father to forgive 
 those who had nailed him to the cross (11), have par- 
 doned their enemies, prayed for their welfare, and often 
 made most intimate friends of (ex) their former most 
 bitter adversaries. 
 
 (9) nulla res. (10) venia, or veniae indigere (= „to be in 
 Tieed of p.''). (11) See 39, 18. 
 
 Section vii. 
 
 89 
 
 SECTION vn. 
 
 Use of Adjectives and Pronouns, together with 
 
 Numerals. 
 
 (Grammar § 236—238, and § 55—61.) 
 
 No. 74. 
 
 King Darius and the Philosopher Democritus. 
 Darius, the renowned king of the Persians, had 
 loved truly (1) his wife daring her life-time, and mourn- 
 ed (2) her so much after her death, that he seemed to 
 give himself up entirely to grief. Wlien the wise 
 Democritus of Abdera came to Persia and saw the sor- 
 rowing Darius, he addressed him in the following man- 
 ner: „With regret I see you sad, o king. If j^ou give (3) 
 me all that is necessary, I shall call the dead back into 
 life and restore her to you." Darius gladly accepted 
 this condition and recommended the philosopher to spare 
 no expense (Phir.) and to fulfil (4) the promise (Plur.), 
 After the wise man had spent some days assiduously in 
 his task (5), the king at length asked him, whether 
 anything (6), which he needed for his work, was still 
 wanting to him. Whereupon the philosopher, hesitat- 
 ing a little, answered: „A11 things are, indeed, abun- 
 dantly at hand (7); one thing only is wanting; you 
 alone, the king of all Asia, will perhaps be able to ob- 
 tain that one thing, and thus yourself call back to life 
 the dead queen. This consists in inscribing on the 
 tomb of the dead the names of three men, to whom 
 nothing evil has ever happened in life. Since the king 
 of the Persians is able to do all things, tliis will also 
 be easy to him." Darius was startled (8). He believed 
 
 No. 74. (1) verissime. (2) lugere. (3) suppeditare {11. Fut). 
 (4) praestare, solvere. (5) negotium. (6) num quid. (7) sup- 
 petere (= „fo be ab. at hand'-^). (8) perturbari, obstupescere. 
 
 ^1 
 
90 
 
 Past i. 
 
 Sectiok vn. 
 
 91 
 
 I 
 
 Ifi 
 
 .H 
 
 that in all Asia not even one could be found, who, 
 during his whole life, had been free from all pain. 
 Then Democritus said smiling — for this was his custom—: 
 „And you, most foolish of all mortals, you believe to 
 be allowed to mourn immoderately, as if a calamity (9) 
 had befallen you alone?" Darius understood that what 
 Democritus had said, was true; and from this time he 
 deemed it the duty of a wise man to endeavour (10) to 
 bear nothing reluctantly, that might be inflicted upon 
 him either by nature or by God himself. But he re- 
 warded (11) Democritus with the greatest honours and 
 considered him the wisest among men. 
 
 No. ?5. 
 
 Something about the Military System (1) of the Romans. 
 
 The Eomans were, from the very (2) origin of their 
 state, a very warlike people. Each citizen had to bear 
 arms (3) from the 17^^ until the 46^^ year of his age, 
 when the welfare of the coimtry required it, and in the 
 beginning no one could discharge any public office, 
 who had not served in ten campaigns (4). Horsemen 
 were accustomed to serve in ten, footsoldiers in twenty 
 campaigns each. In the best times of the commonwealth 
 slaves and freedmen(5) were not admitted to military ser- 
 vice (6). As long as the commonwealth existed, the Eomans 
 were engaged (7) in almost continual wars, first, about 500 
 years, with the nations of Italy, then, nearly 200 years, 
 before they brought under their dominion (8) those many 
 
 „a" hy aliquid). 
 
 (9) mahim, calamitas {the indefinite Art. 
 (10) eniti ut. (11) prnare. 
 
 No. 75. (1) res. (2) primus, or ipse. (3) Traml. ,,)uid 
 (debere) to be in arms^^, (4) decern stipendia merere (= „fo serve 
 in ten c.'*). (o) libertus, libertinus. (6) militia (= „mil. service''). 
 (7) implicare aliqua re. (8) sub suam potestatem redigere, suae 
 dicionis facere. 
 
 countries, of which the Roman empire afterwards con- 
 sisted. In the early times of the republic four legions 
 were levied (9) every year (10), which formed two con- 
 sular armies; for two legions were given to each of the 
 two consuls. But not seldom still more legions were 
 levied; it is said, that in the Punic war there were 
 twenty or more. The consuls themselves directed the 
 levy (11); the citizens gave their names on the appoint- 
 ed (12) day, and were inscrfbed in the registers (13). 
 When the levy was finished (14), the soldiers took the 
 oath (15). After the soldiers had bound themselves (16) 
 by oath, they were divided into legions. The number 
 of soldiers of a legion was difierent at different times. 
 At the end of the second Punic war there were 4200 
 men (17), later there were usually (18) 6000. They were 
 all footsoldiers. The single legions were divided into 
 ten cohorts, the cohorts into three maniples each, the 
 maniples into two centuries each. A legion, therefore, 
 consisted of 60 centuries; and when these, according to 
 their name, liad also in reality 100 soldiers each, the 
 whole legion contained 6000 men. But in the more 
 ancient times tliis number was more correspondent (19) 
 to the name, than to the reality; for it was often less. 
 To each legion was added a body (20) of horsemen, the 
 so-called regular (21) cavalry, which consisted of 300 
 horsemen. But this body was divided into ten squad- 
 rons (22), a squadron into three decuriae. 
 
 (9) conscribere. (10) qiiotannis. (11) delectum habere. (12) di- 
 cere. (13) in tabulas referre. (14) Ablat absol. (15) sacramentum 
 dicere. (16) obligari (= „fo bittd oneself^ (17) caput. (18) &y 
 solere. (19) conveniens. (20) ala. (21) Justus. (22) turma. 
 
92 
 
 *i| 
 
 ii 
 
 m 
 
 Part i. 
 
 No. 76. 
 
 Section vu. 
 
 93 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 With each legion of Roman soldiers an almost 
 equal number of allies was usually (1) combined, who 
 were divided in the same manner as the legion. The 
 allies had, like (2) the cavalry, their place on both 
 sides (3) of the army; and for that reason these troops 
 were called by the same name as the cavalry, wings (4) 
 of the allies. A whole consular army of two legions, 
 therefore, generally consisted of 20,000 or 24,000 men. 
 There were three orders of heavy-armed footsoldiers (5), 
 hastati, principes and triarii. The hastati received their 
 name from the spears, which they were, at first, ac- 
 customed to use; which custom, since it seemed to be 
 more troublesome than useful, was afterwards abandon- 
 ed (6). They formed (esse) the first line (7) and con- 
 sisted of young imen, who were in the very (8) bloom 
 of their youth. They were followed, in the second Hne, 
 by the principes, men of maturer(9) age, whose name 
 arose from the circumstance (10) , that (11) in the most 
 ancient times they seem to have stood in the first line. 
 The triarii, soldiers of tried bravery and well skilled in 
 warfare, occupied (12) the third line. They were also 
 called pilani, from the pilum, which, in the beginning, 
 they had used. First of all, therefore, the hastati be- 
 gan (13) the battle. If they were unable to beat (14) 
 the enemy, they retired and were received (15), by the 
 principes, into the openings (16) of their ranks. Then 
 the fight was begun by the principes, and the hastati 
 followed. If, however, the principes fought less luckily, 
 
 No. 76. (1) See 73, 18. (2) ut. (3) pars. (4) ala. (5) gravis 
 armaturae pedites. (6) abolere. (7) acies. (8) ipse. (9) ro- 
 bustus. (10) ex eo (= ,/row that circ"). (H) quod. (12) obti- 
 nere. (13) inire. (14) profligare. (15) excipere. (16) inter- 
 vallum. 
 
 they themselves, with the hastati, withdrew in a similar 
 manner, to be received into the openings of the triarii. 
 Hence the proverb originated: „The affair has come (17) 
 to the triarii", i. e. the affair is in the greatest 
 danger (18). 
 
 No. 77. 
 
 Chapter HI. 
 
 The above mentioned heavy-armed troops formed 
 the old legion. To these, later on, a fourth order was 
 still added, which, on account of its swiftness, had the 
 name of velites. The velites were without baggage (1), 
 and used a light armament. They were first introduced (2) 
 in the second Punic war. They were distributed neither 
 in cohorts nor in maniples, nor had they a certain place 
 assigned (3) them; but they fought dispersed, the one 
 in this, the other in another place, when and where it 
 was necessary. With them were the archers (4) and 
 slingers(5). The archers were taken by the Romans, 
 according to their usual prudence (6), chiefly from Crete, 
 the slingers from the Balearic islands; for those were 
 both considered the best of their kind. It is said that 
 amongst the number of the velites there were also other 
 troops, who had the name of accensi. These stayed 
 with the army in order to take (7) the places of the 
 legionary soldiers, who had fallen. Often (8), especiaUy 
 under the emperors, the soldiers were named after (9) 
 the number of the legion, to which they belonged (10), 
 so that the soldiers of the first legion were called pri- 
 mani , those of the second secundani , those of the third 
 tertiani. In the same way were styled the tertia- 
 
 (17) redire. (18) discrimen. 
 
 No. 77. (1) sarcinae, impedimenta; also by expeditus. (2) in- 
 stituere. (3) attribuere. (4) Sagittarius. (5) funditor. (6) Gram. 
 § 238. 2. c. (7) succedere in, with Ace. (8) non raro. (9) ex. 
 (10) esse, with Gen., or with in and AM. 
 
 Ii 
 
94 
 
 Part i. 
 
 
 decimani, the duodevicesimani , the vicesimani. — Tlie 
 Roman soldiei-s used their amis with the same facility 
 as their limbs. The velites, however, had, for attack- 
 ing (11), bows, slings (12), and seven javelins (13) each; 
 besides a short sword, by which they attacked with the 
 edge and point (14). A helmet, made of leather (15), 
 guarded the head, and a round light shield (16), which 
 was made of wood and covered (17) with leather, the 
 rest of the body. The heavy-armed soldiers had, for 
 attacking, only a sword and two long spears, from 
 which the hastati were named; but the triarii used, in 
 the beginning, a shorter and heavier spear, which was 
 called pilum. Tliis was afterwards changed, and the 
 pilum was given to the hastati and principes, but the 
 hasta to the triarii; nevertheless the soldiers of the first 
 line were called by the same name as before, hastati, 
 and the triarii, pilani. All of them had an oblong 
 shield (18), made of wood and covered with an ox- 
 hide (19); in the midst of the shield an iron boss (20) 
 projected (21). Sometimes they also used a round shield 
 (22), which was a little smaller. Moreover, the heavy- 
 armed soldiers were covered with a cuirass (23) and 
 generally also with greaves (24). Hardly any but (25) 
 the common (26) soldiers used boots (27). 
 
 No. 78. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 In the earliest times of the Eoman republic the 
 chief command (1) over the army was with the consul. 
 When afterwards armies were required in many and 
 that, indeed, remote places, praetors and proconsuls and 
 
 (11) petere. (12) funda. (13) jaculum. (14) caesim et punc- 
 tim, caesim punctimque, Gram. §159. 2. (15) corium. (16) par- 
 ma (= „rt r, I. sh.'^). (23) lorica. (24) ocrea. (25) by fere and 
 solus {^almost only^^). (26) gregarius. (27) callga. 
 
 ^0. 78. (1) summum imperiuni. 
 
 Section vii. 
 
 95 
 
 propraetors were also invested (2) with the chief com- 
 mand. To the chief- commander, however, the senate 
 gave either one or more legates, who under his gui- 
 dance (3) commanded the whole army or a part of it. 
 Under the legate or, if a legate had not been appointed, 
 under the consul were the military tribunes, six in each 
 legion, who commanded about 1000 men in battle; where- 
 fore the Greeks called a tribune xtliaQxoQ. The leaders 
 of the centuries were called centurions, and as each 
 maniple had two centuries, one of the centurions was 
 cidled the first, the other the second. The centurion of 
 the first century of the first maniple of the triarii, held 
 the first rank (4) among them, wherefore he was called 
 primipilus, or the first centurion, and to him the eagle, 
 the piincipal ensign (5) of the legion was intrusted. The 
 commander of the cavalry, which was with a legion, 
 was named praefectus alae. The single tui-mae had thi-ee 
 decurions each, i. e. leaders (6) of ten horse each. A 
 so-called magister equitum was but rarely nominated (7), 
 and only by the dictator. In time of peace the Eoman 
 citizens wore the toga, but in war both the soldiers and 
 their leaders used the military cloak (8). Hence people 
 said „saga sumere" instead of „to go to war", and „re- 
 dire ad togas" instead of „to return to peace". When 
 a war broke out in Italy, which was called tumultus, 
 all the citizens put on the military cloak, and people then 
 said, that the community (9) were in military cloaks. 
 The nobler leaders, and especially the commander-in-chief, 
 had usually a purple cloak (10), the so-called paluda- 
 mentum; but the commander-in-chief, or the consul in 
 particular was distinguished by his lictors, who accom- 
 panied him also in war. The military tribunes, as they 
 
 I 
 
 (2) hy praeesse, aho gerere, fungi. (3) auspicium, Ahl, Plur. 
 (4) locus. (5) signum. (6) ductor. (7) dicere. (8) sagum. (9) civi- 
 tas. (10) chlamys (= „a p. d."). 
 
96 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 4 
 
 mostly belonged (11) to the equestrian order (12), the 
 badge of which was a gold ring, sometimes used the 
 gold ring also (13) as (ut) a sign of their rank. The 
 centurion^s badge, however, was a vine; therefore it was 
 also said „he has been presented with the vine" in the 
 same sense as „he has been appointed centurion". The 
 cavalry mostly wore light garments in order to mount 
 the horses the more easily; for stirrups (14) were entirely 
 unknown to the ancient Greeks and Eomans. To manage 
 their horses they used reins and spurs. 
 
 No. 79. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 
 Even on their greatest marches the Romans let al- 
 most no night pass by (1), in which they did not pitch (2) 
 a camp and fortify it by a rampart and ditch. In order 
 to bring this about (3), the soldiers carried on the march 
 itself all the utensils, and besides three or four stakes (4) 
 each. If the army stayed longer at the same place, the 
 camp was called a stationary (5) camp, and that accord- 
 ing to the season of the year either a summer-, or a 
 winter -camp (6). In the most ancient times an augur, 
 afterwards a surveyor (7) was sent in advance, to (8) 
 select (9) a suitable place and to measure out (10) a 
 camp. The shape of the camp was mostly a square. It 
 was surrounded by a rampart, which was strengthened 
 by posts (11) or stakes, set firmly in the ground (12), 
 and by a ditch. First the place for (Dat) the prae- 
 torium, which was the tent (13) of the general, was 
 
 (11) esse, Gram. § 207. 2. (12) ordo equester. (13) hy et 
 ipse. (14) fulcrum (ad ascendendum). 
 
 No. 79. (1) praetermittere. (2) ponere, Subjunct (3) ad id 
 efficiendum. (4) vallus. (5) stativus. (6) by aestivus and hiber- 
 nus. (7) metator. (8) qui, with Subj. (9) capere, also eligere. 
 (10) inetari. (11) sudes. (12) immittere, adigere (= „to iet /*. t» 
 tJie ^r."). (13) tabemaculum. 
 
 Section vii. 
 
 97 
 
 chosen; before wliich the altars, the ensigns (14), and 
 the tribimal(15) of the general were placed. Next to 
 it were the tents of the legates or the forum, and of 
 the quaestor or the quaestorium; and in the same manner 
 a certain place was assigned both to the tribunes and all 
 the rest of the soldiers, wliich they always kept, so that 
 each one was able most easily to find his own at any 
 time. The camp was divided into the upper and the 
 lower part, by a straight and broad road, the so-caUed 
 via principalis. In the upper part there was the tent 
 of the general, the forum, the quaestorium, the tents of 
 the tribunes and of the commander (16) of the allies, 
 with those soldiers who seemed necessary for their pro- 
 tection (17). The greatest part of the soldiers together 
 with the centurions and decurions occupied the lower 
 part of the camp. This was again divided into two 
 parts by the so-called praetorian (18) road. The camp 
 had generaUy four gates, one of which was opposite (19) 
 the general's tent, and was called the praetorian gate, 
 from which the legions used to march out against the 
 enemy; over against (20) this was the porta decumana, 
 averted (21) from the enemy. Those two gates, which 
 enclosed the camp on both sides of the principia or via 
 principaHs, were called porta principalis dextra and porta 
 principaHs sinistra. The tents (22) of the soldiers were 
 covered with hides (23), wherefore it was said „to be 
 under the hides" for „to be in the camp". Wlien the 
 general wished to break up (24), he gave the signal for 
 packing up (25), at which the soldiers struck the tents (26). 
 At the second signal the baggage was put on the beasts 
 of burden (27) ; at the tliird each one had to occupy (28) 
 
 (14) signum. (15) tribunal. (16) praefectus. (17) praesidium. 
 (18) praetorius. (19) exadversus, tvifh Ace. (20) contrarius, ad- 
 versus. (21) aversus. (22) tentorium. (23) pellis. (24) castra 
 movere. (25) signum vasa colligendi. (26) tabernacula de- 
 tendere. (27) jumentum. (28) tenere. 
 
 MUller, Exercises. 7 
 
 :j 
 
98 
 
 Part i. 
 
 j( 
 
 his place, and the anny marched off in a definite order (29), 
 which was always the same. 
 
 No. SO, 
 
 Daring (1) Courage of the Young Caesar. 
 
 Already from his earliest youth Cajus Julius Caesar 
 gave different proofs (2) of a great and daring soul. The 
 dictator Sulla had ordered (3) him to repudiate his wife 
 Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna; but Caesar, at that 
 time about twenty years old, openly refused (4) to obey (5) 
 his command. Thereupon the wrath of Sulla was rous- 
 ed (6) to such a degree, that he determined to proscribe 
 Caesar. The latter, owing to the determination (7) of 
 his mind, was by no means (8) frightened by this; yet 
 he did not disregard the danger, which as he saw 
 threatened (9) him, but left Eome and Italy and went 
 to Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, with whom he was on 
 terms of (10) friendsliip. In the mean time his friends 
 interceded (11) for him at Eome, and begged of Sulla, 
 that he would pardon (12) Caesar. The dictator, how- 
 ever, having only been overcome by many entreaties, 
 granted (13) them what they asked for, using the follow- 
 ing remarkable words: „You may have him for your- 
 selves; but know, that there are many Mariuses liidden(14) 
 in this Caesar ''. How truly Sulla had judged of Caesar 
 and his spirit, was afterwards perceived. After Sulla's 
 death Caesar returned to Eome; from thence he travelled 
 soon to Ehodes in order to study (15) rhetoric with Molo, 
 the most renowned rhetorician of his age. On this 
 
 (29) agmen. 
 
 No. 80. (1) fortis. (2) documentum. (3) imperare ut. (4) hy 
 negare. (5) obtemperare, obsequi. (6) exardescere. (7) constan- 
 tia, see Gram. § 238, 2, c. (8) nihil, minime. (9) imminere, im- 
 pendere. (10) hy esse, see Gram, g 207. (11) deprecari. (12) con- 
 donare, liberare. (13) dare. (14) latere, occultum esse. (15) operam 
 dare. 
 
 Section vii. 
 
 99 
 
 journey he was captured by pirates, who then rendered 
 all the seas and coasts insecure (16). Caesar bade them 
 say, for what price they would release (17) him. They 
 demanded twenty talents. Caesar replied laughing, that 
 they judged of him meanly, since they demanded from 
 him so small a ransom (18), and he promised to give 
 them fifty talents. Whilst (19) the messengers and friends 
 of Caesar collected (20) that money in different towns, 
 he himself behaved towards the pirates in such a way, 
 as if(21) he himself was their master, and they were 
 subjected to him. He often read (22) to them his poems 
 and speeches, and if they did not praise them enough, 
 he threatened (23) them one day to crucify (24) all of 
 them. The robbers laughed and when the promised 
 ransom had arrived, they set him ashore near Miletus. 
 But no sooner had he been dismissed by them than (25) 
 he collected some ships, surprised (26) and defeated the 
 pirates, and led many of them as captives to Pergamus. 
 There he crucified all of them, as he had threatened 
 them before in jest (27). 
 
 No. 81. 
 
 The Taking of Ninive. 
 Ninive, that most famous city of Assyria, was situat- 
 ed on the eastern bank of the Tigris, and had a circuit (1) 
 of 480 stadia, being, indeed (2), in length 150, in breadth 
 90 stadia, so that one could go around the city in 24 
 hours. Its walls were not only 100 feet high, fortified 
 with 1500 towers, each 200 feet high, but also so broad, 
 that they afforded room for three waggons. In recent 
 
 (16) infestus. (17) dimittere, Periphr. Conjug. (18) redemp- 
 tionis pretium. (19) dum, with Pres. (20) cogere. (21) quasi. 
 (22) recitare. (23) minari, minitari. (24) See 39, 18. (25) Gram, 
 § 256. IJ. 3. (26) adoriri, invadere. (27) per jocum. 
 
 No. 81. (1) circuitu patere („o/"", Genit). (2) Gram. §238.1. 
 
 7* 
 
 ■\ 
 
 I 
 
100 
 
 Part i. 
 
 times the spot, where the ruins (3) of Ninive are seen, 
 has been searched, and it was found, that there was 
 only a large castle, where the whole city had been 
 hitherto believed to have stood (4). Strabo maintains, 
 that Ninive was still larger than Babylon. According 
 to the greatness of the city Jonas would have certainly 
 been obliged to wander about (5) it three daj-s to ex- 
 hort (6) the inhabitants to amend their lives (7), as Holy 
 Scripture points out. But already on the first day, when 
 the prophet liad wandered nearly through the tliird part 
 only (8), they repented of their debaucheries (9). There 
 were in the city, as we read in the book of Jonas, 
 120,000 people, who were not yet able to distinguish 
 the right hand from the left, i. e. bojrs and girls, who 
 were not yet three years old. According (10) to tliis 
 number of children, the city had about 2,000,000 in- 
 habitants. The above mentioned (11) castle was built 
 on an elevation of 40 feet (12), which had been con- 
 structed (13) of brick (Plm\). The walls of the royal 
 palace were overlaid with marble (14), wliich images, 
 figures, and manifold works of sculpture (15) adorned. 
 The four fronts of this magnificent building had six 
 entrances (16) each, adorned with bulls, which had two 
 wings and one human head each; before the main (17) 
 entrance moreover were the figures of two colossal (18) 
 men, choking two lions with their arms. All these 
 figures which have been mentioned, are not statues, but 
 carved in stone (19) and high -relief (20), and they are 
 
 (3) parietinae. (4) „to stand'''' = positum esse. (5) circumire 
 aliquid. (6) cohortari. (7) ad bonam frugem se recipere, ad vir- 
 tutem, or ad veri dei cultum redire. (8) solus. (9) flagitium. 
 (10) pro. (11) Gram. § 238. 2. b. (12) Transl. „in a place 40 f. 
 high''''. (13) excitare ex. (14) parietes crustis marmoris operire. 
 (15) by sculptor. (16) introitus. (17) primarius. (18) vastus. 
 (19) e saxo sculptus. (20) by the Adj, caelatus, or ectypus. Also 
 eminentibus figuris. 
 
 Section vii. 
 
 101 
 
 not only of great beauty, but also so well preserved (21), 
 as if they had just come (22) from the workshop of the 
 artist. In other places battles, conquests, huntings, 
 banquets are represented (23). There it can be seen (24)' 
 how a city, situated on an island, is besieged, how the 
 sea is covered (25) with ships, how people bring together 
 timber to construct a rampart (26), how fishes, winged 
 sea-horses, and other animals are in the water. 
 
 No. 82. 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Now this rich and magnificent Ninive (1) was taken 
 and destroyed by the kings of Babylon and Media about 
 the year 604 B. Chr. Those witers, who, following 
 Ctesias (2), relate, that Ninive had been destroyed about 
 the year 820, and that the Medes and Babylonians had, 
 at that time, fiillen off* from the Assyrians, are mistaken (3). 
 For all this is against Herodotus, Josephus Flavins, and 
 Holy Scripture. Isaias, who prophesied from about the 
 year 780 to 710 B. Clir., threatens Assyria, which, up 
 to that time, had devastated, but was not itself devastat- 
 ed, had plundered, but was not itself plundered, that it 
 likewise (4) would be laid waste and plundered. Who 
 does not know the mighty Assyrian king Phul, who 
 made war (5) upon Syria and the kingdom of Israel 
 about the year 773 B. Chr., and was, by the king of 
 the latter country, prevailed upon by money to return? 
 To whom are his brave and powerful successors unknown? 
 It is by far the most probable opinion, that shortly after 
 the assassination of Senacherib by his sons, those two 
 
 (21) integer (== ..well pre8.'% (22) asportari. (23) effingere. 
 (24) conspicere. TJie clauses with ,,hoiv'' by Ace. with Inf. (25) con- 
 sternere. (26) aggerem apparare, exstruere, instruere, facere, 
 jacere. 
 
 No. 82. (1) Gram. § 237. 1. (2) auctore Ctesia usi. (3) falli. 
 (4) et ipse. (5) bellare (,,xipon'', adversus, or cum). 
 
102 
 
 Part i. 
 
 
 !i 
 
 \H 
 
 h 'it 
 
 m 
 
 nations gained their independence, about the year 712 
 B. Chr. That Ninive would be destroyed, Nahum had 
 foretold 115 years, and Zephaniah, too, some time before. 
 Assarhaddon had, without doubt, also the name of Sar- 
 danapalus, as the last king of Assyria had also that 
 name; hence what has been related of the last king, 
 has been ascribed (6) to the former king of the same 
 name. Hellanikos and Kallisthenes bear witness, that 
 there have been two Assyrian kings, who were called 
 Sardanapalus, the one active and brave, the other effe- 
 minate. Diodorus says, the king of Assyria had trusted 
 in an old oracle, that Ninive would not be taken, unless 
 the Tigris would arise (7) as its enemy. Then the Tigris 
 had overflowed (8) , had destroyed (9) part of the walls 
 of the length of 20 stadia, and thus the city had been 
 taken. Nahum, too, seems to say, that the city will be 
 taken by the help of water. Some, indeed, maintain, 
 that it had been situated in so high (10) a place, that 
 the river was not able to reach it; but who can prove, 
 that, what usually cannot happen, cannot come about 
 by particular circumstances (11)? Nahum and likewise(12) 
 Zephaniah prophesied, that the desolate city would not 
 be built up again. And Ninive has been desolate and 
 abandoned for more than (13) 2450 years, up to the 
 present day. 
 
 (6) transferre in (Ace.). (7) exsistere. (8) redundare. (9) ever- 
 tere. (10) editus. (11) res. (12) See 4. (13) Gram. § 227. 2. 
 
 Section viii. 103 
 
 SECTION vm. 
 
 Use of the Tenses. 
 
 (Grammar § 239—246.) 
 
 No. 83. 
 
 Secession (1) of the Plebs to the Sacred Mount. 
 
 After Tarquin had been exj^elled from Rome, the 
 Romans, for several years, waged continual wars with 
 the neighbouring nations. By this the plebejans in- 
 curred (2) great debts (3), and as they were not able to 
 pay (4), they were most cruelly vexed by the patricians. 
 For a long time these vexations had irritated the minds 
 of the plebejans. Therefore they several times refused (5) 
 military service. But then the patricians either chose 
 a dictator to inspire the people with fear, or they pro- 
 mised remedies for their sufferings. Thus they had often 
 suppressed greater tumults by cumiing fraud. Once, 
 however, the people returned again from a war and, 
 with great desire, expected the promised relief (6) from 
 their debts. But the patricians endeavoured again to 
 elude them and at once to lead them out to another 
 war. By this fraud, however, the plebejans were quite 
 exasperated (7). Armed, as they were, they left Rome, 
 and, under the leadership (8) of Sicinius, withdrew to 
 the Sacred Mount, which was about 30(X) paces distant 
 from the city. There they fortified a camp, and held 
 out (9) for some days, neither being provoked (10) nor 
 provoking. The emigration of the people had caused (11) 
 great anxiety (12) at Rome. The remaining people feared 
 the violence of the fathers, these the emigration of the 
 
 II 
 
 No. 83. (1) secessio. (2) incidere in. (3) aes alienum. 
 (4) Gram. § 287. 3. end. (5) detrectare. (6) levatio, ,Aow", Genit. 
 (7) exacerbare. (8) Gram. § 284. 1. (9) teuere se. (10) lacessere. 
 (11) excitare, (12) pavor. 
 

 f1 
 
 104 
 
 Part i. 
 
 whole people or a foreign war. Therefore the senate 
 was called together to determine (13), what was to be 
 done. In the beginning the opinions (14) of the senators 
 disagreed (15). Finally, however, it pleased to send de- 
 puties to the people, who should persuade them to re- 
 turn to the city. The leaders of this embassy were three 
 popular men, Titus Lartius, Marcus Valerius, and Mene- 
 nius Agrippa. As spokesman (16) they chose Agrippa, 
 a man of great eloquence, who also for that reason was 
 the most pleasing to the people, because he liimself was 
 descended (17) from the plebejans. When, therefore, the 
 dej)uties had come to the Sacred Mount, Agrippa was 
 at once admitted (18) into the camp. He easily induced 
 the people readily to listen to him. Then it is said, 
 that he told them that celebrated fable, which appeas- 
 ed (19) their minds, and induced (20) them to return to 
 the city under certain conditions (21). 
 
 No. 84. 
 Chapter II. 
 
 „The members of the body, said he, once plotted (1) 
 against the stomach (2). For they believed, that it alone 
 quietly enjoyed the pleasures, which they themselves 
 prepared for it by their labour. For that reason they 
 refused (3) their services (4). The hands were not willing 
 to bring food to the mouth, nor the mouth to receive 
 it, nor the teeth to masticate (5) it. By this anger, 
 whilst (6) they wished to tame the stomach by hunger, 
 the members themselves were, at the same time, reduced 
 (= came) to extreme emaciation (7). From tliis it became 
 evident (8) to them, that the service of the stomach, too, 
 
 (13) consilium capere. (14) sententia. (15) discrepare. (16) ora- 
 tor. (17) oriiindum esse, Gram. ^ 220. 3. (18) intromittere. 
 (19) placare. (20) perducere. (21) Gram. § 224. 1. 
 
 No. 84. (1) conjurare. (2) venter. (3) denegare. (4) mini- 
 sterium. (5) conficere. (6) dum. (7) tabes. (8) apparere. 
 
 Section viii. 
 
 105 
 
 was by no means a small one, and that it fed just as 
 much as (9) it was fed. For they understood, that the 
 scomach prepared, from the digested food, the blood and 
 humours and diffused them through all the parts of the 
 body by wliich strength (10) and vigour was imparted 
 to all the members of the body. Therefore the members 
 desisted from their plan and were reconciled (11) to the 
 stomach". After Agrippa had narrated this, he com- 
 pared that dissension of the parts of the body to the 
 cml discord 12). .Senate and people, said he, consti- 
 tute one body, which cannot exist, except (13) by the 
 concord of its parts". By his speech Agrippa moved 
 the mmds of the people, and conditions of peace were 
 begun (14) to be negotiated. The deputies promised the 
 people a relief from the debts, so at least it has been 
 stated by some writers. But Sicinius advised the people, 
 not rashly and too hastily (15) to return to the city. 
 
 V '' .^fl ^''^ ''''^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^i^^ir interests (16), 
 It could (17), he said, easily happen, that they would be 
 
 deceived by the patricians again. In this mamier he 
 
 comanced the people, that from among the people itself 
 
 an inviolable (18) magistrate must be chosen, who should 
 
 defend the rights of the people against the patricians 
 
 This pleased the people and was also, as the necessity 
 
 was urgent (19), approved of by the patricians. Thus 
 
 the first tribunes of the people were elected, and the 
 
 right of rendering assistance (20) against the consuls 
 
 granted them. No one of the fathers was allowed to 
 
 take (21) this office. But first two tribunes were elected 
 
 (9) Gram. § 175. Note 8. (10) robur. (11) in gratiam redire 
 cumaliquo,reconciliarialicui. (12) seditio. (13) nisi. (14) G^mm. 
 ,s 14b. Mte. (15) temere et nimis festinanter. (16) causam ali- 
 ciyus suscipere, sustinere. (17) Ace. with Inf. (18) sacrosanctus. 
 (19 necessitate urgente. (20) auxilii latio (= ,,the right of r. ass.-). 
 (21) capere. ^ 
 
106 
 
 Part i. 
 
 
 who cliose three colleagues, amongst them also Sicinius. 
 Only then the people returned to Rome. 
 
 No. 85. 
 
 Alexander the Great and the Gordian Knot(l). 
 
 After Alexander the Great had defeated (2) the Per- 
 sians on the banks of the Granikus, he quicklj' collected 
 his troops to pursue the enemy with all his might (3). 
 Whilst the army was marching through Phrygia, which 
 had more villages (4) than towns, he took, without re- 
 sistance (5), all the important (6) places of that countrj^ 
 within a short time, and approached Gordium, which 
 city is said to have been founded by Gordius, the father 
 of Midas. As soon as he had taken this city, he entered 
 the temple of Juppiter, in which the chariot (7) of Gor- 
 dius was preserved , the yoke of which was fastened (8) 
 by several knots twisted together (9). Wliilst he was 
 in the temple, he was informed, that an oracle had 
 foretold, that he who should untie (10) these knots, 
 should take possession of the whole of Asia. As soon 
 as Alexander had heard this, he demanded, that the 
 chariot might be shown to liim. After the king, sur- 
 rounded by a multitude of Phrygians and many noble 
 Macedonians, had approached the chariot, those who ac- 
 companied him, were anxious to see (11), what the king 
 might do. Alexander tried in vain to untie the knots. 
 After he had struggled (12) for a long time, he said: 
 „It matters nothing, in what manner the knots are 
 loosened". And as soon as he had thus spoken, he 
 cut (13), with liis sword, all the thongs (14), of which 
 
 No. 85. (1) nodus. (2) devincere, fundere atque fugare. 
 (3) totis viribus. (4) vicus. (5) nuUo resistente. (6) by opulen- 
 tus. (7) plaustrum, vehiculum. (8) adstringere. (9) in semet 
 ipsos implicati nodi. (10) solvere. (11) suspensis animis ex- 
 spectare. (12) luctari. (13) discindere, rumpere, diffindere. 
 (14) lorum. 
 
 
 Section vui. 
 
 107 
 
 the knots consisted, and in this way partly (15) ridi- 
 culed (16), partly fulfiUed the prophecy (17) of the oracle. 
 The rumour of this tiling soon siDread(18) tliroughout 
 the whole of Asia, and many nations voluntarily sub- 
 mitted to the sovereignty (19) of Alexander, others he 
 easily subdued, so that five or six years after this had 
 been done, he had conquered the whole of Asia as far 
 as (20) the river Indus. India he did not conquer, though 
 he crossed the Indus, but after he had entered the country, 
 he divided his army, part of which returned by sea to 
 the Euplu-ates and Tigi-is, part by land. In the j^ear 
 324 B. Chr. he arrived at Susa, and died at Babylon 
 in the year 323, tliirteen years after he had become 
 king and eleven years after he had first invaded Asia. 
 
 No. 86. 
 
 M, Antonius Muretus to Francis Venierius (1). 
 
 You do well to (2) exercise yourself daily in writing 
 Latin and to use (3) every effort therein to attain to 
 some perfection (4). For I do not doubt, that the rest 
 of your life as well as tliis your exertion is directed to 
 that, to which it must be directed, i. e. to propagating 
 the glory of Christ and defending, with aU your 
 power (5), His Church against the insults (6) of wicked 
 men. But what has deterred (7) j-ou, as yet, from writ- 
 ing to me, indeed, I cannot understand (8). For on the 
 one hand (9) I have no such authority, that any one 
 must fear my judgment , on the other, if I had it, yet 
 
 (15) ,,partly — partly'^ vel — vel. (16) eludere. (17) sors. 
 (18) manare, divulgari. (19) imperio obedire et parere. (20) us- 
 que ad. 
 
 Xo. 86. (1) For address, date, place, etc. of letters, see Gram. 
 ^ 308. 3 and 4. Moreover, see Gram. § 243. 2. (2) Trand. Jhat 
 (quod) you'' etc. (3) adhibere. (4) praestantia. (5) pro tua vi- 
 rili parte. (6) contumelia atque injuria. (7) Gram. § 253. (8) dis- 
 picere. (9) neque — et (= „om the one hand not — on the other''). 
 
 il 
 
108 
 
 Part i. 
 
 il 
 
 my wanii affection (10 j for your whole society (11) can 
 easily dispel (12) all that fear from your heart; especially 
 since you write in such a manner, that you ought 
 rather to expect praise from all, than dread (13) the 
 fastidiousness (14) of any. Therefore, do not (15) hence- 
 forth believe it difficult and arduous to write to Mure- 
 tus. Give me only the permission (16) to be allowed 
 to answer your letters, which will be the more pleasing 
 to me, the more frequent they are, more freely (17) and 
 more negligently, i. e. in this familiar and common (18) 
 kind of expression (19). For I do nothing more un- 
 willingly, than waste my time (20) in filing and polish- 
 ing letters. Nor does any of the precepts, which have 
 been given by the teachers of rhetoric, please me more, 
 than this, that pains should be taken (21) that the speech 
 will seem to flow freely (22). I, truly, let (23) it flow 
 altogether freely, and I seek an excuse for my lazi- 
 ness (24) from the teachers themselves. Imitate also, if 
 you love me, or rather because you love me, this my 
 very negligence, whenever you write to me: that you 
 may not, if you write too carefidly, appear to lay on 
 me the necessity of writing carefidly. May God con- 
 tinually direct both your studies and your whole man- 
 ner of life to His glory. Farewell. Rome, March 2"'^ 
 
 Xo. 87. 
 M. Antonius Muretus to His Paul Sacratus. 
 
 Very painful (1) to me was the death of your 
 brother, both (2) because I loved him as I must love 
 
 (10) summa mea voluntas. (11) sodalitas. (12) adimere ali- 
 cui (,,/V-owi"). (13) extimescere. (14) fastidium. (15) cavere. 
 Gram. ,f 265. 1. (16) venia. (17) solute. (18) quotidianus. 
 (19) sermo. (20) otio abuti. (21) operam dare. (22) sponte. 
 (23) sinere, Gram, § 269. (24) ignavia. 
 
 No. 87. (1) magno dolori, Gram. § 208. 1. (2) ^^both — aniV\ 
 turn — turn. 
 
 Secton viii. 
 
 109 
 
 aU your relations, and because I easily understood, how 
 distressing and grievous, in accordance with your ten- 
 der feeling (3) and uncommon (4) love towards them, it 
 would be to you. But though my condolence (5) may 
 seem to be too late, yet I cannot help (6) reminding 
 you of what I am aware is very weU known to you 
 (but it sometimes happens, that the bitterness of grief 
 banishes (7) from the soul even that, which is best known 
 to us): that you may recollect, that we must bear with 
 resignation (8) tliis dispensation (9) of God and this ne- 
 cessity of human nature. If some art could be found, 
 whereby it were possible for us peipetually to remaiii 
 m this life, yet we ought to reject and disdain (10) it 
 since It would cut us off from the entrance (11) into a 
 better life. Now the necessity is imposed upon us by 
 the will of God one day to depart from this life, and 
 there is no gi^eater difference between the foolish and 
 the wise men, than that (12) the former are indignant 
 that that now befaUs their relatives, which is to befall 
 themselves, that they have now come to what all must 
 come to; wliile the latter both calmly (13) bear the 
 common fate in their relations and calmly await it in 
 themselves. Do we wonder, Sacratus, that those die, 
 whom we love? We ourselves die daily. How little (14) 
 remains in us of that which was in us when young 
 men? My teeth, indeed, are already dead, for nearly 
 all of them have fallen out; the eyes gradually die, 
 which I feel become daily less and less keen (15); the 
 memory dies; other tilings are dead, oh that they (16) 
 had been dead many y ears ago (17)! BeHeve me, Sa- 
 
 (3) humanitas (= Jaider /•."). (4) eximius. (5) consolatio. 
 (6) Gram, g 252. II. (7) excutere ex. (8) aequissimo animo, 
 aim moderate, or modice ac sapienter. (9) voluntas. (10) aver- 
 sarL (11) ahcui aditum intercludere ad. (12) quod. (13) placide. 
 (14) quota pars. (15) perspicax. (16) quae utinain. (17) Gram. 
 
 \ 
 
110 
 
 Part i. 
 
 cratus, my old age is hardly in any other respect (18) 
 more pleasing to me, than because it seems to smooth (19) 
 to me a more peaceful road to death (20). Therefore let 
 us wish well (21) to our dead friends, let us daily pre- 
 pare ourselves to die well. As to (22) your silence there 
 is neither any reason, why you should excuse (23) your- 
 self, nor any fear, lest for that reason you might be 
 less dear to me. Some part of my writings I would 
 already have sent to you, if I were not thinking of (24) 
 publishing them all together. If, however, it seems to 
 you too long (25) to wait, until (26) that happens, I am 
 not unwilling (27) meanwhile to send you something 
 properly yours, that you may get (28) it printed (29) at 
 Venice. If you notify (30) me, that you wish it, there 
 
 will be no delay in me. Farewell. Kome, February 
 12^h^ 1574^ 
 
 Xo. 88. 
 Peter John Perpinianus to M. Antonius Muretus. 
 
 Those who have pledged their word(l) to another, 
 seem to me to carry (2) a burden heavier than Aetna, 
 if they are not relieved by the kindness (3) of those, 
 either to whom or for whom they have pledged them- 
 selves (4). You know, I believe, what I wish. As 
 to (5) those verses on (6) the Blessed Virgin Mary of 
 Loreto he, who wished them from you on account of 
 his extraordinary anticipation (7) of your good taste (8) 
 and learning, does not cease to urge me. Though I 
 
 (18) vix alio nomine. (19) sternere. (20) Gram. § 288, 1. 
 (21) bene precari. (22) de. (23) purgare. (24) cogitare de. Gram. 
 g 289. 2. (25) longum (= Joo V). (26) dum. (27) non recusare 
 (= „^o he 7wt «nt(7."). Gram. ,g 253. (28) curare, Gram. ,^ 281. S, 
 (29) exciidere. (30) significare. 
 
 No. 88. (1) fidem adstringere. (2) sustinere. (3) humanitas. 
 (4) spondere (= „fo pi. oneself''^ (5) de. (6) in, with Ace. (7) sin- 
 gnlaris exspectatio. (8) elegantia (= y(/ood f."). 
 
 Section vni. 
 
 Ill 
 
 imderstand, that, without your knowledge and per- 
 mission (9), I have rashly warranted (10) that.yet I trust, 
 that this my rashness in pledging myself will be com- 
 pensated by your surioassing(ll) kincbiess in accomplish- 
 ing the affair. If the fountains and orchards of Tibur 
 liave any influence (12), if that retirement (13) from your 
 daily occupations has brought you any leisure, I be- 
 seech (14) you to show that I have some place in your 
 favour (15). I wish to communicate certain things to 
 you, but I hope to be able to do this better oraUy(16), 
 as soon as you return to us. It has been decided, that 
 I should remain at Rome during the coming year. All 
 our friends send you their respects (17). Farewell. From 
 the city, August lb^^\ 1564. 
 
 So. 89. 
 
 Answer to the foregoing letter: 
 M. Antonius Muretus to Peter John Perpinianus, of the 
 
 Society of Jesus. 
 
 I wish, indeed, to release both my and your pro- 
 mise (1), but, as yet, many things hinder (2) me from 
 doing it. First the circumstance that (.3) in the place 
 and time, of which I believed they would be very 
 rich (4) in leisure and rest, many occupations and those, 
 indeed, very inconsistent (5) witli my pursuits , keep me 
 busy and employed (6). For, not to speak of other 
 things (7), within the last few days I had twice to go 
 to Eome; and though this may seem of small account (8), 
 
 (9) by the Adj. insciu.s and inconsultus, Ahl. absol. (10) re- 
 cipere. (11) eximius. (12) posse (= ,/o Jiave ?w/?."). (13) seces- 
 sus. (14) orare atque obsecrare. (15) Transl. Jf favour ivith 
 (apud) yoM". (16) coram. (17) salutare aliquem (= „to send oiie's 
 respects to^^). 
 
 No. 89. (1) fidem liberare. (2) obstare. (3) Primum quod. 
 (4) plenus. (5) longissime abhorrens. (6) occnpatus atque exer- 
 citatus. (7) ut cetera taceam. (8) levis. 
 
112 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 Section vni. 
 
 
 yet these jom'neys(9) took (10) me more than eight 
 days. Moreover, I have discontinued poetry (11) already 
 for many months and years, so that, though there may 
 have been some such talent (12) in me, wliich assuredly 
 was either almost none, or very little and inconsider- 
 able (13), this must needs have gone and vanished alto- 
 gether (14). Finally, — for I must tell you the truth, 
 — that anticipation, of which you write that it has 
 been aroused (15) as to my verses, makes me rather 
 slow and timid. For you know, how unfovourable (16) 
 it is to those who wish to please. For if it is de- 
 manded of me, that I should equal the elegance of your 
 verses, I must borrow (17) from you. However that 
 may be, yet I shall tliink(18) of something at an early 
 day (19). But if you love me, (what, indeed, I believe 
 to have ascertained (20) to such a degree, that I must 
 not doubt, that it is so) diminish, I beseech you, that 
 anticipation as much as you can, and make (21) that 
 friend of yours believe, that verses, like money (22) from 
 a bad debtor (23), must be received with resignation, 
 though they be neither of the best quality (24), nor of 
 full (25) weight. Well done, that (26) it has been thought 
 best (27) to retain you at Eome. Believe me, I would 
 have felt great imeasiness (28) at your departure. Now 
 I hope, as soon as I return there, to enjoy your most 
 sweet and agreeable (29) company, which I hope you 
 will one day really understand (30), how liighly I esteem. 
 Farewell. Tibur, August 17*^^ 1564. 
 
 (9) profectio. (10) auferre. (11) poetica studia. (12) facul- 
 tas. (13) pertenuis et perexiguus. (14) effluere et exarescere. 
 (15) concitare de („«« to'-), (16) alienus. (17) versuram facere. 
 (18) meditari. (19) propediem. (20) perspicere. (21) perficere, ut. 
 (22) niimmus {Plnr.) (23) malum nomen. (24) nota. (25) Justus. 
 (26) quod. (27) judicare. (28) molestiam capere e (= „/o feel im. 
 rt^"). (29) optatus. (30) cognoscere. 
 
 113 
 
 No. 90. 
 
 Some Answers of Thales. 
 Wlien a certain man who had committed a great 
 crime, asked Thales, whether it was lawful for him to 
 swear, that he had not committed the crime, in order 
 to escape capital punishment, Thales answered him- Is 
 not perjury the greatest of all crimes and worthy of a 
 double death?" Being asked what he considered most 
 difficult, he said: „To know oneself"; what, on the con- 
 trary(l), most easy: „To give an advice.to another." To 
 one, who inquired (2) in what manner it could be effect- 
 ed, that men might bear misfortune (3) more easily, he 
 replied: Jf you make them understand in what man- 
 ner the best men have borne misfortune." A youth 
 asked him how he might live in the best and most up- 
 right way; to which Thales replied: „If you live so 
 that you never do anything yourself that you consider 
 reprehensible (4) in others, but do aU you recognize as 
 praiseworthy in others." And again (5), when he was 
 asked who was happy, he gave this answer: „Happy is 
 he to whom it is granted (6), to be healthy in body 
 and free from poverty, to be of a generous soul and 
 well instructed." ^Whatever good you do your parents 
 said he, expect that the very same wiU be returned to 
 you by your sons." Wlien one day the same Thales 
 was asked, what difference (7) there was between Hfe 
 and death, he answered: „There is no difference at aU " 
 Asked again, why he, then, did not wish to die, he 
 said: „Just for that very reason (8), because there is no 
 cUfference between life and death." Being asked, what 
 was the oldest of all that exists (9), he said: „God, 
 
 No. 90. (1) contra. (2) sciscitari, Partic. Constr, (3) fortuna 
 adversa, of- res adversae. (4) reprehendendus. (5) rursus, iterum, 
 also hy idem. (6) contingit ut (= „tY is granted, thaf'). (7) in- 
 terest inter (= ,,there is a diff, between'^). (8) propter id ipsum. 
 (9) esse. ^ 
 
 MUUer. Exercises. g 
 
114 
 
 Part i. 
 
 t 
 
 because he has never begun to be"; asked, what was 
 the most beautiful after God, — „the world; for it has 
 been made by God^ ; asked, what was the quickest, — 
 „the human mind; for witliin the shortest time it runs 
 through the whole universe" (10). 
 
 No. 91. 
 
 Something about Solon. 
 
 It has already (1) been related above, by what 
 stratagem Solon .effected, that the Athenians renewed 
 the war against Salamis. The last (2) verses of that 
 poem, however, were the following: 
 
 "lofisv sig 2a?MfiTva, fiaxriaonevoi tibqI vi^aov 
 '^Ifisgrfig I'^X^nov t aiaxog amaaof^isvoi. 
 „Let us march, said he, against Salamis, to fight for (3) 
 the lovely (4) island and repel from us the heavy dis- 
 grace." Thus it happened that the Athenians brought 
 Salamis again under their power. But that they might 
 not seem to be in possession of the island more by 
 force than by right, Solon used the following arguments. 
 He said, that the island had, from ancient times (5), 
 been the property (6) of the Athenians, which could be 
 recognized by the fact, that (7) the oldest (8) graves in 
 the whole island looked towards the East, and the 
 names of the tribes were engi^aved upon them, a castom 
 which was peculiar (9) to the Athenians. And (10) this 
 was found to be true. But then, in order to prove 
 that Salamis had belonged to the Athenians already at 
 the time of the Ti'ojan war, he quoted (11) two verses 
 of the Iliad, in wliich it is said , that Ajax from Sala- 
 mis had imited his ships with those of the Athenians. 
 
 (10) rerum universitas. 
 
 No. 91. (1) Jam supra (= ,,aZr. above^'). (2) extremus. (3) de. 
 (4) gratus, amoenus, Superlat (5) antiquitus. (6) Gram. § 215, L 
 (7) quod. (8) with quisque, after Gram, § 228. 1. (9) proprius. 
 (10) ,,And — this'', quod. (11) recitare. 
 
 Section viii. 
 
 115 
 
 Yet from ancient times there were people, who said (12), 
 that Solon himself had inserted (13) these verses. But 
 the island remained the property of the Athenians. — 
 Of the same Solon many short and appropriate answers (14) 
 were circulated (15). One day, whilst he was sitting at 
 a banquet, Periander asked liim, why he was so silent, 
 whether words were wanting to him, or whether he 
 was unwilling to betray (16) his folly. Then Solon 
 answered: .It is impossible (17) that a fool keeps si- 
 lence at a banquet." After his son had died, he wept 
 out of sadness. As soon as some one had perceived 
 this, he asked liim, why he wept, since he could effect 
 nothing by weeping. „Just for that reason do I weep, 
 said Solon, because I can effect nothing ^' 
 
 Xo. 93. 
 
 Cajus Marcius Coriolanus. 
 Cajus Marcius, a noble youth, showed, when the 
 Eomans besieged Corioli, a town of the Volsci, such 
 great bravery, that, after the capture (1) of the town, 
 the honourable surname of Coriolanus was given to him! 
 But the same was a proud patrician, and a very violent 
 enemy of the power of the tribunes (2). With a very 
 uneasy (3) mind he saw, how much the authority of the 
 people had grown through the tribunes, and was long- 
 ing for an opportunity (4) , at which the new rights 
 could be again wrested from the people. Soon after, 
 a famine (5) broke out at Eome, because by reason of 
 the emigration and the continual wars the fields lay 
 untiUed. Finally, by the excellent care of the Senate 
 It came to pass (6), that a great quantity of grain was 
 
 (12) Siihjunct. (13) suppouere. (U) breviter et commode 
 responsa. (15) ferre. (16) prodere. (17) fieri uon potest, ut. 
 
 No. 92. (1) capere, Abl absol (2) potestas tribunicia. (3) ini- 
 quus. (4) occasio apta, occ. opportuna, or only opportunitas. 
 (o) caritas annonae, or annona atom. (6) perfici (= ,,to come top.''), 
 
 8* 
 
 \ 
 
t*i 
 
 \i 
 
 
 116 
 
 Part i. 
 
 imported (7) from Sicily. It was discussed in the Se- 
 nate, at what price it should be given to the people. 
 Most of the Senators advised, that on account of the 
 poverty of the people only a small price should be de- 
 manded; but Coriolanus most vehemently opposed (8) 
 this being done. „Is it not (9) evident, said he, through 
 whose guilt this famine has arisen? The people, by 
 their arrogance, have brought it about, that the fields 
 are uncultivated; the tribunes have stinted up their 
 minds to suppress the Senate. Therefore I believe (10), 
 that no grain must (11) be given to the people, except 
 under this condition, that the tribunes be abolished, 
 and all the rights, extorted from the fathers against 
 their will, be restored". The proposal (12) of Coriolanus 
 seemed too atrocious even to the Senate; the people, 
 however, were inflamed with such anger, that they 
 seemed to be willing at once to put this their bitterest 
 enemy to death (13). But the tribunes appointed a day 
 to Coriolanus, that his cause might be judged in the 
 assembly of the tribes (14), in which all the power was 
 with the people ; by which it ha2)pened, that the people 
 suppressed their anger for the moment (15). In the 
 mean time the fathers endeavoured (16) to free Corio- 
 lanus; they asked the people, if they would not acquit 
 him as innocent, to deliver (17) him as (18) guilty to 
 themselves; but in vain. 
 
 No. 93. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Coriolanus himself was too proud to (1) condescend (2) 
 to prayers. 7,The right of assistance (3) has been given 
 
 (7) advehere. (8) obsistere, tvith quominus, or ne. Gram. 
 § 253. (9) Nonne. (10) censere, uifh Ace. c. Inf. (11) Periphr. 
 Cmjng. (12) sententia. (13) „fo he willing to put to dcaf/i", Periphr. 
 Conjug. (14) comitia tributa. (15) in praesentia, in praesenti 
 (16) operam dare. (17) donare, condonare. (18) pro. 
 
 No. 9:J. (1) quam ut. (2) descendere. (3) -See 84, 20. 
 
 Section viii. 
 
 117 
 
 to them, said he, in order to defend the people, not to 
 punish the patricians; not to be the tribunes of the 
 fathers, but of the people". But neither his (4) pride 
 nor the prayers of the fathers prevented (5) the people 
 from making use of their right. When he, on the ap- 
 pointed day, did not appear (6), he was, in his absence, 
 condemned, and he went into exile, tlireatening liis 
 country, and, at that time already, entertaining hostile 
 sentiments (7). He went to Antium to Attius TuUius, 
 a piince of the Volsci, who received him hospitably. 
 This prince had always been very hostile (8) to the Ro- 
 mans, and thus an old hatred stimulated (9) the one, a 
 new anger the other, to make joint war upon the Ro- 
 mans. But the Volsci could not be easily induced to 
 take up the arms, so often tried (10) in vain. Never- 
 theless Tullius finally brought it to pass (11) by deceit, 
 that war was determined upon (12). Tullius and Coriola- 
 nus were chosen leaders. The greatest hope was placed 
 on Coriolanus, and he, by no means, disappointed them, 
 so that it easily became evident, that the Roman power (13) 
 was stronger in (14) their leaders than in the army. In 
 a short time he took several towns, which had formerly 
 been taken away from the Volsci by the Romans. Then 
 he pitched a camp, 5000 paces from the city, near the 
 Cluilian trenches, and sent a large detachment of sol- 
 diers, who should lay waste the fields of the plebejans, 
 but leave those of the fathers intact (15); be it, because 
 he was more hostile to the people, be it, that thereby(16) 
 discord might arise between the fathers and the j^eople. 
 The tribunes and the people were so much frightened (17) 
 by the anger of the conqueror, that they wished any- 
 
 •' 'J 
 
 1 -I 
 
 (4) bg ipse. (5) retinere ne. (6) adesse. (7) hostiles spiri- 
 tus gerere. (8) infestus. (9) stimulare ut. (10) tentare. (11) rem 
 eo adducere. (12) bellum geri placet. (13) res Romana. (14) per. 
 (15) integrum servare. (16) inde. (17) perterrere. 
 
118 
 
 Pakt I. 
 
 I 
 
 fii 
 
 thing rather than war. The minds of all were in sus- 
 pense as to what Coriolanus was going to do; they 
 feared that he would attack the city itself. Then the 
 people demanded, that he should be recalled; but the 
 Senate opposed this, lest they might seem to protect one 
 who had made war upon his coimtry. 
 
 No. U. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 Finally it was resolved (1) to send deputies to Corio- 
 lanus who should negotiate with him about peace. But 
 he gave them a harsh (2) answer. „Do not doubt (3), 
 said he, that I, mindful both of the wrong of my fellow- 
 citizens and the benefit of my hosts, shall endeavour (4) 
 to make it manifest, that my spirits (5) have been arous- 
 ed by exile, not broken". Thus he dismissed them. The 
 deputies, being sent a second time, were not even re- 
 ceived into the camp. Then the priests, adorned with 
 the badges of their dignity, were sent into the camp as 
 suppliants to appease (6) the anger of Coriolanus through 
 his reverence (7) for the Gods. They were admitted, 
 indeed, and received with great respect (8) by Corio- 
 lanus; but they succeeded (9) as little as (10) the deputies 
 in bending the mind of the enraged youth. Finally 
 Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, with his wife Volum- 
 nia and his children and other matrons went to the 
 camp of the Volsci to free their country from the great- 
 est danger. When Coriolanus heard, that his mother 
 was there, he hastened(ll) almost senseless to embrace(12) 
 her. But the woman, turning {Petf, Pass, Part.) from 
 
 - No. 94. (1) placet, visum est. (2) atrox. (3) Gram. ^ 265, 
 (4) anniti ut. (5) animus, Plur. (6) placare. (7) verecundia. 
 (8) observantia („^ receive'', excipere). (9) iis contigit ut (= „Mcy 
 mcc. in'' etc), or as above 92, 6. (10) Gram. § 175. Note 8, 
 (11) advolare. (12) complecti. 
 
 Section vni. 
 
 119 
 
 prayer to anger, said: ^Before I accept your embrace, 
 let (13) me know, whether I have come to a son, or to 
 an enemy, whether I shall be, in your camp, as a captive, 
 or as a mother. For this, then, a long life has pre- 
 served me, to behold you first as an exile, then as an 
 enemy? Could you lay waste this country, which gave 
 you birth and nourished you? Did it not come into your 
 mind, when Rome was in your sight: Within those 
 walls I have (14) my house, mother, wife, and children? 
 I ought, then, to have had (15) no son, that Eome might 
 not be besieged, and I might die in my free native 
 country?" Thereupon his wife and children embraced 
 him suppliantly; and all who were present began to 
 weep. This (16) broke the man's mind. ^Mother, said 
 he, you have saved Rome, but you have lost your son". 
 Then he dismissed his family (17), and led the army of 
 the Volsci from the city. To his birth-place he never 
 returned; but it is uncertain, where and how long he 
 lived (18), and in what manner he died (18). 
 
 No. 95. 
 
 On the Barbarous Custom of Sacrificing (1) Men. 
 
 The ancient nations felt, that man forfeits his life (2) 
 by his sins and crimes. If, therefore, they feared the 
 anger of the Gods, they sacrificed to them in place of (3) 
 the whole nation individuals, who should avert the pu- 
 nishment. Sophocles introduces one saying to Oedipus, 
 that one guiltless man is able to expiate the crimes of 
 a thousand, if he do it willingly (4). After the Mes- 
 senians had sustained a heavy disaster in the first Mes- 
 
 (13) fac. See Gram. §265. 2. (14) Gram. §207. (15) Gram. 
 § 247. II, 2. (16) ea res. (17) Plur. of suus. (18) Subjunct. 
 Gram. § 263, 
 
 No. 95. (1) immolare. Gram. § 285. 2. (2) capitis poenam 
 commerere. (3) pro. (4) aniino libenti. 
 
120 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section vni. 
 
 121 
 
 % 
 
 senian war, the Delphian God declared to them that 
 they would not find safety, unless a spotless (5) virgin 
 of royal descent were sacrificed. As soon as this news 
 had arrived, Aristodemus presented his daughter as a 
 sacrifice (6), and when her bridegroom opposed, he killed 
 her by force. At first nobody was willing to recognize 
 this sacrifice as valid (7), as the girl had been killed by 
 force; finally, however, they desisted from demanding a 
 second one. The Taurians were accustomed to sacrifice 
 all foreigners, who, in their travels or on account of 
 storms, had landed (8) on their coast, to Diana. When, 
 in the year 612, Kylon tried, at Athens, to become 
 tyrant, the archon Megacles, of the family of the Alc- 
 maeonids(9), expelled him, and ordered his partisans, 
 who had fled to the altars of the Eumenids, to be mur- 
 dered, thus disregarding the place of refuge (10). When 
 for the expiation of this slaughter Epimenides, a sooth- 
 sayer (11) from Crete, was called to Athens, he declared, 
 that he needed human blood for that, and the Athenian 
 youth Cratinus gave liimself up as voluntary sacrifice (12), 
 with whose blood the expiation was accomplished. At 
 Athens later on every year a poor man and a helpless 
 woman were nourished at the public expense and killed 
 for the expiation of the whole people on an appointed 
 festival of Apollo and Diana. Laden (13) with figs, and 
 scoui'ged with twigs of a figtree(14) they were, in a 
 solemn manner, led out of the city, and either tlurown 
 down from a rock, or burned. At Massilia it was 
 customary, as soon as the pestilence had visited the 
 city (15), to lead a poor man, who had been maintained 
 at the public expense, adorned with garlands and splen- 
 
 (5) incontaminatus. (6) victimam praebere. (7) justum 
 agnoscere aliquid, rat urn habere. (8) appelli ad. (9) stirpis 
 Alcmaeonis, or ortus a stirpe Alcmaeonis. (10) asylum f= „n 
 place of ref.''). Abl absol, (11) vates. (12) See 6. (13) tectiis, 
 onustus. (14) virga ficulnea. (15) incidere in iirbeni. 
 
 did garments, through the city, and having called down 
 upon his head all the evils (16) of the inhabitants, to 
 throw him down from a rock. 
 
 No. 96. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 In the island of Ehodes a man was sacrificed every 
 year on an appointed day, later on, however, a crimi- 
 nal, who had been condenmed to death, was preserved 
 for(l) that festival, wine was given to liim to drink, 
 and then he was strangled. In the island of Leucas, too, 
 in Cj^rus, at Laodicea in Syria, men were killed every 
 year to propitiate the Gods. In Arcadia men were sacri- 
 ficed to the Lycaean Juppiter from the earliest times up 
 to those of the Roman emperors. Hardly an island or 
 important city of Greece is found, in which men were 
 not murdered for the glorification or reconciliation of 
 the Gods. AchiUes ofiered up (2) Trojan youths to the 
 shade of Patroclus, Neoptolemus, liis son, after the tak- 
 ing of Troy, Polyxena, the daughter of Priamus, to the 
 shade of his father. Before the battle of Salamis Themi- 
 stocles sacrificed three captured Persians, after an old 
 Greek custom, according to which the Greeks had always 
 done the same before a battle. However othei-s say, they 
 had been sacrificed against the will of Themistocles. 
 When the illustrious general Pliilopoemen , who died in 
 the same year with (3) Scipio, Hannibal, and Plautus, 
 was solemnly buried, captured Messenians were sacri- 
 ficed. The inhabitants of Tarquinii in Etruria sacri- 
 ficed, in the year 355 B. Chr., 307 captured Eoman 
 soldiers, an atrocity, by wliich(4) the disgrace of the 
 defeat was rendered still greater for the Eomans. As 
 
 (16) capiti alicujus omnia mala precari. 
 No. 96. (1) in, with Ace. (2) devovere. 
 -?. a. (4) Gram, g 238. 5. 
 
 (3) Gram. § 238. 
 
122 
 
 Part i. 
 
 I 
 
 n 
 
 
 often as a great and universal calamity was threatening, 
 at Rome a male and female Gaul, a male and female 
 Greek, or two of other nations, with which they had 
 just to do (5) were buried alive on the cattle market (6), 
 and this happened still at the time of the elder Pliny, 
 though, in the year 97 B. Chr., a decision of the Senate 
 had been issued, that no man should be sacrificed. But 
 the dictator J. Caesar ordered also in the year 46 B. Chr. 
 two men to be sacrificed by the high priests and the 
 priest of Mars in the campus Martins with the usual 
 solemnities. 
 
 No. 97. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 After Octavianus had conquered L. Antonius, the 
 brother of the triumvir Antonius, and taken Perusia, 
 he ordered 300 decurions and knights to be beheaded (1) 
 at the altar of the deified J. Caesar for the propitiation (2) 
 of his shade, on the 15*^ of March 43 B. Chr. Sextus 
 Pompey ordered not only horses, but also men to be 
 thrown into the sea for Neptune. To Juppiter Latiaris 
 on Mount Albanus human blood is said to have been 
 sacrificed until the third century after Christ. The em- 
 peror Aemilianus promised, about the year 270 after 
 Christ, to send captives to the Senate, of whatever na- 
 tion they wished, if they were willing to sacrifice some. 
 Under the emperor Valerian innocent children were killed 
 to foretell the future from their entrails. Commodus 
 sacrificed (3) , with his own hand, a man to Mithras, a 
 Persian deity. In a terrible manner were men mur- 
 dered (4) for the reconciliation of the Gods by the Cana- 
 nites, Phoenicians, and Carthaginians. In the third 
 
 (5) est mihi negotium tecum (= „/ have to do with you^^). 
 (6) Fonim boarium. 
 
 No. 97. (1) securi ferire, securi percutere, also caput alicui 
 amputare. (2) Gram. ,^ 288. 1. (3) mactare. (4) caedere. 
 
 Section vni. 
 
 123 
 
 chapter of the fourth book of Kings we read (5) , that 
 the king of the Moabites, when he was pressed by a 
 hostile army, offered (3) his eldest son, the successor to 
 the throne (6), to the Gods on the wall before the eyes (7) 
 of the enemy, an atrocity, which (8) shocked them so 
 much, that they withdrew. In the 17*^ chapter of the 
 same book it is written of other kings, that they burned 
 their sons to the idols (9). It was even necessary to 
 forbid the Jews through Moses to offer up such sacri- 
 fices (10), yet Achaz and Manasses seem to have com- 
 mitted these atrocities. Who does not know, that the 
 Phoenicians, when war, or drought, or fiimine, or pesti- 
 lence threatened them, sacrificed the most beloved (11) 
 child to propitiate Baal? At Carthage there was a brazen 
 statue of the God, with hands stretched out and bent 
 towards the earth. This was made red-hot by fire, be- 
 fore the children were laid on its arms, and their con- 
 vulsions(12) were called smiles. The childless bought (13) 
 children from the poor. „The mother, says Plutarch, 
 stands by without shedding a tear or uttering a sigh. 
 If a tear is seen or a sigh heard, she loses (14) the 
 money, and nevertheless the child is burned". A noise 
 was made (15) around the statue by all, kettle-drums 
 were beaten, flutes were played, the clamours and wail- 
 mgs of the unfortunate boys and girls were overwhelmed. 
 
 No. 98. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 When Agathocles, the son of a poor potter, who 
 had made himself tyrant of Syracuse, had advanced, with 
 his army, up to the walls of Carthage, the besieged sacri- 
 
 (5) scriptum est, scriptum videmus in. (6) heres regni. 
 (7) in conspectu. (8) See 96, 4. (9) deus falsus, deus commen- 
 ticius. (10) sacra facere. (11) carus. (12) motus vehementissi- 
 mus. (13) emere ab, or de aliquo {..from''). (14) privari. (15) In 
 this sentence the Historical Infinit. may be used. Gram. .^ 242. 2. 
 
 \ 
 
ft 
 
 ii 
 
 i 
 
 I . 
 
 124 
 
 Part i. 
 
 ficed 200 boys of the noblest fiimilies to ward oflf the 
 enemy, and still 300 others, who surrendered themselves 
 of their owoi accord. After defeating Agathocles the 
 handsomest of the captives were slaughtered to thank (1) 
 the Gods. After Gelo had defeated the Carthaginians 
 near Himera in the year 480, he ordained among the 
 conditions of peace (2), that cliildren should no more (3) 
 be sacrificed to their Gods; but they did not stand by 
 the contract. „ Children have been publicly sacrificed to 
 Saturn in Africa, says Tertullian, until Tiberius became 
 proconsul, who ordered the priests of that God to be 
 crucified on those trees, which shaded the temples of 
 their atrocities. But even now this disgrace continues 
 secretly". Whilst Tyre was besieged by Alexander the 
 Great, Carthaginian ambassadors came to the island, and 
 „some wished, says Cuii:ius, that a noble boy should be 
 sacrificed to Saturn, which sacrifice, ha-vdng been handed 
 down to them by the founders, the Carthaginians are 
 said to have offered up until the destruction of the city. 
 If the parents had made no opposition, this honible super- 
 stition would have overcome human feeling". Cicero ab- 
 hors also very much such sacrifices, and he is of opinion, 
 that Induciomarus from Gaul as a witness deserves no 
 credit, since, with the Gauls, the inhuman custom of 
 sacrificing men, existed until those times. In a certain 
 city of Egypt, every year in the dog-days, some red- 
 haired persons were burned alive (4), and their ashes 
 scattered in the air with winno wing-fans (5); the kings 
 sacrificed also red-haired ones at the tomb of Osiris. 
 The Ethiopians, in order to expiate themselves, put, in 
 every 600*^ year, two men, usually foreigners, in a small 
 vessel, gave them victuals for (6) two months, and let 
 
 No. 98. (1) gratiam referre. (2) pacis conditionibus sancire, 
 ne. (3) jam. (4) vivum coinburere, exurere. (5) ventilabrum. 
 (6) in, icith Ace. 
 
 Section viii. 
 
 125 
 
 them sail to (7) the South, where they were to land (8) 
 on a happy island. 
 
 No. 99. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 
 When Xerxes, on his expedition against Greece, had 
 come to the neighbourhood of the Strymon, he ordered 
 nine boys and girls from among the inhabitants of that 
 country to be buried alive (1). „To bury men alive, is 
 a Persian custom, says Herodotus, and of Amestris, the 
 wife of Xerxes, it was related to me, that she had 
 ordered, in her old age, for the propitiation of the in- 
 fernal God, 14 children of the noblest Persians to be 
 buried alive". The Arabs sometimes slaughtered (2) a 
 warrior to Mars, and every Thursday a sucking boy to 
 Jupiter. Caesar relates, that the Gauls, as soon as (3) 
 they were taken with severe diseases, or were in battles 
 or dangers, slaughtered men as sin-oiferings(4), or vowed, 
 that they were willing to slaughter them, and for these 
 sacrifices they employed (5) the Druids. They believed, 
 that the immortal Gods would not be reconciled, unless 
 for the life of one man that of another had been given 
 up. Many were bought to be sin-offerings, were then 
 nourished for a whole year at the public expense, and 
 after they had been solemnly conducted through the city 
 on a fixed festive day, killed outside of it. They were 
 nailed to the cross, pierced with arrows, or finally killed 
 by blows of stones. Strabo says in the fourth chapter 
 of the fourth book, that the Romans had forbidden human 
 sacrifices to the Gauls. Tlie Scythians, the Getae, the Thra- 
 cians, the Britons, the Russians, the Swedes, and Danes 
 had also the custom of sacrificing men, until they be- 
 
 (7) ad-versus. (8) See 95, S. 
 
 No. 99. (1) vivum obruere, vivum defodere. (2) See 97, 3. 
 (3) Gram. § 262, 1. (4) homines piacula caedere. (5) adhibere 
 ad (,,/br"). 
 
126 
 
 Part i. 
 
 *i^ 
 
 
 S 
 
 came Christians. Among the Mexicans, as long as they 
 worshipped Gods, every year at least 20,000 men were 
 sacrificed, or, as others say (6), every year more than 
 20,000 children besides the adults. Whoever considers (7) 
 all this, will understand, that we cannot thank God 
 sufficiently for having led us to the Christian religion. 
 But the greatest thanks we will continually give to Him, 
 who, free (8) of all sins, has been ofiered up for the ex- 
 piation of our sins, and has acquired for us eternal sal- 
 vation. Even if we gave up all things, we ourselves 
 would never be able to give satisfaction to God; for 
 even if we did everything, which we are bound (9) to 
 do, yet we would be like useless serv'ants before God. 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 Use of the Indicative. 
 
 (Grammar § 247.) 
 
 No. 100. 
 
 Fortune is Unjustly Accused by Many People. 
 
 Very many people are not content with their lot; 
 it would, however, not be difficult, but very easy to 
 prove, that their complaints (1) are mostly unjust. If 
 fortune has not granted you to (2) be bom of a noble 
 fiimily(3), you should convince yourself, that your dig- 
 nity consists (4) in nobility (5) of heart and deeds, not 
 in that of family. I could bring forward many instances, 
 from which it is seen, that those, born in a low state (6), 
 have, by their virtue, often attained to the highest dig- 
 nity and glory. It would be better, to imitate such 
 
 (6) velle. (7) 11. Fut (8) expers. (9) Imperf. Subj. 
 No. 100. (1) querela. (2) bi/ a clause with ut. (3) genus. 
 (4) positum esse. (5) magnitudo. (6) locus. 
 
 Section ix. 
 
 127 
 
 men, than to envy those, whom nature seems to have 
 favoured more. Many accuse fortune, because they are 
 poor, whilst (7) others possess great riches either by in- 
 heritance or by some accident. But it would be both 
 more useful and more honourable for them to acquire 
 riches by diligence and labour than to complain (8) of 
 the injustice (9) of fortune. And, assuredly, true happi- 
 ness does not consist in riches. Or (10) should we be- 
 lieve, that the poorest men, Cincinnatus, Fabricius, Den- 
 tatus, and many others, whom it would take too long to 
 enumerate, were unhappy? We should rather think (11), 
 that true honour and true happiness can be acquired 
 only by virtue, not by the favour of fortune. 
 
 No. 101, 
 
 Cajus Duilius. 
 
 During the first Punic war it was already under- 
 .«<tood, that the Eomans were superior to the Cartha- 
 ginians in all the achievements (1) of peace and war. 
 Whatever they undertook, in all they showed (2) an ad- 
 mirable prudence and care. They were most powerful (3) 
 on land, the Carthaginians at sea. But as soon as the 
 Romans had learned, that they could not be victorious 
 in tliis war without a navy (4), they began, with the 
 gi-eatest zeal, to build ships. And although they had 
 formerly been quite inexperienced in naval affairs (5), 
 yet in a short time they made so great progress, that 
 they ventured to enter upon an engagement with the fleet 
 of the Carthaginians. At Mylae near the coast of Sicily 
 they met (6) the enemy; there happened, what no one 
 would have believed. Duilius gained (7) a most brilliant 
 
 (7) quum. (8) queri de. (9) 6y invidia. (10) an. (11) statuere. 
 
 No. 101. (1) virtus. (2) praestare, or by esse tvith Abl. Gram. 
 § 225. (3) valere, poUere (= „fo be pmverfiiV). (4) copiae na- 
 vales. (5) res navalis, res maritima. (6) congredi cum. (7) potiri. 
 
128 
 
 Part i. 
 
 m 
 
 n 
 
 
 « 
 
 » 
 
 victory: be it that this happened by the carelessness of 
 the Carthaginians, who despised the Eomans at sea, be 
 it that the ingenuity (8) of Duilius and the bravery of 
 the Eomans frightened them and threw them into con- 
 fusion (9). For Duilius had discovered a new method of 
 fighting, which may be very worthy of a more accurate 
 description. The men -of- war (10) of the ancients were 
 provided with solid and sharp beaks, with wliich they 
 tried to pierce through (11) tlie sides of the hostile ships 
 and to sink them into the sea. In this art the Romans 
 were far surpassed by the Carthaginians, and for this 
 reason, too, the superiority at sea had, for a long time, 
 been with the Carthaginians. 
 
 No, 102. 
 
 Chapter 11. 
 
 Duilius, therefore, invented the grappling-irons (1) 
 which we could call iron hands, with wliich he took 
 hold (2) of a near hostile vessel and drew (3) it close to 
 his own. Then the Roman soldiers boarded (4) it, in 
 whatever way they could, and thus (5) engaged with the 
 enemy as (6) on land. By this invention (7) of Duilius, 
 then, the Carthaginians were thrown into confusion and 
 completely defeated at Mylae in the year 260 B. Chr. 
 Thirty ships of the enemy were taken; the rest were 
 partly sunk, ^^artly escaped. It would be difficult to 
 say, with how great a joy the Romans were seized (8) 
 at this victory. No one would have believed, that a 
 Roman fleet would be able to enter upon an engagement 
 with the ships of the Carthaginians; much less would a 
 victory have been expected. And yet the victory had 
 
 (8) sollertia. (9) perturbare (= „fo throw into conp^). (10) here 
 only navis {eUe navis longa, or rostrata). (11) confodere. 
 
 No. 102. (1) harpago. (2) prehendere. (3) adducere, attra- 
 here. (4) invadere. (5) itaqiie. (6) tanquam. (7) inventum. 
 (8) hy afficere, Gram, § 229, 
 
 Section ix. 
 
 129 
 
 been gained (9). When the news reached Rome, the 
 minds of all were seized with the greatest joy. Whoso- 
 ever was able, hastened to meet (10) the triumphant Dui- 
 lius; they would almost have deified (11) him. A statue 
 was erected in the forum for the celebration (12) of this 
 victory, and it was adorned with the beaks of the cap- 
 tured vessels. This is the celebrated columna rostrata, 
 the marble base of which was discovered in the year 
 1565 after Christ, and is at present preserved at Rome. 
 Though of the inscription, by which the victory of Dui- 
 lius is glorified, only a part is left, yet learned men (13) 
 have tried (14) almost entirely to restore it. One could, 
 of course (15), doubt, whether all the particulars have 
 been correctly restored; but however one may judge on 
 this matter, he should, with a grateful heart, acknow- 
 ledge th€> sagacity (16) of the learned men. 
 
 No. 103. 
 
 The Fatherland is, wherever it is Good(l). 
 
 When Teucer was expelled from Salamis by his 
 father, he is said to have cheered up (2) the hearts of 
 his friends with the following {hie) words: „Let(3) us 
 go, comrades and companions, whithersoever fortune may 
 take us; it will be kinder, than my father. Apollo him- 
 self has promised us new abodes, which, whether they 
 be near Greece, or separated from it by the vast (4) sea, 
 will become to us a second fatherland. For the father- 
 land is wherever it is good". This saying of Teucer, 
 though it seems to have come (5) from a great mind, 
 
 (9) pargre. (10) obviam properare. (11) deum facere, in 
 coelum tollere. (12) celebrare, Gram. § 288. 1. (13) Gram. 
 § 287. 4. 2, (14) studere, conari. (15) quidem, sane. (16) acu- 
 men (ingenii), acies ingenii. 
 
 No. 103. (1) bene est. (2) erigere. (3) Future. (4) ingens. 
 (5) proficisci. 
 
 Mttller, Exercises. 9 
 
*f 
 
 ,' 
 
 i^ii 
 
 130 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 has, nevertheless, justly been blamed by many. For 
 whoever is of such a disposition (6) as to measure the 
 love of his country by his own advantage (7), will never 
 be a good citizen. How much better does Ulysses please 
 us, who refused (8), whatever Calypso might offer him 
 in order to make him stay with her, and preferred even 
 that rocky (9) country of his to immortality itself! How 
 much better does Fabricius please us, who, however gi'eat 
 the amount (10) of gold was, that was offered him by 
 Pyrrhus, could not be prevailed upon (11) to betray his 
 country! How much better those Decii, who sacrificed (12) 
 for their country, whatever was dear to them, even their 
 lives! It would take too long to enumerate all those, 
 who have, in the same manner, given up (13) their friends, 
 their pleasures, their riches, even their lives and what- 
 ever they loved, for the welfare of their country. Whether, 
 then, all their deeds be approved (14) or disapproved (15), 
 their love of country we must always highly esteem. In 
 this matter their example is worthy of imitation (16), 
 and whether our country flourish, or be oppressed (17) 
 with sufferings: we ought always to endeavour (18) to 
 strengthen (19) the flourishing country, and to free the 
 struggling (20) home from its sufferings, in whatever 
 manner it can be done. 
 
 No. 104. 
 
 The Father to His Son. 
 
 Not by the letters of your friends ought I to have 
 been informed (1), that you wish to exchange (2) that 
 school for another. Would it not have been more cor- 
 
 (6) mens, animus. (7) commodum, commoditas. (8) rejicere, 
 contemnere, neglegere. (9) saxosus. (10) vis. (11) persuadere. 
 (12) profundere. (13) jacturam facere alicujus rei. (14) probare. 
 (15) improbare. (16) aemulatio. (17) urgere. (18) studere. (19) fir- 
 mare, augere, amplificare. (20) laborare. 
 
 No. 104. (1) certiorem facere. (2) commutare. 
 
 Section ix. 
 
 131 
 
 rect to communicate (3) such an important (4) matter to 
 your father rather than to another? For be it that 
 you justly desire to leave (5), be it that some youthful 
 levity is at the bottom (6), it would always have been 
 your duty (7), before to ascertain my opinion (8). But 
 what are the reasons of your determination (9)? Much 
 too severe, as you think, is the discipline of your teachers; 
 you are kept (10) all day to studies, so that you are 
 scarcely able to enjoy any pleasure. But you should 
 consider, not what your caprice (11), but what your 
 reason advises you. Reason, however, advises you to 
 stay with those, with whom you can become better and 
 more learned; and where (12) could this be done more 
 surely than with those who, at present, direct (13) your 
 studies? Therefore, either you should not have gone 
 to that place at all, or you should prove yourself such 
 as (14) to recommend yourself (15) to your teachers, and 
 to be able, after having finished (16) your studies well, 
 to return home honourably. Consider this, and willingly, 
 as you have always done, obey your father. — I had 
 ahnost forgotten to add (17) the respects of your mother, 
 who loves you tenderly. May God protect you! Farewell! 
 
 No. 105. 
 
 On the Advantage of a Good Memory. 
 
 When a friend complained to Antisthenes, a pupil 
 of Socrates and the founder of the Cynic school, that 
 he had lost his diaries, he answered: „You should have 
 written (1) the things in your memory, not on paper". 
 
 (3) communicare, Gram, ff 203. Note 3. (4) gravis. (5) inde 
 abire. (6) subesse (= ,/o be at the bottom''). (7) oportet (= ,,it is 
 the duty''). (8) sententia. (9) consilium. (10) continere. (11) li- 
 bido. (12) ubi tandem. (13) regere, moderari. (14) se praestare 
 talem, ut. (lb) se commendare. (16) peragere, absolvere. Abl. 
 obsol. (17) adscribere. 
 
 Xo. 105. (1) inscribere, with Bat, or in and Abl. 
 
 9* 
 
132 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section ix. 
 
 133 
 
 
 •I 
 
 To many of us, too, it could be said: „You ought to 
 exercise your memory more, and not trust too much to 
 writing"^. How great, indeed, was the power of the 
 memory with many men of antiquity! Though Themi- 
 stocles discharged the most important state affairs, yet 
 he knew the names of all his fellow-citizens. Of Cyrus 
 it is said, that he had learned by heart (2) the names of 
 all his soldiers. Thus he was able to salute each one, 
 that he met, by name. Mithridates, king of Pontus, is 
 said to have spoken the languages (3) of the 22 peoples, 
 which were within his kingdom. „We know as much 
 as we keep in our memory" (4), is a known and true 
 saying. Whatsoever you may have known, it is of little 
 use, if you have forgotten it. Important passages (5) of 
 Holy Scripture ought especially to be committed to me- 
 mory (6) in order to remember them at the proper time, 
 and to be impelled by them to virtue and piety. Jo- 
 sephus Flavins relates that the Jewish boys wrote (7) the 
 law in their souls, and kept it in their memory, so that 
 it could never be blotted out (8). „ Whosoever among 
 us may be asked about the law, he says, can more easily 
 tell it than his name, for we have learned it by heaH 
 from the first years, and, as it were, imprinted (9) upon 
 our souls". And Moses says, by the order of God (10): 
 „ Inculcate the law upon your sons and speak to them 
 about it, whether you are at home, or make a journey, 
 whether you go to bed, or rise". 
 
 (2) ediscere, memoriae mandare. (S) loqui lingnis (not liii- 
 guas). (4) memoria tenere. (5) graves loci. (6) See 2, (7) See 1. 
 (8) abolere, exstinguere, delere. (9) insculpere in, %oiih Abl. 
 (10) auctoritate divina. 
 
 No. 106. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 The Christian doctors also admonish (1) us, diligent- 
 ly to consider, to ponder, to keep, and to follow the 
 teachings of Holy Scripture, and whether we look back 
 on the first Christian centuries, or behold the Middle 
 ages (2), or view (3) the times that followed them, every- 
 where we obsei-ve, that the sacred books were liighly 
 esteemed and much perused. „Wliat else is Holy 
 Scripture, says Pope (4) Gregory the Great, than a letter 
 of Almighty God, sent to His creatures (5)? If you were 
 staging far away from the residence (6) of the emperor, 
 and received a letter from liim, j^ou would not rest, 
 until you had learned, what he had written to you. 
 The king of Heaven, the Lord of men and angels, has 
 sent you a letter, which is to lead you to eternal life; 
 3'ou should, therefore, not neglect eagerlj- to read this 
 letter." St. Gertrude was the daughter of Pepin of 
 Landen, a man of great prudence and energy, and a 
 lover of justice, who patronized and promoted agricul- 
 ture, business and trade, and caused the laws to be col- 
 lected (7). She applied herself with such zeal to the 
 Bible (8), that she was able to explain to those, who 
 asked, the most difficult passages. Of Alcuin two 
 nims(9), Gisla and Rectruda, asked, that he would send 
 them a commentary on the Gospel (10) of St. Jolm, 
 from which we see, that they were desirous of under- 
 standing Holy Scripture, and believed, that this could 
 
 No. 106. (1) praecipere. (2) aetas media {Smg.). (3) intueri. 
 (4) summus pontifex. (5) here homo („ffis" is not to be transl.). 
 (6j sedes Pipinus Landenius. (7) corpus legum conficere (= „fo 
 collect law8^^). Gram, ff 281. 3. (8) tauto studio ad explicandas 
 sacras litteras incumbere. (9) virgo deo singulariter sacrata, 
 virgo cultui divino ritu christiano sacrata, also monacha. (10) com- 
 mentarium evangelii. 
 
134 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 135 
 
 it 
 
 } i 
 
 \i 
 
 H 
 
 •1 
 
 not be effected without an experienced guide. Also the 
 holy queen Mathilde, the wife of Henry L, St. Hilde- 
 garde, who died in the year 1179, St. Catherine of 
 Siena, who died in the year 1380, and many others, 
 whom I could name, were full of the knowledge of the 
 sacred doctrine and the Bible. All writers of the so- 
 called Middle ages are, so to say, filled with sentences, 
 expressions (11), and phrases (12) of Holy Scripture. We 
 ought to imitate such men and women, more of whom 
 have been mentioned in another place. 
 
 SECTION X. 
 
 Use of the Subjunctive. 
 
 (Grammar § 248—263.) 
 No. 107. 
 
 Antisthenes and His Pupil Diogenes. 
 
 Antisthenes advised his scholars to apply them- 
 selves (1) with zeal to wisdom; but few obeyed. Then 
 he {ille) said: „You may be lazy, if it so pleases you; 
 but my students you will not be any longer." And 
 thus he dismissed them all. But, nevertheless, one of 
 them, Diogenes, always returned (2) to him, and was 
 unwilling to leave (3) him. „I may be allowed, said he, 
 to listen to you,'^ Antisthenes threatened him with a 
 stick (4), which he used to carry (5) in his hand, and 
 once, indeed (6), struck his head (7). „You may strike 
 me, said Diogenes, as much as you wish (8); but, at the 
 
 (11) vocabulum. (12) loquendi formula. 
 
 No. 107. (1) operam dare alicui rei, incumbere ad. (2) ven- 
 
 titare. (3) discedere. (4) baculum. (5) gestare. (6) re vera. 
 
 (7) caput alicujus percutere. (8) For tense, see Gram. ^ 244. 
 
 same time, allow (9) me to hear you." „'Wliat shall I 
 do with (10) this fellow, said Antisthenes; could I have 
 believed, that any one of my students was so desirous 
 of learning?" Then turning (11) towards Diogenes he 
 said: „For what reason (12) could I be angry (13) with 
 you? Let us be friends from the present (14) day, and 
 you may come to me, whenever it will please you." 
 Perhaps some one may ask, what kind of man that 
 Antisthenes was, and who was Diogenes? What shall I 
 say? Shall I say, that Antisthenes was a learned man? 
 Shall I call him a sage? Shall I mention (15), that he 
 wrote many books? Suppose we did not know anything 
 else besides that which Cicero relates of him, we should 
 consider him at least wiser than many other learned 
 men of antiquity, because he believed, that there is but 
 one God. What shall I say of Diogenes? Of him many 
 strange things are related. But may he have been dis- 
 solute (16) and extravagant (17), when a youth, may he 
 have ridiculed many distinguished men, yet some ex- 
 cellent things (18) have also been handed down to pos- 
 terity (19) worthy of imitation (20). Let us, then, to 
 mention one thing only, imitate him in the pursuit of 
 learning and wisdom. 
 
 No. 108. 
 
 Whether all Promises are to be kept(l). 
 
 There has been much dispute (2) among philosophers 
 whether all promises are to be kept or not. Time would 
 be wanting, if you wished to examine all the instances 
 
 (9) permittere. (10) either de xcith Ahl, or Ahl. aloncj or Dat. 
 (11) convertere [Part. Perf. Pass.). (12) jus. (13) succensere ali- 
 cui. (14) hodiernus, or by hie. (15) commemorare. (16) disso- 
 lutus. (17) eiFrenatus. (18) quaedam praeclara. (19) memoriae 
 tradere. (20) aemulatio. 
 
 Xo. 108. (1) promissa servare, praestare, solvere. (2) dispu- 
 tari a. 
 
136 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 137 
 
 I 
 
 of which they made use in these disputations. But per- 
 haps it is not useless to put some together here. Sup- 
 pose some one had given you a very excellent (3) remedy 
 against (4) a sickness, but under the condition, never 
 afterwards to (5) use the same means again without 
 his knowledge (6) , and you had promised that. Now if 
 soon after the other would die, and you would fall 
 again into the same sickness, would it be lawful to you 
 to violate (7) that promise, and to use that means? 
 Some one perhaps will say: Who would hesitate to 
 affirm this? If the other were still living, and the 
 matter could be stated (8) to him, it would be a duty 
 to do this. But if the other has died, it would by no 
 means be against duty (9) to take care (10) of one^s 
 health and life. For of what interest would it be for 
 the dead one, whether he knew that or not. One might 
 doubt, whether those promises are to be kept which 
 will bring mischief (11) to those to whom they have 
 been made. To (12) give -an instance: If a man of 
 sound mind {All.) had deposited a sword with you, and 
 demanded it back (13) afterwards having become insane, 
 would you believe that it must be returned, though 
 you had promised it? It would be a duty not to re- 
 turn it. Also from the fables instances are given. 
 Apollo had promised his son Phaeton to do whatever 
 he might wish. He wished to (14) be placed (15) upon 
 the chariot of liis father. Having been placed there, he 
 perished miserably. Without doubt, it would have been 
 much better, if Apollo had not kept his promise. Nep- 
 tune had allowed Theseus three wishes (16). He chose 
 the death of his son Hippolytus, whom, according to 
 
 (3) praestans. (4) adversus, also ad. (5) ne — unquam. 
 (6) ipso inscio. (7) recedere a. (8) indicare, nuntiare. (9) offi- 
 cium. (10) consulere. (11) pernicies, damnum. (12) ut. (13) re- 
 poscere. (14) optare ut. (15) toUere. (16) optionem dare (= ,/o 
 allcnc a im/t"). 
 
 the calumnies (17) of his step-mother (18), he regarded 
 as godless. But soon afterwards the innocence of Hip- 
 polytus became manifest (19). Theseus would have been 
 spared (20) a great distress, if Neptune had refused (21) 
 to keej) the promise. 
 
 No. 109. 
 
 The Manner in which Troy was taken by the Greeks. 
 
 After a war of ten years Troy was taken by the 
 Greeks through a fraud. Aeneas, almost the only^S' 
 the Trojan princes, who escaped, relates, according to (1) 
 the poet Virgil, the fall (2) of liis birth-place in this 
 way: By the order of IVIinerva the Greeks constructed 
 a wooden horse of such a size, that it reached (3) over 
 the walls of the city. In the following night the brav- 
 est leaders of the Greeks hid themselves in the belly (4) 
 of that monster. The rest carried all their proj^erty (5) 
 to the ships and sailed away (6), that the Trojans might 
 believe, the whole army had returned to Greece. At 
 day-break (7) all of us hurried out of the city to see (8) 
 the camp of the Greeks, from wliich so many sufferings 
 had come (9) upon us. After a long siege we had at 
 last no more danger to fear (10) from the enemy. All 
 the places were examined with curiosity (11). Mostly, 
 however, were all astonished at the sight of that wood- 
 en horse. No one could understand (12), why it had 
 been built, why it was so huge, why it had been left 
 behind. Some advised that it should be drawn into 
 the city and placed in the citadel. Others were seized (13) 
 
 (17) calumnia, falsa criminatio. (18) uoverca. (19) patefieri, 
 cognosci. (20) carere. (21) recusare. 
 
 No. 109. (1) apud. (2) interitus. (3) eminere. (4) uterus. 
 (5) suus {Nmt Plur.). (6) vela dare, or facere. Also solvere, or 
 proficisci. (7) Gram. § 237. 8. (8) visere, inspicere. (9) profi- 
 cisci, prodire. (1,0) P€rij)h\ Conjug, (11) curiose. (12) compre- 
 hendere, perspicere. (13) occupare, capere. 
 
138 
 
 Pakt I. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 139 
 
 with fear, lest some deceit was hidden. These advised 
 the people to throw (14) the horse into the sea or to 
 bum it. Whilst the crowd thus exchanged (15) these 
 different opinions, Laocoon, the priest of Neptune, came 
 down from the citadel in great haste (16), and shouted 
 with an angry voice: „Is your madness, citizens, so 
 great, that you do not understand, that the Greeks in- 
 tend (17) some deceit by this horse? Are you so badly 
 acquainted with (18) the Greeks? Either have they 
 hidden some armed men in it, or they have built it so 
 large to be able the more easily to look over the walls 
 into the city. This structure (19) must be destroyed as 
 quickly as possible." And that his words might be of 
 greater weight (20), he, with all his might (21), drove (22) 
 his spear into the horse's side. At the very same mo- 
 ment a tumult and clamour of the crowd were heard. 
 Shepherds dragged a Greek youth, whom they had cap- 
 tured near the coast, before the king. With an anxious 
 look, and trembling (23) with fear the captive exclaimed: 
 „0 that (24) the earth might open (25) to swallow (26) 
 me alive! Have I therefore escaped the hands of tlie 
 Greeks, that I might be preserved (27) for the more 
 cruel torments of the Trojans!" 
 
 No. 110. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 At this sigh(l) the tumult of the crowd ceased (2) 
 at once. They urged (3) him to go on to tell them, who 
 he was, where he was bom, what misfortune had be- 
 
 (14) praecipitare. (15) discedere in, ivith Ace. (16) citatus 
 cursus (AbL). (17) machinari. (18) adeone ignoratis, (19) moles. 
 (20) gravitas, vis, also hy plus valere. (21) vires. (22) adigere. 
 (23) contremiscere, or trepidus. (24) utinam. (25) discedere, de- 
 hiscere. (26) devorare. (27) reservare. 
 
 No. 110. (1) gemitus. (2) obmutescere, conticescere. (3) mo- 
 nere. 
 
 fallen him (4). Priam himself bade him to speak. Having 
 laid aside his fear, he said: „ Whatever may happen, king, 
 I will confess everything to you. I do not deny, that 
 I am a Greek by birth. If fortune has rendered Sinon 
 miserable, yet it shall not cause (5) me to become a liar. 
 With the brave prince Palamedes I went to war against 
 Troy. Ulysses from Ithaca hated and persecuted him in 
 a hostile manner, not as if he had done anything wrong, 
 but because he gave the advice to return to Greece. 
 Finally that mean fellow brought it to pass (6), that 
 Palamedes was condemned to death. From that time 
 my life has always been full of sorrow. Ulysses feared 
 that he would not be able to escape my vengeance (7); 
 and, to be more secure from danger, he determined — ; 
 but why do I repeat all those sufferings, which I have 
 endured? I am a Greek, and that will be reason 
 enough (8) for you to put me to death. This news will 
 be agreeable to the man of Ithaca. The Atridae will 
 rejoice and give you great thanks" (9). All of us are 
 moved with comi)assion; no one doubts, that he had 
 said everything with the greatest truthfulness (10). The 
 whole crowd bums with the desire to hear (11) the rest 
 and exhorts him to fear nothing. He, then, with a 
 feigning (12) countenance, continued thus: .,Long since (13) 
 there was no one in the army of the Greeks who did 
 not eagerly long for the end of the war. It was feared 
 that they would not be able to sustain its boundless 
 sufferings, and the return was longed for. But always 
 did unfavourable (14) winds prevent us from putting to 
 
 (4) Transl. „6y xcliat m. lie Jmd been struck (opprimere)". 
 (5) efficere {Fut) ut. (6) perficere (= „^o bring to pass''}, or rem 
 eo adducere. (7) poenae. (8) satis, with causa, or by sufficere. 
 (9) gratias agere, but gratiam referre. (10) fides, Veritas, or by 
 Superlat. of verus. (11) Gram, § 286. (12) sinmlatus. (13) jam 
 dudum. (14) adversus, iniquus. 
 
140 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 141 
 
 1 
 
 sea (15); the sea itself seemed to be angiy. The princes 
 offered up sacrifices to appease the wrath of the Gods. 
 But in vain; storms (16) continued with the greatest 
 violence, and no one could look at the sea without being 
 seized with the fear of a certain death. At this junc- 
 ture (17) legates were sent to Delplii to consult Apollo 
 what was to be done. From the God tliis answer was 
 brought back: „„You have sacrificed (18) a Greek maiden 
 in order to sail with a favourable wind from Greece to 
 Asia; a Greek youth must be sacrificed in order to se- 
 cure (19) your return"". 
 
 No. 111. 
 Chapter III. 
 
 7, There was no one who was not very much frighten- 
 ed by this oracle; each feared the God might demand 
 his head. Then Ulysses brought (1) the seer Kalchas 
 and besought (2) him to say whose death the God de- 
 manded. For ten days the cunning jmest kept (3) him- 
 self locked up not as if he doubted who must be named, 
 but that he might find the more credit with the multi- 
 tude. Finally he was led into the assembly and pro- 
 nounced (4) my name. The enmity of Ulysses had pre- 
 pared death for me. I could not prevent my being 
 tied; my head was bound (5) with a fillet (6); salted flour 
 was strewn (7); the victim (8) was ready. Then in dis- 
 pair I tore the fetters and escaped death. I hid myself 
 in a swamp, until the army had embarked (9) and sail- 
 ed (10) to Greece. Wretched me! I shall never again 
 
 (15) naves solvere; also vela dare. (16) tempestas. (17) dis- 
 crimen. (18) mactare, immolare. (19) in tuto collocare. 
 
 No. 111. (1) adducere. (2) obsecrare. (3) tenere. Gram. 
 § 278. 3. (4) edere. (5) cingere. (6) vitta. (7) molam salsam 
 spargere. (8) hostia. (9) naves, or in naves conscendere; also 
 conscendere alofie. (10) proficisci. 
 
 see (11) my father and children; and I cannot doubt that 
 the princes of the Greeks will cruelly slaughter them to 
 avenge my flight by their death". After he had said 
 tliis, he was prevented by tears from continuing (12). 
 There was no one who was not moved with compassion 
 for so great sufferings; all shed (13) tears, as if they 
 were deploring the misfortune (14) of a friend. Priam 
 at once ordered his fetters to be loosened. „A Greek, 
 he said, you have been; whatsoever you are, from this 
 time you will be ours. But now tell me, with what 
 intention (15) have they erected this horse, why so huge 
 a one, to which God is it dedicated" (16) '^ ^^^ he lifted 
 up his loosened hands to Heaven, saying: „0 that I had 
 fallen a victim in order not to become a traitor to my 
 coimtry! But thou, eternal sun, who seest everything 
 and avengest perjury, I call upon thee as a witness, that 
 Sinon has no more (17) a home. No tie prevents me 
 any more from disclosing all the plans of the Greeks, if 
 I only bring safety to those who have saved me. Listen, 
 therefore, to what happened. All the hope of the Greeks 
 rested on the assistance of Pallas. But since (18) Ulysses 
 and Diomedes with wicked (19) hands had robbed the 
 Palladium, the fatal picture of the Goddess, from the 
 temple of your citadel, the Goddess withdrew (20) , and 
 no sacrifice could effect her reconciliation. It was no 
 longer doubtful to any one, that Troy could not be taken 
 in this war. 
 
 No. 112. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 „In this distress the princes applied to(l) Kalchas, 
 that he might say what was to be done; and he divin- 
 
 (11) revisere. (12) loqui pergere. (13) profundere. (14) ca- 
 sum, calamitatem deplorare, deflere. (15) consilium. (16) sacer. 
 (17) jam. (18) ex quo. (19) scelestus, sceleratus, nefarius. (20) se 
 avertere. 
 
 No. 112. (1) adire. 
 
142 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 143 
 
 ed(2) thus: „„We must sail to Greece as soon as pos- 
 sible in order to propitiate the wrath of the Goddess in 
 our country itself. Tlien we shall return hither with 
 good foreboding (3), and nothing will be able to prevent 
 us from destroying the city of the enemy. Although 
 the way is a long one, yet the recompense will be 
 greater"". Thus admonished by the seer they sailed, 
 for the present, indeed, back to Greece; but unawares (4) 
 they will return with larger troops, and it is to be fear- 
 ed, that they will also have the Gods more favourable. 
 For this horse they have erected as sacred to Minerva 
 in order to conciliate (5) the Goddess by it. And not 
 without reason is it of so immense a height. They fear- 
 ed it might be brought (6) into the city through the 
 gates and be a protection (7) to the same as formerl}^ 
 the Palladium. But if you would hurt Mi^erva^s pre- 
 sent with a godless hand, no one doubted, that a great 
 calamity would come upon (8) you. that the Gods 
 may turn it (9) upon their own (10) heads". Thus Sinon. 
 We trusted (11) his words and tears, when on a sudden 
 another miracle presented itself (12) to our eyes. Before 
 it was determined upon, what was to be done, Priam 
 ordered Laocoon as priest to offer sacrifices to the Gods. 
 When the bull had been brought, the priest approached 
 the altar and with him his two sons. Suddenly the 
 crowd dispersed (13). Two (14) snakes of a huge size had 
 emerged from the sea, and straightway rushed upon (15) 
 the priest and the two boys. Before he himself was 
 able to come to their assistance, his sons had been killed 
 and devoured by the two monsters. Then they embraced 
 
 (2) vaticinari. (3) omen. (4) improvisus. Gram. § 236, 1. 
 (5) sibi reconciliare. (6) vehere, ducere. (7) praesidium. (8) im- 
 pendere, imminere, paratum esser. (9) by the Relative. (10) ipse. 
 Gram. § 238. 9. (11) fidem habere, credere. (12) se oflferre, osten- 
 dere. (13) diffugere. (14) by geininus. (15) petere. 
 
 himself and griped (16) him with such fury, that he 
 raised (17) a terrible cry in his pain. With the greatest 
 exertion (18) he tried to tear asunder the bonds; but in 
 vain. Among the whole crowd there was none who 
 dared to come to his assistance; so great a fright had 
 seized the minds of all. As if thunder-struck all were 
 standing there, until the priest, exhausted (19), broke 
 down (20), and the snakes fled under the altar of Pallas 
 and hid themselves in the earth. Then all trembled with 
 new astonishment (21); nobody doubted, that Laocoon, 
 who had hurt the horse, sacred to Pallas, with his lance, 
 had been punished (22) with death for his crime. 
 
 No. 113. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 
 Immediately the whole crowd cried aloud (1) that 
 the sacred horse ought to be drawn into the city. There 
 was none who did not take part in (2) the work; machines 
 and wheels were placed under (3) it; even old men and 
 boys deemed themselves (4) happy if they were able to 
 put (5) their hands to the work. Thus they came to the 
 city. The gates were too narrow to let the huge struc- 
 ture (6) pass through (7). The wall was laid open; no 
 difficulty was so great, which the people would not have 
 surmounted. Four times had they to stop (8) on the 
 threshold of the city; four times did the weapons clash (9) 
 in the belly of the horse as if some God was willing to 
 warn the unhappy. But all seemed to be deaf; nothing 
 
 (16) constringere. (17) edere. (18) vires, or by intentio. 
 (19) confectus. (20) corruere. (21) stupor, pavor. (22) poenas 
 solvere, or pendere alicujus rei (= „to be imnished for''). 
 
 No. 113. (1) conclamare. (2) adire, accedere. (3) subjicere. 
 (4) sibi videri. (5) admovere. (6) moles (= ,,huge str.''). (7) trans- 
 mittere (:?= „to let pass through^'). (8) subsistere. (9) concrepare, 
 sonare. 
 
Ii 
 
 II 
 
 144 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 145 
 
 lit 
 
 was able to deter the people from caiTying out their 
 undertaking (10). All eagerly helped in the work until 
 the effigy had been placed in the citadel. We adorned 
 all our temples with sacred leaves, as if the Gods had 
 granted us a splendid victory. "We celebrated a festive 
 day, until the darkness of night called the tired to rest. 
 that I had never seen this night! that I had fallen 
 in battle, before my dearest country, which could not 
 be conquered in war, perished by the deceit and treason 
 of the most cruel enemies! Whilst all were overpower- 
 ed (11) by sleep, one was watching. Sinon had cunning- 
 ly deceived the attending crowd, until the hour arrived 
 where it seemed that not the least danger was to be 
 feared. Then he sneaked (12) to the citadel and opened 
 the belly of the horse, out of which the bravest of the 
 princes, Ulysses, Sthenelus, Neoptolemus, and others joy- 
 fully alighted (13). The watchmen (14) were struck down, 
 whilst the rest of the Grecian army, having come back (15) 
 in the darkness of the night, rushed into the city through 
 the open walls. It was the time, when rest is most 
 agreeable to the fatigued bodies. And lo! Hector ap- 
 peared to me, in a dream (16), as if he stood there (17) 
 alive, bleeding, shedding tears, with a look of deep sad- 
 ness (18). This sight so frightened me that it made me 
 weep and almost choked my voice. „0 hope of Troy 
 as long as you were living! said I, who can see you in 
 such a plight (19) without succumbing to pain? that 
 you were alive! Do not conceal from a friend what 
 has brought you back to us from the infernal regions. 
 Your very look shows, that you fear, that a dreadful 
 calamity is threatening your friends" (20). 
 
 (10) inceptum persequi, peragere. (11) opprimere. (12) se 
 subducere. (13) se demittere. (14) vigil. (15) navibus revehi. 
 (16) in somnis. (17) adesse. (18) by the Superl of maestus. 
 (19) only talis. (20) Bur. of tims. 
 
 No. 114. 
 
 Chapter VI. 
 
 „Flee from hence, Aeneas, said he, rescue yourself (1) 
 from this conflagration, lest aU hope of the Dardanian 
 race perish; the enemy is in possession of (2) the city. 
 Though you are brave, you wiU not drive them back.' 
 If Troy could have been saved by valor, it would have 
 been saved by my hands. Your country recommends (3) 
 to you its sanctuaries and household gods; take them 
 with you as companions of your flight. Provided you 
 forsake them (4) not, you may (5) hope for a happier 
 fatherland". Thus he spoke, and delivered over (6) to 
 me with his own hands the image of Vesta and the 
 perpetual fire, when at once a mighty din and clamour, 
 from the city, pierced (7) my ears. I did not doubt, that 
 everything was true, that I had heard (8) in my dream. 
 I hurried up (9) from my couch and hastily ascended the 
 top of the roof to see with my own eyes what had 
 happened. Oh, disastrous sight! Everything was seized 
 by the flames, as if the whole city was a fiery sea. Out 
 of my senses (10) I put on my weapons; when armed I 
 hesitated what to do (11) first. I threw myself (12) out 
 of my palace to protect first the citadel. But before I 
 could reach it, Panthous, the priest of Apollo, carrying 
 in his hands the things sacred to the God, met me: „Let 
 us flee, said he, all hope is lost (13); Troy has ceased to 
 be (14), ceased has (14) the immense glory of the Trojans 
 (Teucri, ortimf. But nothing was able to deter me 
 from perishing, whilst fighting, amidst the ruins of my 
 country. ^Nothing is lost, cried I, provided courage be 
 
 Xo. lU. (1) se eripere. (2) tenere (= ,.to be in poss. of% 
 (3; commendare. (•^) lUlative Frmi. (5) licet. (6) afferre. (7) per- 
 cellere. (8) accipere. (9) se eripere. (10) amens. (11) aggredi, 
 suscipere {Periphr. Conjug.), (12) se ejicere. (13) perire. (14) ,,has 
 ceased'', and ,^ias ceased to fee", by Perf of esse. 
 
 Mtiller, Exercises. IQ 
 

 146 
 
 Part i. 
 
 11 
 
 not lost. The only safety for the defeated is to (15) hope 
 for no safety^. Not a few of the brave had joined me 
 as companions to attack with me the faithless enemy. 
 The darkness of the night favoured our bravery, and 
 many of the Greeks were cut down by our swords. Thus 
 we advanced (16) to the citadel, not as if we hoped for 
 a victor}^ but to encounter (17) the death of the brave. 
 But what abominable (18) deeds presented themselves to 
 our eyes there! Who is so hard -hearted (19), that he 
 could recollect them without shedding tears!" 
 
 Whilst he was thus speaking, tears prevented him 
 from continuing liis narration. However, how great the 
 cruelties were, which the Greeks committed, how great 
 the bravery, by which Aeneas saved himself and his re- 
 lations (20) from the flames of the city, will be learned 
 best from Virgil himself. 
 
 No. 115. 
 
 Old Age Must Be Honoured (1). 
 
 God demands (2) of us to love all men, but espe- 
 cially to show respect (3) to those who are much (4) ad- 
 vanced in age (5). It would take too long to set forth 
 all the reasons, why we ought to comply (6) with this 
 demand (7) and wish (8). It is sufficient to say, that (9) 
 all nations, provided they followed (10) right reason, have 
 deemed old age worthy to be honoured by all. To men- 
 tion only the Eomans and the Greeks, there is no one, 
 who does not know with how great praises Cicero, through 
 Cato, extols old age in his beautiful book on age. What 
 shall I say of the Greeks? To pass over (11) the rest of 
 
 (15) ut. (16) pervadere. (17) oppetere. (18) nefandus, ne- 
 farius. (19) durus, ferreus. (20) suus. 
 
 No. 115. (1) colere. (Periphr. Conjng. — Ace. with Inf.). 
 (2) postulare ut. (3) reverentiam adhibere, tribuere. (4) ad- 
 modum. (5) grandis natu. (6) obsequi, obtemperare. (7) postu- 
 latio. (8) voluntas. (9) Ace. with Inf. (10) parere. (11) tacere. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 147 
 
 the Greeks, among the Lacedaemonians there was one 
 thing, which Cato could not help admiring, and which 
 is worthy, even in our time, to be recommended (12) to 
 youth. There was a law with them, that youths must 
 obey not only their parents, but also all older people. 
 Old age for its own sake seemed to them worthy of being 
 revered (3) by the younger. Therefore young people 
 everywhere made way (13) to old men and stood quietly, 
 until they had passed by (14). When once at Athens an 
 old man came into the theatre, he found in that numer- 
 ous assembly (15) not one of his fellow-citizens who offered 
 him a place. But when he had approached the ambassa- 
 dors of the Lacedaemonians, all of them rose (16) together 
 to offer a seat to the old man amongst themselves in the 
 most honoured (17) place. When the people of Athens 
 saw this (18), they deemed this respect (19) of the Lace- 
 daemonians worthy to be approved of (20) by the greatest 
 applause (21). There was one who said: „The Athenians, 
 then, know, what is right; but though they know it, 
 yet they neglect (22) to practise it". Since we cannot 
 doubt that, what has been said, is true, Lysander right- 
 ly maintained, that Lacedaemon was the most honour- 
 able (23) abode for old age. 
 
 No. 116. 
 
 Speech of the Consul L. Aemilius Paullus. 
 When, in the war against Perseus, king of Macedonia, 
 the chief command had been given, with great unani- 
 mity (1) of the senate and people, to the consul L. Aemi- 
 lius Paullus the latter delivered, in the assembly (2) 
 
 (12) commendare. (13) de via decedere. (14) Imperf. (15) fre- 
 quentissimus conventus. (16) consurgere. (17) honoratus. (18) Re- 
 lative Pron. (19) verecundia. (20) comprobare. (21) plausus. 
 (22) oraittere. (23) honestus. 
 
 Nd. 116. (1) consensus. (2) contio. 
 
 10* 
 
148 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 149 
 
 of the people, the following speech, before he went to 
 war: „You have conferred upon me a great honour, 
 Quirites, since you considered me as the fittest, to whom 
 this Macedonian war might be confided (3). For, in fact, 
 to this war, which has been protracted (4) in a disgrace- 
 ful manner, such an issue must be given, as is worthy 
 of the Roman name. I hope, however, in the first place, 
 that the Gods will help (5) me; then I venture to affirm 
 for certain, that I shall endeavour with all my might 
 to show you, that you did not in vain place your hope 
 in me. What is necessary for the war, has been decreed 
 by the senate. As I must start at once, my colleague 
 C. Licinius will make all these preparations with the 
 same zeal, as if he himself had to conduct (6) this war. 
 If, however, I shall write anything to the senate or to 
 you, you will consider me more worthy to be believed, 
 than the various rumours, which are usually spread 
 about (7) without a certain author. Scarcely any one 
 despises (8) rumours so far that his mind should never 
 be alarmed (9). In all circles and even at all banquets, 
 there are people, who conduct armies to Macedonia, who 
 know where the camp must be pitched (10), what places 
 must be garrisoned (11), where storehouses are to be 
 erected (12). No one is found who equals them in the 
 skill of finding out how, by land and by sea, pro\'isions 
 are to be supplied (13), when fighting must be done (14) 
 with the enemy, when it is better to keep within the 
 
 camp. 
 
 No. 117. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 And there are very few who only utter their opinion 
 of what is to be done ; many are so arrogant as to con- 
 
 (3) committere. (4) bellum ducere, or trahere. (5) adesse. 
 (6) Periphr. Conjiig. (7) divulgari. (8) by conteinptorem esse. 
 (9) perturbare, debilitare. (10) locare. (11) praesidiis confirmare. 
 (12) ponere. (13) advehere. (14) confligere, manus conserere. 
 
 demn the general in his absence as if he had been ac- 
 cused before them and brought to trial. These things 
 greatly hinder the commander in well conducting his 
 affairs. For few are of so strong a mind against an 
 unfavourable (1) rumour, that, like Fabius the Lingerer, 
 they prefer (2) their chief command to be restricted (3) 
 by the vanity of the people, to less carefully managing (4) 
 the affairs of the state. I do not fear that any one may 
 interpret this as arrogance on my part; the affair is 
 important enough (5) to be considered with the greatest 
 care. I am not the man to believe, that the commanders 
 ought not to be admonished; no (6), I deem that man 
 who carries out everything exclusively (7) according to 
 his own opinion, rather a proud than a wise man. But 
 only few are fit to give advice to the commander with 
 prudence. Wliere is the commander who does not glad- 
 ly avail himself of the counsel of those who are skilled 
 in warfare? But those are the ablest to give advice, 
 who are themselves present at the operations (8) , who 
 behold the enemy, the place, the opportunity of the 
 times, with their own (9) eyes. Hence, if there be any 
 one who is confident of being able to give useful advice 
 {Plur.) in this war, I do not doubt, that he will be a 
 most agreeable companion to me. I shall share with 
 him my vessel, my horses, my tent, and my meals. But 
 if there be no one, to whom this is pleasing, no one will 
 think himself fit to command (10) me from the land, how, 
 on the open sea, I have to steer(ll) my tossed (12) vessel. 
 The city offers topics enough in which the idle can delight. 
 No one may fear, that, in the camp itself, good advice 
 (Bur.) will be wanting to us'^. — Thus L. Aemilius 
 
 No. 117. (1) adversus. (2) malle. (3) minuere, also obtrectare. 
 (4) gerere, administrare. (5) satis gravis, or Superlat of dignus. 
 Oram. ^ 258. (6) immo. (7) by unUs. See Gram. § 238. 9. 
 (8) res gerenda. (9) suus only. (10) imperare. (11) gubernare. 
 (12) jactare. 
 
i 
 
 11 
 
 150 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 PauUus went to war and soon after led the captured 
 king Perseus to Rome. 
 
 No. 118. 
 
 The Areopagus of the Athenians. 
 
 Not unjustly has the Athenian state been extolled 
 by the ancients with many praises, because it possessed (1) 
 the Areopagus. This was a very grave and sacred as- 
 sembly, which passed judgment not only on the greatest 
 crimes, but also on the morals of the citizens. No one 
 was received into it, unless he had faithfully discharged 
 the office of an Archon. The trials were conducted at 
 midnight and without light (2), because, if they were 
 held during the day (3), the judges could easily be moved 
 by the miserable sight of the accused. One by one they 
 gave their votes amid the deepest silence, so that no 
 one could know, what had been decided by the other. 
 Once the Areopagites are said to have condemned a boy 
 who had been accustomed to tear out (4), with cruel 
 pleasure (5) the eyes of birds. For they judged, that 
 this was a token of a very bad disposition, which, in 
 the future (6), might threaten harm to many. By the 
 same Areopagites a most careful inquiry was carried on, 
 what each of the Athenians was doing (7), and by what 
 business (8) he sustained his life; and one who did not 
 Kve honestly, they punished by their judgment. In law- 
 suits (9) the Areopagus was most just. Demosthenes ex- 
 tols it with the highest praises, because it had never, in 
 any action (10), passed a judgment, with which either of 
 the quarrelling parties (11) had not been satisfied. It is 
 not certain, at what time the Areopagus was established. 
 Some ascribe its origin to Ares, the war God of the 
 
 No. 118. (1) uti, habere. (2) lumen (Bur.) (3) interdiu. 
 (4) effodere. (5) libido. -(6) in posterum. (7) agere. (8) quae- 
 stus. (9) in litibus dijudicandis. (10) causa. (11) litigantes 
 {Mascul.). 
 
 Section x. 
 
 151 
 
 Greeks, some to Solon. Cicero does not doubt, that 
 Solon has better deserved (12) of the state, than even 
 Themistocles, because the former instituted the Areo- 
 })agus. However that may be, there can be no doubt, 
 that its origin must be referred to the time, before 
 Pisistratus entered upon (13) the administration of public 
 affairs. It existed still in the time of the Apostle St. 
 Paul, since we learn from the Acts (14) of the Apostles, 
 why the Apostle was conducted before (15) the Areopagus, 
 and what was the result (16) of his speech there. 
 
 No. 119. 
 
 Something about Xenophon. 
 
 Socrates once met(l) Xenophon in a narrow street, 
 before he had become acquainted (2) with him. When 
 he, therefore, saw that handsome (3) and modest youth, 
 he prevented him from continuing his way (4) by holding 
 out (5) his stick. As soon as the youth had stopped (6), 
 Socrates asked him, where the things were bought, which 
 men need for living. And when Xenophon at once an- 
 swered at this: „In the market-place", Socrates asked 
 him again, where youths were made good and honest 
 men. And when Xenophon replied, that he did not 
 know, where this was done, Socrates said: ^Follow me, 
 and you will learn it". — Xenophon doubted, whether 
 he should go with the Spartans to C3rrus in Asia, or 
 whether it was better to remain at Athens. He, there- 
 fore, asked Socrates, what he advised him to do. And 
 he advised him, to consult Apollo. Xenophon, therefore, 
 travelled to Delphi and asked the oracle, to what God 
 
 (12) melius mereri de. (13) accedere ad. Gram. § 288. 1. 
 (14) acta, — orum. (15) in, with Ace. (16) exitus, eventus. 
 
 No. 119. (1) occurrere, obvium esse. (2) cognoscere (= „^o 
 6e?. acq. with^^). (3) formosus. (4) iter continuare. (5) porrigere 
 Ablaf. ahsol. (6) consistere. 
 
152 
 
 Part i. 
 
 he must offer sacrifices that his voyage to Asia might 
 have a prosperous success. Apollo answered: „To those 
 to whom it is a duty to offer sacrifices". And Xeno- 
 phon communicated this to Socrates. Socrates, however, 
 reproved (7) him, that he had asked, to what God sacri- 
 fices should be offered up. „You ought to have asked, 
 he said, whether it was better for you to go or not. 
 But since you have asked othei-wise, offer sacrifices and 
 go". — Whether Xenophon was present (8) at the battle 
 near Delion in the year 424 before Christ, and whether 
 he was saved in that battle by Socrates, may be doubted, 
 but it cannot be questioned (9) , that he was a pupil of 
 Socrates, and that in his fom* books of the Memorabilia 
 of Socrates he gives a better picture (10) of his teacher, 
 than Plato in his dialogues. Though it is uncertain, 
 whether, after his return from Asia, he was sent, or 
 went, of liis o^ti accord, into exile, and whether he died 
 at Corinth, or somewhere else, yet no one can doubt, 
 that he really died in exile. 
 
 No. 120. 
 
 Something about Diogenea. 
 Antisthenes, the teacher of Diogenes, died from 
 disease. When he was lying (1) ill, Diogenes came to 
 him and asked, whether he needed a friend. And An- 
 tisthenes, tortured with the greatest pain, exclaimed re- 
 peatedly (2): „Is there nobody, who is able to free me 
 from this pain?" And Diogenes went out, but soon 
 returned and brought Antisthenes a dagger (3). „Will 
 this not be able to free you?" said he, handing the 
 dagger over to him. Whereupon Antisthenes said: „I 
 did not ask, who might be able to free me from my 
 
 (7) vituperare. (8) interesse. (9) in dubium vocare. (10) me- 
 lius describere aliquem. 
 
 No. 120. (1) decumbere. (2) identidem. (3) pugio. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 153 
 
 hfe, but from my pain." — But the same Diogenes 
 seems himself to have been fond (4) of his life. For 
 when he had been prostrated (5) by a violent sickness, one 
 of his enemies asked him mockingly (6), why he did not 
 rather wish to die; whether he would not free himself 
 fi-om so great sufferings. Whereupon Diogenes replied: 
 „Did you never learn, how a man must (7) speak and 
 how he must act?" And as the former was silent, 
 Diogenes said: „Does it not seem fair to you, that those 
 should live, who know how to speak and act correctly 
 in life? You, therefore, must die, as you have not 
 learned to sjDeak and act with honesty (8); but as I my- 
 self know this art, I must wish to be amongst the liv- 
 ing, that I may be useful to them." — When the same 
 Diogenes, one day, was asked, what he had done, or 
 what he was doing, why he was called a dog, he said: 
 „ Because I flatter (9) those, who give me something, 
 bark at (10) those, who give me nothing, and bite the 
 wicked." — Once Diogenes was captured by pirates and 
 brought to Corinth to be sold. Being asked what art 
 he knew, he answered: „I know very well, how peoj;)le 
 must be ruled." Whereupon he advised the crier (11) 
 to ask, whether any one was willing to buy for himself 
 a master. — Wlien he was asked, in which part of 
 Greece he had seen true and excellent men, he said: 
 „Men I saw nowhere, but boys I saw at Lacedaemon." 
 
 No. 121. 
 
 On Divination (1). 
 
 There have always been men, who endeavoured to know 
 beforehand, what good or evil would happen (2) to them 
 
 (4) adamare. (5) dejicere, prosternere. (6) irridere. (7) Ft- 
 i-iphr. Caiijug. (8) honeste, cum honestate. (9) adulari. (10) alla- 
 trare {though rare). (11) praeco. 
 
 No. 121. (1) divinatio, or ars divinandi. (2) bg esse. See 
 Gram, ff 144. 1. 
 
154 
 
 Pakt I. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 155 
 
 ^' 
 
 in life. And yet what is there, what is more obscure 
 and difficult to know (3), than the future? There is no 
 one who is able to say, whether this day will be the 
 last of his life or not. And very prudently has God 
 himself concealed from men, what good or evil may 
 befall them, or how long a life he has determined to 
 grant them. For how few (4) are there out of so many 
 thousand men, who are able to bear the present with 
 an even mind! What would happen, if men knew the 
 future? Nevertheless, in the remotest times, there were 
 already many who tried (5) to predict the future from 
 certain signs. Truly, there is nothing which is more 
 absurd; and yet, many suffered themselves to be deceiv- 
 ed by such foUy. The Greek oracles, indeed, have, by 
 their wise moderation and prudent advice, often been 
 very useful to those who consulted them (6); but who 
 is there who doubts, that they oftener abused the cre- 
 dulity of men for gain and profit? But what shall one 
 say about the divination of the Romans? Can it have 
 any influence (7) on the issue of an undertaking, whether 
 the victim has two livers, or is found without any (8)? 
 And yet the haruspices, who practised this art, had 
 great authority (9) with the people. But the augurs, 
 who are sometimes called auspices, divined from the 
 flight (10) or singing of birds, or from the hunger of 
 hens. But is there any reference (11) to the victory or 
 defeat of an army, whether the hens have eaten (12) 
 greedily or not? Again (13) it is certainly of no im- 
 portance, whether the birds have been flying from the 
 right or from the left, whether they have been singing 
 or have not appeared at all. The whole art of divi- 
 nation is, therefore, void (14) of all reason. 
 
 (3) Gram. § 291. (4) quotusquisque {Singul.). (5) conari. 
 (6) Fartic. Constr. (7) quidquam valere ad. (8) Repeat Stibsf. 
 (9) esse, with Ahlat. qiial. (10) volatus. (11) pertinere ad. (12) pasci. 
 (13) item. (14) expers, icith Gen.; inanis, with AU, 
 
 No. 122. 
 
 The Countries, in Which (1) the Greek and Latin Lan- 
 guages Were Understood (2) at the Time, When the 
 Christian Beligion Began to Spread. 
 
 It came to pass in the order of (3) Divine Provi- 
 dence, that people, at the time, when Christ was bom, 
 could be easily understood, as the same language pre- 
 vailed almost everywhere, and that nearly the whole, 
 known world had the same government (4). If in one 
 country people had spoken this, in another another (5) 
 language (6) , what difficulties would those have had, 
 who had to announce everywhere, that Christ, the Sa- 
 \dour of the world (7), had appeared. If many kings 
 and rulers had been in the different countries, how 
 would the Apostles and their disciples have been prevented 
 by them from going from one empire to another (8)! 
 If this king had received them as friends, they would 
 perhaps have been refused, for that very reason, as 
 enemies by the other. But owing to the expeditions of 
 Alexander the Great, and through the empires and cities, 
 founded (9) by his generals in Asia and Africa, the 
 Greek language and literature had spread, if not every- 
 where, at least in the most populous countries. Antioch, 
 as Cicero mentions, was filled with learned men; but he 
 means (10) the Greeks. „Greek, says he, is read by 
 almost all nations, Latin is confined to pretty narrow 
 limits." In Media, Syria, Mesopotamia, and almost all 
 parts of Asia, Greek cities had been built, and in almost 
 all other cities Greeks had immigrated. They had 
 likewise spread in Palestine and Phoenicia. „ Conquered 
 
 No. 122. (1) Gram. § 238. 5. (2) Graece et Latine scire. 
 (3) y,in the order of^ = by. (4) uno imperio contineri. (5) Gram. 
 § 238. 7. 3. (6) lingua loqui. (7) Salvator hominum, here also 
 mundi. (8) Transl. „from empire to empire*^. Gram. § 238. 7. 3. 
 (9) constituere. (10) dicere, significare. 
 
156 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 157 
 
 Greece, says Horace, has brought the arts into savage 
 Latiiim." Even slaves commanded a higher price (11), 
 if they understood Greek. Cicero spoke Greek (12) in 
 the senate at Syracuse, which, however, was made an 
 object of reproach to him by Verres. When the i)ro- 
 consul P. Crassus went to Asia about the year 130 
 before Christ, to make war against Aristonicus, who 
 was about to take possession of the kingdom of Perga- 
 mum, he showed himself so kind towards the Greeks, 
 that, if any one was accused before his tribunal in the 
 Ionian dialect, he pronounced judgment (IB) in the same, 
 or in the Attic, or Doric, or Aeolian, if they had so 
 addressed him. 
 
 No. 123. 
 
 Chapter n. 
 
 Victorious Augustus addressed the people at Alexan- 
 dria in the Greek tongue, and a certain Mucian induced, 
 by his Greek eloquence, the inhabitants of Antioch to 
 acknowledge Vespasian as emperor. Molo from Rhodes, 
 the teacher of Cicero, was already allowed, without 
 an interpreter, to speak Greek in the senate. At the 
 time of Valerius Maximus, who lived under the emjyeror 
 Tiberius, the curia resoimded with Greek transactions (1). 
 The emperor Claudius addressed the ambassadors, who 
 lived in the provinces, in Latin, when they were of 
 Eoman descent, and he required them to answer him in 
 the same language; but to Greek ambassadors he spoke, 
 with fluency (2), in the Greek language. In short, it 
 is an error, if some believe, that Greece was long 
 unknown to the Eomans, especially in the oldest times. 
 In Italy the Delphian oracle, as Herodotus relates, was 
 
 (11) Gram. § 218. 1. or 2. (12) Graece loqui. (13) senten- 
 tiam dicere. 
 
 No. 123. (1) actionibus resonare. (2) copiose loqui apud 
 aliquem. 
 
 already known in the second century after the building 
 of Rome, in the city itself at least under Tarquin the 
 Proud. But if the Sibylline books were already of 
 great authority under the king whom I have just men- 
 tioned, who will then doubt, that the Romans, at that 
 time, knew Greek? When Cicero, in his books on the 
 state, speaks of the times of the last king of Rome, 
 he says: „At that time there was a by no means in- 
 significant rivulet flowing into this city from Greece, but 
 a mighty stream of sciences and arts.'' In the speech, 
 which Caesiir delivered on the punishment of Catiline's 
 companions, he does not hesitate to say, that the Ro- 
 mans had always been ready, if they had found 
 anything good in other nations, to receive it from them; 
 that, in the choice of punishment, they had imitated 
 the Greeks. Nor can it be doubted, unless we refuse 
 credit (3) perchance to trustworthy authors, that the 
 Romans at the time, when the twelve Tables were put 
 up, knew the laws of Greece. 
 
 No. 124. 
 
 Chapter HI. 
 
 Pliny records, that the Decemviri had a certain 
 Hermodorus of Ephesus as interpreter of the Greek 
 laws, and a pillar had been erected to this man. Cicero 
 says somewhere, though he exaggerates (1) the matter: 
 „It is believed, that the cultivation of literature, that 
 learning, religion, the fruits of the field, jurisprudence 
 and laws had come from the Athenians and been spread 
 into all countries". But if any one were of the opinion, 
 that the Romans had not cared to spread their own 
 language, he would be greatly mistaken (2). How 
 
 ■■1] 
 
 (3) iidem abrogare. 
 
 \o. 124. (1) augere. (2) maxime falli, or after id (res) me 
 luaxime fallit. 
 
158 
 
 Past i. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 159 
 
 n 
 
 m 
 
 much the Eoman magistrates, in earlier times, guarded 
 their own and the Roman people's authority, can be 
 understood from the ftict, that they persisted (3) with 
 great firmness in never giving an answer to the Greeks 
 except in Latin. Nay, they forced them, not only at 
 Eome, but also in Greece and Asia, to speak through 
 an interpreter, that the authority of the Latin tongue 
 might appear the more glorious with all nations. If 
 the emperor Tiberius had not spoken Greek well (4), it 
 would have been attributed to his ignorance, that he 
 refused to accept the testimony of a centurion in 
 Greek (5). But he cared so much for the dignity of 
 the Latin language, that he prevented the speaking of 
 Greek in the senate, and did not wish Greek words to 
 be mixed up with the Latin. Though soldiei^ were 
 asked in Greek before a court, yet they had to answer 
 in Latin, whereby they were forced to learn some 
 Latin (6). In the time of St. Augustine, as he himself 
 says, very few in Africa would have answered, if they 
 had been asked in Punic (7), but the Liitin language 
 was so common, that children learned it, as it were, 
 whilst playing, from their nurses and guardians (8). In 
 the time of TertuUian the Bible had long been trans- 
 lated into Latin (9). Plutarch is of opinion, that all 
 men speak Latin, and Strabo relates, that in Gaul 
 many had assumed (10) the Roman language and Roman 
 manners, and could not be called barbarians any 
 
 longer. 
 
 No. 125. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 When once the consul Claudius, as we read(l) in 
 Dio Cassius, another Greek writer, put a question to 
 
 (3) perseverare. (4) bene Graece loqui. (5) Graece dictum. 
 (6) nonnihil Latine loqui discere. (7) Punice. (8) nutrix et 
 custos. (9) in Latinum convertere, Latine reddere. (10) uti. 
 
 No. 125. (1) scriptum videmus, scriptum est in, or apud. 
 
 an ambassador, who was a Lycian by birth, but had obtain- 
 ed the Roman citizenship, and the latter, on account of 
 the ignorance of Latin, did not understand the question, 
 the consul deprived him of the citizenship, adding, 
 that no one ought to be a Roman, if he did not under- 
 stand the language (2) of the Romans. The edicts of 
 the praetors were proclaimed to the conquered nations 
 only in the Latin language (3), and thus, as St. Augus- 
 tine says, the domineering state put on the subdued 
 states not only its yoke, but also its language. Yet 
 we read (1), that Roman edicts were published (4) at 
 Tyre and Sidon in the Latin and Greek languages. In 
 several places Latin and Greek were understood equally 
 well. St. Caesarius, bishop of Aries, would not have 
 ordered Latin and Greek psalms and hymns to be sung 
 in the churches of the city, if both languages had not 
 been spoken (5) there. But if we consider (6) , how 
 many schools of Rhetoric (7) had been established in the 
 provinces already under the first Roman emperors, we 
 shall easily understand, that the custom of speaking 
 Liitin was more and more spreading. After Vespasian 
 had assigned (8) 100,000 sesterces (9) yearly from the 
 imperial treasury (10) to the Rhetoricians at Rome, 
 Antoninus Pius conferred honours and salaries (11) upon 
 the Rhetoricians, philosophers and grammarians, not 
 only in the city, but in all provinces. How many 
 Latin writers of the first Christian centuries came from 
 Spain alone, is well known; from Gaul came Petronius, 
 Eumenius, Ausonius of Bordeaux, Sidonius ApoUinaris, 
 Hilarius, bishop of Poitiers, and others. If the writings 
 
 (2) linguam scire. (3) edicta Latine proponere. (4) promul- 
 gare. Arelatensis. (5) See 122, 6. (6) Fut. Perf. (7) Rhetorum 
 scholae. (8) constituere. (9) 1,000 sestertii = 1 sestertium 
 hence 100,000 sestertii = 100 sestertia. For 100 im Distribut 
 Num. (10) fiscus (= „imper. treas.^^). (11) salarium, or merces 
 annua. Burdigalensis ; Pictavicus; Lugdunum, — nensis. 
 
160 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 Section x. 
 
 161 
 
 m 
 
 of the younger Pliny were for sale at the bookseUer^s 
 at Lyons, many other Latin books were there also 
 If we consider (6) all this, we must confess, that those 
 two languages have been spread so widely by God's 
 providence and wisdom, in order more easily and more 
 quickly to spread the doctrines of Christ. 
 
 No. 126. 
 
 What the Heathens (1) Asked of Their Gods, and How 
 
 They Did It? 
 
 It has been asked, whether the Greeks and Eomans 
 and other nations begged of their Gods only for good 
 health and riches, or for virtue and piety and sanctity 
 also; whether they demanded from them blessings only 
 for themselves or for others, too. What the Persians 
 were allowed by the law to ask during the sacrifices, 
 we learn from Herodotus. He relates (2) that they were 
 forbidden to ask for their own personal welfare; they 
 could only ask for the welfare of all the Persians, since 
 in that (3) the welfare of each one was included. How 
 the Lacedaemonians besought the Gods to grant them 
 the good and the beautiful, and to give them the power 
 (factdtas) to suffer injuries, is likewise known. What 
 shall I say of Socrates? The sophist Maximus, who liv- 
 ed(4) at the time of the emperor Commodus, relates, 
 what Socrates continually asked of the Gods, with how 
 many prayers he begged them for virtue, for tranquillity 
 of the soul, for innocence of life, for hope of a good 
 death. Nor can it be doubted, what Plato advises to 
 ask for, since he admonishes all men, to beseech the 
 Gods by sacrifices, by prayers and vows, to be allowed 
 to live m continual communication (5) with them. From 
 
 Xo. 126. (1) qui verae religionis erant ignari. (2) memo- 
 riae prodidit (.vtth Ace. c. Inf.). (3) by quippe qui. (4) florere. 
 {o) commumtas. Constr, after Gram. ^' S07. 1. 
 
 ancient writers we learn also, in what manner the Greeks 
 began and ended their daily work, even their meals. 
 It cannot be doubtful, whether they rightly or wrong- 
 ly believed that there were many Gods, since it is 
 against reason to believe this, but it can rightly 
 be asked, whether we are worthy of the Christian 
 name if we do not imitate them in praying (6) in 
 the morning and evening, before and after (7) meals. 
 Also among the Romans many believed that the 
 Gods knew best, what is useful to us. „ Leave that 
 to the Gods, says Juvenal, to consider what is most 
 fitting and most useful for us in all our affairs." And 
 do you wish to know, what the ancients required in 
 order that our prayers may be heard by the Gods? 
 „The Gods do not consider, says Pliny, how studied (8) 
 the prayers of their worshippers are, but of how great 
 innocence and sanctity their life is." The ancients were 
 also convinced, that a praying man should, by the 
 motion and attitude of his body, show, what was going 
 on in his soul (9). This was the reason, why they lift- 
 ed up their hands to Heaven, why they fell on their 
 knees (10), why they kissed the images of the Gods. 
 This was also the reason, why Julius Caesar, when he, 
 after his fourfold triumph, was on the point of offering 
 up his thanksgivings to the Capitoline Juppiter, ascend- 
 ed, as Dio Cassius relates (2), on his knees (11), the 
 single steps to the Capitol. Can, then, any doubt re- 
 main, whether it is a disgrace or an honour for a 
 Christian to bend his knees before him (12), who is the 
 only true God? No, we must consider him a fool, who 
 deliberates, whether he should do so much honour to 
 God or not. 
 
 (6) Deum precari. (7) iSee Gram. § 305. 3. Note. (8) accura- 
 tus. (9) animo agitari. (10) genibus niti. (11) Ahlat. instrum. 
 (12) genua ponere alicui. 
 
 MUIler, Exercises. 
 
 11 
 
162 
 
 Part i. 
 
 SECTION XI. 
 
 Use of the Imperative. 
 
 (Grammar § 264 and "265.) 
 No. 127. 
 
 A Father to His Son(l). 
 
 How we are doing (2) and what news has occurred 
 here, you learn from the letter of your mother. Con- 
 sider her admonitions carefully and follow them con- 
 scientiously (3). The precepts of a good mother are 
 generally more efficacious for an honest life, than the 
 sayings of wise men. For you see, that your mother 
 confirms all her precepts by her own example; and 
 having been accustomed by her to obey, you have 
 learned by usage, not only how great a sweetness, but 
 also how great an advantage springs from this obe- 
 dience (4). The life of the so-called wise men, however, 
 it is to be regretted (5), contrasts (6) too often with then- 
 own doctrines, so that this or that one could be ad- 
 vised: „Do yourself what you deem to be so honest, 
 before you bid others to do it". But do not, therefore, 
 believe, that their precepts are esteemed little by me; 
 you know, indeed, that I often make use of them both 
 to encourage (7) myself by them and to instruct others. 
 But believe me in this also, that out of those wise men, 
 who, at the same time, have been the best, very man}' 
 either owed the pith (8) of their wisdom to a mother, 
 or at least wished to have received it through a mother's 
 instruction (9). Therefore do not withdraw (10) from the 
 precepts of these men. I myself have added some pre- 
 
 yo. 127. (1) salutem dicere. See Gram, ff 308, 3, (2) valere. 
 (3) religiosus. (4) obsequium, oboedientia. (5) dolendum est 
 quod. (6) pngnare. (7) corroborare, confirmare. (8) dysummus. 
 (9) institutio. (10) se subtrabere alicui rei {„from''^). 
 
 Section xi. 
 
 163 
 
 cepts of this kind for your benefit. Listen, then, to 
 them and use them well. First of all (11) honour God 
 and refer to Him whatever happens to you. Just (12) 
 this has always been your mother's first rule (= pre- 
 cept). If you are going to begin (13) any difficult work, 
 first implore Gk)d's help, being frilly convinced (14), that, 
 without it, you can achieve nothing at all; and then go 
 to your work. As soon, however, as you have com- 
 menced, persevere in the work itself with so great a 
 zeal and such confidence (15), as if you had to accom- 
 •plish everything by yourself. 
 
 No. 138. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Whatever you deem so important as to feel obliged 
 to do it, you must always deem so important as to do 
 it well. Hence if you are going to pray(l), pray well; 
 if you are going to read or write, read and write well; 
 and likewise in all other things. For be convinced, that 
 thus not only the single actions (2) will be carried out 
 best, but that also the mind will be strengthened (3) 
 unto a manly firmness. Prepare (4) yourself so, that 
 you are more efficient (5) than others, but live so with 
 all, as if all could do the same. Riches despise, but do 
 not despise him, who uses his riches well; for he is 
 worthy of true honour. In order, therefore, to have 
 what you may be able to use well, take pains to ac- 
 quire riches by honest labour. My son, do not despise 
 little things; he who has proved himself faithful and 
 careful in small things, will advance (6) to greater things. 
 Do not quarrel (7) with an irritable man; for you will 
 
 (11) omnium primum, also ante omnia. (12) bi/ ipse. (13) Pe- 
 riphr, Conjug. (14) ita sentiens atque intelligens. (15) fiducia. 
 
 No. 128. (1) orare, with and without Deum. (2) singula 
 quaeque. (3) corroborare. (4) comparare, instruere. (5) plus 
 valere, or posse. (6) evehi. (7) disputare, certare, 
 
 11* 
 
164 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section xi. 
 
 165 
 
 provoke his anger, but not arrive at the truth. Eejoice, 
 if your friend prospers, but do not rejoice, if your enemy 
 goes to ruin (8). Do not wish to be considered mightier 
 than others. Do not laugh at one who makes mistakes 
 in his speech; for not even (9) you are master of your 
 tongue (10); hence rather excuse him, as much as you 
 can, and say, that he has only erred in his word, but 
 had the truth in his mind. Have always the truth be- 
 fore your eyes. To be silent is often both useful and 
 honest; but to depart from the truth is never honest, 
 therefore not useful either. Join (11) wiser men, if they 
 do not unwillingly bear you; but avoid fools. Do not 
 irritate one who is more powerful; the weaker, however, 
 do not hurt, but protect him, if he be hurt by others. 
 Flee from bad people; the famLliarity(12) with the bad 
 easily effects, that you yourself become worse; but guard 
 against offending the good. Know, my son, that the 
 ground (13) and foundation of all virtues is reverence 
 towards God and his commandments. These counsels, 
 then, keep, and you will be happy. 
 
 No. 129. 
 
 Old Treaties of the Romans and Their Oldest 
 
 Written Laws. 
 
 Although Latin writers relate, that the Romans, be- 
 fore the first Punic war, were very unskilful in naval 
 affairs, yet it cannot be doubted, that they had visit- 
 ed (1) many and distant seas before that time. This be- 
 comes evident (2) chiefly from two treaties, made (3) be- 
 tween the Carthaginians and Eomans, for the sake of 
 commerce, one about the year 509 before Christ, the 
 
 (8) occidere. (9) ne - quidem. (10) os. (11) appHcare se, 
 adjungere se. (12) consuetude. (13) caput. 
 
 No. 129. (1) pervenire in, or ad, frequentare. (2) bu in- 
 telligere. (3) foedus facere.' 
 
 other about the year 348 before Christ. In these treaties 
 amongst other things the following points were stipu- 
 lated (4). The Romans shall not sail beyond the cape (5) 
 Hermaeum, unless they are forced by storm or the enemy. 
 If, however, a Roman vessel has been compelled to come 
 so far, they shall neither sell nor buy anything, except 
 what is needed for their return or for sacrifices. The 
 Romans, for the sake of commerce, shall not sail to Sar- 
 dinia or Libya, nor found towns or trading places (6) 
 there. They shall not bring their ships into the har- 
 bours of those regions, except to repair them or to buy 
 victuals (7). But in Sicily, as far at least as it is sub- 
 ject to the Carthaginians, and in Carthage itself, they 
 shall buy and sell anything by the same right which 
 the citizens use; and the Carthaginians shall also enjoy 
 the same rights at Rome. — The oldest written laws were 
 those of the Twelve Tables. They were drawn up (8) 
 in the years 451 and 450 before Christ. Several of these 
 laws are excellent, several, however, must be considered 
 disgraceful. Among other things we find written therein: 
 If any one has committed theft by night, and has been 
 killed by another, the former be considered to have been 
 killed justly. If he has stolen by day, he shall be 
 flogged, if he is caught. He who has been convicted of 
 arson (9), shall be burnt. False witnesses shall be thrown 
 down from the Tarpejan rock. If a slave has committed 
 theft, he shall be delivered over for punishment. If any 
 one has composed a poem, which causes disgrace to 
 another, he shall be cudgelled (10). If a father has sold 
 his son three times, the son shall be free from the care 
 of his father. 
 
 (4) sancire. (5) promuntorium. (6) emporium. (7) cibaria, 
 alimenta. (8) conficere, conscribere, componere. (9) incendii 
 dolo a se excitati {or facti) convinci. (10) fusti (or -e) ferire. 
 
166 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section xi. 
 
 167 
 
 Xo. 130. 
 
 Some Sayings (1) of the Seven Wise Men. 
 
 To each of the seven wise men of Greece, all of 
 whom, except Thales, governed the state and deserved 
 well of their fellow -citizens by legislation (2) and the 
 administration of public affairs, some excellent sayings 
 and precepts are ascribed. „ Observe measure (3) in all 
 things", said Cleobulus, bom at Lindus, a city in the 
 isle of Rhodes. Another of his sayings was: „Bestow 
 benefits (4) on enemies as well as on friends, on the 
 former to gain them, on the latter to retain them". 
 Moreover he is recorded to have said: „ Leaving the 
 house think over (5) what you have to do, going home 
 reflect upon what you have done; in fortune be not 
 haughty, in misfortune do not lose courage". — Peri- 
 ander, king of Corinth, said: „Meditate, before you act", 
 and, „ Crimes committed shall be punished, but prevent 
 also people from committing them; in the love of friends 
 stand always firm (6), whether they are in good luck or 
 in difficulties". Yet he himself, in a fit of anger, killed 
 his owTi wife, and is justly accused (7) of having op- 
 pressed {Infinit.) his own subjects (8). — Pittacus of 
 Mitylene said: „ Observe the right time; pardon is better 
 than vengeance; do not speak ill even of an enemy; do 
 as much good, as opportunity allows". When his fellow- 
 citizens were willing to present him with many thousand 
 acres of land, he refusing them said: „Pray(9), do not 
 give me that, which many people grudge me, which very 
 many eagerly covet". — Bias of Priene in Ionia said: 
 ^Whatever good you do, ascribe it to the Gods; going(lO) 
 
 No. 130. (1) nonnulla dicta. (2) hy leges dare. Liketdse the 
 foil, by rem publicam administrare. (3) modum retinere alicujus 
 rei. (4) bene facere alicui, beneficia conferre in (Ace.) (5) me- 
 ditari. (6) sibi constare in amore erga. (7) argui. (8) civis. 
 (9) rogo vos, quaeso. (10) proficisci. 
 
 from boyhood to old age take (11) wisdom as a compa- 
 nion, it will last longer(12) than any other good!" When 
 once he was on the same vessel with several impious 
 people, and his fellow -passengers, on the rising of a 
 storm, invoked the Gods, he said: „Be silent, that the 
 Gods may not perceive, that you. are in danger". In 
 a similar manner a Roman law, which is mentioned in 
 Cicero, says: „The impious shall not dare to propitiate 
 the anger of the Gods by presents". 
 
 Xo. 131. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 When Bias one day, on the approach (1) of the 
 enemy going to besiege his birth-place, saw his fellow- 
 citizens endeavouring hastily to carry away their pro- 
 perty, he himself went away slowly and without taking 
 anything (2). When one asked him, why he alone did 
 not save anything of his property, he replied: „I carry 
 all my property with me." As if he would say: „Do 
 not long for goods, that are (3) without yourselves and 
 can be snatched away from you by misfortune, but 
 acquire such goods, as lie (3) within your souls." — 
 More prudent than loving (4) is the precept of Thales 
 from Milet: „Do not go bail for anybody." Yet we 
 know (5), that he was not void of love; for he con- 
 tinually gave poor people so much of his property, that 
 lie himself remained always poor, though he could have 
 been (6) very rich. He was also accustomed to say, 
 tliat nothing was easier, than to admonish another, 
 nothing more difficult, than to know oneself Excellent 
 is the following precept: „ Avoid yourself, what you 
 
 (11) sumere. (12) Transl. ^^will be longer (diuturnus)". 
 
 No. 131. (1) Verb (Ablat. absol.). (2) ordy sine ullis rebus. 
 (3) positum esse. (4) Gram. § 237. 5. (5) constat alone ^ or with 
 inter omnes. (6) Transl. ^^though he could {was able to) 6c". 
 
168 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 Section xir. 
 
 169 
 
 't( 
 
 l( 
 
 blame in another (7)." — Chilon of Lacedaemon, one of 
 the Ephors, said: „Keep secrets; use your time well; 
 bear offences with an even mind; these three things are 
 very difficult, but necessary." He is also recorded to 
 have said: „Pay attention to yourself; honour old age; 
 do not speak ill either of the dead or (8) of the living; 
 restrain your tongue; prefer loss to unjust gain." „Gold, 
 said he, is tested by a stone, the inclinations of men 
 by gold." — „ Follow reason as a guide", is a saying 
 ascribed to Solon, the known lawgiver of the Athenians. 
 He also said: „Wish nothing too eagerly; obey, before 
 you wish to rule; flee the company of the bad; be not 
 hasty (9) in choosing one as a friend, but do not give 
 up (10) him who is your friend." The saying: „Know 
 thyself", is attributed (11) both to Chilon and Solon. 
 The same precept was written in golden letters on the 
 temple of Apollo at Delphi. 
 
 SECTION xn. 
 
 Use of the Infinitive. 
 
 (Grammar § 266—277.) 
 No. 132. 
 
 To Die for One's Country is Honourable (1). 
 
 „It is sweet and honourable to die for one's coun- 
 try." Of this saying of the old poets the best men of 
 all ages have approved (2) by their actions. Has not 
 Codrus, the last king of the Athenians, wished, of his 
 own accord (3) to be cut down by the hands of the 
 
 (7) alter. (8) „not — either — or^^^ ne — neve. (9) festinare. 
 (10) dimittere. (11) „the saying is attributed'^, by dixisse dicitur, 
 or ferunt dixisse. 
 
 ^0. 132. (1) decorus. (2) comprobare. (3) ultro. 
 
 enemy in order to save his country? With the Spartans 
 the boys already learned to despise pain and even death 
 in order to be prepared, as men, willingly to suffer 
 anything for their country. To die, while fighting 
 bravely, was, with them, considered the highest praise; 
 to return from the battle without their shield, was the 
 greatest disgrace (4). "We read, that Leonidas with his 
 300, when they were no more able to repulse the Per- 
 sians, preferred to obey the laws of their country and 
 to encounter a certain death (5), to saving their lives. 
 Epaminondas of Thebes wished to live until it was an- 
 nounced that his soldiers (6) had gained the victory; 
 then he ordered the iron to be drawn from the wound, 
 and he gladly died. However not only from the Greeks, 
 but also from the Romans instances of such courage 
 can be taken. Three Decii are said to have devoted 
 themselves to a voluntary death for their country. The 
 first of them is recorded (7) to have commanded (8) the 
 left wing of the Roman army in the battle near Mount 
 Vesuvius in the year 340 before Christ. When his 
 soldiers began to be pressed back (9), Decius dared to 
 rush (10) into the midst of the enemy, and there he did 
 not cease (11) to fight, until he broke down (12) cover- 
 ed (13) with wounds. The son followed the example of 
 liis father in the battle at Sentinum in the year 295 
 before Christ. As he was not able to sustain the attack 
 of the Samnites, and nevertheless wished to secure (14) 
 the victory for the Romans, he determined to throw 
 himself (10) into the lines of the enemy. By this the 
 Romans were so encouraged (15), that they began more 
 bravely to resist and gained the victory. In the battle 
 
 (4) dedecus, turpitude. (.5) oppetere mortem. (6) only suus. 
 (7) ferre. (8) praeesse. (9) urgere, reprimere. Gram, § 146. 
 Note, (10) se injicere, immittere. (11) desistere. (12) corruere. 
 (13) cooperire. (14) in tuto collocare. (15) by animum addere 
 (or facere) alicui. 
 
tt 
 
 170 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 Section xii. 
 
 171 
 
 at Asculum, which was fought (16) against Pyrrhus in 
 the year 279, the grandson of the first Decius is said 
 to have sacrificed himself(17) in the same manner. 
 Another illustrious example is that of the Fabii. 306 
 men, all of that same family, determined, alone to wage 
 war against the enemy, and they did not cease to fight, 
 until all of them (18) had fallen. 
 
 No. 133. 
 
 The Taking (1) of Babylon by Cyrus. 
 
 The prophets Isaiah and Jeremiah had foretold, 
 that Babylon would be taken. If we compare the 
 details (2), which the prophets relate about the future 
 events, with those, which Herodotus, Xenophon and 
 others have recorded after the taking of the city, we 
 shall find, that both (3) wonderfully (4) agree. It is 
 known that Cyrus, the king of the Persians, first van- 
 quished Croesus aud destroyed the kingdom of Lydia. 
 Then he marched against Babylon, after he had made 
 an alliance with the Medes. For, that a kingdom of 
 the Medes still existed, when Babylon was taken, the 
 prophet Daniel says so clearly, that no one can deny it. 
 When the Babylonians had learned, that Cyrus was 
 approaching with an army, they believed that it would 
 be the best, to fight with him in a battle; but it is 
 known that they were beaten and put to flight. Then 
 CjTus ordered the city to be besieged (5). Since the 
 Babylonians had suspected that Cyrus would do this, 
 they had provided (6) everything necessary for life, for 
 ten years. But as they believed, that the city was so 
 fortified, that it could not be taken by force, they 
 
 (16) facere, or edere. (17) vitam profundere. (18) ad unuin 
 omnes. 
 
 No. 133. (1) expugnare. Gram. ^ 282, 3. (2) singula. 
 i3) utraque. (4) miro modo {not miro quodam modo). (5) obsi- 
 dione claudere. (6) procurare, providere. 
 
 despised (7) the siege, and gave themselves up to 
 business {Pliir) and pleasures. When Cyrus was not 
 able, for a long time, to effect anything, he saw that 
 he ought to make use of a new kind of fighting. He 
 therefore put one part of his army in that place, where 
 the Euphrates flows into the city, another there, where 
 it flows out of it, and ordered both to penetrate in 
 these places into the city, as soon as they perceived that 
 the river was fordable (8). After that he himself 
 inarched away from the city with the weaker (9) part 
 of his army, and led (10), above Babylon, the Euphrates 
 into a neighbouring lake. Thus the water of the river 
 fell (11), and the army of the Persians rushed in from 
 two sides, and fell upon (12) the inhabitants unawares (13). 
 Those who lived in the middle of the city, did not 
 even know, that the outermost parts of the city had 
 been taken; for they were just (14) celebrating a feast. 
 Thus most of them were, without a fight, cut to 
 pieces (15). The prophet Isaiah had foretold, that Ba- 
 bylon would be taken , whilst the, inliabitants were ban- 
 queting (16) and drinking, that at the taking soldiers 
 would ride (17) upon camels and asses, and that all this 
 happened (18), we learn from other writers. 
 
 No. 134. 
 
 On the Discovery of the Art of Writing. 
 
 We know that the art of writing was, in the oldest 
 times, not altogether unknown; but it is not less evident, 
 that this art was, in the beginning, very defective (1). 
 Certain signs and images were used to assist the memory; 
 
 (7) neglegere. (8) vado transiri posse. (9) debilis. (10) de- 
 ducere. (11) minui, cadere. (12) opprimere. (13) inopinans. 
 (14) forte. (15) occidere, trucidare. (16) epulari, convivari. 
 (17) vehi. (18) evenire. 
 
 No. 134. (1) imperfectus, rudis. 
 
172 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section xii. 
 
 173 
 
 (I 
 
 I- 
 
 I 
 
 'I 
 
 . 'I 
 
 i 
 
 ? 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 J 
 
 and from these probably (2) the sacred books (3) of the 
 Egyptians or the so-called hieroglyphics (4) have origi- 
 nated. But it is known that they were not real (5) 
 letters, but images of things. The first letters, as is 
 believed, were invented by the Phoenicians; Cadmus, 
 at least, of whom it is reported, that he brought the 
 letters to Greece, had come there from Phoenicia. Some 
 learned men have ventured to deny this. It may be 
 doubtful, whether there has ever been a Cadmus, but 
 there is no reason to distrust Herodotus, who not only 
 says, that Phoenicians had come to Greece and brought 
 the letters with them, but also that Phoenician letters 
 were, at his time, still extant (6) in the temjile of Apollo 
 at Thebes, of which he maintains, that he himself saw 
 and read them. Ephorus of Cyme, a pupil of Isocrates, 
 of whom Poly bins and Cicero say, that he was one of 
 the most careful searchers of antiquity (7) , maintains 
 the same. Aristotle agrees with Herodotus and Epho- 
 rus, and likewise says, that the discovery (8) of letters 
 must be attributed to the Phoenicians. Diodorus writes, 
 that Dionysius had been of the same opinion; but this 
 Dionysius is, without doubt, that Milesian, who lived 
 at the thime of Darius Hystaspis, though some believe, 
 that he was from Mytilene and a contemporary of Cicero. 
 Thus we must say, that the discovery of the art of 
 writing is not without reason ascribed to the Phoeni- 
 cians. The names of the single letters, too, are said 
 to be of Phoenician origin. However all this may be, 
 from many notices (9) it appears that even several 
 centuries after Cadmus the art of writing was not in 
 use with the Greeks. In the poems of Homer, which 
 we know were composed about 500 years after Cadmus, 
 
 (2) Gram. § 268. 3. (3) litterae sacrae. (4) hy hieroglyphi- 
 cus (Adject). (5) verus, Justus. (6) exstare. (7) diligentissimus 
 investigator antiquitatis. (8) inventio. (9) indicium. 
 
 the art of writing is not at all mentioned; only in one 
 passage is it reported, that some one had inscribed on 
 a tablet arifxara Xvyqd, sad signs, which evidently were 
 no real letters. Still much less can we believe (10), that 
 Ajax, of whom Homer relates, that he carved (11) a 
 sign upon a pebble (12), knew and practised the art of 
 writing. 
 
 No. 135. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 But there is still another account of the first 
 inventor of letters, of which I would not, indeed, main- 
 tain (1), that it is more certain, but which I hope will 
 be more pleasing. In the works of Plato Socrates 
 narrates the following: „I have heard, that in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Naucratis, a city in Egypt, an admirable 
 and almost divine man lived, to whom also Ibis, a 
 certain bird, was sacred. The man himself was called, 
 I think, Theuth or Thoth. Of him, then, people say, 
 that he first discovered the numbers, and the art of 
 calculating (2), and geometry, and astronomy, and the game 
 at tables and dice (3), and finally also the letters. Thamus 
 was, at that time, as is recorded, king of all Eg3^t. He 
 had liis seat at Thebes, that large city of Upper Egypt, 
 of which already the oldest poets say that it had 100 
 gates. To this Thamus, then, Theuth is said to have 
 betaken himself and shown liim his arts one by one. 
 He hoped, without doubt, to receive great praise and 
 a great reward from the king. Thamus, however, asked 
 him what advantage each art would have. And when 
 it seemed to him that Theuth said something true, he 
 
 (10) „can 6eZiew", hy the Future. (11) insculpere. (12) cal- 
 culus. 
 
 No. 136. (1) Perfect Subj, (2) ratiocinari. (3) calculorum 
 alearumque ludus. 
 
l'^ 
 
 174 
 
 Part i. 
 
 <l 
 
 I 
 
 praised him, when, however (4), he thought something 
 wrong, he blamed him. Thus they are said to have 
 disputed much about each art, for and against (5); 
 but (6) it would take too long to relate all (6) in this 
 place. Finally they came also to the letters, of which 
 Theuth himself declared, that they were the foremost 
 among the other arts. „„This art (7), o king, said he, 
 is altogether extraordinary (8) ; for I promise you, that 
 the Egyptians, if they have learned it, will become 
 wiser and obtain a more unerring memory; for in these 
 letters evidently a wonderful aid (9) to (Omit) memory 
 and wisdom has been discovered."" To which Thamus 
 answered thus: „„0 most ingenious (10) Theuth! One is 
 fit to discover hidden (11) arts, but another must needs 
 pass judgment, what advantage or disadvantage they 
 will bring to those, who use them. You, too, out of 
 paternal benevolence towards your letters, have said, 
 that they could do more than they really can, and you 
 have even maintained the contrary of what is true. 
 For it is plain, that those who learn this art, trusting 
 in the letters, will neglect their memory, hoping to be 
 able to recollect anything at any time by means of 
 their writing. Thus you have evidently discovered a 
 means of recalling to mind (12), but not the art of 
 memory. To your scholars you present a certain appea- 
 rance of wisdom, not true wisdom. For if they have 
 read much without instruction (13), they will imagine(14) 
 themselves to be wise, whereas they are unwise, and 
 it will be difficult (15) to endure their company."" 
 
 (4) Gram. § 171, esp. Note 1. (5) in utramque partem. 
 (6) quae omnia. (7) here doctrina, or disciplina. (8) singularis. 
 (9) mirificum quoddam adjumentum. (10) artificiosus. (11) arca- 
 nus. (12) reminisci. (13) institutio, disciplina. (14) opinari. 
 (15) molestus. 
 
 Section xii. 
 
 No. 136. 
 
 175 
 
 Arion, the Player on the Cithern (1). 
 
 You remember, that already, when you were boys, 
 you were told the story (2) of Arion, the player on the 
 cithern; but I hope, that you will not regret to hear 
 it again. Well (3), Arion of Methymne was one of the 
 most distinguished cithern-players of his time, of whom 
 Herodotus relates, that he also invented the Dithyram- 
 bus, a new kind of poetry (4). He was a friend of 
 Periander of Corinth, at whose court he spent a great 
 part of his life. Once he made up his mind, to go to 
 Italy and Sicily, hoping to acquire, by his art, riches 
 and renown with the Italians. Periander who seemed 
 as it were to forbode (5) that a misfortune would 
 befall (6) his friend, besought him to remain at Corinth; 
 but in vain. With a fair wind Arion reached Italy 
 and, within a short time he gained (7) the hearts of 
 all; all were astonished, that there was so great a 
 power (8) in the soimd of the cithern and in the voice 
 of man, and honoured the minstrel (9) with rich (10) 
 gifts and presents. But the longing for his friend 
 recalled him to Greece. As he, however, believed, that 
 on account of Periander's friendship Corinthian sailors, 
 before all others, would care (11) for his welfare, he 
 hired (12) a Corinthian ship and left Tarentum in order 
 to return to Periander. But when the ship had reached 
 the open sea, the sailors resolved to kill Arion and to 
 take possession of his treasures (13). But Arion notic- 
 ed (14) their plan, and besought them to grant (15) him 
 his life, adding, that he was willing to give them his 
 riches as a price for his life. 
 
 Ko. 136. (1) citharoedus (= „a jplayer on the cithern '■y. 
 (2) fabula. (3) igitur. Gram, § 168. 1. (4) poesis. (5) prae- 
 sentire. (6) accidere. (7) sibi conciliare. (8) vis. (9) vates. 
 (10) largus. (11) studere. (12) conducere. (13) opes, divitiae. 
 (14) animadvertere. (15) concedere. 
 
176 
 
 Pakt I. 
 
 Section xii. 
 
 m 
 
 o: 
 
 'iii 
 
 «' 
 i'\ 
 
 No. 13J. 
 
 Chapter n. 
 
 The sailors, however, thought it probable, that 
 Arion, if they granted him liis life, would betray them 
 to Periander, and therefore (1) all the entreaties of the 
 minstrel were useless (2). They required, consequently, 
 that he should at once either take his life, if he wished 
 to be buried on the land, or throw (3) himself into the 
 sea. As Arion, then, saw, that he must die, he en- 
 treated the sailors to be allowed to sing once more (4) 
 on the stern in all the attire (5) of a minstrel, and he 
 promised, immediately after to lay hands upon himself (6). 
 But the sailors believed, that it would be a great 
 pleasure for them , if they listened to the singing of the 
 best of all the players on the cithern: they retired, 
 therefore, to the middle of the ship, that the minstrel 
 might not be disturbed (7) by the multitude of the 
 by-standers. After Arion had put on his whole attire, 
 he came forth, holding the cithern in his left hand, 
 and standing upon the stem he sang in clear-sounding 
 melodies (8) liis most beautiful song, as if he hoped 
 (Ruperf.), that the Gods themselves would save (9) him 
 from the hands of the barbarians. And at the moment, 
 when he had finished (10) his song, he threw himself, 
 attired as he was, with the cithern from the stem into 
 the sea. Thus the sailors were, indeed, disappointed in 
 their hope (11), that Arion would take his life with the 
 sword; but they did not doubt, that he would perish 
 in the waves of the sea, and they continued, without 
 any care (12), their voyage to Corinth. But a dolphin, 
 which the sweetness of the singing had allured, is said 
 
 177 
 
 No. 137. (1) miative Connect, (2) inanis, irritus. (3) de- 
 jicere. (4) hoc ultimum, (5) ornatus. (6) manus sibi inferre. 
 (7) turbare, impedire. (8) acuti modi. (9) eripere, servare. (10) ad 
 finem perducere, or finire. (11) spes me fallit. (12) securus. 
 
 to have ofiered its back (13) to Arion and to have 
 brought (14) him safe to the promontory of Taenarum 
 m Jjacoma. 
 
 No. 138. 
 
 Chapter in. 
 Thence Arion betook himself, in the same attire, to 
 Corinth and told Periander all, that had happened. 
 But the latter could not convince himself, that such 
 wicked (1) men were in his state, or that Arion had 
 been saved in so miraculous a manner. He ordered 
 therefore, his friend to be watched most carefully, that 
 he might not be able to tell anybody, what had happen- 
 ed. In the harbour, however, servants, despatched by 
 liim, were looking (2), whether (3) sailors from Taren- 
 tum arrived. As soon as the sailors had disembarked (4) 
 they were commanded to come to Periander. When 
 the tyrant asked them, whether they had heard nothing 
 of Anon, one of them said: „I Temember to have heard 
 at larentum, that Arion was well (5) and highly prais- 
 ed by all; but himself we have neither seen nor heard " 
 Then suddenly the folding-doors (6) of the nearest cham- 
 ber (7) were opened, and Arion came forth to them 
 clad m the same attire, in which they had seen him 
 throwing himself into the sea, and holding the cithern 
 m his left hand. But the sailors, seeing the man, feU 
 down upon the ground panic-stricken. Although they 
 knew, that their crime would be punished most severe- 
 ly (8) by Periander, yet they did not dare to deny any 
 longer, and they confessed everything with the same 
 words, as Arion had related it to Periander. PrevaUed 
 upon by the entreaties of Arion, the tyrant, indeed, 
 
 (13) tergum. (14) deferre. 
 
 No. 138. (1) sceleratus. (2) speculari. (3) si. (4) navem 
 
 rZ / ,; ^°^ r^^^ ^^""^ '"'^K^'"- (^) ^"l^-^- W conclave. 
 W ttteraUt/, or by gravissimo suppHcio afficere. 
 
 MUlIer, Exercises. 10 
 
 I 
 
178 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section xii. 
 
 179 
 
 spared their lives, but they were comnitinded to go into 
 exile to the barbarians, whom they had surpassed in 
 cruelty and in inhumanity. But to Arion, as is re- 
 corded, a brazen monument was erected on the pro- 
 montory of Taenarum, not a large one, a man sitting 
 upon a dolphin; of which Herodotus notices (9) that it 
 was still extant (10) at his time. 
 
 No. 13». 
 
 Shortness and Obscurity of Speech. 
 
 The shortness and obscurity of speech has some- 
 thing commanding (1) , whereby it is brought about, 
 that those who threaten others, very conveniently use 
 it. For as in the darkness (2) the minds of men are 
 more easily frightened, so it usually happens also, that 
 a certain (3) obscurity of speech seems to be more fright- 
 fal. The Lacedaemonii^s, I believe, often applied (4) 
 this. To give an instance, they wrote to Philip, king 
 of Macedonia, in the following manner: „The Lacedae- 
 monians to Philip. Dionysius at Corinth.^ For by far 
 stronger and more efficacious was that shortness, than 
 if they had written thus: „Know that Dionysius, too, 
 was formerly a very powerful tyrant, as you are now; 
 and yet you see, that the same, expelled from his king- 
 dom, now lives as a private person at Corinth. By 
 this example you can convince yourself, that it can 
 also happen to you to be turned out(o) of power." 
 Tlie former was evidently a speech of those, who wish- 
 ed to deter; if they had used the other speech, one 
 would have believed, that they had been willing to 
 warn the king, not to think himself too secure, confid- 
 ing in his power. And not long after, when Alexander 
 
 (9) significare. (10) exstare (Present), 
 
 No. 139. (1) imperiosus. (2) obscurum, tenebrae. (3) quasi 
 quidam. (4) sequL (5) dejicere. 
 
 the Great took it ill, that the Lacedaemonians had sent 
 to him only one ambassador, they answered: „One to 
 one." They would have hardly been able to humble (6) 
 more energetically (7) the pride of the king by a long 
 speech. 
 
 No. 140. 
 
 Chapter IL 
 
 Of the Lacedaemonians, indeed (1), it i^ known, that 
 they frequently used that .brevity of speech. But we 
 find, that others also, and even barbarians, were not 
 unskilled in the same art. Dionysius wi'ote to the 
 Locrians: „I shall make, that the cicadae sing, in your 
 country, not on trees or shrubs, but on the ground", 
 signifying, that their whole territory would be laid waste 
 by him. Of a certain king of the Scythians it is related, 
 that he sent the following letter to the Byzantines: „Do 
 not lessen my revenues (2), lest my horses come to be 
 watered (3) among you". Still this speech, though of 
 an expressive (4) shortness, could be easily understood. 
 But obscure was the answer, which Idanthyrsus, the Scy- 
 thian, is said to have given to Darius, king of the Per- 
 sians. For when Darius required of him through ambas- 
 sadors, that he should surrender (5) himself and his pro- 
 perty to him, Idanthyrsus is said to have sent him a 
 mouse, a frog, a bird, and five arrows instead of (6) an 
 answer. Darius himself considered that as a sign (7), 
 that the Sc3rthians were willing, to surrender to the 
 Persians land, and water, and air, and their arms. But 
 one of the noblest maintained (8), that the following was 
 signified: „ If you do not retire (9) like mice under the 
 ground, or like frogs under the water, or like birds into 
 
 (6) refutare, repudiare. (7) gravis, vehemens. 
 
 Xo. 140. (1) quidem; also quamquam, Gram, ff 172. Note. 
 (2) vectigal. (3) aquari {Supine). (4) gravis, fortis, efficax. 
 (o) subjicere. (6) pro. (7) indicium. (8) dicere, censere. (9) abire. 
 
 12* 
 
 k 
 
180 
 
 Pakt I. 
 
 the air, you will not escape our arrows". But Darius 
 could not be convinced to consider this explanation (10) 
 as the true one; and thus he was repulsed by the Scy- 
 thians with great loss. 
 
 No. 141, 
 
 Darius and Idanthyrsus. 
 
 We have related above, that Idanthyrsus, the king 
 of the Scythians, sent to Darius, instead of an answer, 
 some obscure signs, wherein we have followed Phere- 
 cydes of Syros, who is said to have recorded the fact. 
 The same thing, however, is related quite differently by 
 Herodotus in the following manner: As the Scythians 
 always withdrew at the approach (1) of Darius, so that 
 a battle could not be fought, Darius sent a horseman 
 as ambassador to king Idanthyrsus and asked him, why 
 he fled. For if he considered himself (2) strong enough 
 to engage in battle (3) with the army of the Persians, 
 he might desist from his perpetual wanderings (4) and 
 contend with him about the sovereignty in real (5) war- 
 fiire. Then it would soon become manifest by the fact 
 itself, to which of them the sovereignty of the country 
 was due. But if he knew of his own accord, that he 
 was weaker than Darius, he might consider, that by 
 that continual flight the war would be protracted (6), 
 indeed, but that to the country far greater damage 
 would be done. It would, therefore, be the best, to 
 submit to the king of the Persians. For that reason 
 he might send to him as (7) to his lord water and earth 
 as presents, and he himself might come to him in order 
 to arrange, in a conference (8), the Scythian affairs. 
 
 (10) interpretatio. 
 
 No. 141. (1) appropinquare, Ahlat absd. (2) sibi videri. 
 (3) confligere. (4) error. (5) verus, Justus. (6) trahere , ducere. 
 (7) ut. (8) colloquium habere, Ablat absol. 
 
 Section xu. 
 
 No. 142. 
 
 181 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Whereupon Idanthyrsus gave Darius about the fol- 
 lowing answer: Neither had he ever before fled for fear 
 of anybody, nor did he now fear him. But if he had 
 retired (1) before the army of the Persians, Darius might 
 not believe, that this had been done out of fear. Hereby 
 he had done nothing, but what he had also been ac- 
 customed to do in time of peace. The Scythians had 
 no cities, nor crops, to make them afraid, that they 
 might be laid waste (2) by the enemy. Yet one thing 
 they had in an appointed place, the tombs of their an- 
 cestors. Darius might search for (3) them and destroy 
 them; then he would understand, whether they would 
 struggle with him about (4) the tombs of their fore- 
 fathers or not. But otherwise they would fight, when 
 it seemed good to them, and not, when Darius wished 
 it. That Darius had called himself his master, seemed 
 to him very foolish; for the king of the Scythians aknow- 
 ledged no master, except (5) Juppiter, and Histia, the 
 queen of the Scythians. Instead of water and earth he 
 would send him such presents as seemed to be becoming 
 for a haughty (6) man. He announced (7) to Darius, that 
 he would regret it with tears to (8) have called himself 
 king of the Sc3rthians. — Which of the two stories, we 
 have related, be more genuine (9), no one will be able 
 to decide (10). 
 
 No. 143. 
 
 Necessity of a Good Education (1). 
 Socrates was of opinion, that a good education was 
 very useful to all youths, but most necessary to those 
 
 No. 142. (1) se recipere ab aliquo. (2) vastare, diripere. 
 (3) requirere. (4) de. (5) praeter, nisi. (6) insolens, superbus. 
 (7) denuntiare. (8) by a claim with quod. (9) verus. (10) di- 
 judicare. 
 
 No. 143. (1) iustitutio. 
 
182 
 
 Part i. 
 
 who excelled others (2) in great talent (3). For even 
 horses, said he, that are of the best race, and, by nature, 
 possessed of courage (4) and swiftness, were only (5) then 
 very useful, if they were tamed at an early time (6). 
 If that was not done, no one would be able to delight 
 in them. In the same manner hunting (7) dogs, even if 
 they were naturally very excellent, ought to be train- 
 ed (8) by art and education, before hunters used them 
 for hunting. The same happened (9) to the best natures 
 among men. For youths, who were endowed with good 
 mental gifts, if they were well instructed, and diligent 
 in studying, what, and how ever;yi;hing ought to be 
 done, usually became the best and most useful citizens; 
 but without education and instruction (10) the same would 
 easily become (11) the worst and most pernicious men. 
 For through ignorance of their duties they were often 
 impelled by the desire of evil deeds; and as they were 
 likewise (12) proud and fierce, it was difficult, to restrain 
 them from their undertakings (13). Hence it came to 
 pass, that such men caused themselves, and their fellow- 
 citizens, and even the state, the greatest sufferings. 
 
 No, 144. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 There were others, who prided themselves (1) in their 
 riches, who believed that it was not necessary (2) for 
 them to learn anything; their gold alone was sufficient, 
 to furnish them whatever they wished. Honour on the 
 part of men would not be wanting to them, for that 
 
 (2) Gram. § 195. Note 2. (3) ingenii facilitates, ot- eximiuin 
 ingenium, or ingenium alme. (4) ferocitas. (5) demum. (6) ma- 
 ture. (7) venaticus. (8) condocefacere. (9) mihi accidit. (10) doctri- 
 na, disciplina. (11) exsistere, evadere. (12) idem. (13) coeptum, 
 inceptura. 
 
 No. 14-4. (1) superbire. (2) opus esse, necesse esse, debere. 
 
 Section xii. 
 
 183 
 
 very reason, because they were richer. But it was, 
 without doubt, very foolish to think, that he who is 
 ignorant and inexperienced in all things, should still be 
 able to discern (3), what is useful or hurtful to himself; 
 for rightly to distinguish this, is generally the business 
 of a learned (4) and wise man. Thus it happened, that 
 those, who were rich, indeed, but imleamed, acquired, 
 with their money, just (5) those things, which were 
 most hurtful to them. Still much less could it be hop- 
 ed, that such men judged rightly of other things, of 
 justice, of virtue, of the state. In all these things they 
 could give advice neither to themselves, nor to their 
 friends, and they would generally do what would rather 
 injure than benefit them. In such manner the very (6) 
 richest could not even acquire what is necessary for an 
 honest livelihood, much less (7) could he obtain, that 
 true honour would be attributed to him by his fellow- 
 citizens. Therefore all men and mostly youths ought to 
 be convinced, that true honour will never be paid (8) to 
 them, unless they distinguish themselves by true virtue 
 and learning. 
 
 No. 145. 
 
 Hannibal and Antiochus. 
 
 When Hannibal had been expelled from Carthage 
 and come to Antiochus, king of Syria, he tried, by 
 many reasons, to prevail upon the latter, to wage war 
 against the Romans. There were, however, at the court (1), 
 some adversaries of Hannibal, who excited the king to 
 suspicion against him. This disgrace (2) he bore silent- 
 ly in the beginning; but afterwards he deemed it better (3) 
 to free himself before the king from all suspicion and he 
 
 (3) discernere, distinguere, dijudicare. (4) docere, or bene 
 instituere. (5) ipse. (6) vel. (7) nedum. (8) ordy esse. 
 
 No. 145. (1) aula regia. (2) contumelia. (3) satius, melius. 
 
184 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section xii. 
 
 185 
 
 addressed him about in the following manner: His father 
 Hamilcar, when once sacrificing, had taken him, being 
 still a small boy, to the altar, and had bound (4) him 
 by an oath, never to be (5) a friend of the Roman 
 people. Under (6) this obligation (7) he had been a sol- 
 dier (8) for thirty six years; the same obligation had 
 driven him from his country in time of peace and led (9) 
 as an exile to the king of Syria. Obedient to this obli- 
 gation he would, if Antiochus disappointed his hope, 
 travel over (10) the whole earth, searching, where he 
 might find forces, where arms, where enemies of the 
 Roman people. He hated the Romans, and was an ob- 
 ject of hatred to them. Therefore, if war were made 
 against the Romans, he might reckon (11) Hannibal 
 among his first friends; but if he preferred peace with 
 the Romans, he might, indeed, seek, for that purpose, 
 somebody else, with whom he might discuss (12) the 
 afiair. — This speech moved the king, and reconciled 
 him again to Hannibal. 
 
 No. 146. 
 
 That the Messiah Was Expected (1) by the Ancients. 
 
 That at the time of Christ the Jews believed that 
 the Messiah would soon arrive, and bring them help, is 
 a known fact (2). Zachary, Elisabeth, Simeon, Anna, 
 and many others, with whom Anna conversed in the 
 temple, expected that Christ would soon bring deliver- 
 ance (3) to mankind. The Pharisees sent messengers to 
 John to ask him, whether he was the Messiah who was 
 to be sent; and Andrew told his brother Simon: ^We 
 
 — ■ ■- ■- — — ■ — — ■■■ — '- - ■■ - - ■■■ ■■■ ■■ I 
 
 (4) obligare. (5) Gram. § 268, 2. (6) sub. (7) sacramen- 
 tum. (8) militare. (9) addacere. (10) peragrare, obire. (11) ha- 
 bere. (12) deliberare. 
 
 No. 146. (1) desiderare. (2) inter omnes constat. (3) salu- 
 tem alicui ferre, afFerre; saluti alicui esse. 
 
 have found the Messiah". Especially on the Easter festi- 
 vals (4) the Jews of that time earnestly implored (5) God 
 to send the Saviour (6). With what longing and cer- 
 tainty (7) the learned, who shortly before the birth of 
 Christ and soon after translated and explained the Holy 
 Scriptures (8) , expected the Messiah, follows from this, 
 that they referred to him all the passages which they 
 possibly could. We have also spurious (9) psalms which 
 are attributed to Solomon, but were composed in the 
 first century before Christ. From the seventeenth of 
 these psalms we see that people then most ardently im- 
 plored (10) God to send the son of David, that he might 
 bring salvation. From the book of Henoch, which, as 
 it seems, must also be attributed (11) to the time men- 
 tioned, we learn the same. Nay, many learned Jews, 
 who did not embrace (12) the Christian doctrine, believed 
 that the Messiah had really been bom in the Jewish 
 country at the time, when the Jewish kingdom perished; 
 but that on account of the sins of the people he kept 
 himself hidden (13). That the Samaritans were con- 
 vinced, that the Messiah would also come to them and 
 instruct them in the most important afiairs of eternal 
 salvation, the Samaritan woman tells us, with whom 
 Christ conversed. After she had asked, whether God 
 ought to be adored in the temple of Jerusalem, or in 
 that which stood on mount Garizim, she continued, she 
 knew that the Messiah would come; should he come, he 
 would teach them (se) everything. It seems, she still 
 hoped, that during her lifetime (14) the age of the Mes- 
 siah would come. 
 
 (4) dies paschalis, dies festus Paschae(-atis). (5) obsecrare 
 obtestarique, implorare atque obtestari. (6) salvator, salutis 
 humanae auctor. (7) fides. (8) libros divinos (sacros) conver- 
 tere et interpretari. (9) subdititius. (10) supplicibus verbis 
 orare. (11) ponere. (12) amplexari. (13) delitescere (= „#o iteei) 
 (msdf hidden''). (14) Ablat ahsol. with vivus. 
 
 1 
 
* 
 
 186 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Xo. 147. 
 
 Section xn. 
 
 187 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 It cannot be denied, that there existed also in the 
 East(l) among those, who did not profess the Jewish 
 creed (2), a desire for a Eedeemer and Saviour (3). Wit- 
 nesses are the Magi, who came to Jerusalem and asked, 
 where the new-born king of the Jews was. They, there- 
 fore, believed for certain that salvation would come from 
 the Jews. Flavins Josephus, Tacitus and Suetonius re- 
 late, that there was spread (4) an old and constant opi- 
 nion in the East, which was founded on ancient books 
 of the priests, that at that time some one, who was 
 coming from Judea, would obtain supreme power (5). 
 Certain it is that the religion of the Eomans and Greeks 
 had fallen to ruin (6), that the divine services were 
 dropped (7) or i)erformed without reverence of the heart. 
 Cicero praised that old saying of Cato (8), who had said, 
 he wondered that a soothsayer (9) did not laugh when 
 he saw a fellow-soothsayer. For how many (10) things, 
 that they foretold, did happen! Or if anything happened, 
 why might it not have happened by chance! At Rome 
 they endeavoured to introduce foreign sacred rites (11); 
 the heart had a longing for divine and heavenly things. 
 Even those who denied the existence of the Gods, practised 
 magic arts. The Platonists and Stoics thought, that, with 
 the coming of the great year, which the Mathematicians 
 had so called, innocence and happiness would return. 
 Virgil sang that the happy age, foretold by the Cumean 
 Sibyl, was approaching, and that the expected author 
 of salvation, whom he regarded to be the son of his 
 
 4 
 
 yo. 147. (1) terrae, regiones orientis (solis). (2) doctrinam 
 Jndaeorum amplecti. (3) liberator et salvator. (4) percrebrescere 
 {Perf.). (5) rerum potiri. (6) corruere. (7) sacra intermittere. 
 (8) mly vetus illud Catonis. (9) haruspex. (10) quotusquisque 
 (Sing.). (11) peregrina sacra suscipere. 
 
 friend Pollio, would take away the traces of crime, and 
 free the countries from perpetual fear. Also in Caesar's 
 time they brought forward Sibylline verses, containing, 
 that they ought to call him king, whom they had as 
 king, if they wished to be saved; by which verses many 
 maintained that Caesar was meant. The Egyptian Her- 
 mes had predicted, as St. Augustine writes, that a time 
 would come, when it would seem foolish, that the 
 Egyptians had worshipped their Gods so devoutly and 
 so long, and when all their worship would be ridiculed 
 and abolished (12). 
 
 No. 148. 
 
 Man Needs Divine Instruction (1). 
 
 Epicharmus, a pupil of Pythagoras and a comic 
 poet (2), who was bom in the isle of Cos and died at 
 S^Tacuse, maintained, that man's reason had come (3) 
 from the divine reason; that the body was earth, the 
 spirit fire, taken (3) from the sun; that, if man died, 
 both parts went, whence they had come, the body to 
 the earth, the spirit upwards. But Cicero says in his 
 third book on the state, that in man the divine fire of 
 intellect and reason is, as it were, concealed (4). The 
 philosopher Xenophanes from Colophon, who lived about 
 the year 540 before Christ, complained, that no one 
 knew anything certain about the Gods and the world; 
 but that, if one could say the very best about them, 
 yet he would not know, but merely guess (5) it. Par- 
 menides from Elea believed, that all men were similar 
 to the blind and deaf, a race of ignorant fools. Hera- 
 clides of Ephesus confessed, that the human mind had 
 no understanding (6), only the divine mind had it; that 
 
 (12) exstinguere. 
 
 Xo. 148. (1) doctrina. (2) poeta comicus. (3) profectum 
 esse, ortum esse a. (4) obrui. (5) opinari. (6) intelligentia. 
 
188 
 
 Part i. 
 
 the opinions of men were similar to the playthings of 
 boys, that even the wisest man was a monkey in com- 
 parison with (7) the Gods. Anaxagoras declared, that, 
 on account of the weakness of our senses, it was not 
 possible for us, to recognize what is near, and Demo- 
 critus even said, that either nothing was true, or it was 
 hidden from us. The Stoic Cleanthes asked of the 
 Gods to free mankind from ignorance and to effect, 
 that they might learn to know the truth (8). Even 
 Aristotle writes that a full certainty about the Gods 
 cannot be obtained (9) and in his last will he orders 
 big stone animals, four yards high, to be sent to Sta- 
 gira for the protector Juppiter and the protectress 
 Minerva, which he had vowed for the recovery of his 
 son Nicanor. So far, then, had the most sagacious man 
 been from acknowledging the true God (10)! Of So- 
 crates we know also that he, when dpng, ordered a 
 cock to be sacrificed to Aesculapius. Plato, or whoever 
 has written the dialogue that is inscribed „the second 
 Alcibiades", is of opinion, that God alone can, in truth, 
 be the teacher of virtue; that the truth must, indeed, 
 be sought for, but that certainty can only be obtained, 
 if man is enlightened by a clearer light, if he is in- 
 structed by a divine voice; and he adds, that Socrates 
 had also entertained the same opinion. Euripides begs 
 of Juppiter to teach him whence mankind had originat- 
 ed, what was the source of evil, and to which of the 
 immortal Gods sacrifices ought to be offered in order 
 to be freed from evil. Plutarch, finally, is convinced, 
 that man must pray for all good things, but in par- 
 ticular to become acquainted with the Gods as far as 
 he is able. 
 
 (7) prae. Gram. § 164. 9. (8) vera. (9) nihil omnino certi 
 de aliqua re scire. (10) Gram. § 272, ainA § 275, 2, 2. 
 
 Section xiii. 
 
 189 
 
 SECTION xm. 
 
 Use of the Participles. 
 
 (Grammar § 278—284.) 
 No. 149. 
 
 Pear of Punishment. 
 
 The just and upright man, who fears nobody and 
 injures nobody, will always be highly esteemed by all 
 the good. In such a man, whose virtue we know and 
 have tested, we shall have greater confidence (1), if he 
 simply says something, than in an impious man, even 
 if he has sworn and called (2) on God as a witness of 
 the truth. Those, however, are not to be considered as 
 just, who abstain from wrong, because they fear punish- 
 ment; but those who not even then do wrong when it 
 can be done with impunity (3). For even wild beasts 
 abstain from prey (4) for fear of the dogs, that watch 
 the flock. Nevertheless fear of punishment often effects 
 in some way (5), that one at length becomes a good 
 man. For this fear, whilst keeping a man away from 
 a crime, by and by accustoms him to obey the laws 
 and keep his passions (6) in check (7). When he has 
 thus often tasted the peace of soul, which is acquired 
 by innocence, he will be easily led, by use itself, to (8) 
 abstain also from wrong, willingly and of his own ac- 
 cord. Therefore the wisest lawgivers deemed punish- 
 ments necessary, not only to expiate wrong that had 
 been done, but still much more to prevent wrong. 
 
 No. 149. (1) fidem habere. (2) invocare. (3) impune. (4) ra- 
 pina, raptus. (5) nonnihil conferre, aliquid valere. (6) libido. 
 (7) domare, coercere. Gram. § 278. 5. (8) by a clause with ut. 
 
 t 
 
190 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section xiii. 
 
 191 
 
 X4K 150. 
 
 A Faithful Slave. 
 
 M. Anthony, the most renowned Eoman orator be- 
 fore the times of Cicero, had been summoned before a 
 court on account of a great crime, and it seemed that 
 he was not free(l) from guilt. His accusers most ob- 
 stinately (2) demanded, for the investigation (3), a slave 
 to be summoned, whom they maintained that he had 
 been a witness of the crime which had been committed 
 by his master. Against the will (4) of his master, how- 
 ever, the slave could not be examined (5). The latter 
 was, at that time, still a beardless youth; but though 
 he saw, that the affair was coming (6) to tortures (7), 
 yet he was not terrified in his mind. Nay (8), he ex- 
 horted Anthony, who was troubled with fear of the in- 
 vestigation, to surrender him to the judges to be tor- 
 tured (9), assuring him, that no word would come from 
 his lips, by which his cause might be injured. Al- 
 though Anthony was moved by such a disposition of 
 the slave, yet he gave him up to the judges. The 
 slave, however, with an incredible perseverance (10) kept 
 his word. For though he was lacerated by strokes and 
 placed on the rack (11), and burnt with red-hot coals, 
 yet he guarded his master's safety and destroyed (12) the 
 whole force of the accusation. After Anthony had, in 
 this manner, been freed from the trial, he is said to 
 have granted liberty (13) to that slave who had so con- 
 spicuously deserved of his master. 
 
 No. 150. (1) abesse, vacare. (2) pertinax. (8) in quaestio- 
 nem. (4) Gmm. § 284. 3. (5) quaerere de. (6) pertinere. (7) cru- 
 ciatus. (8) immo vero. (9) torquere, cruciare. (10) constantia. 
 (11) eculeus. (12) clissolvere, evertere. (13) manumittere. 
 
 No. 151. 
 
 Effects of Some Omens. 
 
 Many instances are related by ancient writers, by 
 which they endeavour to prove, that omens must not 
 be neglected. C. Marius had to flee from Rome for 
 fear of Sylla. Being forced by a storm to disembark (1) 
 at Circeji, he himself and his companions were in the 
 greatest distress (2). When the latter dispaired (3) of 
 safety, Marius encouraged them saying, that the Gods 
 had promised him protection. For when as a youth 
 he was living in the country, an omen had been given 
 to him in the following manner: One day the nest 
 of an eagle, with seven young (4), had fallen into 
 his lap. The haruspices, being asked by his parents, 
 had answered, that one day he would become the 
 most renowned man among the mortals, and that he 
 would seven times obtain the highest power. Now, 
 as yet, he had only had the supreme power six 
 times. Therefore, since the promises of the Gods must 
 be true, he, and for that very same reason, also they, 
 would escape that danger. And so it happened. — 
 When the same Marius had reached Mintumae, he 
 was recognized and carefully watched in the house of a 
 certain Fannia. Doubting whether he should conceal 
 himself there, or seek safety on board a ship, he observ- 
 ed, that an ass neglecting the food (5) that had been 
 thrown before him, hastened towards the water. Believ- 
 ing (6), therefore, that this was an omen, which had 
 been given him by the Gods, he at once embarked and 
 reached Africa in safety. This man, then, was saved 
 by omens. — After Pompey the Great had been beaten 
 
 No. 151. (1) appellere, with and tcithottt navem. (2) in sum- 
 mas angustias adduci. (3) Gram. § 194. 4. (4) pullus. (5) pa- 
 bulum. (6) reri. 
 
 4 
 
 fll 
 
192 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section xni. 
 
 193 
 
 * 
 
 by Caesar and taken to flight, he directed his fleet 
 towards the island of Cyprus there to coUect some 
 forces (7). Whilst disembarking near the city of Paphus, 
 he beheld a magnificent building on the sea-shore. He, 
 therefore, asked the pHot, who was sitting near him, 
 what the name of that building was; and the latter 
 replied, that its name was „the fated castle". Pompey 
 who was greatly moved (8) by this omen, hastily 
 continued his flight, but soon met with a miserable 
 death (9). 
 
 Xo. 152. 
 
 The Poet Philoxenus. 
 
 AVhen one day the poet Philoxenus had been invited 
 to dinner (1) by the tyvixnt Dionysius, and saw that a 
 very large muUet(2) had been placed before (3) Dionysius, 
 but a much smaller one before himself, he lifted his 
 own up from the plate (4) and held (5) it to his hear, 
 feigning to (6) ask it something. When Dionysius 
 inquired into the reason, Pliiloxenus said to him: „0 
 king, I am writing a poem on Galatea; therefore I asked 
 of this fish something about the Nereids wherewith to 
 adorn my poem. But it tells me, that it has been 
 caught too young, and can relate nothing to me about 
 the Nereids on account of (7) its age. If I asked that 
 larger one , which has been placed before you, I believe, 
 it would easily explain to me everything that I wish." 
 Dionysius laughed, and sent the fish, placed before him, 
 over to Philoxenus. In a similar manner Philoxenus 
 very often used a great freedom of speech without 
 fearing the anger of the tyrant. And at that time, 
 
 (7) vis {Plur.). (8) percellere, commovere. (9) misere oc- 
 
 cnmbere. 
 
 No. 152. (1) cenae (coenae) adhibere. (2) mullus. (3) ap- 
 ponere. (4) patina. (5) admovere. (6) by a clause with quasi. 
 (7) per. 
 
 indeed, he went away without having suffered any harm. 
 But not long afterwards a heavy punishment was inflict- 
 ed upon him by Dionysius on account of injuring the 
 king's vanity. The tyrant himself made also poems, and 
 though they were inelegant and rude (8) , yet he wished 
 them to be considered (9) excellent. When he, then, 
 had written a tragedy, he gave it to the poet Philoxenus 
 for correction (10), if anything in it displeased him. But 
 the reading (11) of the tragedy excited so great a disgust 
 to Philoxenus, that he corrected the whole poem, from 
 beginning to end, by a single stroke (12), without 
 thinking how much he would hereby hurt the vanity 
 of the tyrant. Dionysius was very. angry and ordered 
 the poet to be made prisoner and thrown into the stone- 
 quarries (13) of Syracuse. Those quarries were a very 
 strong prison, which the Sicilian tyrants had caused to 
 be cut (14) in huge rocks. However Philoxenus seems 
 not to have been shut up there for a long time, and 
 he was, after his deliverance (15), again very often with 
 Dionysius. But when, one day at dinner, he heard the 
 latter read his poems, Pliiloxenus rose from his seat, 
 whilst the rest were flattering and applauding the tj^ant, 
 and said: „Send me from here again into the quarries; 
 for it is much more tolerable for an instructed man to 
 spend (16) his life in a prison than to hear such 
 miserable poems." 
 
 Xo. 153. 
 
 The Story of the Horatii and Curiatii. 
 
 After the death of Nimia Pompilius, Tullus Hosti- 
 lius was chosen king, of whom ancient writers relate 
 that he was even fiercer than Romulus. Under the 
 
 (8) inconcinnus et illepidus. (9) videri. (10) emendare. For 
 cofistr. see Gram. §281. 3, and Note. (11) legere. Gram. §382. 3. 
 (12)litura. (13) lautumiae. (14) excidere. (15) liberare. (16)agere, 
 either Infinitive, or after Gram. § 282. 3, 
 
 MUller, Exercises. 13 
 
 i'l 
 
194 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section xiii. 
 
 195 
 
 reim of Tullus many wars liave been waged by the 
 Romans, especiaUy a war against Alba Longa which, 
 in some manner, can be called the mother ot the city 
 of Eome. For by the help(l) of the Albans Rome is 
 said to have been founded. After the war 1-^ broken 
 out, armies were led forth on both sides. But wMst 
 all expected the sign for the begimnng(2) of the battle 
 Mettus Fuffetius, the leader of the Albans, stepped forth 
 and proposed to Tullus, that the war should be decided (3) 
 bv the contest of a few, not by an engagement of the 
 armies. Tullus consented (4). men, then, the generals 
 were seeking (5), whom they might choose best for this 
 contest, there were perchance in both armies tliree-twin- 
 brothers(6) who were neither unequal m age nor m 
 strength. They were caUed Horatii and Curiatii The 
 former are said to have been Romans, the latter Albans. 
 After time and place had been agreed upon, a treaty 
 was made between the Romans and Albans under this 
 condition(7), that that people should have the sovereignty 
 whose citizens would gain the victory. Both armies 
 were drawn up in battle-array in front of (8) the camp, 
 and they expected, in suspense (9), the engagement In 
 the middle a large plain was left, where the fighting 
 was to be done. From the one side the Horatii, from 
 the other the Curiatii, came forth, armed, whilst their 
 countrymen encouraged them not to forget, that the 
 safety of the country depended (10) on their bravery. 
 The sign being given the attack commences (11). Ihe 
 contest was very violent (12), both parties fightmg with 
 the greatest bravery. The victory was, for a long time 
 doubtful. Blood and wounds were already seen(15j, 
 
 5^0.153. (l)adjuvare. (2) committere (3) diruuere. (4; le. 
 placet. (5) circumspicere. (6) trigemini. (:^)'^-^^\S' 
 animum(--os)suspendere. (10) positum esse. (11) ,Ae att.com. , 
 hy Pass, of concurrere. (12) acer. (13) spectare. 
 
 when on a sudden two Romans broke down, pierced by 
 many wounds, under the shouting (14) of the whole 
 Alban army. An overpowering fright seized (15) the 
 Roman legions; for after two of theirs had been cut 
 down, it seemed scarcely possible, that one should hold 
 out against the three enemies. 
 
 No. 154. 
 
 Chapter H. 
 
 But whilst the three Curiatii had been wounded 
 before, Horatius was unhurt, and full of courage. When 
 he, therefore, saw, that he could not withstand them 
 together (1), he took to flight (2) in order to separate 
 them, and to be able to attack them one by one. The 
 Curiatii pursued liim, when fleeing, with unequal swift- 
 ness, as each one was permitted by the wounds of his 
 body. Horatius was not disappointed in his hope (3). 
 AVlien he had fled a while (4), he looks back and sees 
 the enemies following at great intervals. At once he 
 turns round (5), and making a most vehement attack, he 
 prostrates the first to the ground. Whilst the army 
 of the Albans cried out (6) to the two to bring help to 
 their brother, Horatius hurries already on to his second 
 victory. For the second of the Curiatii, too, separated 
 from his brother, was cut down by the Roman, as his 
 strength was weakened (7). The fortune (8) having thus 
 been made even, and only one on either side having 
 remained, the Romans exulted and encouraged (9) their 
 warrior by applause and acclamation. He, however, 
 uninjured as to his body, and encouraged (10) by the 
 gain (11) of the two victories, beheld his adversary 
 
 (14) conclamare. (15) occupare, invadere. 
 
 No. 154. (1) uni versus. (2) fugam capessere. (3) spes me 
 non fallit. (4) aliquamdiu. (o) se convertere. (6) mclamare 
 alicui. (7) afficere. (8) Mars, or fortuna belli. .(9) juvare. 
 (10) excitari, ferociorem fieri. (11) reportare. 
 
 13* 
 
 i 
 
196 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Section xin. 
 
 197 
 
 I 
 
 worn out by his wounds and already despairing of the 
 victory after the fall (12) of his two brothers. The 
 Eoman exultingly exclaims: „Two have I given to the 
 shades (13) of my brothers, the third I wiU give for 
 the sake (14) of this war, that the Eoman may rule 
 over the Albans," and after fixing (15) his sword in the 
 body of the third of the Curiatu, he prostrates him. 
 Thus was Alba subjected to the sovereignty of the 
 Eomans. With the congratulations (16) of his feUow- 
 soldiers, Horatius, adorned with the conquered arm8(17) 
 of three foes, returned in triumph to Rome. Before 
 the Capenian gate he was met by his sister, who had 
 been betrothed (18) to one of the Curiatu. And as she 
 recognizes, on the shoulders of her brother, the miUtary 
 cloak (19), which she herself had made (20), and with 
 wHch she had presented her betrothed, she loosens her 
 hair, and, in a lamentable (21) manner, utters (22) the 
 name of her slain betrothed. 
 
 "So. 155. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 The lamentation (1) of the sister in so great a public 
 rejoicing aroused the anger of the fierce youth; he 
 draws (2) his sword and pierces the girl, at the same 
 time reproacliing (3) her. „Go(4), ^id he, with your 
 untimely (5) love to your betrothed. The same shall 
 happen to every Roman (woman) who bewails (Fut) an 
 enemy." The deed was shocking (6). Tlie king and the 
 senate beUeved, that Horatius, though the country had 
 
 (12) hy caedere. (13) manes. (14) in causani. (lo) defigere. 
 (16) congratulari. (17)spolia. (18) despondere, spondere. (19 pa- 
 ludamentum(=„».iJ.cto.fc"). (20) conficere. (21) flebihs. (22) ap- 
 
 pellare. ^.^^ , . 
 
 No. 155. .(Dcomploratio. (2) stringere. (3) verbis mere- 
 
 pare. (4) abire. (5) intempestivus , immaturus. (6) atrox. 
 
 been saved by him, must be given over to the judges^ 
 and the latter, after the case had been examined (7), 
 condemned him to death. But at the advice (8) of the king 
 himself the youth said: „I aj)peal(9) to the people". 
 Thus the right of appeal (10) originated and the highest 
 judgment was transferred to the people. While the 
 people themselves doubted, what was to be done in so 
 important an affair, the father of Horatius hastily 
 entered the court. At the sight of the old man the 
 multitude was very much moved. He said, that his 
 daughter, who neglecting the glory of her relatives 
 and her country had only bewailed her grief, had been 
 justly killed. K he judged otherwise (11), he himself 
 would, in accordance with his fatherly right, have 
 punished (12) his son with his own hand. They might 
 not deprive him, whom they had, shortly before, seen 
 adorned with a glorious (13) offspring (14), altogether of 
 his children. After he had said this, the old man 
 embraced the youth, and cried with a loud (15) voice: 
 „You would be able (16) to lead him to death, whom 
 you, a little while ago (17), after his cutting the enemy 
 to pieces and saving the country, have honoured (18) 
 as conqueror! Go, lictor; if you have bound these hands, 
 which shortly before, whilst armed, acquired (19) the 
 sovereignty for the Roman people, will you afford a 
 more pleasant spectacle to the same people? If you kill 
 the liberator of the country, will you believe that satis- 
 faction has been given to the country? Give him to the 
 father, give him to the country!" The people, moved 
 by these entreaties, freed the guilty (20) one from the 
 judgment and returned him to his father. 
 
 (7) causam cognoscere. (8) suadere. (9) provocare ad. 
 (10) provocatio (= „right of app,^). (11) aliter. (12) animad- 
 vertere in aUquem. (13) egregius. (14) stirps. (15) magnus. 
 (16) Gram, g 272. (17) modo. (18) decorare. (19) parere. 
 (20) sons. 
 
198 
 
 Pakt I. 
 
 No. 156. 
 
 Two Dreams. 
 
 The Carthaginians besieged the city of Syracuse^ 
 under the leadership of Hamilcar, already for a long 
 time. At that time the general thought that he heard 
 a voice in a dream (1) at night which said, that on the 
 following day he would enter the city, in the company 
 of some friends, and take his dinner there. Therefore, 
 full of joy, as if the victory had been promised to him 
 by the Gods (2), he believed that he must, on the 
 advice (3) of the Gods, attack the city at once. But 
 when the line of battle had already been formed (4), a 
 tumult arose in his army. The Syracusans made a 
 sudden sally (5) , overpowered the enemy, and led Hamil- 
 car with several friends bound into the city. Thus, more 
 disappointed by his hope than by the dream, he dined 
 as captive at S3n:acuse. — When Eudemus from Cyprus, 
 a friend of Aristotle, was making a journey, he fell 
 sick (6) at Pherae, which city was (7), at that time, 
 under the cruel dominion (8) of Alexander. All the 
 physicians despaired of his recovery. Then, in a dream, 
 a youth appeared to him, who said, that, within a few 
 days, Alexander would die; but he himself would soon 
 recover (9) and, after five years, return to his native 
 country. Alexander was, soon afterwards, assassinated 
 at the instigation (10) of his relatives, and Eudemus 
 recovered. But when, in the fifth year after, he was 
 sailing to Cyprus, and hoped, with the favour (11) of 
 the Gods, to return to his native country, he was killed 
 on the voyage. Thus he did not return to the country. 
 
 Xo. 156. (1) in somnis, or per somnum. (2) divinitus. 
 (3) auctor. (4) aciem instruere. (5) eruptio, excursio. (6) aegro- 
 tare, with coepisse, in morbum incidere. (7) teneri, with Ahlat. 
 i^under''). (8) dominatus. (9) convalescere. (10) auctor. (11) fa- 
 vere, propitius. 
 
 Section xni. 
 
 199 
 
 which he had hoped for, but to his true country. This 
 is said to have happened in the lifetime (12) of Aristotle. 
 
 No. 157. 
 
 Something on the Oldest Homan Poets. 
 
 Livy Andronicus is said to have been the oldest 
 Roman poet, who was the first, who produced a play(l) 
 at Rome under the consulship of Sempronius Tuditanus 
 in the year 240 before Christ. It seems that the same 
 translated (2) also Homer's poems into the Latin tongue. 
 Next to him in time is C. Naevius, who wrote an epic 
 poem on the first Punic war, which was received with 
 great praise. But by chastizing (3), at the same time, 
 the manners of many noble Romans on the stage, he 
 caused great distress to himself. At the instigation of 
 the Metelli he was banished from Rome and died at 
 Utica under the consulate of Cornelius Cethegus in the 
 year 204 before Christ. Wlien Livy Andronicus was 
 still living and Naevius already a youth, Q. Ennius was 
 bom, who equalled, or rather far surpassed the glory of 
 the former two. His birth-place was Rudiae in Calabria, 
 whence he was led to Rome by Cato the elder in the 
 same year, in which Naevius died. He enjoyed the 
 intimate friendsliip (4) of the noblest Romans, of Scipio, 
 under whose leadership the second Punic war had been 
 finished, of Laelius, Cato and others. The Consul M. 
 Fulvius Nobilior marched with his army to Aetolia ac- 
 companied by Ennius (5). The poet's most renowned 
 poem is the Annals, in which the second Punic war is 
 celebrated. He died, seventy years old, at Rome, under 
 the consulship of Q. Marcius and Servilius Caepio in the 
 year 169 before Christ. When Ennius was still a youth, 
 
 (12) vivere, vivus. 
 
 No. 157. (1) fabulam docere, or dare. (2) convertere, ver- 
 tere, transferre. (3) exagitare, perstringere. (4) familiaritas. 
 Gram. § 207, i, or with uti. (5) Gram, § 284, 1, 
 
 I 
 

 200 
 
 Part i. 
 
 i\ 
 
 M. Pacuvius was bom, whose plays (6) are praised by 
 Cicero on account of their well elaborated verses. He 
 is said to have died at the age of ninety years under 
 the consulship of C. Claudius and M. Perpema in the 
 year 130 before Christ. L. Attius and Caecilius Statins 
 are also mentioned among the oldest dramatists (7) not 
 without praise. All of them, however, are surpassed 
 by T. Maccius Plautus, an Umbrian, who died about 
 eighty years before the birth of Cicero; under whose 
 consulsliip this happened, is uncertain. He is said to 
 have composed more than 100 comedies, of which, how- 
 ever, already in the time of Cicero, only twenty one 
 were considered as really belonging to Plautus (8), al- 
 most all of which are still extant. More elegant, than 
 Plautus, is Terence, who as a slave came from Carthage 
 to Rome, and is therefore called Afer. He was set at 
 liberty (9) by his master. From Terence we have six 
 plays which are very nicely written (and) which he is 
 said to have polished with the assistance (10) of Scipio 
 and Laelius. Eenowned was also C. Lucilius, a Eoman 
 knight, the inventor of the satire, wliich Horace has 
 afterwards perfected. He died when Marius was consul 
 for the third time, in the year 103 before Christ. Lucre- 
 tius Carus can also be reckoned among the older poets, 
 on account of the old-fasliioned(ll) manner of writing, 
 though he was a contemporary' of Cicero. 
 
 ilf; 
 
 No. 158. 
 
 On Some Roman Laws, Hostile to the Christians. 
 Though the Romans granted (1) to defeated nations 
 the liberty to worship the Gods of their country, yet 
 they did not wish foreign Gods to be venerated by Ro- 
 
 (6) fabula. (7) poeta scenicus. (8) ^belonging to Hautus''^ by 
 the A^\ Plautinus. (9) manumittere. (10) adjuvare. (11) priscus. 
 No. 158. (1) concedere, dare. 
 
 i 
 
 Section xiii. 
 
 201 
 
 man citizens. During (2) the second Punic war so much 
 foreign worship had crept into the state, that either 
 men or the Gods seemed on a sudden to have changed(3). 
 But when this had become known, the senate ordered 
 the pretor to free the j^eople from these religious cere- 
 monies. Then a decree was passed by the senate, that 
 no one should sacrifice in a public or sacred place after 
 a new and foreign manner. When in the year 186 be- 
 fore Christ that abominable secret worship of Bacchus 
 had been discovered, a consul said in the assembled (4) 
 senate: „How often, at the time of our fathers and 
 grandfathers, have orders been given to the magistrates 
 to forbid (5) foreign worship, to keep sacrifices and sooth- 
 sayers away (6) from the market, from the circus, and 
 from the city, to gather and burn fortunetelling books, 
 to abolish any method of ofiering sacrificers, besides the 
 Roman. For men, most experienced in all divine and 
 human laws, were of opinion, that nothing would tend 
 more to the destruction (7) of religion, than if sacrifices 
 were offered up not after the custom of the country, but 
 of foreigners". In Cicero's books on the laws we 'like- 
 wise read: „No one shall have Gods separately, nor (8) 
 new ones; foreign ones shall not be venerated, unless 
 they have been adopted (9) by the state". 
 
 If 
 
 
 No. 159. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 Maecenas who, in Dio Cassius, gives ad\ice to Augus- 
 tus on the administration of the commonwealth, says: 
 ^Honour always and everywhere the deity according to 
 the laws and institutions of the forefathers, and compel 
 all to do the same. Despise and punish those who wish 
 
 (2) by a clause with duin geritur. (3) alium fieri. (4) con- 
 vocare (Ablat. absol) (5) a republica prohibere. (6) propulsare. 
 (7) destruere. (8) ne quis — neve (,,no one — nor''). (9) adsciscere. 
 
 1 
 
•( 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 
 
 202 
 
 Part i. 
 
 to introduce (1) foreign divine worship. Such innovators 
 seduce many citizens to change the customs of their 
 country (2), and that (Relat) is the occasion of conspira- 
 cies, dangerous plots and societies". Domitius Ulpianus 
 still collected the decrees of the emperors in order to 
 show what punishments ought to be inflicted upon those 
 men who loved (3) the true God. Those old laws issued 
 for the preservation (4) of the religion of the state threat- 
 ened the Christians with ruin. Moreover, it was for- 
 bidden to form associations (5) without the permission of 
 the state, and this law was also an obstacle to the 
 Cliristians. It is known that Constantine and Licinius 
 issued, in the year 313, that famous edict (6), by which 
 they allowed the Christians to perform their worship 
 publicly and to profess their religion freely. Constantius 
 and Constans, the sons of the great Constantine, forbade, 
 in the year 341, under punishment (7) to offer sacrifices 
 to the Gods, and Constantius ordered in the year 353 
 under pain of death that their temples in all cities and 
 everywhere else should be closed. Those laws were, 
 indeed, little observed at Eome and Alexandria, but in 
 other cities the Gods ceased to be woi-shipped (8). In 
 the country, too, many persevered in the old superstition, 
 wherefore the worsliippers of the false Gods were called 
 „country-people" (9). A law issued in the year 399 says: 
 „If temples are in the country, they shall be destroyed 
 without din and noise; for when they have been pulled 
 down and removed, all inducement (10) to superstition 
 will be destroyed". Yet Theodosius most strictly forbade 
 to damage those Jews and heathens who kept quiet and 
 did not commit any seditious actions. Any one who 
 
 No. 159. (1) See 138, 9. (2) by the A(Jj. patrius. (3) Partie. 
 Constr. (4) tueri. (5) sodalitates esse. (6) edictum proponere. 
 (7) poena proposita. (8) Gram. § 146. Note, (9) paganus. (10) in- 
 ch amentum. 
 
 Section xni. 
 
 203 
 
 ' robbed them of anything, if he was convicted, should 
 be compelled to return it three- or fourfold. 
 
 No. 160. 
 
 Take up and(l) Bead. 
 
 With great sorrow had St. Monica seen her son 
 Augustine, whom she had brought up (2) with motherly 
 love, plunge himself into licentiousness and vices (3). At 
 last God had pity with the misery of the unfortunate 
 youth, and led him back to himself. Once, as St. Augus- 
 tine himself tells us in his „ Confessions" (4), he was 
 sitting in the little garden near the house together with 
 his friend Alypius. Oppressed with grief at liis sins, he 
 made the resolution to free liimself from them, and he 
 shed abimdant tears (5). And he said to liimself (6): „Be 
 it done! I must get out of the fetters of vice". As 
 the presence of the friend prevented the stream of tears, 
 he betook himself to a remote place of the Garden and 
 begged assistance of God. There he heard, as it were, 
 a boy or a girl singing: „Take up and(l) read! Take 
 up and read!" He reflected whether those words oc- 
 curred in some child's play(7), but he could not remember 
 ever to have heard them. Believing (8) that this was a 
 divine voice, he seized the Bible (9) and opened it, for 
 he had the Epistles of St. Paul with him in the garden. 
 And he found, in the Epistle to the Romans, the words, 
 with which the Apostle gives the advice, to walk honest- 
 ly as in the day, to avoid impurities, banquetings and 
 every kind of intemperance, and to imitate Christ our 
 
 No. 160. (1) „n«<i^' is not to he translated. (2) Pass. Partie. 
 Cottstr. Gram. ^ 283. 2. 2. (3) intemperantiae et flagitiis se 
 dedere. (4) in confessionibus. (5) vim lacrimarum profundere, 
 lacrimas tenere non posse, se dare lacrimis. (6) secum loqui. 
 (7) lusio puerorum. (8) reri. (9) divinae litterae, libri divini 
 (sacri). 
 
It 
 
 (i 
 
 « 
 
 ' 5 
 
 ■ 
 
 ! 
 
 204 
 
 Part i. 
 
 Lord. This admonition vehemently struck his soul, which 
 had been given to such vices, and he told his friend 
 Alypius, what had happened. Tlie latter took the book, 
 and continued reading in the place, wliich has just been 
 mentioned: „Him that is weak in faith (10) take unto 
 you", and he deemed himself to be pointed out by these 
 words. Thus God, in his goodness, drew both young 
 men near to himself. What joy did St. Augustine, who 
 thus became a faithful servant of Gk)d, afterwards 
 cause (11) to his pious mother, at whose death (12) he 
 was present (13)! 
 
 SECTION XIV. 
 
 Use of the Gerund. 
 
 (Grammar § 285—289.) 
 
 No. 161. 
 
 On Settling Quarrels (1). 
 
 There are two ways of quarrelling (2), the one by (3) 
 discussion (4), the other by force; of which the former 
 is more 'peculiar to men, the latter to animals. In a 
 discussion one must take care not to be more desirous 
 of gaining a \dctory than of stating (5) the truth. For 
 nothing is more obliging, nothing more useful for the 
 maintenance (6) of peace than the effort to acknow- 
 ledge (7) truth and justice also in an adversary. But if 
 one abuses the art of speaking for the oppression of his 
 adversary, enmity and not concord will result (8) from 
 
 (10) infirmus fide. (11) gaudio afficere aliquem. (12) hy the 
 Partic. (13) adesse. 
 
 No. 161. (1) controversias componere. (2) contendere, cer- 
 tare. (3) per. (4) disceptatio. (5) confirmare, stabilire, or in- 
 venire. (6) tueri. (7) conservare. (8) effici. 
 
 f^ 
 
 Section xiv. 
 
 205 
 
 the discussion. Therefore no one is fitter for the set- 
 tling (9) of quarrels than he who strives without anger 
 and passion to vindicate (10) the right of both parties. 
 How distinguished, in this matter, did we find Menenius 
 Agrippa, who used so great a mildness (11) of speaking 
 that he easily reconciled (12) to the fathers the most 
 quanelsome (18) people. For all perceived, that he had 
 spoken only to consolidate the common weal, without 
 any desire to prefer the other party. But that other 
 kind of quarrelling too, which is carried on by force, 
 cannot always be avoided amongst men; one must have 
 recourse (14) to the latter, as Cicero says, if it is not 
 allowed to make use of the former. Therefore wars 
 must, indeed, be waged, not, however, from a desire (15) 
 of oppressing others, but to be able to live in peace 
 without injury. Yet after gaining the victory one must 
 spare those who have been conquered, if they did not 
 make themselves worthy of a heavier punishment by 
 their cruelty in carrying on the war. Thus the ancient 
 Romans acted towards the Sabines, Aequi, and Volsci. 
 Though they had the power of oppressing them, yet 
 they used the milder way of forbearing (16), and even ad- 
 mitted them to citizenship (17) with equal rights. Carthage, 
 on the contrary, which had conducted the war from a 
 desire of ruling, and by frauds in acting, was entirely 
 destroyed. Likewise were they not able to spare Nu- 
 mantia, since the Numantines suffered no ojiportunity 
 to pass of renewing the war. Thus the Romans, by 
 sparing the conquered and crushing the proud, took 
 possession of the world. 
 
 (9) dirimere, componere. (10) vindicare. (11) lenitas. (12) re- 
 conciliare aliquem alicui, also placare. (13) contentionis cupidus. 
 (14) confugere. (15) libido, or cupiditas. (16) by parcere. (17) ali- 
 quem in civitatem recipere. 
 
 I. : 
 
 
 ^1 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 
 I 
 
 « 
 

 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 
 il*i 
 
 III 
 
 206 
 
 Pakt I. 
 
 No. 162. 
 
 On the Desire of Learning. 
 
 As a bird, by its very nature, is impelled to fly, 
 and a fish to swim(l), so is the mind of man impelled 
 to think. By thinking the mind is nourished and 
 strengthened (2), so that it is able to understand what, 
 in everything, is true, what false; another effect (3) of 
 thinking is also, that we comprehend with our mind 
 and understand those tilings wliich we see or hear. 
 But as there exists an immense multitude of tilings, to 
 the knowledge (4) of wliich man's mind feels itself 
 strongly attracted, one occupies himself (5) with the in- 
 vestigation (6) of these, the other of other things; and 
 what each one has accomplished, he communicates to 
 others. Thus one becomes the scholar of the other; for 
 to learn is to tlnnk under the guidance (7) of another. 
 But this faculty of learning, if we search into the 
 truth (8), is found in man alone; animals can only by 
 force and practice (9) be brought (10) so far, that a cer- 
 tain appearance of learning is recognized in them. But 
 for men there is not only the noblest py, but also the 
 greatest advantage enshrined (11) in learning. Boys and 
 young men ought, therefore, not only to learn much 
 by exercising their faculties, but also to make them- 
 selves fitter (12) for learning. For one must learn as 
 long as there is an3rthing which one does not know; 
 that is, as long as one lives. There are many examples 
 of the most renowned men, who, throughout their whole 
 life, preserved (13) the desire of learning. Of Pytha- 
 goras, Solon, and Plato it is known, that they undertook 
 
 No. 162. (1) natare. (2) corroborare. (3) hy effici. (4) co- 
 gnoscere. (5) intentum esse. (6) investigare, indagare. (7) du- 
 cere, dux. (8) vernm quaerere. (9) assuefacere. (10) perducere, 
 adducere. (11) contineri (,/or luew", Genit). (12) paratus, promp- 
 tus. (13) tenere, retinere.' 
 
 Section xiv. 
 
 207 
 
 the greatest and most troublesome journeys, out of love 
 for the investigation of truth. How desirous of learn- 
 ing Solon was, may be judged (14) from that Penta- 
 meter which ancient writers have often quoted (15) for 
 the encouragement of young people: yriQaaxw 6^ alel 
 noXka SiSaaxof^isvog, „I am getting an old man, says 
 he, continually learning (16) many things." The philo- 
 sopher Democritus is said to have made a present of 
 his paternal inheritance (17) to his native city, that he 
 might not be drawn away (18) from his studies by the 
 administration of his property. That inheritance, how- 
 ever, was so large, that the father of Democritus, as is 
 related, was able to give, without difficulty (19), a din- 
 ner to Xerxes and his whole army. Very well known 
 in this regard, — to add but one more instance — , is 
 Archimedes. After the taking of Syracuse a soldier, in 
 order to plunder (20), had made his way into the house 
 of Archimedes, and asked him with his sword drawn, 
 who he was. But the latter was so deeply engaged (21) 
 in his investigation, that he gave only this answer: 
 „Do not disturb my circles." Thus he was slain by 
 the soldier. 
 
 \o. 163. 
 
 On the Improvement (1) of the Soul and the Body. 
 
 It is, no doubt, deserving of great praise, to spend 
 much labour (2) on exercising the body and developing (3) 
 its strength, but it is certainly more praiseworthy, to 
 bestow pains (4) on the cultivation (5) of the soul. This 
 
 (14) existimare, cognoscere. (15) laudare. (16) addiscere. 
 (17) patrimonium (= „pat. ink.''). (18) abducere, avocare, abs- 
 trahere. (19) molestia. (20) praedari, oi- praedam facere. (21) in- 
 tentus. 
 
 No. 163. (1) excolere. (2) multum laboris impertire. (3) per- 
 ficere. (4) operam coUocare, ponere in. (o) See 1. 
 
206 
 
 ll 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 i ' J 
 
 t 
 
 Part i. 
 
 No. 162. 
 
 Section xiv. 
 
 207 
 
 On the Desire of Learning. 
 
 As a bird, by its very nature, is impelled to fly, 
 and a iish to swim (1), so is the mind of man impelled 
 to think. By thinking the mind is nourished and 
 strengthened (2), so that it is able to understand what, 
 in everything, is true, what false; another effect (3) of 
 thinking is also, that we comprehend with our mind 
 and understand those tilings which we see or hear. 
 But as there exists an immense multitude of things, to 
 the knowledge (4) of wliich man's mind feels itself 
 strongly attracted, one occupies himself (5) with the in- 
 vestigation (6) of these, the other of other things; and 
 what each one has accomplished, he communicates to 
 others. Thus one becomes the scholar of the other; for 
 to learn is to think under the guidance (7) of another. 
 But this faculty of learning, if we search into the 
 truth (8), is found in man alone; animals can only by 
 force and practice (9) be brought (10) so far, that a cer- 
 tain appearance of learning is recognized in them. But 
 for men there is not only the noblest joy, but also the 
 greatest advantage enshrined (11) in learning. Boys and 
 young men ought, therefore, not only to learn much 
 by exercising their faculties, but also to make them- 
 selves fitter (12) for learning. For one must learn as 
 long as there is anytliing which one does not know; 
 that is, as long as one lives. Tliere are many examples 
 of the most renowned men, who, tliroughout their whole 
 life, preserved (13) the desire of learning. Of Pytha- 
 goras, Solon, and Plato it is known, that they undertook 
 
 No. 162. (t) natare. (2) corrohorare. (3) by effici. (4) co- 
 gnoscere. (5) intentum esse. (6) investigare, indagare. (7) du- 
 cere, dux. (8) verum quaerere. (9) assuefacere. (10) perclucere, 
 addiicere. (11) contineri (,/ar wtm", Genit). (12) paratus, promp- 
 tus. (13) tenere, retinere." 
 
 the greatest and most troublesome journeys, out of love 
 for the investigation of truth. How desirous of learn- 
 ing Solon was, may be judged (14) from that Penta- 
 meter which ancient writers have often quoted (15) for 
 the encouragement of young people: yrigdaxw 6" aiei 
 TioXla Sidaaxoiisvog. „I am getting an old man, says 
 he, continually learning (16) many things." The philo- 
 sopher Democritus is said to have made a present of 
 liis paternal inheritance (17) to his native city, that he 
 might not be drawn away (18) from his studies by the 
 administration of his property. That inheritance, how- 
 ever, was so large, that the father of Democritus, as is 
 related, was able to give, without difficulty (19), a din- 
 ner to Xerxes and his whole army. Very well known 
 in this regard, — to add but one more instance — , is 
 Archimedes. After the taking of Syracuse a soldier, in 
 order to plunder (20), had made his way into the house 
 of Archimedes, and asked him with his sword drawn, 
 who he was. But the latter was so deeply engaged (21) 
 in his investigation, that he gave only this answer: 
 „Do not disturb my circles." Thus he was slain by 
 the soldier. 
 
 No. 163. 
 
 On the Improvement (1) of the Soul and the Body. 
 
 It is, no doubt, deserving of great praise, to spend 
 much labour (2) on exercising the body and developing (3) 
 its strength, but it is certainly more praiseworthy, to 
 bestow pains (4) on the cultivation (5) of the soul. This 
 
 (14) existimare, cognoscere. (15) laudare. (16) addiscere. 
 (17) patrimonium (= ,,V(^t ink''), (18) abducere, avocare, abs- 
 trahere. (19) molestia. (20) praedari, or praedam facere. (21) in- 
 
 tentus. 
 
 No. 103. (1) excolere. (2) multum laboris impertire. (3) per- 
 ficere. (4) operam collocare, ponere in. (5) See 1. 
 
208 
 
 Part i. 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 i I 
 
 I 
 
 ,M 
 
 was well understood even by the wisest men of anti- 
 quity. Therefore they often blamed (6) those who were 
 more eager to show the strength of their body, than 
 (that) of their mind. Thus, in Cicero's book on old 
 age, Cato justly censures (7) a certain Milo of Croton, 
 who wept when he saw some young people exercising 
 themselves in running, leaping and wrestling, and could 
 not take part any more in such exercises on account of 
 his old age. For that man seems to have believed, that 
 true dignity consisted not so much in perfecting the 
 soul as in acquiring greater strength and nimbleness (8) 
 of the body. Sometliing similar is related of Plato. 
 A certain Anniceris from Gyrene had occupied himself(9) 
 most zealously, for several years, with the taming and 
 managing(lO) of horses and possessed the greatest skill(ll) 
 in riding. Desirous of showing (12) his skill in the 
 presence of many distinguished men, he gave one day 
 a proof (13) of it in the academy, where Plato and a 
 great multitude had assembled to see him. At full 
 speed (14) he drove his horses several times around in 
 a great circle (15), and whilst driving (16) he directed 
 his chariot so accurately, that, in returning, the wheels 
 never deviated from the track (17) which had been 
 marked out before. When, therefore, the crowd, inclin- 
 ed (18) to admiration, applauded (19) him with great 
 acclamation, Plato blamed that man, who had spent so 
 much labour on learning a thing of so little value. For 
 he said that it was not possible that he who had em- 
 ployed (20) his life in practising such an art, was not 
 entirely drawn away from thinking. Besides virtue, 
 
 (6) vituperare. (7) reprehendere. (8) agilitas. (9) occupa- 
 tum esse in aliqua re. (10) regere. (11) peritia. (12) ostentare. 
 (13) specimen edere. (14) cursu incitato, concitato. (15) in or- 
 bem agitare. (16) vehere. (17) orbita. (18) pronus, propensus. 
 (19) plaudere. (20) consumere in aliqua re. 
 
 
 Section xiv. 
 
 209 
 
 however, only that was deserving of admiration, which 
 was the product (21) of thinking. — Thus the hope of 
 being praised by Plato, disappointed Anniceris. 
 
 No. 164. 
 
 Solemnities (1) of a Boman Triumph. 
 
 The custom of celebrating triumphs was especially 
 a Roman custom. Such a triumph was a solemn proces- 
 sion (2) which a commander, who had endeavoured (3) 
 to secure a most important victory to the commonwealth, 
 was given the permission (4) of holding (5) through the 
 city to the Capitol. Romulus himself is said to have 
 had the first opportunity of gaining such a triumph 
 and of triumphantly entering the city, when he had 
 slain Acron, the king of the Caeninenses, who desirous 
 of avenging the Sabine virgins, had made war against 
 the Romans. After the expulsion (6) of the kings , when 
 the people also in some way took part (7) in the admi- 
 nistration of public affairs (8), the permission to enter 
 the city in triumph, generally depended on the senate, 
 sometimes on the people, and was only given to him, 
 who had conquered a foreign nation, slain at least 5000 
 enemies in battle, and extended the Roman dominion. 
 As the fittest place for beginning the triumphal proces- 
 sion the Campus Martins was always considered. Thence 
 it moved by the triumphal road across the Circus Fla- 
 minius through the triumphal gate to the Capitol , those 
 places being most convenient to display and to view (9) 
 such a pageant (10). For the sake of adding more 
 brilliancy to it, all the streets were strewn with flowers, 
 and altars were erected to bum (11) incense. The pro- 
 
 (21) by gignere, efficere. 
 
 Xo. 164. (1) sollenmia. (2) pompa. (3)operam dare. (4) fa- 
 cultas, potestas. (5) agere. (6) expellere. (7) participem esse. 
 (8) rem publicam administrare. (9) spectare. (10) See 2. (11) Gram, 
 § 288. 1. 
 
 MUller, Exercises. 14 
 
 |l 
 

 I 
 
 ■Vt 
 
 
 
 i'l 
 
 210 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 Section xiv. 
 
 211 
 
 cession was headed (12) by flute-players and singers^ who 
 sang triumphal hymns (13). After them MW the 
 oxen by the sacrificing of which thanks should be given 
 to the Gods. Then all the booty taken from the enemy, 
 statues, paintings, precious vessels, arms and other 
 things, besides all the presents sent by the aUied nations, 
 were carried on many waggons. To give the people 
 an opportunity of learning, what nations and cities had 
 been conquered, wooden tablets, on which the names 
 were inscribed, were carried here and there between aU 
 those things. Then followed the captured princes and 
 generals with their children and relativ^, the hctoi^ 
 and a long train of dancers, singers, fumigators (14j 
 and others. 
 
 No. 165. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 At some distance (1) came the general Wmself, clad 
 in purple garments, that is to say, in an embroidered(2 
 toga and the tunica pahnata, carrying a g^irland o 
 laLl around his head, a laurel-branch(3) m the ngh 
 hand, in the left an ivory sceptre, on the top of which 
 was a golden eagle. He stood on a gilt (4) chanot 
 which was adapted (5) to carry also the general s chUdren. 
 To (6) prevent every opportunity of pride and se t- 
 sufficiency(7), a slave stood belnnd the general who 
 continually whispered (8) the following words into the 
 general's ear: „Itemember that you are man. Ihe 
 chariot by whose side were the general's legates and 
 tribunes of war, was drawn by four white horses, some- 
 times by elephants. The consuls and senators, who 
 had, before Augustus, preceded the triumphal clmrio^, 
 
 (12) aperire, or initium facere. (13) carmen. (14) suffltor 
 No 165 (1) spatium intermittere {AUat. ab>ol.). (2) pictu,. 
 
 (3) only laurus. (4) auratus. (5) accommodatus ad. (6) ad. 
 
 QraZ§ 388. 1. (7) superbire et sibi placere. (8) msusurrare. 
 
 from that time always followed it on foot (9). The 
 army, which, under the generaPs command, had contri- 
 buted (10) so much to gaining the victory and achiev- 
 ing great things, closed the procession itself. But a 
 large multitude of citizens, very eager to see such 
 splendour, followed without any order. The soldiers 
 were crowned with garlands and sang songs for the 
 glorification (1 1) both of their general's deeds and their 
 own. Now and then the words „Io Triumphe!" were 
 inserted (12), in the repetition (13) of which the whole 
 crowd most enthusiastically (14) joined (15). When the 
 general himself had nearly reached the Capitol, he 
 ordered the captured princes and generals of the enemy 
 to be thrown into prison and afterwards to be put to 
 death. Very seldom was a general inclined (16) to spare 
 the life of the captives. After thanks had been given 
 to the Gods for the victory obtained, the general gave 
 his friends and the noblest citizens a most splendid 
 banquet on the Capitol, after which he was conducted 
 home by the people with music (17) and torch-lights (18). 
 Very often all this could not be carried out in one day, 
 but several days were necessary (19) to finish a trium- 
 phal procession. 
 
 (9) pedes, itis. (10) valere, adjuvare ad. (11) celebrare. 
 
 (12) interponere. (13) repetere. (14) summo studio. (15) parti- 
 
 cipem fieri. (16) propensus ad, also hy impellere ad. (17) can- 
 tus. (18) funale, is. n. (19) necessarius ad. 
 
 
 14' 
 
■' 
 
 hij 
 
 212 Pabt I. 
 
 SECTION XV. 
 
 Use of the Supine. 
 
 (Grammar § 290 and 291.) 
 No. 166. 
 
 C. Marius Conquers the Cimbri and Teutones. 
 
 When C. Marius had finished the Jugurthine war, 
 he was, in the year 104 before Christ, elected consul 
 a second time, and sent as general against the Cimbri 
 and Teutones. These nations (1) had come from the 
 farthest (2) North, and had already cut to pieces four 
 Roman armies, so that a great terror seized the minds 
 of all. It is astonishing to hear, how Marius prepared 
 his soldiers for the conquest of these terrible foes. For 
 a long time he kept them in a well fortified camp which 
 the enemy did not dare to attack. By very hard 
 labours and strict military discipline he roused (3) the 
 courage of the soldiers and their desire for fighting. At 
 the same time he now and then despatched horsemen to 
 reconnoitre (4) what the enemy were doing. Yet those 
 did not move from their place. Soon forage (5) and 
 water were wanting in the camp, and the soldiers 
 became indignant (6) that they were kept so long enclosed, 
 and were in want of (7) the most necessary things. 
 Marius encouraged them to quit the camp and to go to 
 the Ehone to fetch water (8). This was easy to say, 
 but very difficult to do; but the orders of the commander 
 had to be obeyed. As often, then, as the soldiers went 
 to forage (9), they met (10) with some of the enemy and 
 engaged in fighting (11); the same happened to those 
 
 No. 166. (1) gens. (2) ultimus. (3) acuere, stimulare. 
 (4) speculari, explorare. (5) pabulum. (6) indignari. (7) carere. 
 (8) aquari. (9) pabulari. (10) congredi. (11) manus conserere 
 {=z ^to eng. in /*."). 
 
 Section xv. 
 
 213 
 
 f't 
 
 :l: 
 
 who were sent to fetch water; and not rarely were the 
 Roman soldiers victorious (12). Marius had thought 
 this the best to do, that his men might accustom them- 
 selves to the sight of the terrible (13) barbarians, and 
 that they might cease to fear them. Soon the cour- 
 age (14) of the Romans increased; in the camp utterances 
 were heard, that it was a sin to see, how much Roman 
 bravery was despised by the enemy. The general might 
 lead them to battle; that it was better to fall while 
 fighting than to be killed, while being sent out like 
 servants (15) to fetch water. 
 
 No. 167. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 All this was pleasing to Marius to hear. He pre- 
 pared with the greatest care, what he thought necessary 
 to be done. As soon as he found (1) a favourable 
 opportunity for fighting, he attacked, with great courage, 
 the Teutones, who had pitched their camp nearer to 
 him. The battle was fought at Aquae Sextiae in the 
 year 102 before Christ. By the strategetical skill (2) of 
 Marius and the military science of the Romans the 
 barbarians were put to flight and their camp taken by 
 storm (3). Yet only a few were captured alive. These 
 were of such a size of body, that people hurried together 
 from all sides to look at those fearful (4) men, whose 
 name had, shortly before, filled every one with terror. 
 It is incredible to say, how great a joy the news of 
 this victory produced (5) at Rome. But the commander 
 believed, that he ought not to delay (6), and he at once 
 
 (12) superiorem discedere. (13) atrox. (14) animus {Plur.) 
 (15) calo. 
 
 No. 167. (1) nancisci. (2) virtus imperatoria. (3) impetu 
 facto expugnare. (4) immanis. (5) efficere, excitare. (6) cunc- 
 tari, morari. 
 
 ■ X 
 • V I 
 
214 
 
 Part i. 
 
 11 
 
 
 1 
 
 » ii' 
 
 marclied with his victorious army into Upper Italy, 
 where the other consul Catulus was hard pressed (7) by 
 the Cimbri. Marius sent faithful men in advance to 
 hiTn to announce what seemed the best to do. Thus 
 the two consular armies were soon united to attack the 
 Cimbri with combined forces. In the Baudian fields, 
 not far from Verona, in the year 101 before Christ, 
 that battle was fought, in which the Cimbri were beaten 
 and, wonderful to say, cut down nearly to the last 
 man (8). Thus Marius had, within four years, finished 
 the war, in which Rome seemed to be destined to 
 perish (9). The senate sent to him noble (10) men to 
 congratulate him; the people hastened to all the temples 
 to thank the Gods; the praise of Marius was endless. 
 He returned triumphantly to the city, bringing with 
 him the prisoners, who though fettered were still terrible 
 to behold; and although he had, against the law, dis- 
 charged (11) the consulship already four years in succes- 
 sion (12), yet he was again elected consul for the 
 following year. This was his sixth and last consulship; 
 for the seventh, on which he entered in the year 86 
 before Christ, he held but a fortnight, as he died on 
 the Ides of January. 
 
 r 
 m 
 
 No. 168. 
 
 The Grateful Lion. 
 
 It is easy to understand, that gratitude (1) is praise- 
 worthy, but it is difficult to say, why many are so 
 fiir from showing (2) it towards their benefactors (3), 
 that they even return injuries for benefits. Such can 
 
 (7) gravissime urgere. (8) ad unum omnes. (9) ^^to be destin- 
 ed to perish^^, Periphr. Conjug. in — urus. (10) princeps, or Superl. 
 of nobilis. (11) gerere. (12) deinceps. 
 
 No. 168. (1) animus beneficiorum memor. (2) Gram. §275, 
 2, 2. (3) hy a clmise ^^thost tcho^'^ etc. 
 
 m 
 
 Section xv. 
 
 215 
 
 learn something from animals {hestia)j since it is astonish- 
 ing to see, that even animals are not altogether without 
 gratitude (4). It is on the one hand (5) very pleasant 
 to read, on the other very difficult to believe, what 
 Gellius relates (6) about a lion. One day the people 
 had assembled to look at the himts (7) which were 
 exhibited in the Circus at Eome. Many wild beasts of 
 an unusual size and fierceness had been brought there 
 from difierent countries to delight the spectators, among 
 others also a lion, which was terrible to behold (8) and 
 remarkable for its dreadful roaring (9) and extraordinary 
 strength. A slave, Androclus by name, who had been 
 condemned to death, was conducted into the Circus to 
 fight with that fearful beast. As soon as the lion had 
 seen the slave, it looked at (10) him for a while, and, 
 it is almost incredible to say, having approached him 
 in the manner of a flattering dog, prostrated itself at 
 the feet of the slave and licked his hands. It was easy 
 to see, that there was something unusual in that affair. 
 The people, therefore, asked Androclus, after he had 
 been taken out of the Circus, how it had come to pass, 
 that the lion had not dared to touch him. And Androclus 
 told them, he had been so cruelly treated by his master, 
 that he had taken refuge in a desert (11). It was diffi- 
 cult to say, what hardships he had suffered there for 
 several days, since he was without food and shelter (12). 
 Finally he had found a cave, which he had hardly en- 
 tered, when a lion of enormous size came after him, 
 limping (13) and groaning (14) , blood flowing from one 
 of its feet. Frightened first at the sight of the ap- 
 proaching animal, he had, however, soon recovered cour- 
 
 (4) beneficiorum immemor (= ^^without graf^). (5) ^^on the 
 one hand — on the other'^ by nt — ita. (6) memoriae prodere 
 {Perf.). (7) venatio. (8) aspicere. (9) fremitus. (10) contem- 
 plari. (11) loca deserta. (12) deversorium. (13) claudicare. 
 (14) gemitus edere. 
 
 I 
 
 lii 
 
 i 
 
216 
 
 Pabt I. 
 
 1 
 
 l» 
 
 in 
 
 age, when the animal had raised its foot, asking, as it 
 were, for help. He had plucked out (15) a thorn stick- 
 ing fast in its foot, pressed out the matter (16), and thus 
 freed it from pain. For this, it is almost incredible to 
 hear, the lion had been so grateful, that it had remain- 
 ed with him in that cave for three years, and had 
 brought him always the best portions of its prey to 
 sustain his life. One day, in the absence of the lion, 
 he had left that hiding-place (17), had been captured by 
 soldiers, brought back to his former master, and con- 
 demned to death. Now, Androclus added, on entering 
 the Circus, I meet with that same lion, and, still mind- 
 ful, as it were, of the benefit received, it shows its 
 gratitude (18) towards me. — The people believed it 
 unlawful to punish the slave. Androclus was set at 
 liberty; the lion was given him as a present, and the 
 people so highly esteemed the grateful animal, that, 
 when Androclus conducted it through the city, they 
 adorned it with flowers and presented its leader witli 
 money. 
 
 (15) evellere. (16) sanies. (17) latibulum. (18) gratiam re- 
 ferre alicui. 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 i II 
 
 PART n. 
 
 -iUV- 
 
 Exercises Based on Latin Authors. 
 
 -^ 
 
h^ 
 
 M 
 
 SECTION XVI. 
 
 Esopian Fables from Pliaedrus. 
 
 No. 169. 
 
 A Few Preliminary Remarks (1) on the Fable and 
 
 Its Inventor. 
 
 The fable is that kind of poetry, which does not 
 teach by proofs, but shows, by feigned examples, what 
 is good or bad (2), what useful or hurtful. These examples 
 are mostly taken from the lives of animals, of which some 
 are very similar to the lives of men in one respect (3) 
 or another. But by examples men are taught easiest. 
 However, not only the matter, but also the language (4) 
 of the fable is very simple, so that it can also, without 
 any learning, be understood by everybody. But one 
 who, from the example of others, has learned what is 
 good and useful, will try to imitate it in liis life; and 
 one who has understood, what is bad and hurtful, will 
 avoid it. Thus a fable does not only teach, but it is 
 also useful. Now (5), this fable is commonly called the 
 Esopian fable, because tliis whole kind is said to have 
 been invented by Aesop. Without doubt, in the most 
 ancient times others have also made use of this kind of 
 teaching; but yet Aesop is the earliest, whose name has 
 been handed down to us, and who, by his fables, has 
 acquired (6) the reputation of great wisdom. Herodotus, 
 
 No. 169. (1) pauca praeponuntur. (2) 6yhonestus, and tur- 
 pis. (3) res. Gram. § 238. 7. c. 3. (4) sermo. (5) igitur. 
 (6) sibi parare, par^re. 
 
 i 
 
220 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 the most ancient historian (7) of the Greeks, mentions 
 him as a renowned writer of fables. He also says, that 
 Aesop had been the slave of a certain Jadmon of Samos, 
 that he had been assassinated in a criminal manner (8), 
 and that the oracle itself had caUed upon the friends of 
 Aesop to revenge his murder (9). Finally from what 
 Herodotus relates, we learn, that Aesop flourished about 
 the year 560 before Christ. Whatever ebe is related 
 about his life, is uncertain: however Phaedrus says, that 
 he was a Phrygian by nation. Also that he was very 
 ugly (10) and deformed, and much more of the same 
 kind, has been invented by later writers (11). 
 
 No. 170. 
 
 Chapter n. 
 But we have no mind to pass over in silence (1) 
 what Plutarch of Chaeronea, a distinguished Greek writer 
 of the first century after Christ, has related of Aesop. 
 For if we believe (2) him, Aesop was, on account of the 
 renown of his wisdom, invited (3) by Croesus, king of 
 Lydia, and came to Sardes, where great honours were 
 bestowed (4) upon him. At the same time Solon came 
 also to Sardes. When he less admired the power (5) and 
 riches of Croesus, and deemed certain private men of 
 Greece, who had abeady died, happier than the most 
 powerful king, Aesop took his recklessness (6) ill and 
 made reproaches (7) to Solon. „0 Solon, said he, to 
 kings one must speak either as little as possible or in 
 the most submissive manner possible" (8). To which 
 Solon repHed: „By no means (9); but to kings we must 
 
 (7) rerum scriptor. (8) nefarie. (9) ad ulciscendam caedem 
 excitare. (10) foedus. (11) only posterior. 
 
 No. 170. (1) tacere (= „to pass over in «Z."). (2) fidem ha- 
 bere, credere. (3) Participle. Gram, § 282. 1. (4) tribuere, 
 habere. (5) opes. (6) insolentia, immodestia. (7) alicui aliquid 
 crimini vertere. (8) quam mitissime. (9) minime vero. 
 
 Ill 
 
 SbCTION XVI. 
 
 221 
 
 speak either as little or as well as possible". — That 
 the fables of Aesop enjoyed (10) great authority in the 
 remotest time, can be proved from many passages of 
 ancient writers. However those fables seem not to have 
 been written down by the inventor, but circulated (11) 
 by oral tradition (12). But they were composed, not in 
 verse, but in the language of common life. Remarkable 
 is, what Socrates relates of himself in Plato. For (13) 
 he says, that, whilst in prison, he had brought (14) 
 several fables of Aesop, which he kept in his memory, 
 into verse. The same was afterwards done by other 
 Greeks, especially by a certain Babrius, who, in the 
 time of Augustus, collected a great many Esopian fables. 
 
 No. 171. 
 
 On the Poet Phaedrus. 
 
 The oldest fable (circulated) among the Eomans is 
 that delightful story of Menenius Agrippa on the discord, 
 which arose (1) between the members of the body and 
 the stomach (2); which fable not only has been very 
 agreeable, but also very useful to the Roman people. 
 However among the Romans Phaedrus must be con- 
 sidered the first writer of fables. As he himself relates, 
 he was born in Thrace, which is said to have been a 
 very renowned abode of the Muses, and the native 
 country of the most ancient poets Linus and Orpheus. 
 Having been, by an unfortunate incident (3), led away 
 into slavery (4), he came as a youth into the family of 
 Augustus, and there he displayed (5) such great learning 
 and so great a fondness (6) for the liberal (7) arts, that 
 Augustus granted him freedom. For this reason he is 
 
 (10) by esse. (11) divulgare. (12) sermo hominum. (13) enim. 
 (14) redigere. 
 
 No. 171. (1) by esse. (2) venter. (3) adversus casus. (4) in 
 servitutem abducere. (5) ostendere. (6) studium. (7) bonus, or 
 optimus. 
 
 \ 
 
w 
 
 
 ' I 
 
 222 
 
 Paet u. 
 
 Section xvi. 
 
 223 
 
 usually culled Phaedrus, a freedman (8) of Augiistus. In 
 most cases Phaedrus has made use of the materials which 
 Aesop had invented, and has adomed(9) them with verses 
 of six feet (10). It seems, however, that in some fables 
 he has too sarcastically (11) censured (12) and hurt cer- 
 tain distinguished (13) men, among these Sejanus, Uie 
 most powerful flatterer of the emperor Tiberius. The 
 poet, therefore, was very hateful (14) to Sejanus, and he 
 was accused by him through false witnesses, and, as it 
 seems, thrown into prison(15) by Tiberius. It was only (16 
 under the reign of Claudius, when he was a very old 
 man (17), he recovered liberty. - The fables of Phaedrus 
 are divided into five books. It seems, that the two first 
 were published(18) under the reign of Tiberius; the three 
 last the poet published (19) after the death f Tiberius 
 as is understood from the prologue to {Gen.) the third 
 book. 
 
 No. IT2. 
 
 How a Fox Deceived a Raven, and Another Took 
 
 Revenge on an Eagle. 
 (Phaedr. Fab. I. 13 and I. 28.) 
 One day a raven had stolen cheese, and keeping it 
 in his beak, he flew(l) into the wood. There he sat 
 down on a lofty tree to eat it. A fox saw him am 
 began to praise him with deceitful words. „How bright 
 a plumage thou wearest, o raven, said the fox, how 
 great is the gracefulness of thy body and thy counten- 
 ance! If the voice were not wanting (2) to thee, I would 
 call thee the king of birds". Deceived by this praise 
 the raven opened his mouth to show also the power ot 
 
 (8) libertus. (9) polire. (10) versus senanus. (11)^ mm., 
 dicaciter. (12) notare. (13) princeps. (U) invisus. (lo) in cai- 
 cerem, or in vincula conjicere. (16) demum. (17) admodum se- 
 nex. (18) edere. (19) in publicum emittere. 
 
 No. 172. (1) avolare. (2) deesse. 
 
 his voice. The cheese fell down from his beak to the 
 ground. The fox smilingly seized and greedily devoured 
 it. — Another fox came home and found that her young 
 had been taken away by an eagle. The latter had flown 
 up to the top of a high tree to place them before his 
 own young to devour (3) them. The mother of the 
 robbed young besought the eagle with many tears not 
 to make her miserable by killing her young. But the 
 eagle considered himself, on account of the height of the 
 tree, safe from (4) all dangers and despised the entreaties 
 of the fox. Then the fox, overpowered (5) by grief, 
 snatched some firebrands (6) from a near altar and plac- 
 ed (7) them around the tree, so that it was soon set on 
 fire. Too late (8) did the eagle see his disadvantage, but 
 neither was he himself able to snatch his own young 
 away from death nor did the fox save her young. 
 
 The former fiible teaches us, that fools are deceived 
 by flatterers, if they listen to them; the latter, that we 
 must never despise an enemy, of how low a rank soever 
 he may be; for revenge easily finds an opportunity of 
 doing harm (9). 
 
 No. 173. 
 
 How a Pox Ck)t Out of a Well (1), and Another Was 
 
 Repaid (2) by a Stork. 
 
 (Phaedr. Fab. IV. 9 and I. 26.) 
 
 A fox had fallen into a well. He endeavoured with 
 all his might by leaping to escape from that place; but 
 the brink was too high, and the poor (3) animal was 
 kept there inclosed as (4) in a prison. By chance a he- 
 goat came there to drink. On seeing the fox he asked, 
 
 (3) aliquid carpendum apponere. (4) ab. (5) capere. (6) fax 
 ardens. (7) congerere. (8) sero (= ntoo late^). (9) nocere. 
 
 No. 178. (1) puteus. (2) by parem gratiam alicui referre. 
 (3) miser. (4) tamquam, velut. 
 
i 
 
 
 
 224 
 
 Pabt II. 
 
 whether the water was good, n^®^ sweet, my friend, 
 said the fox; thou wilt hardly be able to satisfy thy 
 desire by drinking". The he-goat, impelled (5) by thirst 
 and at the same time induced by the praise of the water, 
 descended 'into the well. The fox at once leaped on the 
 horns of the he-goat, escaped and left the latter impri- 
 soned. — One day a stork had been invited to dinner 
 by a fox. The latter placed everything on plates (6) 
 before the stork, and especially a delicious (7) broth (8), 
 so that the hungry stork was hardly able to take any- 
 thing. When the stork had returned home without 
 complaining (9), he invited in turn (10) the fox to dinner, 
 but served (11) all his delicacies (12) in bottles (13). The 
 stork very easily took from them, but the fox tried in 
 vain, and had to leave very hungry. 
 
 From the latter fable we learn, that no one must 
 be astonished at being treated (14) in the same maimer, 
 as he treats others; from the former, that we should 
 guard against the shrewdness of those who try to profit 
 by the disadvantages of their neighbours. 
 
 No. 174. 
 
 Two Faithful Dogs. 
 
 (Phaedr. Fab. I. 23 and V. lO.O 
 
 A thief went about midnight (1) to a country-house 
 to steal there, if possible. He feared, however, the 
 old (3) dog who used to go watching about the coimtry- 
 house. Therefore he threw bread before the dog in 
 order to win (4) him by such kindness. But the animal, 
 
 (5) allicere. (6) patina. (7) suavis (or grati) saporis, or Only 
 suavis. (8) sorbitio. (9) queri. Gram. § 282. 2. (10) revocare. 
 (11) apponere. (12) cibi delicatiores, or cuppedia, orum. (13) la- 
 goena. (14) tractare. 
 
 Xo. 174. (1) media nox. (2) furari. Supine^ or by a clause 
 icith ut. (3) vetus. (4) placare, conciliare. 
 
 Section xvi. 
 
 225 
 
 experienced in such things, said: „Thou art greatly 
 mistaken, if thou believe that this food will restrain my 
 tongue; for I am not so inexperienced and foolish that 
 I can be deceived by thy unexpected liberality". And 
 at once the dog began to bark loudly (5), so that the 
 thief, frightened, took to flight (6). — Another dog had, 
 by his courage and swiftness, always done great service (7) 
 to a hunter for many years; but at length (8), when old 
 age heavily pressed on him (9), he grew languid. Never- 
 theless the old dog even then went still out hunting (10) 
 with his master. One day he caught a bristly boar (11) 
 by the ear, but was unable, on account of his rotten (12) 
 teeth, to hold him fast. When the boar had escaped 
 and the hunter's hope been disappointed, the latter be- 
 came angry and reproached the dog. But the old ani- 
 mal said: „I have not forsaken thee purposely (13), but 
 my strength has been diminished by old age". 
 
 Do not condemn him who satisfies you in all things 
 as long as it is his duty (14) to satisfy you, and as long 
 as he is able to do it. This the latter fable teaches; 
 the former tells us, that snares are laid in vain for ex- 
 perienced people. 
 
 No. 175. 
 
 How Mockery (1) Was Punished, and a Bash Flan 
 
 Abandoned. 
 
 (Phaedr. Fab. I. 9 and Append. I. 2.) 
 
 Nothing can be more foolish than if he who is not 
 on his guard himself, gives good advice to others. This 
 we shall show by the example of the sparrow and the 
 hare. — An eagle surprised (2) a hare by a sudden attack. 
 
 (5) magna voce. (6) aufugere. (7) multa officia praestare. 
 (8) postremo. (9) aliquem urgere. (10) Supine. (11) setosus aper. 
 (12) cariosus. (13) by consilium, Jiere also dolus. (14) oportet. 
 
 No. 175. (1) irrisio. (2) opprimere. 
 
 M tiller, Exercises. 15 
 
f 
 
 ft 
 
 ;r 
 
 ^ili 
 
 226 
 
 Pakt II. 
 
 The captured animal burst out into loud weeping. In tliis 
 
 calamity reproaches were made to the hare by a sparrow, 
 
 who mockingly (3) asked him: „Why didst thou delay? 
 
 Why didst thou not make use of that known swiftness of 
 
 thy feet?" But hardly had he thus spoken, when he liimself 
 
 was seized by a hawk, and, whilst crying aloud, torn to 
 
 pieces (4). Thus the sparrow perished by the same fate, 
 
 for which he had just before ridiculed the hare, by Ms 
 
 foolish advice. — From the following fable we learn, 
 
 how useful it is for those, who believe their misfortune 
 
 too great to be borne, to look at others; for he who 
 
 does that in the right manner (5), will soon find, that 
 
 he is not the* only one who suffers, and from this he 
 
 will learn patience in misfortune. Owing to the din of 
 
 dogs and hunters the hares had been seized with so 
 
 great a terror (6), that they wished rather to die than 
 
 to live thus in continual fear. Therefore the plan was 
 
 formed, that all should throw themselves into a lake. 
 
 When the whole train arrived, in great haste, on the 
 
 shore, a large multitude of frogs, sitting in the grass, 
 
 threw themselves, frightened (7) by the approaching (8) 
 
 throng of hares, without delay into the lake. Then an 
 
 old hare said: „Behold, my friends, others have als(» 
 
 their fears. Let us, then, as the other animals, stick to 
 
 that life, which has been granted us by nature". 
 
 (3) irridere. (4) laniare, lacerare. (5) only recte. (6) ky 
 terror alicui injicitur. (7) exterrere. (8) adventare. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Section xvii. 
 
 227 
 
 SECTION xvn. 
 
 Greek Generals from Nepos. 
 
 No. 1J6. 
 
 A Pew Preliminary Remarks (1) on the Life and 
 Writings of Cornelius Nepos. 
 
 Cornelius Nepos was bom in Northern Italy, wliich 
 was called Gallia Cisalpina, of the illustrious family (2) 
 of the Comelii. His birthplace is said to have been 
 Hostilia, a village (3) near Verona; this, at least, is cer- 
 tain, that in the Middle Ages (4) the Veronese erected 
 a statue to Cornelius Nepos as (5) their distinguished 
 townsman (6) among the other Veronese in the city- 
 hall (7). The year, in which he was bom, cannot be 
 accurately determined (8) ; however (9), his life doubtless- 
 ly falls within the period of time (10) from the year 
 100 to 30 before Christ. Even as a boy Nepos seems 
 to have been taken (11) by his father to Rome; and it 
 is probable, that he spent (12) his whole life in the city 
 or in neighbouring villas. From his very boyhood (13) 
 he likewise seems to have entirely devoted himself to 
 the study of letters, and especially of those, which per- 
 tain to history. In liis youth as well as in his man- 
 hood (14), this love of arts and letters was so great, 
 that he never sought (15) nor discharged (16) any public 
 office, but spent (17) all his time in those studies. He(18) 
 was a man of the highest integrity and sweetness of 
 manners, and enjoyed the intimate friendship (19) of the 
 
 
 No. 176. (1) See 169, L (2) gens. (3) vicus. (4) media 
 aetas (SiM^i/.). (5) ut. (6) civis, or popularis. (7) curia. (8) de- 
 finire. (9) verumtamen. (10) in id tempus, quod est. (11) de- 
 ducere. (12) degere. (13) jam a puero. (14) by adolescens, and 
 vir. (15) petere. (16) administrare. (17) tempus consumere in 
 aliqua re. (18) idem. (19) uti familiaritate et amicitia. 
 
 15* 
 
 .J 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
228 
 
 Part n. 
 
 noblest Romans, especially of M. Tullius Cicero and 
 T. Pomponius Atticus. Q. Valerius Catullus of Verona, 
 by no means an obscure (20) Latin poet, has dedicated 
 his poems to Cornelius Nepos, either (21) because they 
 were fellow-countrymen, or because Nepos, as Catullus 
 himself says, had always highly esteemed those lyric (22) 
 poems. 
 
 No. 1?7. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Of (1) all his writings Nepos seems to have edited 
 first the three books of chronicles (2) , in which he had 
 collected (3) the memorable events (4) of all peoples, 
 especially of the Greeks and Romans. The poet Catullus, 
 with great admiration, calls these books learned and 
 laborious ones. A second work of Nepos was the three 
 books of examples, in which he described the customs 
 and institutions of the ancient peoples. But the most 
 extensive (5) and the most celebrated work of Nepos was 
 that on illustrious men. This work is said to have been 
 distributed into sixteen books and to have treated (6) of 
 renowned kings and generals, lawyers (7) and orators, 
 poets and historians (8), philosophers and grammarians (9), 
 both of the Greeks and the Romans. Of these works 
 of Nepos none is (10) complete (1 1). But of the books 
 on illustrious men five and twenty biographies (12) have 
 been preserved to us, which are usually inscribed „vitae 
 excellentium imperatorum" , although not all of them 
 treat of generals. Many learned men, however, believe 
 that those biographies, except (13) the biography of Atti- 
 cus, have been abridged (14) by a certain Aemilius Pro- 
 
 (20) ignobilis. (21) „either — ar", sive — sive. (22) lyricus, 
 melicus. 
 
 No. 177. (1) ex. (2) chronica, orum. (3) complecti. (4) res. 
 (5) amplus. (6) agere. (7) juris consultus. (8) historicus. 
 (9) grammaticus. (10) exstare, superesse. (11) integer. (12) oiili/ 
 vita. (13) praeter. (14) contrahere. 
 
 Section xvil 
 
 229 
 
 bus, who lived at the close (15) of the fourth century 
 after Christ, under the reign of Theodosius the Great; 
 others even maintain, that they have been written, for 
 the greatest part (16), by this man. But neither of the 
 two opinions can be established (17) by sure proofs. It 
 is rather probable, that Cornelius himself, and no (18) 
 other, is the writer of that famous little book. 
 
 No. 178. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 It cannot, indeed, be denied, that in the biographies 
 of Nepos some errors are found. For, the writer has, 
 sometimes, confounded (1) men of the same name (2). 
 To (3) give one example, in the first two chapters of the 
 life of Miltiades, he has reported of this conqueror of 
 Marathon, what, for the greatest part, pertains to liis 
 uncle Miltiades, the son of Cypselus. In other things, 
 too, both historical and geographical (4) , he has some- 
 times erred. But the whole style (5) is so far from the 
 manner (6) of the Theodosian time, that, at least at this 
 age, without doubt, no one has attained a like (7) sim- 
 plicity and sweetness (8) of language. The writer de- 
 scribes the most important (9) things with the greatest 
 conciseness and clearness (10); his language, without 
 afiected beauty, is so charming and pleasant, that a 
 certain natural beauty (11) everywhere appears. Nepos 
 has not aimed at the refined elegance (12) of the Cicero- 
 nian language, but he desired to use the familiar and 
 almost common (13) kind of language; and in this he is 
 
 
 (15) sub finem. (16) maximam partem. (17) confirmare, sta- 
 bilire. (18) Gram. § 165. Note 5. 
 
 No. 178. (1) commutare. (2) ejusdem nominis, or Adject. 
 cognominis. (3) ut. (4) historicus, — geographicus. (5) scri- 
 bendi genus. (6) ratio. (7) par. (8) sua vitas. (9) gravis. (10) per- 
 spicuitas. (11) nativa venustas. (12) exculta elegantia. (13) quo- 
 tidianus. . 
 
230 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 so excellent, that lie has always greatly (14) delighted 
 the minds of his readers. — Nepos himself tells us, 
 whence he has taken (15) the materials (16) for the com- 
 position of his biographies. Foremost of all is Thucy- 
 dides, who is, without doubt, one of the greatest histo- 
 rians (17) not only of the Greeks, but of all ancient 
 nations. Besides Thucydides, Nepos made use of a 
 panegyric (18) of Agesilaus, which was formerly believed 
 to have been composed by Xenophon. But it is very- 
 probable, that it has not been written by him. Among 
 the other writers, from whose writings (19) Nepos has 
 taken many things, the most worthy of mention are 
 Theopompus, who was bom in the year 405 before 
 Christ, and wrote a history (20) of the Greeks; Dinon, 
 who lived a little later and wrote a Persian history; 
 Timaeus, who wrote a history of Sicily and Italy; and 
 Polybius, the friend of the younger Scipio, of whose 
 great work only the first five books are extant. 
 
 ft 
 
 Xo. 1?9. 
 
 Hiltiades and Histiaeus. 
 
 (Nep. Milt. Ch. 1—3.) 
 Miltiades, Cimon's son, of Athens, has increased 
 the glory, received from his forefathers, by his virtues. 
 Elected general by his fellow-citizens to organize (1) the 
 Thracian Chersonese, he, on the journey itself, reduced 
 Lemnus and other islands under the power of the 
 Athenians. By justice, bravery and good fortime he 
 obtained, in the Chersonese, within a short time, an 
 almost royal authority. But when the Persian king 
 Darius came there (2) to make war upon the Scythians, 
 
 (14) maximopere. (15) snmere, or sibi comparare. (16) re- 
 rum copia. (17) rerum scriptor. (18) laudatio. (19) scriptum, 
 also liber. (20) res gestas scribere, also historiam scribere. 
 
 No. 179. (1) constituere. (2) illuc. 
 
 Section xvii. 
 
 231 
 
 he (3) gave Miltiades the perpetual sovereignty over 
 those regions. After a bridge had been built on the 
 river Hister, the king led the army across (4) and left 
 as guardians of the bridge Miltiades and other Greeks, 
 whom he had made princes in the cities of Ionia and 
 Aeolia. For by this contrivance (5) he hoped to effect, 
 that the princes would believe their own welfare to be 
 included (6) in that of the king, and would keep Asia 
 under his power. Darius had ill luck (7) against the 
 Scythians. Messengers after messengers brought the 
 news (8), that the army was in the greatest danger (9), 
 that the king had taken to flight. Then Miltiades 
 believed, that, by fortune itself, an opportunity had 
 been given to them of freeing Greece. He called upon 
 the princes to break the bridge down, and showed (10) 
 that, if that were done, the whole army with the king 
 himself would perish within a short time; the Greeks 
 in Europe would be safe, those in Asia would be free 
 from all fear of the Persians. Not a few of the princes 
 acceded to this plan; but Histiaeus of Miletus opposed 
 it. „0n the dominion of Darius, said he, our power, 
 too, rests. If the king perishes, what hope will you 
 have? Which of you prefers to be punished by his fellow- 
 citizens to ruling under (11) Darius?" Histiaeus prevail- 
 ed (12). But though Miltiades was conscious that he had 
 been more a friend of common freedom, than of his 
 own sovereignty, he did not believe himself safe enough 
 any more (13) in the Chersonese, and returned to 
 Athens. 
 
 (3) hie. (4) trajicere, traducere. (5) ars, artificium. (6) po- 
 nere. (7) adversa fortuna uti. (8) only afferre. (9) discrimen, 
 also periculum. (10) docere, demonstrare. (11) sub. (12) vincere. 
 (13) „not — any more^^, non amplius. 
 
 
232 
 
 Part u. 
 
 No. 180. 
 
 The Battle at Marathon. 
 
 (Nep. Milt. Ch. 4—5.) 
 Under the leadership (1) of Datis and Artaphemes, 
 Darius had despatched an army of 200,000 foot and 
 10,000 horse with a fleet of 500 ships to subdue (2) 
 Greece. After Euboea had been conquered (3), the 
 immense army marched into Attica, and pitched (4) their 
 camp in the plain of Marathon. The Athenians, terri- 
 fied by the nearness of so great a danger, at once (5) 
 sent a courier to Sparta, and asked the Lacedaemonians 
 to come most speedily to their help. At home ten 
 generals were chosen to lead the army and defend the 
 city, among them Miltiades. And since, by liis valour 
 and experience in military affairs, he (6) had the greatest 
 influence (7) with all, it was determined by his advice (8) 
 to attack the enemy in the open plain. Miltiades knew 
 the minds of the Persians; he hoped tliat, if he could 
 begin the battle at once (9), his own soldiers would be 
 superior to them. The army of the Greeks consisted 
 of 9,000 Athenians and 1,000 Plateaus; of the other 
 states none had come to the help of the Athenians. 
 Miltiades had chosen (10) a suitable place for fighting 
 at the foot of a mountain; by hills and trees the hostile 
 cavalry was hindered from surrounding the small body (11) 
 of the Greeks. But the leaders of the Persians also, 
 trusting in the number of their army, were very eager 
 to fight (12), and led their troops to battle. In this 
 engagement it was perceived, how much more was 
 effected (13) by the bravery of the Greeks than by the 
 
 ^0. 180. (1) Gram. § 284, 1. (2) opprimere. Gram. § 288, 
 1. (3) Ahlat. absol. (4) ponere. (5) statim. (6) Bdative. Gram. 
 § 238. 6, esp. Note. (7) valere (= „fo have in/?."). (8) Gram. 
 § 284. 1. (9) quam primum. (10) by capere. (11) manus. 
 (12) Gram. § 286. (13) Subjunctive. 
 
 Section xvii. 
 
 233 
 
 vast number of the barbarians. The Persians were 
 completely defeated and so much frightened , that, aban- 
 doning (14) their camp, they hastened in a quick flight 
 to the ships and returned to Asia. What victory has 
 ever been more illustrious (15) than this? With a small 
 body Miltiades had overthrown the tenfold number of 
 Persians and liberated Athens and the whole of Greece 
 from the danger of servitude. So much more power 
 has (16) the love of country and freedom, than the desire 
 of sovereignty. 
 
 Xo. 181. 
 
 Death of Miltiades. 
 (Nep. Milt. Ch. 7—8.) 
 Most of the islands of the Aegean sea had sun^en- 
 dered themselves and their j^roperty to the Persians, and 
 supported them in the war against the Athenians. 
 Therefore Miltiades was sent with a fleet of 70 ships 
 to bring them back (1) under the dominion of the 
 Athenians. Many returned of their own accord to their 
 duty, others were conquered by force; the island of 
 Paros resisted most vigorously. Already was its city 
 surrounded by siege works and cut off* from all supplies; 
 already were the sheds and pent-houses erected and the 
 besiegers (2) seemed to be on the point of taking posses- 
 sion of the city: when on a sudden at night a mighty 
 fire was seen far off', wliich both armies believed to be 
 a sign given by the fleet of the Persians. Miltiades 
 feared to be surrounded by them, and, raising the 
 siege (3), returned with all his ships to Athens. The 
 
 (14) omittere. Ablat. absol. (15) praeclarus. (16) „fo have 
 power''^, posse, or valere. 
 
 No. 181. (1) reducere. (2) Transl. „and it seemed to be on 
 the point (in eo), that the besiegers {here by hostis) took p." etc. 
 (3) obsidionem omittere. Ablat. absol. 
 
234 
 
 Pakt II, 
 
 Section xvii. 
 
 235 
 
 Athenians were much offended by the return of Miltiades. 
 Therefore they accused him of treason, since he had, 
 bribed by the money of the Persians, abandoned (4) the 
 siege of Paros without bringing the affair to an issue. 
 He himself was prevented (5) by the wounds received 
 in that war from pleading his cause (6) before the judges; 
 but still his brother Stesagoras effected so much by his 
 speech, that, on inquiring into the matter, he was 
 acquitted of the capital charge. Nevertheless they 
 deemed him deserving of punishment, and condemned 
 hiTTi to a fine of 50 talents; and as this (7) sum was so 
 great, that he could not pay it, they threw him into 
 the state prison, where not long afterwards the conqueror 
 of Marathon died. But all agree (8) in this, that he 
 was not condemned on account of the crime at Paros. 
 He had frequently filled (9) the highest offices, had had, 
 in the Chersonese , the sovereignty and name of a tyrant, 
 and seemed to have obtained (10) too great a power to 
 be content (11) with the position of a private man. 
 Therefore, from fear of the tyrannis, they condemned 
 that man, who, according to the testimony of all, was 
 possessed of no less gentleness and kindness (12), than 
 of the valour and virtue of a general (13). 
 
 No. 182. 
 
 Themistocles and the Battle at Salamis. 
 
 (Nep. Them. Ch. 1—5.) 
 
 Themistocles had, in the beginning of youth, so 
 
 much estranged (1) his parents from himself by too 
 
 independent a life, that they disinherited him. But his 
 
 (4) discedere ab. (5) impedire. Gram. § 253, (6) causam 
 dicere, also se defendere, or verba facere. (7) Relative. Gram. 
 § 238. 6., esp. Note. (8) consentire. Ace. with Inf. (9) versari. 
 (10) adipisci. (11) by quam ut, and posse. (12) comitas atque 
 humanitas. (13) by the Adj. imperatorius. 
 
 No. 182. (1) abalienare. 
 
 courage was not broken by this (2) disgrace, but raised. 
 He began, with the greatest activity, to devote himself 
 to state affairs, and by his prudence and eloquence 
 proved himself so very dexterous (3) both in the assembly 
 of the people and in the discharge of business, that, in 
 a short time, no one was preferred to him. The first 
 public office, which he discharged (4) , was that of a 
 general in the Korcyrean war. At that time he per- 
 suaded the people to increase the fleet by 100 ships. 
 And when these had been built with the greatest rapid- 
 ity, he conquered the Korcyreans, crushed (5) the pirates, 
 and brought (6) great riches to Athens. It was, however, 
 to the greatest advantage of the Athenians, that (7) they 
 had become, by the advice of Themistocles, very skilled 
 in naval affairs. For Xerxes, king of the Persians, had 
 already set out with innumerable forces and a fleet of 
 1,200 men-of-war (8) against Greece to make good (9) 
 the disgrace of the defeat at Marathon. Not unjustly 
 did the Athenians fear that they especially were aimed 
 at (10). Moved by this fear they sent messengers to 
 Apollo to consult the oracle what was to be done. The 
 answer of Pythia, that the Athenians would be safest(ll) 
 behind wooden walls, was obscure. Themistocles alone 
 understood, what (12) those wooden walls meant (13), 
 and he convinced his fellow -citizens, that the fleet was 
 pointed out by Apollo. Therefore they betook themselves 
 with (14) all their property on board the ships and 
 abandoned the city, after handing over the castle to 
 the priests and a few aged (15) men. Meanwhile Leoni- 
 das with 300 Spartans had perished at Thermopylae 
 fighting most bravely. Thus (16) it happened, that, on 
 
 (2) Relative. f3) promptus. (4) (munere) fungi, (munus) ca- 
 pessere. (5) delere, opprimere. (6) conferre. (7) quod. (8) navis 
 longa. (9) sarcire. (10) petere. (11) tutus. (12) quo. (13) by 
 valere. (14) by que (See Nepoa). (15) Comparative. (16) Transl. 
 yf>y ivhich^. 
 
236 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 the ad\dce of Themistocles, fighting was done on board 
 the ships. As the common fleet of the Greeks number- 
 ed (17) but 300 ships, of which 200 belonged to the 
 Athenians, Themistocles kept himself in the straits of 
 the sea, that the multitude of the enemy might not be 
 able to surround him. 
 
 
 No. 183. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Tlie first naval battle was fought near Artemisium. 
 Neither of the two parties obtained the victory. Never- 
 theless Themistocles believed it necessary to retire (1) 
 from Artemisium, that the enemy, after doubling (2) 
 Euboea, might not press the fleet of the Greeks by a 
 twofold danger. Therefore, after abandoning (3) Arte- 
 misium, the ships were drawn up opposite Athens near 
 Salamis. In the meantime the land-forces of the Persians 
 had arrived at Athens. By order (4) of Xences the city 
 and castle were at once destroyed by fire. By its blaze 
 the Greek sea-forces were frightened in such a maimer, 
 that all, except (5) the Athenians, wished to go home 
 and to defend themselves behind their walls. Themistoc- 
 les alone convinced the generals, that the Greeks, united, 
 would be a match (6) for the Persians, but disunited 
 would have no hope of safety. But all this was insuf- 
 ficient to move (7) Eurybiades, the general of the Spar- 
 tans; therefore Themistocles used a stratagem to force 
 the united fleet of the Greeks to fight. He informed (8) 
 the king of the Persians through the most faithful of 
 his slaves, that the Greeks intended (9) to depai-t in 
 
 i 
 
 • i 
 
 (17) habere. • 
 
 No. 183. (1) discedere. Periphr. Conjug. (2) superare. Ablat. 
 absol. (3) relinquere. Ablat. absol. (4) Gram. § 221. 2. !.<, or 
 §47. II. 1. (5) praeter. (6) parem esse aliciii. (7) minus rno- 
 vere. (8) nuntiare, or certiorem facer e. (9) id agere ut. 
 
 Section xvii. 
 
 237 
 
 various directions. They could be altogether easily 
 overwhelmed, if it pleased the king to attack them at 
 once; but if he allowed (10) them to go home one by one, 
 the war would become greater and of longer duration. 
 When Xerxes heard these things, he resolved (11) at 
 once to fight on the following day. But on the one 
 hand the place was so favourable to the Greeks, and 
 on the other so unfavourable to the Persians, that 
 Themistocles with a small number of vessels completely 
 defeated the largest fleet within (12) the recollection of 
 men. But as Xerxes, even after this defeat, had still 
 such large forces, that it was to be feared, he might 
 be able, even (13) with these to oppress Greece, Themis- 
 tocles, through a second messenger, inspired (14) him 
 with the fear, that his return to Asia might be cut 
 ofi*(15), since the Greeks had determined to destroy the 
 bridge across the Hellespont. Thus it happened, that 
 XeiTces returned to Asia as quickly as possible. 
 
 No. 184. 
 
 Life and Pate of Themistocles after the Battle at 
 
 Salamis. 
 
 (Nep. Them. Ch. 6—10.) 
 The victory at Salamis, which was won(l) less by 
 the arms of the Greeks than by the prudence of Themis- 
 tocles, is not unjustly compared with the trophies of 
 Marathon. But no less great did Themistocles show 
 himself in peace. The Athenians had, at that time, 
 only the Phalerian harbour, which Themistocles deemed 
 neither large enough nor good enough. He, therefore, 
 efiected by his advice, that they built the triple harbour 
 of Piraeus, and surrounded it with walls. He caused (2) 
 
 (10) pati. Ace. with Inf. (11) constituere. (12) post. (13) vel. 
 (14) injicere alicui aliquid. (15) aliquem reditu excludere. 
 
 No. 184. (1) parerePer/: (2) curare. Gram. §.281. 3. and Note. 
 
238 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 1 
 
 also the walls of the city to be restored. But the Lace- 
 daemonians, who tried to prevent this being done, he 
 deceived (3) by a stratagem, whereby he effected, that 
 the city was enclosed (4) by the strongest walls, before 
 the Lacedaemonians were able to hinder it. For, on 
 his advice, the Athenians had prosecuted (5) the work 
 with so much ardour, that they spared neither sanctuar- 
 ies, nor tombs, but, for the construction (6) of the walls, 
 brought (7) everything that seemed fit for the fortification. 
 Thus Athens was far better fortified than formerly. By 
 these achievements (8) the authority of Themistocles had 
 grown so much, that he could as little (9) escape the 
 envy of his fellow-citizens, as Miltiades. Tlierefore, 
 they sent him, by ostracism, into exile. But as he en- 
 joyed (10) great honour, even as an exile, while living 
 at Argos, he was, during his absence, accused of trea- 
 son by the Lacedaemonians, because he had given ad- 
 vice to the king of the Persians about (11) the over- 
 throw (12) of the freedom of Greece. This being done, 
 the Athenians condemned him to death. Therefore 
 Themistocles fearing, that he might not be able to live 
 safely at Argos, fled (13) first to Corc;yTa, then to Ad- 
 metus, king of the Molossians, who after offering his 
 right hand as a pledge (14) received him under his pro- 
 tection. The king performed what he had promised; 
 for when the Athenians, in the name of the state, de- 
 manded from him the surrender (15) of Themistocles, he 
 secretly (16) sent him, with a guard, on board a vessel 
 to Pydna. 
 
 (3) fallere, frustrari. (4) saepire, also cingere. (5) facere 
 (opus). (6) exstruere. Gram. § 288. 1. (7) congerere. (8) hy 
 res gerere. (9) Gram. § 175. Note 8. (10) hy esse in honore. 
 (11) de. (12) opprimere. (13) confiigere. (14) only dextram dare. 
 
 (15) aliquem exposcere (= „to dem. the mrr. of somebody''^). 
 
 (16) clam. 
 
 Section xvn. 
 
 No. 185. 
 
 239 
 
 Chapter H. 
 
 On this journey a great storm arose and drove (1) 
 the ship towards the island of Naxos, which was, at 
 that time, being besieged (2) by the Athenians. It was 
 evident, that Themistocles must perish, if he were re- 
 cognized by them. Therefore, by many promises, he 
 prevailed (3) on the ship-master to keep the ship at 
 anchor at a distance from the island. A few days after- 
 wards they arrived at Ephesus, where Themistocles dis- 
 embarked. Thus he came to Asia under the reign (4) 
 of Artaxerxes and at once sent a letter to that king, 
 in which he asked (5) for his friendship. He said, he 
 had, indeed, fought with the king Xerxes in the battle 
 at Salamis to defend his country; after saving (6), how- 
 ever, his country, he had effected by his advice, that 
 the king, too, had been freed from a great danger. 
 For by a letter from him the king had been informed 
 of the plan of the Greeks to destroy (7) the bridge. 
 Should, therefore, Artaxerxes receive him, who had been 
 expelled from all Greece, under his protection (8) , he 
 would be to him no less a good friend, than his father 
 had experienced in him a brave enemy. Artaxerxes 
 who admired the great virtues of Themistocles, was 
 eiisily persuaded to promise his friendship to such a man. 
 After Themistocles, then, had spent (9) the space of two 
 years in learning the language of the Persians, he him- 
 self went to the king and is said to have conversed 
 with him no less easily than even the most accomplish- 
 ed (10) of the Persians. Most agreeable was to Arta- 
 
 No. 185. (1) ferre, agere. (2) obsidere, obsessum tenere. 
 (3) commovere, adducere. (4) regnare. Ahlat. ahsol. (5) petere. 
 (6) servare. Ahlat. absol. (7) dissolvere, rescindere. Gram. §286. 
 (8) in fidem recipere. (9) consumere aliquid in aliqua re. 
 (10) eruditissimus quisque. 
 
240 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 xerxes tlie ad\ice, which Themistocles laid before him 
 about the subjection (11) of the Greeks. Being splen- 
 didly rewarded he returned to Asia Minor and fixed 
 his abode at Magnesia, where he, as Thucydides, the 
 best authority (12) in these things, has handed down 
 to posterity, died of sickness. In the market-place at 
 Magnesia a statue was erected to him; his tomb is not 
 far distant from the city; but his bones are said to 
 have been brought (13) to Attica by friends and there 
 secretly buried. 
 
 No. 186. 
 
 Something (1) about Aristides. 
 (Nep. Arist. Ch. 1—3.) 
 Aristides, a contemporary of Miltiades, with whom 
 he had been general in the battle at Marathon, dis- 
 tinguished himself so much above (2) all the rest by his 
 justice, that, for that very reason, he was exiled from the 
 state by the Athenians. However, this was brought 
 about more by the eloquence of Themistocles, who was 
 his rival (3), than because (4) Aristides seemed worthy 
 of any punisliment. Even as an exile the latter tried 
 to benefit his country as much as (5) he could. After 
 the naval victory near Salamis he was recalled by the 
 people and fought, together (6) with Pausanias, the gene- 
 ral of the Lacedaemonians, at Plataeae against the army 
 of the Persians. Under their leadership (7), then, Mar- 
 donius was defeated (8) and slain; and this is the most 
 illustrious achievement of Aristides in military affairs. 
 But how great his innocence and justice was, can be 
 
 (11) subjicere. Gram. §. 289. 2. (12) by auctor alicujus rei. 
 (13) deferre, deportare. 
 
 No. 186. (1) quidam. (2) inter, or Dative. (3) obtrectator, 
 aemulus. (4) quod (Subjunct). (5) utcumque. (6) simul. (7) Gram. 
 § 284. 1. (8) profligare, fugare. 
 
 Section xvn. 
 
 241 
 
 learned from many examples. The Lacedaemonians had, 
 up to this time, been the leaders of the Greeks not only 
 on land, but had also maintained (9) the supremacy at 
 sea. Aristides who was the commander (10) of the 
 ships of the Athenians, won (11), by his moderation, 
 the hearts of all the Greeks, whereas Pausanias, the 
 leader of the common fleet, estranged them from him- 
 self (12) by his haughtiness. Whereby it happened, that 
 most of the states transferred (13) the chief command 
 of the common fleet of Greece to the Athenians, the 
 more easily to repel the barbarians, if war were re- 
 newed. Aristides, whose justice was known to all, was 
 chosen to determine the amount of money (14), which 
 was to be paid by each state into the common treasury. 
 The surest sign, however, that he was a man of the 
 greatest moderation, is this, that (15) he, though he had 
 often held (16) the chief command, yet hardly left so 
 much, when dying, wherewith to be buried. He died, 
 however, in the fourth year after the expulsion (17) of 
 Themistocles. 
 
 No. 187. 
 
 Cimon's Prudence and Merit as a General (1). 
 
 (Nep. Cim. Ch. 1—2.) 
 
 Cimon, the son of Miltiades, experienced a very hard 
 youth. For when his father had died, the son was kept 
 in the public prison, till (2) he had paid the determined 
 fine. That he might be able to effect this, Cimon gave 
 his sister Elpinice in marriage to Kallias, a very rich 
 citizen, who promised to pay the money for him. Being, 
 
 (9) obtinere. (10) praeesse, praefectum esse. (11) sibi con- 
 ciliare. (12) abalienare a se. (13) deferre. (14) only constituere 
 pecuniam. Gram. § 288. 1. (15) quod. (16) fungi, or by prae- 
 esse. (17) by post, and expellere. 
 
 No. 187. (1) virtus imperatoria. (2) dum. 
 Milller, Exercises. ^" 
 
u 
 
 242 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 Section xvn. 
 
 243 
 
 
 in this manner, restored to liberty, Cimon succeeded (3) 
 in soon attaining to the highest station (4). For he 
 distinguished himself not only by eloquence, but also 
 by the greatest liberality, and was no less skilled in 
 civil law, than in military affairs. Already from his 
 boyhood he had lived much with his father in the camp 
 and among soldiers; whence it happened, that liis autho- 
 rity with the army was always held highest. His first 
 achievements (5) as general he accomplished on the river 
 Strymon against the Thracians; after he had put these (6) 
 to flight, he founded, as Nepos reports, the city of Am- 
 phipolis, which he assigned (7) to the Athenian colonists. 
 But Thucydides says, that that city was founded by 
 another general of the Athenians. The most illustrious 
 deed of Cimon is the battle near the river Eurymedon, 
 from which he, in one day, obtained (8) a double victory. 
 For after he had, at daybreak, attacked the fleet of the 
 Persians, and taken possession of almost all the ships, 
 he at once disembarked his troops to attack the land- 
 forces of the enemy; after whose defeat (9) he also took, 
 on the same day, their camp and returned home laden (10) 
 with immense booty. On this journey he brought those 
 islands, which had attempted to fall off from the do- 
 minion of the Athenians, back to their duty; the well- 
 disposed he confirmed in their allegiance. Wlien he 
 came to Scyrus, he expelled by force of arms the Dolo- 
 pians, who were disaffected towards (11) the Athenians, 
 out of the city and island. The Thasians, who, trusting 
 in their strength, had fallen off, willingly submitted (12) 
 to him on his arrival. Of the booty a great part was 
 
 (3) contingit. Gram. § 276. 2. (4) summum locum asse- 
 qui, also hy pervenire, and principatus. (5) only res. (6) Relative. 
 
 (7) tradere, tvith incolere, or habitare. Gram. § 281. 3. Note. 
 
 (8) reportare, potiri. (9) devincere. Ablat. ahsol. (10) onustus. 
 (11) abalienatus ab. (12) se subjicere. 
 
 spent (13) on embellishing and fortifying the castle of 
 Athens. 
 
 No. 188. 
 Banishment (1), Death and Character (2) of Cimon. 
 
 (Nep. Cim. Ch. 3—4.) 
 But the Athenians, abhon-ing too great a power (3) 
 in one man, could not endure, that Cimon was alone 
 distinguished in the state, wherefore they sent him for 
 ten years into exile by ostracism. But they quickly 
 repented of this injustice. Tlierefore, in the fifth year 
 afterwards, when they had to wage (4) war with the 
 Lacedaemonians, they recalled him to Athens. But as 
 Cimon deemed it best to reconcile the two most power- 
 fid states of Greece to each other (5), he, of his own ac- 
 cord, went to Sparta, and, by his prudence, restored 
 peace. Not long afterwards he was elected (6) chief 
 commander by the Athenians and (6) sailed, with a fleet 
 of 203 sliips, to Cyprus; but after he had conquered a 
 great part of the island, he was woimded and died at 
 the siege (7) of the city of Cittium. The Athenians are 
 said to have deeply felt the loss of (8) Cimon for a long 
 time even after his death (9). No one equalled him in 
 liberality. Wherever he betook himself, he ordered ser- 
 vants to follow him with money (10), that, should any- 
 body ask anything of him, there might not be wanting(ll) 
 to him means at once to give to the needy {Sitig). In 
 his gardens and estates no one was hindered from using 
 the fruits and the other things according to his own 
 good pleasure (12). Daily he invited many to dinner 
 
 (13) conferre ad aliquid, consumere in aliqua re. 
 
 No. 188. (1) exsilium. (2) mores. (3) nimia, or nimis magna 
 potentia. (4) Petiphr. Conjng. (5) inter se. (6) Gram. § 282. 1. 
 (7) hy oppugnare. Gram. § 289. 2. (8) cum dolore, or vehe- 
 menter desiderare. (9) Gram, g 236. 1. (10) nummus {Flur.). 
 (11) deesse. (12) hy a Bdative clause with velle. 
 
 16* 
 
244 
 
 Part n. 
 
 and scarcely a day was suffered to pass, on which those 
 who were in the market-place uninvited, were not in- 
 vited (13) by himself. And he is said to have been even 
 of such a kind nature (14), that, when he saw a poor man 
 less well dressed, he often gave him his own overcoat 
 He refused nothing to any one (15); many became nch 
 through him; poor people were not unfrequently buried 
 at liis expense. Therefore it is not at aU to be wonder- 
 ed at, that he, by thus conducting himself (16), won for 
 himself the hearts of liis fellow-citizens. 
 
 Xo. 189. 
 
 MiUtary Talent (1) of Iphicrates. 
 (Nep. Iphicr. Ch. 1—3.) 
 
 IpHcrates of Athens was a man of a large bodily 
 frame (2) and a commancUng (3) appearance. But most 
 of all did his military talent shine forth, whereby he 
 effected so much, that, through his fault, nothing has 
 ever been carried out badly. In military affairs he in- 
 vented many things, others he improved; he(4) was the 
 first to make arrangement, that the footsoldiers made 
 use of longer spears and swords; the shields and corselets 
 he made lighter, and yet took care, that they not the 
 less (5) well covered the body. By this arrangement the 
 sol.iers became more nimble for action(6). As genera 
 he exercised (7) the greatest severity of discipline. His(8 
 soldiers were not only the best exercised {S„verM.), but 
 also the best in obeying their general's command; as 
 soon as the sign was given for battle, aU stood, without 
 great trouble, arrayed in their place, so that the most 
 
 (13) devocare. (14) benignitas. (15) Gram. § 68. Note 3. 
 
 ^'"^ '4o^m'' (1) ingenium. (2) corpus (= ^^^y ff^^ ^^^^ 
 peratorius. (4) Uc. (5) literally, or hy aeque. (6) res gerere. 
 Gram. § 288. 1. (7) uti. (8) hy ipse. 
 
 !! 
 
 Section xvii. 
 
 245 
 
 skilled general seemed to have drawn them up one by 
 one. After the army had thus been drilled (9) by this 
 discipline, he gained (10) for himself great glory in that 
 war, which the Athenians, at that time, waged against 
 the Lacedaemonians. Several times he put their troops 
 to flight; one division of the Lacedaemonians he inter- 
 cejited, a thing which (11) caused the greatest admiration 
 among all the Greeks. Having been placed, with the 
 permission (12) of the Athenians, by Artaxerxes over the 
 mercenaries, whom the king used in a war against the 
 Egyptians, he trained them with such great success, that 
 the Ij)hicratian soldiers in Greece were no less prais- 
 ed (13), than afterwards the Fabians among the Romans. 
 After he had returned to Greece, he was sent to the 
 help of the Lacedaemonians, and, by his speedy arrival, 
 prevented Sparta from being destroyed by Epaminondas. 
 Hence it cannot be doubted, that Iphicrates is either to 
 be preferred to, or to be believed equal (14) to the first 
 generals of the Greeks. He was also (15) a good citizen 
 and dear to his friends; therefore it happened to liim, 
 what happened to few Athenian nobles (16), that he lived 
 to an advanced age without any punishment. 
 
 f 
 
 No. 190. 
 
 Personage and Character of Epaminondas. 
 
 (Nep. Epam. Ch. 1—7, Beg.) 
 
 In presenting (1) a picture of Epaminondas nothing 
 
 must be passed over, which, after the manner of the 
 
 Greeks, ought not to be wanting in the person of the 
 
 first man in the state, though it be considered more 
 
 (9) erudire. (10) comparare, parere. (11) Gram. § 238. 5. 
 (12) pennissu. Gram. § 221. 2. 1, (13) in laude esse. (14) pa- 
 rem putare, or only comparare, conferre. (15) „/ie — a/so", idem. 
 (16) prinoeps, 
 
 No. 190. (1) exprimere. 
 
 <iul 
 
246 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 '"V. 
 
 X 
 
 Section xvn. 
 
 247 
 
 ii 
 
 ; 
 
 ?! 
 
 trifling (2) among other nations. He was bom, indeed, 
 of poor parents, though his ancestors were noble, and 
 was taught, by the most illustrious teachers, all the arts, 
 in which the best youths were usually instructed. On 
 the arts of dancing, singing and playing on the cithern 
 he spent so much labour (3), that he surpassed (4) all his 
 contemporaries in the knowledge (5) of these arts. The 
 greatest application, however, he bestowed (6) upon the 
 study of philosophy, in which he had Lysis of Taren- 
 tum, a Pythagorean, for a teacher. With him (7) he 
 exercised himself so long and with such diligence, that 
 he was not only dearest to liis teacher, but, according 
 to the agreement (8) of all, by far the most distinguished 
 of his school-fellows. As a youth he proved himself, in 
 wrestling and running, a match for the most practis- 
 ed (9); in the use of arms he was very skilful. Tliese 
 endowments (10) of the body were surpassed by many 
 virtues of the heart. For he distinguished himself no 
 less by modesty and prudence than by patience and 
 greatness of mind (11); he was temperate, gentle, and, 
 even in manhood, very desirous of learning; when in 
 company a conversation was held (12) on philosophy or 
 the administration of the commonwealth, he never re- 
 pented of the time spent in listening to these conversa- 
 tions. He himself, indeed, was poor, but he took the 
 want (13) of riches very easy. Nevertheless he very 
 often supported others with money. For if any one of 
 his fellow-citizens needed help, Epaminondas conducted 
 himself so (14), that he seemed to have all things in 
 
 (2) levis. (3) operam conferre ad, or in aliquid^ operam na- 
 vare alicui rei. (4) superare, antecedere. (5) peritia, scientia. 
 (6) See 3. J or studium consumere in aliqua re. (7) Relative, 
 (8) consensus. Gram. § 221, 2, 1, (9) exercitare. (10) bonum. 
 (11) literally, or magnus animus. (12) sermonem habere, dispu- 
 
 tare, disserere. (13) facile carere (= „fo take the want of 
 
 easy^^). (14) sic se gerere, or talem se praestare. 
 
 common with his friends. For he liimself prescribed (15), 
 how much of his property each of the friends should 
 contribute to support (16) the needy {Sing.). But he 
 always effected, that he who received knew, by whom 
 each thing in particular had been given. 
 
 Xo. 191. 
 
 Chapter II, 
 
 Of his disinterestedness Epaminondas gave an illus- 
 trious example, when king Artaxerxes attempted to bribe 
 him with gold through a certain Diomedon. Diomedon 
 had brought (1) with him an immense amount of gold 
 to Thebes, and he hoped that Epaminondas could be 
 won over to his side (2) by the aid of a youth Micjrthus, 
 whom he (3) exceedingly (4) loved. And Micythus, in- 
 deed, was easily won (5) by Diomedon. But as Epa- 
 minondas heard of the affair, he summoned both before 
 him (6), and ordered Micythus at once to give back the 
 money which he had received. Diomedon, indeed, he 
 forgave for (7) having held him on a level with himself, 
 and for believing, that he would prefer gold to the love 
 of his country; but yet he sent him quickly out of the 
 city, that he might not also tempt (8) others with that 
 money. He caused even Diomedon to be brought, with 
 a guard, to Athens. And he said, that he did this, not 
 on account of Diomedon, but for his own sake; for if 
 that gold were taken away from him (9), it could easily 
 be said, that Epaminondas himself had taken the stolen 
 money, which, when offered, he had refused. — Epa- 
 minondas is also deserving of the greatest praise on ac- 
 count of his love of truth which was so great in him. 
 
 (15) imperare, praecipere. (16) Gram. § 288. 1, 
 Xo. 191. (1) afferre. (2) ad voluntatem perducere. (3) ille. 
 (4) maxime. (5) capere. (6) ad se vocare. (7) by a clause with 
 quod and Suhjund, (8) temptare (tentare). (9) ille. 
 
248 
 
 Pabt n. 
 
 that he, not even for the sake of a joke, ever uttered a 
 lie. In suffering (10) offences he was ver}^ patient, and 
 to be angry either with one's friends or country he 
 deemed unlawful. But although the Thebans were in- 
 ferior to the rest of the Greeks in eloquence, yet Epa- 
 minondas proved himself so terse (11) in his answers and 
 so elegant (12) in speech, that he was considered equal (13) 
 to the most renowned orators of his time. The most 
 brilliant specimen of eloquence he gave as ambassador 
 of the Thebans at Sparta, before the battle at Leuctra 
 For by that speech, which he delivered in the presence* 
 of the embassies of most of the Grecian states, he effect- 
 ed, that many of them soon afterwards detached them- 
 selves (14) from the alliance with the Lacedaemonians, 
 and he impaired their power thereby almost as much, 
 as by the very victory at Leuctra. With (Ahlat.) tliis 
 character, therefore, it is not to be wondered at, if 
 Epaminondas, in the time of peace, was considered the 
 first man in the state. 
 
 No. 192. 
 
 Military Exploits (1) and Death of Epaminondas. 
 
 (Nep. Epam. Ch. 7—10.) 
 
 When the Lacedaemonians, expelled from Tliebes 
 by Pelopidas, invaded Boeotia with a select (2) body of 
 troops, Epaminondas was sent as chief commander with 
 an army to repel them. He, then, fought that famous 
 battle at Leuctra, by wliich the power of the Lacedae- 
 monians was overthrown (3) , and not only was Thebes 
 saved from ruin, but the freedom of the other states of 
 Greece was also restored. Not long afterwards the The- 
 
 (10) ferre, perferre. Gram. § 289. 2. (11) concinnus, promp- 
 tus. (12) ornatus. (13) parem putare. (14) discedere, se se 
 parare. 
 
 ^a. 192. (1) ^Military exploits''''^ by res bello gerere. (2) de- 
 ligere. (3) prosternere. 
 
 "Section xvii. 
 
 249 
 
 bans, from envy, chose another leader, who was very 
 inexiDcrienced in war. Epaminondas was in the army 
 as a common soldier (4). Under (5) that leader, how- 
 ever, such great mistakes were made, that the army of 
 the Thebans was shut up in a very narrow place and 
 besieged by the enemy. Most despaired (6) of safety; 
 of Epaminondas alone it was believed that help should 
 be asked. He, then, unmindful of the disgrace receiv- 
 ed, conducted the army with such great care (7), that 
 he freed it from the greatest danger and restored (8) 
 it unimpaired to his country. — Very famous is that 
 capital trial (9), which, through the envy of his adver- 
 saries, Epaminondas had to undergo (10). As chief com- 
 mander he had, with two colleagues , one of whom was 
 Pelopidas, marched the army of the Thebans into Pelo- 
 ponnesus. But his adversaries at home persuaded the 
 people, to give (11) the management (12) of that war 
 over to other generals. Epaminondas, who had per- 
 ceived their inexperience in warfare, believed that he 
 should not obey (13) the decree of the people, lest the 
 whole army might perish. Therefore both he himself 
 and his colleagues kept the chief-command four months 
 longer, than they had been conmianded by the people. 
 Then, after the war, which he had undertaken, had 
 been successfuUy finished (14), he, with his coUeagues, 
 led the army back from Peloponnesus, and, after he ar- 
 rived at Thebes, he laid down (15) the chief-command 
 in the assembly of the people. 
 
 (4) gregarius miles, or privatus numero militis. (5) Only 
 Ahlat. (6) desperare aliquid, or de aliqua re. (7) diligentia. 
 (8) reducere. (9) causa capitis. (10) subire. PeHphr. Conjug. 
 (11) tradere, committere. (12) gerere. Gram. § 281. 3. Note. 
 (13) parere. Beriphr. Conjug. (14) feliciter gerere. (15) se abdi- 
 care. Gram. § 282. 2. 1. 
 
 
250 
 
 Part n. 
 
 
 No. 193. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 By a law of the Thebans capital punishment had 
 been established, if any one kept the chief- command 
 longer, than a decree of the people allowed (1). Accord- 
 ing to (2) this law, then, the adversaries of Epaminondas, 
 omitting (3) him, accused his colleagues. But by the 
 latter the whole affair was thrown (4) upon Epaminondas, 
 what he himself had ordered them to do. Therefore 
 they, indeed, were acquitted, but he (5) was summoned 
 before the court (6). Here he frankly (7) said, that he 
 must confess to whatever had been laid as a crime 
 upon him; there was, then, no doubt, that, according 
 to (8) the law, he could be punished with death. But 
 one thing he would ask of the judges, that they might 
 make him an inscription to this effect: „Theban judges 
 have condemned Epaminondas to death, because he has 
 freed Thebes and all Greece from the tyranny of the 
 Spartans; because he has overthrown, by that one battle 
 at Leuctra, the most powerful (9) enemies of the common 
 liberty and invested their city; because by his chief- 
 command he has so much increased (10) the glory and 
 power of the state, that the Thebans have obtained (11) 
 the principality of all Greece." After these words he 
 was dismissed from the court amid (12) the laughter of 
 all, and with the greatest glory, as none of the judgts 
 was willing to pronounce sentence upon him. Towards 
 the end (13) of his life Epaminondas led, as chief 
 commander, for the fourth time, an army of the Thebans 
 into Peloponnesus. The battle was fought with the 
 Lacedaemonians near Mantinea. Epaminondas, himself 
 
 :No. 193. (1) per populi scitum licet. (2) otUy AUat. (3) praeter- 
 mittere. (4) transferre. (5) hie. (6) in judicium vocare. (7) li- 
 bere, ingenue. (8) secundum. (9) potens. (10) amplificare. 
 (11) adipisci, or pervenire ad. (12) cum. (13) Gram. § 2S7. 3. 
 
 Section xvin. 
 
 251 
 
 fighting most bravely among the first after drawing up 
 the battle-line, was recognized by the enemy. As these 
 beHeved, that the Thebans' entire hope of victory 
 rested(14) on Epaminondas only, they unitedly ruslied(15) 
 upon him alone with so violent an attack, that, on both 
 sides, a vast slaughter was made and many were kiUed 
 Epaminondas himself fell (16), pierced with a deadly 
 weapon. The iron-point of the spear remained in the 
 body. He could not doubt, that he must die (17), as 
 soon as it were drawn out. Therefore, he kept it in, 
 as long as the fight continued. But after the victorj^ 
 of the Thebans had been announced, he said: „I have 
 lived long enough; for I die unvanquished". Then he 
 ordered the iron to be drawn out and so died. And 
 with (18) him sank the splendour (19) of Thebes, which, 
 having been made by him the head of all Greece, neither 
 before his birth, nor after his death has ever been frea 
 from foreign dominion. 
 
 
 SECTION xvin. 
 Various Stories from Ovid. 
 
 No. 194. 
 
 The Poet P. Ovidius Naso. 
 PubUus Ovidius Naso is one of the most distin- 
 guished poets of the age of Augustus. Of his life he 
 himself relates the following: He was bom at Sulmo, 
 in the country of the Paelignians, in the year 43 before 
 Christ, under the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, one 
 of whom was kiUed in the battle of Mutina against 
 M. Antonius, the other was wounded and died after- 
 
 (14) positum esse, also situm esse. (15) irruere in aliquem, 
 petere aliquem. (16) concidere. (17) Feriphr, Conjug. (18) simul 
 cum. (19) majestas. 
 
 m 
 
252 
 
 Pabt n. 
 
 I 
 
 wards. He belonged (1), from the time of his fore- 
 fathers, to the equestrian order. His brother was one 
 year older, than himself, but was bom on the same day, 
 so that this day, as 0\dd liimself relates, was celebrated by 
 two cakes (2). It is also mentioned by the poet, that his 
 birthday was on a certain festival (3) of Minerva, — which 
 feastday(4) was called Quinquatrus by the Eomans, — 
 whence we learn, that he was bom en the 20^^^ of March(o). 
 The two brothers were, as boys, first instmcted at 
 Sulmo; but the fother, a wealthy (6) and pmdent man, 
 soon brought (7) them to Eome, and entrusted them, 
 for further refinement (8), to the most renowned teachers. 
 At Eome the elder brother devoted himself (9) with the 
 greatest eagerness to eloquence, and exercised himself 
 much and diligently in the schools of the rhetoricians (10), 
 that he might become, according to (11) the father's 
 wish, a useful orator and pleader of causes (12). But 
 Publius found no delight (13) in these occupations, and 
 gave himself entirely up to poetry, which the had 
 loved (14) from his boyhood. This was displeasing to 
 the fiither. „Wliy do you practise (15) this useless occu- 
 pation, said he, from which you will have no profit? 
 Homer himself left no wealth behind him." Moved by 
 such admonitions he resolved (16) to give up (17) his 
 poetical occupations and devote himself to eloquence. 
 But his speech turned(18) of itself into proper rythms(19). 
 „ Whatever I attempted to say, was a verse", says he him- 
 self; and therefore he persevered (20) in the same pursuit, 
 to which nature impelled him, even then, when, together 
 with his brother, he had taken the manly gow n. 
 
 Xo. 194. (1) esse, tvith Genit. (2) libum. (3) dies festu?. 
 (4) here Phir., dies festi. (5) See Gram. § 347. (6) locuples. 
 (7) deducere. (8) excolere. Gram. § 281. 3. with Note. (9) in- 
 cumbere ad, or in aliquid. (10) rhetor. (11) ex. (12) patronus 
 causarum. (13) non delectari. (14) adamare. (15) tractare. 
 (16) constituere. (17) omittere, relinquere. (18) venire. (19) nu- 
 merus. (20) permanere. 
 
 Section xvni. 
 
 253 
 
 No, 195. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 The brother of the poet died at the age of twenty 
 years, and Publius, to obey his father, again betook 
 himself to the study of eloquence. He listened to the 
 lectures (1) of the most renowned rhetoricians of his 
 time, of Porcius Latro and Arellius Fuscus, and exercised 
 himself with (2) them in speaking(3). The rhetorician M. 
 Annaeus Seneca, who was an intimate friend of Latro^ 
 relates the following about Ovid: „I remember to have 
 heard (4) Naso declaim (5) with the rhetorician Arellius 
 Fuscus, whose hearer he was. He was also (6) an 
 admirer of Latro, though he pursued a different kind 
 of speaking. His speech, then, could not be considered 
 anything else but a poem without metre (7). But he 
 so eagerly listened to Latro, that he has transferred 
 many of his maxims (8) into his own verses. He was, 
 however, considered a good orator, and, as it seemed 
 to me, he delivered that controversial discourse (9) far 
 more ingeniously (10), than Arellius Fuscus, except, 
 that (11) he went through the single points (12) without 
 a certain order". A little later Seneca thus continues: 
 „But Naso very seldom delivered controversial discourses; 
 he rather liked to pronounce hortatory speeches (13); all 
 argumentation was annoying to him. He used the 
 words, by no means, without restraint (14) , except in 
 poems, in which he did not ignore his faults, but he 
 loved them. Once his friends requested him to blot 
 out (15) from his poems three verses, which displeased 
 them. He himself, in return (16), requested them ta 
 
 Xo. 195. (1) declamatio. (2)apud. (3) declamare. (4) Gmm. 
 .f 274, 2, (5) Gram. §284.4.2. (6) idem. (7) solutus (= ,,with- 
 out m."). (8) sententia. (9) controversia. (10) ingeniosus. (11) ex- 
 cepto eo, qiiod. (12) per locos discurrere. (13) suasoria. (14) li- 
 center. (15) tollere. (16) contra. 
 
 J; 
 
 m 
 
 H 
 
254 
 
 Pabt II. 
 
 
 accept three verses, against which nothing should be 
 objected by them. The condition (17) seemed fair. The 
 former secretly wrote down the three verses which they 
 wished to be blotted out (18), the latter those which he 
 wished to remain intact. After the papers had been 
 opened (19), on both sides the very same verses were 
 found written." Seneca adds also: „ Hence it follows, 
 that to this man of the highest talent not the judgment 
 was wanting for restraining his licentiousness (20) of 
 language, but the will (21). Sometimes he said, that 
 that fac3 was handsomer (22) , on which there was some 
 blemish (23)." Now, after we have inserted (24) what 
 Seneca has recorded, let us return to the narration of 
 the poet himself. After finishing (25) liis studies, he 
 began to discharge cartain little offices; but soon he 
 was so much disgusted with all business, that he ab- 
 andoned (26) it altogether, and again devoted himself 
 entirely to poetry. He was a familiar friend of the 
 most illustrious poets of that time, especially to Pro- 
 pertius, Aemilius Macer, Cornelius Bassus. „Melodiout 
 (27) Horace fascinated (28) also our ears," says he. He 
 only saw Virgil, who was much (29) older; „a sad 
 fate (30)" kept him away from the poet Tibullus. His 
 first poems acquired for Ovid the greatest renown in 
 all Rome; but they were, for the most part, as the 
 life of the poet itself, full of frivolity (31) and lasciv- 
 iousness (32) , and he threw many, with his own hand, 
 into the fire. 
 
 (17) lex. (18) Gram. § 274. 3. (19) codicillos aperire. 
 (20) compescere licentiam. Gram. § 288. L (21) animus. (22) de- 
 cens. (23) naevus. (24) interponere. (25) absolvere. (26) ab- 
 jicere. (27) numerosus. (28) tenere. (29) aliquanto. (30) „amara 
 fata". (31) levitas. (32) lascivia. 
 
 Section xvm. 
 
 255 
 
 No. 196. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 When Ovid was about fifty years old, a serious 
 calamity befeU hiin(l). By some misconduct (2) , the 
 nature of which (3) is entirely unknown, he aroused the 
 most violent anger of Augustus, and was sent away(4) 
 by him as an exile to Tomi, a city, which is situated 
 m Moesia, on the Euxine Sea. Rome and the pleasures 
 of the great city had always rendered the poet most 
 happy (5); the more violently he was cast down by this 
 banisliment, in which he, excluded from aU intercourse (6) 
 ^-ith friends and learned men, was forced almost exclu- 
 sively to live among barbarians. Ovid's father, an old 
 man of ninety years, likewise his mother, had died 
 shortly before, and the son consoled himself somewhat (7) 
 in (8) the grief of his exile by the thought, that his 
 parents had not participated in that grief But he had 
 to leave his wife and his daughter at Eome. All en- 
 treaties and lamentations of the poet, all intercession (9) 
 of his friends were ineffectual and useless; neither 
 Augustus nor Tiberius allowed him to return to Eome, 
 nor even (10) to choose another abode; and thus he died' 
 after an exile of ten years, in the year 17. after Christ^ 
 at Tomi, and was bimed in the same place. — Ovid, 
 from his early youth, wi'ote very many poems, the 
 earnest of which chiefly treated (11) of love-affairs (12). 
 When about thirty years old, he published a tragedy, 
 Medea, of which QuintiHan says, that it showed, how 
 much that man might have been able to accomplish, if 
 he had preferred (13) to restrain (14) his talent instead 
 
 Xo. 196. (1) affligere. (2) facinus. (3) quod quale fuerit. 
 (4) relegare. (5) beatus. (6) consuetude et usus. (7) aliquan- 
 tulum. (8) consolari aliquid. (9) deprecatio {Plur.) (10) aut 
 saltern. (11) versari in aliqua re. (12) amores. (13) malle. 
 (14) temperare. 
 
256 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 of (15) indulging it (16). The most celebrated of all tlie 
 poems of Ovid are the fifteen books of Transformations, 
 in which the poet sets forth (17) selected fables of the 
 ancients on the changes (18) of things from the origin 
 of the world to that time, at which JuHus Caesar is 
 said to have been changed into a star. In this poem 
 Ovid used the heroic metre, whereas he preferred the 
 elegiac metre in his other poems. When the Metamor- 
 phoses had hardly been finished, and the poet was 
 occupied with the composition of another great poem, 
 which is entitled Fasti, that misfortune happened, 
 whereby he was sent into exile. Thus it came to pass, 
 that of the Fasti, in which the origin of the festivals 
 and religious rites (19), with the Romans is described, 
 only six books have been finished (20), which refer (21) 
 to the six first months of the year. In the exile itself 
 Ovid wrote still two larger collections (22) of poems, viz. 
 five books of Tristia, and four books of Epistolae ex 
 Ponto. In these poems are partly described the dangers 
 and sufferings of the voyage and the sad life at Tomi, 
 partly are his friends entreated to ask (23) of Augustus 
 a more tolerable situation (24) for the poet. Many of 
 his letters, especiaUy those, which he wrote to his wife, 
 are of exquisite tenderness (25) and beauty (26); but 
 from each (27) shines forth the greatest sorrow and an 
 ardent yearning for his native country. - All the poems 
 of Ovid have come forth (28) from the richest talent, 
 and been written with so much faciUty and charm (29), 
 that hardly anything similar can be found. But espe- 
 ciaUy the Metamorphoses have, at all times, been much 
 read (30), and must always be most particularly (31) 
 
 recommended (32) to b oys and youths. 
 
 (15) here quam. (16) indulgere alicui. (17) explicare. (18) com- 
 mutare. (19) caerimonia {= „relig, rite-). (20) absolvere, adfinem 
 perducere. (21) pertinere. (22) volumen, corpus. (23) iinpetrare. 
 (24) sors. (25) suavitas. (26) venustas. (27) singuli. (28) pro- 
 ficisci. (29) gratia. (30)lectitare. (31)maxiinopere. (32) commendare. 
 
 Section xviii. 
 
 No. 197. 
 
 257 
 
 The Pour Ages of the World. 
 (Ovid. Metain. I. 89—130.) 
 Under the reign of Saturn, who was the oldest of 
 the Gods, the Golden Age is said to have been on 
 earth. Men practised virtue and righteousness, and 
 abstained from all evil deeds out of love of rectitude, 
 not for fear of punishment. There was no need(l) of 
 laws and judges; without them people lived in safety. 
 Contented with that food, which the earth produced (2) 
 of its own accord, they passed through (3) life without 
 molestation and labour. Navigation at sea, to get 
 acquainted with foreign shores, was unknown; unknown 
 were helmet and sword; no soldiers were required; no 
 war was feared; all enjoyed tranquillity, free from care. 
 Tliere was a perpetual spring on earth, so that men 
 were not in need (4) of houses. The fields were not 
 ploughed, and yet they produced fruits; there was no 
 seed (5) sown, and yet the fields were covered with the 
 most beautiful flowers. The earth was flowing (6) with 
 milk and honey, and it yielded, without any compulsion, 
 that which everybody wished. When, after the expid- 
 sion(7) of Saturn, Jupiter had taken possession of the 
 dominion of the world, the golden times at once 
 ceased (8); in their stead came (9) the Silver Age. Many 
 things soon became worse. Jupiter made four seasons 
 of the year; the heat (10) of summer followed the short 
 spring, and after unsteady autumns cold winters return- 
 ed. Then for the first time did men long (11) for houses, 
 and they lived partly in caverns, partly in huts (12), 
 made of twigs. The fields now began to be ploughed, 
 
 No. 197. (1) opus est. (2) ferre. (3j degere. (4) indigere 
 egere. (5) semen (Plur.). (6) affluere. (7) expellere, exigere. 
 (8) desinere. (9) subire in. (10) ardor {Plnr.). (11) quaerere, 
 petere. (12) casa, tugurium. 
 
 MUller, Exercises. 17 
 
258 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 and seed to be sown; labour and exertion were necessary 
 to obtain, what (13) to live on. But crimes were absent, 
 and virtue was honoured; concord and peace united (14) 
 men with one another. In the Brazen Age weapons 
 were already used, and wars were waged, but without 
 cruelty and perfidj^ But in the fourth or the Iron Age 
 all wickedness broke out (15) among men; virtues took 
 to flight; fraud and artifice succeeded in their place, and 
 the whole of human life was changed (16). This Iron 
 Age seems still to thrive (17) in our own time. 
 
 Xo. 198. 
 
 The Flood of Deucalion (1). 
 (Ovid. Metam. I. 260—347.) 
 Men had, by crimes (2) and impiety, aroused the 
 anger of the Gods, so that Jupiter resolved to destroy 
 the whole race by a vast flood. After he had, therefore, 
 locked up the other winds, that they might not di'ive 
 away the clouds from (3) the sky, he despatched Notus. 
 and ordered him to fill the whole air with dark clouds, 
 and to pour out a dense shower on the earth. The 
 latter obeyed with so great alacrity, that, in a short 
 time, the crops lay (4) prostrate, and the husbandman 
 saw and lamented the long labours of a whole year 
 ruined; but the enraged Jupiter prepared (5) still greater 
 suflerings(6) for men. He called his brother Neptune, 
 the God of the seas and rivers, to his aid. In a short 
 time the whole (7) earth was flooded (8), and everj^thing 
 seemed to be one immense sea. Then sad wondei*s 
 
 (13) AUat, or unde (mth Verb, finit), (14) conjungere, or 
 conciliare inter se. (15) erumpere inter, or irrumjjere in. (16) com- 
 mutare. (17) vigere. 
 
 No. 198. (1) diluvium Deucalioneum, or Deucalionis. (2) sce- 
 lus, flagitium. (3) de. (4) jacere. (5) parare, meditari. (6) ma- 
 lum, calamitas. (7) uni versus. (8) inuudare. 
 
 Section xviii. 
 
 259 
 
 happened. Where some tower or hill was standing out, 
 it was taken possession of by men; others were sitting 
 on trunks of trees (9), or in boats, sailing, without hope 
 on the surface of the waters. Fishes were seen to hang 
 on the trees, stags to swim through the waves; wolves 
 were carried about among sheep, tigers among lambs; 
 cities and groves were buried beneath the waters; and 
 on (10) the highest mountains sea-calves and dolphins 
 were pasturing. Frightened (11) birds were flying about, 
 and after they had been long seeking a place, where 
 they might be able to alight (12), one after (13) the 
 other dropped into the waters, their wings being wearied 
 out (14). Men and beasts were buried in the waves; 
 the destruction spared no one; he who seemed to escape 
 death in the waves, succumbed to hunger and cold; all 
 life on earth perished. Only on one man out of so 
 many thousands, and only on one woman Jupiter had 
 mercy, and resolved to save them. None had been 
 better on earth than these two. In a small boat (15) 
 Deucalion, the son of Prometheus, with Pyrrha, his 
 wife, was borne (16) uninjured (17) over the surface of 
 the waters, and carried (18), by the will of Jupiter, to 
 the highest top of Parnassus. Then Jupiter sent the 
 north-wind to scatter the clouds and open the serene sky; 
 he restrained also the anger of the sea and rivers, and 
 ordered the waters to subside. Soon the mountains and 
 hills and forests came forth (19) from the waters; the 
 earth itself appeared, and the old order of things seemed 
 to return. 
 
 (9) only truncus. (10) per, or super, or in. (11) anxius, pa- 
 Jidus, trepidus. (12) considere. (13) super. (14) lassare, de- 
 tatigare. (15) cymba. (16) vehi. (17) incolumis. (18) deferre. 
 (19) exire, prodire. 
 
 t 
 
 17* 
 
 :i. 
 
260 
 
 I 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 No. 199. 
 
 Section xvni. 
 
 261 
 
 Origin of the New Human Baee. 
 (Ovid. Metam. I. 349—415.) 
 The whole earth was covered (1) with deep silence, 
 and bore but two living beings (2). Not even these had 
 a sure confidence in their lives, and the dangers, through 
 which they had passed (3), terrified their minds. They 
 saw, that in both of them the whole human race remain- 
 ed; and what could console the surviver, if the one 
 were taken away from the other by death? „0h that 
 I might also be able, said Deucalion, as my father Pro- 
 metheus, to form men from clay (4) and pour souls into 
 them!"* While they thus were weeping in their sadness, 
 they asked the Gods for help. It pleased them to con- 
 sult the oracle, which Themis, the oldest Goddess, 
 possessed at the foot (5) of Mount Parnassus. The 
 Goddess suffered herself to be moved by their piety and 
 prayers, and answered them thus: „Depart from this 
 temple, and, with covered heads, throw the bones of 
 the great mother behind your backs (6); and to you will 
 be given what you have desired". They were amazed(7) 
 at this answer, and it seemed to them a sin to do what 
 the Goddes had advised; Pyrrha believed that she must 
 fear to injure the shade of her mother, if she threw her 
 bones about. But Deucalion frequently (8) repeated 
 within himself the obscure words of the Goddess, and 
 finally seemed to understand their meaning: „ Oracles 
 are not impious, said he to his wife; the great mother 
 is the earth, but her bones are the rocks, and we have 
 been commanded by the Goddess to throw stones behind 
 
 No. 199. (1) obtinere. (2) animans (= ..living heing""). (3) de- 
 fungi (= „fo pass through — ".). (4) limus. (5) radices. (6)^ post 
 tergum, or terga. (7) obstupefieri , obstiipescere. (8) identidem, 
 frequenter. 
 
 our backs". Doubtful, indeed, of what would happen(9), 
 they resolved to make the attempt (10). And they saw 
 a new miracle come to pass. For, the stones, which 
 were cast by the hand of Deucalion, were changed into 
 men; but those, which Pyrrha threw, became women. 
 And from this origin all have sprung, who have lived 
 afterwards. What wonder, then, if men are a hardy 
 race, and too often similar in their hearts to stones? 
 
 No. 200. 
 
 Origin of the City of Thebes. 
 (Ovid. Metam. III. 1—130.) 
 Europa, the daughter of Agenor, king of the Phoe- 
 nicians, had been ravished (1) and carried away (2) by 
 Jupiter to another part of the world. From a yearning 
 for his lost daughter, the father ordered his son Cadmus 
 to search the whole earth, until (3) he found his sister; 
 and if he did not find her (4), Agenor proposed to him 
 the punishment of exile. After Cadmus had in vain 
 wandered through all coimtries, he went to Delphi to 
 the oracle of Apollo, to consult the God, in which 
 country he should (5) remain and live. And ApoUo 
 answered him: „FoUow the cow, which you wHl see (6) 
 coming to meet you. Under her guidance you will find 
 the land, where the walls of a new city must be built 
 by you. But the country itself shall (7) be called Boeotia 
 after the cow." On this answer of the oracle Cadmus 
 descended from Mount Parnassus and determined to do 
 what had been commanded him by the God. Scarcely 
 had he come down into the valley, when the cow, 
 
 (9) fieri; but for Fut. StibJ. see Gram. ^ 144. i, end. (10) pe- 
 riculum facere. 
 
 Xo. 200. (1) rapere. (2) deducere. (3) dum. (4) Relative, 
 Gram. § 238. 6. (5) Feri;pJir. Conjug. (6) Gram. # J28L 4. 2. 
 (7) Future. 
 
262 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 Section xviii. 
 
 263 
 
 r 
 
 announced (8) by the oracle, presented herself (9) to his 
 eyes. Unguarded she went along (10), and seemed never 
 to have borne a yoke. He joyfully followed her foot- 
 steps, and thanked Apollo, who had sent him this leader 
 of the way. After they had left Phocis, and come to 
 an unknown region, the cow stood still and filled the 
 air with great bellowings; and looking around (11) at 
 those who followed her, she lay down upon the ground. 
 Then Cadmus perceived, that this land had been given 
 him by the Gods. He thanked them, kissed the stranger 
 land, and saluted the unknown grounds and fields. But 
 when he was about to offer up sacrifices to Jupiter, his 
 servants, who had been ordered to fetch (12) water, were 
 killed by a huge serpent. Cadmus himself, however, 
 pierced the serpent with a spear, and, at the advice of 
 Minerva, he sowed (13) its teeth in long furrows (14), 
 out of which at once armed men grew up (15). But 
 these made war (16) upon one another, and the one fell 
 by the sword of the other. Only five survived; and 
 these Cadmus took (17) as companions, when he built 
 the castle of Thebes. 
 
 No, 201. 
 
 Haughtiness and Fall of Niobe. 
 
 (Ovid. Metam. VI. 146—312.) 
 Niobe, the daughter of Tantalus, king of Phrygia, 
 had married Amphion, king of Thebes. The renown of 
 her husband, the nobility of her fiimily, power and 
 beauty, and above (1) all this a progeny of seven sons 
 and seven daughters, might (2) have rendered her the 
 
 (8) indicare, promittere. (9) se offerre, apparere. (10) in- 
 cedere. (11) circumspicere aliquem. (12) petere. (13) spargere. 
 (14) sulcus. (15) procreari, gigni. (16) oppugnare, bello persequi. 
 (17) uti, sumere. 
 
 No. 201. (1) super. (2) posse. Gram. §247. II. 2, 
 
 happiest of mothers. But this, indeed, puffed her up (3) 
 with so much pride, that she was unwilling to yield (4) 
 even to the Gods. Once when the prophetess (5) Manto, 
 the daughter of Tiresias, urged by a divine impulse' 
 exhorted the Theban women to offer up sacrifices to 
 Latona and her two children, and to celebrate a festive 
 day, all obeyed, adorned the temples with foliage and 
 garlands, and wliile praying (6) burned frankincense on 
 all the altars. But this piety aroused the pride of Niobe. 
 With a large attendance she came into the assembly (7), 
 most brilliantly attired in garments and gold; but her 
 anger hindered her from appearing beautiful. Haughtily 
 casting her eyes around (8), she stood in the midst of 
 the crowd, and by her very look she seemed to demand(9) 
 for herself divine honours. „What madness, said she, 
 has taken hold of your minds? Wliy do you worship 
 Gods that you have only heard of (10), and neglect those 
 whom you see? Why is frankincense burned to Latona 
 rather than to my Godhead? I am the daughter of 
 Tantalus, who alone of the mortals was allowed to 
 dine (11) with the Gods; the handsomest of the Pleiades 
 is my mother, and Atlas and most high Jupiter are my 
 grand-sires. Me all Phrygia worships, me the palace of 
 Cadmus acknowledges as mistress, by me and my hus- 
 band the people of Thebes are governed. I have im- 
 mense riches; in beauty I yield to none of the God- 
 desses. To this add my seven sons and as many daugh- 
 ters, and the daughters-in-law and the sons-in-law, who 
 will soon be added (12), and I ask, whether (13) I cannot 
 justly be proud. Who will, therefore, dare to place me 
 after Latona, the mother of fourteen children after the 
 
 (3) inflare. (4) cedere, inferiorem esse. (5) vates. (6) pre- 
 cari. (7) contio. (8) circumferre. (9) efflagitare, exposcere. 
 (10) audire de aliquo. (11) cenare (coenare), accumbere. (12) hy 
 accedere. (13) ^whether — mt'', Gram. § 176, 1. 
 
264 
 
 Part u. 
 
 Section xvin. 
 
 265 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 mother of two? I am too happy to (14) fear fortune; 
 and though it (15) takes from me some of the children, 
 yet I shall never be as bereft as Latona. Therefore lay 
 down the garlands, and go away to your homes'*. 
 
 No. 202. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Without performing (1) the sacrifices the women left 
 the temples, and having returned home, they worshipp- 
 ed the Goddess in silent prayers. But Latona grew in- 
 dignant (2) at the haughtiness of Niobe, and on the top 
 of Cynthus she thus addressed her cliildren: „1 have 
 always considered (3) myself the happiest of mothers, 
 because you are my children. But now I, who am in- 
 ferior in dignity only to Juno, have been despised by a 
 mortal woman, and if you do not come to my aid, I 
 shall, for the future (4), be without the sacrifices and 
 the honours of the Gods. And that is not yet enough; 
 the daughter of Tantalus added also abusive words, pre- 
 ferred her children to you, and called me cliildless. Oh 
 that this (5) calamity may fall back on her own head!'* 
 When Latona was going to add still entreaties to these 
 complaints, Phoebus and Diana unanimously (6) said: 
 „Cease, mother, to say more. The punishment of haugh- 
 tiness will not delay". And gliding down through the 
 air in swift flight (7) they seated themselves (8) , armed 
 with bow and arrows, on the top of the castle of Thebes. 
 Near the castle there was an extensive plain, where the 
 noble youths of the Thebans were wont to amuse them- 
 selves with riding (9) and dri\'ing (10). The sons of 
 
 (14) Gram. § 257, end. (15) Bdatix-e. 
 
 :No. 202. (1) ^wifhmt perf.'', by infectus. Ablat absol. (2) in- 
 dignari de aliqua re. (3) putare, existimare, or sibi videri. 
 (4) in posterum. (5) Bdative. (6) uno ore. (7) volatus. (8) con- 
 jsidere. (9) equitare. (10) vehi. 
 
 Niobe were also there, given up to toil and play. Sud- 
 denly out of the cheerful crowd of the players a melan- 
 choly (11) cry was heard. „Woe to me, the poor (fellow) 
 said, and pierced by the arrow of Phoebus, the oldest 
 of the sons of Niobe feU dying down from the horse. 
 The second immediately followed liim. The third and 
 fourth had gone (12) to the exercises of the palaestra 
 and, wrestling, had embraced each other; one arrow of 
 the God pierced them both. And the fifth and the sixth 
 had also fallen, when Hioneus, the youngest of the whole 
 crowd, suppliantly lifted liis hands towards heaven and 
 said: „0 all ye Gods, spare me, the wretched!" But 
 the arrow of Phoebus had already been despatched (13), 
 and the God, though he was moved by compassion, was 
 not able any more (14) to call it back. 
 
 No. 203. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 Wlien Niobe was informed of this terrible calamity, 
 she was not broken in heart, but became enraged (1)' 
 that the Gods had dared to commit so great an atrocity! 
 While she was thus using insulting language (2), the 
 news was brought, that Amphion, her husband, had 
 thrust his sword through his own breast, and ended his 
 gi'ief together with his life. Alas, that miserable Niobe! 
 Still a little while before, she beHeved, that she was 
 envied by the Goddesses themselves, and now she was 
 to be pitied (3) by her very enemies. But her pride was 
 not vanquished yet. „Glut yourself, cruel Latona, with 
 my sorrow; I shall, however, not acknowledge you as 
 conqueror. Even in my misery, after so many of mine 
 
 (11) maestus. (12) se conferre, also transire. (13) emittere. 
 (14) „not — any more'', non amplius, non jam. 
 
 No. 203. (1) incendi ira, irasci. (2) maledicere, impia verba 
 jactare. Partic Constr. (3) misericordia dignus, miserandus. 
 
266 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 have been killed, more children remain to me, than to 
 you". Mourning (4), attired (5) in black garments, the 
 sisters stood, weeping, before their killed brothers. Then 
 a noise (6) was heard from the bow of Diana , and the 
 first of the maidens sank down (7), dying, upon the 
 bodies of her brothers. All were struck with terror, 
 except Niobe alone. And a second time the arrow of 
 the Goddess sounded, and a second time, pierced through 
 the midst of her breast, the second maiden sank dead (8) 
 to the ground. Already did Niobe see six daughters 
 prostrated by the arrows of the Goddess, and only the 
 last and youngest still remained. But then the courage (9) 
 of the proud woman failed. Wrapping the little daughter 
 in her garments, and covering her with her whole body, 
 she besought (10) , overwhelmed (11) with grief, Latona. 
 „This one, at least, said she, leave to me; one out of 
 the whole number, and that the smallest, do I ask^. 
 But whilst she was thus entreating, the last fell also 
 down, and the childless mother sank back, stiff(12), 
 among the bodies of her sons and daughters. Blood 
 fled from her face, her eyes stood unmoved in their 
 sockets (13). No sign of life could be perceived; neither 
 neck, nor arms, nor feet could be moved; the tongue 
 itself was stiifened, and the blood in the veins had, as 
 it were (14), congealed; the whole body of Niobe had 
 been changed into stone; however tears streamed(15) from 
 her eyes. Then Jupiter sent mighty winds to carry her 
 over to her native land; and on the top of Sipylus is 
 still seen (16) the marble Niobe distilling (17) abundant 
 tears. 
 
 (4) maestus. (5) induere, velare. (6) sonitus. (7) coucidere, 
 collabi, corruere. (8) Partic. of exaniinare. (9) animus. (10) sup- 
 plicare. (11) opprimere. (12) rigidus; also ^became stiff (obri- 
 gescere) and sank back^. (13) cavum. (14) tamquam. (15) ma- 
 nare, profluere. (16) conspicere. (17) profundere. 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 267 
 
 SECTION XIX. 
 
 Historical Sketches from Julius Caesar. 
 
 No. 204. 
 
 Something about C. Julius Caesar. 
 
 Cajus Julius Caesar is, by the glory of his achieve- 
 mens and his talent, so conspicuous among the most 
 Illustrious men of all antiquity, that it seems neither 
 necessary nor convenient, in this place, to give a full 
 descnption (1) of his life. But in order that those, who 
 first enter (2) upon reading his writings, may not be 
 Ignorant how great a man he was, it will not be un- 
 reasonable, to put here together some few things, at 
 least, to characterize the man (3). Caesar was bom at 
 Rome of an old and noble family, under the consulship 
 of the orator M. Antonius and A. Postumius Albinus 
 m the year 99 before Christ, on the 12*^ of QuintiHs! 
 which month was afterwards called July. But he was 
 assassinated in the senate-house by conspirators, of whom 
 Bnitus and Cassius were the leaders (4), and, pierced (5) 
 with twenty three wounds, he sank down before the 
 
 f^th'^^'L T^^^' ^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^ C^i«t, on the 
 lo of March. When a boy, Caesar was educated, with 
 gi-eat care, by his mother Aureha, a very judicious (6) 
 woman, and instructed in the sciences, and exercised in 
 eloquence by M. Antonius Gnipho, a distinguished (7) 
 rhe orician. On account of the enmity of the dictator 
 Sylla, to whose will Caesar as a youth did not wish to 
 submit, he left the city for some time (8), made several 
 journeys, and went also to Ehodes, where he heard, with 
 
 r... ^.^^^''.''^''''^^^''^'■^^^''^• (2)accedere. (3) describere- 
 
 personam. (4) prmceps. (5) confodere. (6) prudens. (7) non 
 Jgnobihs. (8) in aliquod tempus relinquere, or aliquamdiu abesse 
 
 
' 
 
 268 
 
 Pakt II. 
 
 SECTION XIX. 
 
 269 
 
 ■ t 
 
 great eagerness and advantage, as did Cicero shortly 
 before, Apollonius Molon, who, at that time, was con- 
 sidered the most distinguished orator and teacher of 
 eloquence. After the death of Sylla he returned to 
 Eome, and soon obtained (9) the highest honours. When 
 he, in the year 59 before Christ, fiUed (10) the consulship, 
 he' had, by his authority, by far the greatest influence 
 at Eome. But the extraordinary (11) greatness of this 
 man began especially to shine forth, when, the consul- 
 ship being at an end (12), he was sent as proconsul to 
 the province of Gaul. 
 
 No. 205. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 From the time of his entering (1) into this province 
 down to that of his death the whole life of Caesar is 
 an ahnost uninterrupted (2) series of wars and victories. 
 If we are allowed to follow the authority of Pliny, 
 Caesar fought fifty pitched battles (3), and came out 
 victorious in almost aU engagements. Duiing eight years 
 he stayed (4) among the many and very fierce tribes of 
 Gaul, until he had subjected all of them to the Roman 
 dominion; and at the same time he completely defeated 
 the Helvetians, Ario\ist, the TJsipetes and Tencteri; he 
 crossed the Ehine twice, and penetrated into Germany, 
 crossed the Ocean twice, and penetrated into Britain, 
 and performed achievements, which no one would have 
 deemed possible (5). After these years full of glory, the 
 civil wars followed, in which Caesar proved himself, 
 indeed, no less great, but less affectionate (6) and respect- 
 ful (7) towards his country, whose magistrates and laws 
 
 (9) pervenire. (10; gerere, fungi. (11) ingens. (12) finire. 
 • No. 205. (1) ab introitu. (2) continuatus. (3) by collatis 
 signis, or acie instructa pugnare. (4) versari. (5) fieri posse; 
 for constr, see Gram. § 247, 11. 2, (6) plus. (7) verecundus. 
 
 he subjected to his will and his caprice (8). After Caesar 
 had crossed the Eubicon and made war upon the country, 
 Pompey, the head of the opposite party (9), fled, with 
 his partisans, to Greece. Eome and Italy submitted to 
 Caesar. After he had made (10), as speedily as possible, 
 the most necessary arrangements (11), he soon afterwards 
 crossed over, with a small army, although the sea was 
 very boisterous (12), into Greece to pursue Pompey 
 ,Fear nothing! You carry Caesar and his fortunes^ 
 With these words he encouraged (13) the terrified (14) 
 boatman. At Pharsalus, then, he defeats, with an army 
 of 22,000 soldiers, Pompey, who had 45,000 armed men, 
 pursues the fugitive to Egypt, takes Alexandria, re- 
 estabhshes the kingdom of Cleopatra, marches into Asia, 
 and defeats and pursues Pharnaces, king of Pontus, ap-' 
 points kings and expels them, and settles (15) the affairs 
 of Asia after his own judgment (16) and will. Meantime 
 at Eome unheard of honours are decreed for Caesar, the 
 consulship for five years, the tribunitial power for ever (17), 
 the dictatorship for a whole year. 
 
 No. 206. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 After returning to Eome Caesar quickly made the 
 necessary arrangements (1), and crossed over, with small 
 forces, to Africa, where the Pompejans, in connection (2) 
 with Juba, king of Numidia, had collected a large army. 
 At Thapsus he put them completely to flight in the year 
 46 before Christ; their leaders were, for the gi-eater part, 
 slain in battle, M. Cato the Younger, despairing of thJ 
 
 (8) arbitrium, libido. (9) altera factio, factio adversariorum. 
 (10) constituere. Ahht ahsol (11) res. (12) iniquus. (13) ani- 
 mos addere. (14) pavidus. (15) componere. (16) suo unius con- 
 silio. (17) in perpetuum. 
 
 No. 206. (1) quae necessaria videntur constituere. (2) con- 
 jungere. Partic. 
 
 1 
 
270 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 liberty of the commonwealtli , inflicted death upon him- 
 self (3) at TJtica. All the states of Africa quickly sur- 
 rendered themselves to Caesar. As ^dctor he returned 
 to Rome, and celebrated (4) four triumphs over Gaul. 
 Egypt, Phamaces, and Africa, and delighted the people 
 with the most magnificent games. New honours were 
 bestowed (5) on him; he was appointed dictator for ten 
 years and praefectus morum. But as, in the meantime, 
 Cn. and Sex. Pompey (6), the sons of Pompey the Great, 
 had collected large troops in Spain, Caesar marched there 
 with incredible celerity, and vanquished his last ad- 
 versaries in a very fierce (7) engagement at Munda. In 
 this battle T. Labienus fell, who, in the Gallic war, had 
 been Caesar's bravest lieutenant (8) and most faithful 
 friend. After accomplishing these deeds Caesar celebrat- 
 ed his fifth triumph. By the Senate he was declared 
 dictator for ever, and sacred and inviolable (9) , and the 
 name „Father(10) of liis country", and the perpetual 
 surname „Imperator'' were given to him. He was on 
 the highest pinnacle (11) of good fortune and power, and 
 this one man had so much influence over (12) the whole 
 earth, as neither before nor after him any one else ever 
 obtained (13). But not content with tliis dignity and 
 power, he longed (14) also for the name of a king, which 
 was most odious to the Eomans. Thus, by about sixty 
 zealots of liberty (15), a conspiracy was set on foot against 
 him. In the year 44 before Christ, on the Ides of March, 
 Servilius Casca inflicted the first wound on him in the 
 curia of Pompey, at a numerous (16) senate -meeting. 
 Caesar attempted to defend liimself; but when he beheld 
 
 — ■ ■ — ' — — ^ — — .— 1 -■" 
 
 (3) mortem sibi consciscere, se interimere, manus sibi in- 
 ferre. (4) agere triumphum de aliquo. (5) cumulare. (6) Gram. 
 § 191. 7. (7) acer. (8) legatus. (9) sacrosanctus. (10) Gram. 
 § 210. 2. 2. (11) fastigium. (12) per. (13) consequi. (14) con- 
 cnpiscere, afFectare. (15) libertatis studiosus. (16) frequens {only 
 Ablat.). 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 271 
 
 even M. Brutus, whom he had loved most of all, among 
 the conspirators, he covered his face (17) exclaiming- 
 „Thou, too, my son Brutus!" and sank down, pierced 
 with twenty three wounds. Though Caesar had passed (18) 
 tlie greatest part of his life in arms and public affairs 
 yet, according to the greatness of his mind, he had also 
 busied himself(19), with the greatest praise, about arts 
 and sciences. His speeches are celebrated, by his con- 
 temporaries, as elegant, brilliant, magnificent, and, in a 
 certain manner (20), excellent (21). Cicero writes to Cor- 
 neHusNepos; „What? Whom will you prefer to Caesar 
 even of those orators, who have done (22) nothing else? 
 who is, as to thought, either acuter or conciser (23), who, 
 as to words, more adorned or more tasteful?" 
 
 No. 207. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 Besides speeches Caesar published also letters; again 
 two grammatical books de analogia to M. Tullius Cicero, 
 m which he declared the selection of words the founda- 
 tion of a good style (1); moreover two speeches, which 
 he called Anticatones, against a book of Cicero, wliich 
 was entitled Cato, and extolled Cato of Utica; and some 
 others. Of those writings, however, only fragments have 
 been preserved to us. But seven books of commentaries 
 on the Gallic war and three books of commentaries on 
 the civil war are still extant complete. Passing over (2) 
 the commentaries on the civil war, we believe that 
 something must be said, in this place, of that other 
 work. Of the commentaries, then, on the GaUic war the 
 single books comprise the exploits of the single years. 
 
 (17) caput obvolvere. (18) consumere. (19) versari. (20) quod 
 ammodo. (21) generosus. (22) agere. (23) creber. 
 
 Xo. 207. (1) bi/ bene scribere (Germid.) (2) oniittere. Ablat 
 msol. 
 
 
 f 
 
r^sm^s^^^^ 
 
 272 
 
 Pabt u. 
 
 \ 
 
 But though Caesar was in Gaul nearly nine years, yet 
 he himself has described only the events (3) of seven 
 years. The eighth book has been added by a certain 
 Hirtius or Oppius, by whom the books on the Alexandrine, 
 the Spanish, and the African wars have also been com- 
 posed (4). But the Commentaries of Caesar are exceeding- 
 ly pleasant (5) especially on that account, because the 
 most important things are related in no less choice, than 
 familiar language, without affected beauty, with the great- 
 est perspicuity, by the very one, who has performed and 
 accomplished them. Not unjustly has the judgment been 
 passed (6) on him, that he, who has surpassed all in mili- 
 tary glory (7), and most by his ability (8) in the ad- 
 ministration of the commonwealth , at the same time (9) 
 has obtained, that, in beauty (10) of style, hardly any 
 has been preferred, very few are considered equal (11) to 
 him. I may be allowed here to add the judgment of 
 Cicero, the most trustworthy (12) authority in these 
 things, on Caesar's manner of speaking and writing. 
 „0f Caesar I judge so, says he, that of almost all ora- 
 tors, he speaks Latin most elegantly; and this he has 
 obtained not only by domestic conversation (13), (though 
 this is also something important (14)), but also by ex- 
 tensive and, indeed, profound (15) and exquisite scientific 
 training (16), and by the utmost exertion and applica- 
 tion^ And again: ^Caesar's speeches have my fullest 
 approval (17); I read several of them. But the Com- 
 mentaries on his exploits, which he has written, I con- 
 sider eminently recommendable(18j, for they are sim- 
 ple (19), correct (20), and graceful (21), stripped (22) of 
 
 (3) res. (4) conficere, scribere. (5) maximopere gratus, dul- 
 cis. (6) facere. (7) laus imperatoria. (8) virtus, with Genit of 
 Gerund (9) by idem. (10) virtus {Bur.). (11) par. (12) locuples. 
 (13) consuetude. (U) magnus. (15) reconditus. (16) litterae 
 (= ,,scient train.''). (17) valde probari alicui. (18) probandus. 
 (19) nudus. (20) rectus. (21) venustus. (22) detrahere. Ahlat. abscl 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 273 
 
 almost all ornament of language. But whilst he wished 
 that others might have (the materials) prepared, whence 
 they might be able to take, if they were willing to write 
 a history, he has perhaps done a favour (23) to fools, 
 who wish to dress it up with flourishes (24) ; reasonable 
 men, indeed, he has deterred from writing; for nothing 
 is more charming in history, than a plain and clear (25) 
 conciseness". 
 
 No. 208. 
 
 The Helvetian War. 
 (Cacs. Bell. Gall. I, 5—29.) 
 In the year 58 before Christ the Helvetians resolved 
 to^ leave their country and seek new abodes in Gaul. 
 After (1) everything, that seemed to be necessary for that 
 emigi-ation, had been prepared, the leaders persuaded the 
 I^eople to bum all their cities and villages, that no one 
 might be able to retain the hope of returning into his 
 country; for tliis hope being taken away (2), they believ- 
 ed that all of them would be readier to endure (3) the 
 hardships of the journey and of the war. But there 
 were two roads by which they were able to go from 
 their territory into Gaul, the one through the country 
 of the Sequani, the other through the Eoman province. 
 As they knew of the one(4j that it was narrow and 
 difficult, of the other (4) that it was far easier and more 
 imimpeded: they agreed all to assemble on the banks 
 of the Ehone on an appointed (5) day, and thence to 
 march (6) through the territory of the Allobrogians. For 
 they did not doubt, that these, who were only by com- 
 pulsion under the Eoman dominion, could be easily per- 
 
 (23) gratum facere. (24) calamistris inurere (Cic.) (25) il- 
 lustris. 
 
 No. 208. (1) All absol. (2) tollere. (3) perferre, subire, susci- 
 pere. (4:) Gram. ^ 2ii8. 3. (5) dicere, also certus. (6) ire, iter 
 facere. 
 
 Muller, Exercises. Ig 
 
 fl 
 
274 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 r 
 
 III 
 
 suaded not to hinder tlieir march (7). As soon as Caesar 
 had been informed of the plan of the Helvetians, he left 
 Eome and came, with a few troops, by forced marches, 
 to Genava, where the Helvetians intended to cross (8) 
 the Ehone. At once he caused the bridge, which was 
 across the river, to be broken down. When the Helve- 
 tians perceived this, they sent ambassadors to him to 
 ask permission (9) to march through the i^rovince; there 
 was no other way; he might trust, that they would use 
 the given permission without any harm. Caesar believed, 
 that he ought to refuse them this, since he knew well (10), 
 that the Helvetians had always been of a hostile mind 
 towards the Eoman people. But as he had only one 
 legion with him, he answered the ambassadors, that he 
 must consider the matter more diligently, wherefore they 
 might return to him after some days. Thus the ambas- 
 sadors were dismissed. But Caesar hoped, that, in the 
 mean time, the soldiers would come, whom he had order- 
 ed the province to furnish. He caused, at the same time, 
 a trench and wall to be constructed from the lake of 
 Genava to Mount Jura, and fortified it by gan-isons, 
 stationed here and there (11), that the enemy, if arms 
 must be used, could the more easily be repelled. 
 
 No. 309. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 On the appointed day the ambassadors of the Hel- 
 vetians returned to Caesar, who, in a few words (Ij, 
 declared, that he would not allow them to march through 
 the province; should they, against his will (2), attempt 
 to do it, he would hinder them. Thereupon the Hel- 
 vetians attempted, in several places, to cross the Ehone, 
 
 (7) iter. (8) Periph: Conjug. (9) facultas. (10) non igno- 
 rare, also »on oblitum esse. (11) disponere. 
 
 Xo. 209. (1) paucis, Kith or icithout verbis. (2) Gram. 
 § 284. 3. 
 
 275 
 
 but were repelled by the garrisons and weapons of the 
 Roman soldiers, and forced to desist from this hope 
 Therefore they chose the other way through the country 
 of the Sequani, though it was not unknown to them 
 that this was narrow, that, against the will of the in- 
 habitants of this country, they could not go by it By 
 the intercession of the Aeduan Dumnorix, however, they 
 obtained, that, after giving hostages, not to do mischief 
 they were allowed to march through the territory of the 
 Sequani. When this was reported to Caesar, he beUeved 
 that he must not aUow(3) warlike men to take their 
 march so near to (4) the province and to seek abodes 
 for themselves. He, therefore, hastened, leaving T La- 
 bienus(5) as commander of the fortiiication, which he 
 had constructed, to Italy to levy new troops and return 
 with a larger army to keep off(6) the enemy. He re- 
 turned to Gaul with five legions by the speediest pos- 
 sible marches and led the army across the Rhone In 
 the mean time the Helvetians, having passed (7) the nar- 
 row defiles of the country of the Sequani, had already 
 arrived in the territory of the Aeduans, who were not 
 able to defend their fields and cities against their attack. 
 Iherefore ambassadors were sent by them to Caesar to 
 ask him to come to their help, since they (8) had always 
 very well deserved of the Roman people; for their fields 
 were laid waste by the Helvetians, their children dragged 
 away into slavery. The Ambarri and other nations had 
 also recourse (9) to Caesar, as they were not able to de- 
 tend (10) themselves and their property against the Hel- 
 vetians. Therefore Caesar believed that he ought to 
 hasten, that the Helvetians might not oppress the friends 
 ot the Roman people. He sent scouts, who should inform 
 
 (3) committere, P^riphr. Cmjuff. (4) prope ab. (5) Ablaf. absol. 
 (^) depellere. (7) superare. (H) ReMire. (9) confugere. (10) tueri 
 ab ahquo, or contra aliquem. 
 
 18* 
 
:| 
 
 276 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 him as speedily as possible, where the enemy were and 
 what they were doing. When by these (11) the news 
 was brought, that the Helvetians were crossing the river 
 Arar on joined rafts, and that after conveying over (12) 
 the other troops only one fourth of them was on this 
 side of the river, he resolved to attack these at once. 
 
 No. 210. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 Caesar, therefore, set out with part of the anny 
 about midnight, and arrived, at daybreak, at the Arar. 
 By an unexpected (1) attack he overpowered those who 
 had not yet crossed the river; a large part of them were 
 cut to pieces, the others defeated and put to flight (2). 
 But these were the Tigurini, the same, by whom, „at 
 the time of our forefathers^, as Caesar says, the Consul 
 L. Cassius had been defeated and slain. Caesar avenged 
 that defeat by this engagement, in which just those 
 were punished (8), who, first of the Helvetians, had in- 
 flicted a disgrace on the Eoman name. These, then, 
 being defeated, he, in one day, made a bridge across 
 the Arar, and conveyed his troops over to the other 
 bank. Alarmed by this the Helvetians sent ambassadors 
 to Caesar, who should negotiate with him about peace. 
 If that should be granted (4) to them, they said, they 
 would be friends of the Roman people ; but if war must 
 be waged (5), the old bravery of the Helvetians was 
 sufficiently known to Caesar not to be despised by him. 
 Therefore he should not believe, that war could be waged 
 with them without great disadvantage to the Roman 
 people. Caesar gave the answer to the ambassadors, 
 
 (11) Belative. (12) traducere, Ahlat. absd, 
 
 No. 210. (1) inopinatus, necopinatus. (2) fundere fugareque. 
 (3) poenas persolvere, or pendere, or dare. (4) dare. (5) Periphr. 
 Conjng. 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 277 
 
 that, by the Helvetians, not only that old disgrace had 
 been brought on the Roman people, but also new offences; 
 the march tlirough the province had, against liis wHl^ 
 been attempted by force, the Aeduans and Ambarri had 
 been molested (6) by them. He wondered, that they so 
 haughtily boasted (7) of their bravery. If they had 
 enjoyed (8) impunity so long, he hoped that (9), through 
 him, the Gods would take revenge upon them for the 
 wrongs of the Roman people; that he, however, was not 
 willing to refuse peace to them, if they gave hostages 
 to him that he might be able to have the greater con- 
 . fidence in them. To tliis the ambassadors shortly replied, 
 that the Helvetians were wont to receive, not to give' 
 hostages. After these words they withdrew. When 
 they, on the following day, moved their camp from that 
 place, Caesar followed them with all his troops. The 
 cavalry, sent in advance, attacked, with very great 
 engemess (10), the rear, but were repulsed by the caval- 
 ry of the Helvetians. This victory made the Helvetians 
 bolder, so that they often halted and provoked the Ro- 
 mans to fight; but Caesar restrained his soldiers and 
 forbade them to fight. 
 
 No. 211. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 The Aeduans had promised corn to Caesar in the 
 name of the state; and since he was daily waiting for 
 that in vain, he assembled (1) their princes whom he 
 had taken (2) with him, and accused them sharply, that 
 they had forsaken (3) him, the more, since the war had 
 been undertaken by him especiaUy(4) for their sake. To 
 this one of them, Liscus, who was invested (5) with the 
 
 (6) vexare. (7) jactare aliquid, gloriari aliqua re. (8) hy 
 esse, ioith Dative, (9) fore ut. (10) cupiditas, or hy cupidus. 
 ^ No. 211. (1) convocare. (2) ducere. (3) destituere. (4) po- 
 tissimum. ^ 
 
 H 
 

 278 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 279 
 
 I 
 
 ; 
 
 ii 
 
 highest magistracy, replied, that there was among the 
 Aeduans a certain seditious faction, which had greater 
 influence with the multitude, than the magistrates them- 
 selves. By these the people were deterred from contri- 
 buting what had been promised. The same disclosed 
 also to the Helvetians everything that Caesar was under- 
 taking; the magistrates themselves had not so much 
 authority, as to be able to restrain (6) them. Caesar, 
 ha\dng speedily dismissed the council, inquired from 
 Liscus alone more accurately those things which he had 
 heard of him in the meeting. And as the latter spoke 
 more unreservedly, Caesar discovered, that Dumnorix 
 was the head of the sedition. He could not doubt any 
 longer, that the latter, eager for innovations, ftivoured 
 the Helvetians. He found also, that Dumnorix, who was 
 leading the cavalry of the Aeduans, a few days before 
 had been the first to flee from that unsuccessful cavalry 
 engagement, and had frightened the others by liis flight. 
 Though Caesar had learned the treachery of Dumnorix, 
 yet he had no mind to punish (7) him at once. For he 
 was a brother of Divitiacus, who, as (8) Caesar was con- 
 vinced, was devoted to him and to the Roman people 
 with the greatest zeal and a particular faithfulness. At 
 the entreaties and tears of this man, then, Caesar for- 
 gave (9) the treachery of Dumnorix; he only admonished 
 the latter, but dismissed him, after he had secretly ap- 
 pointed spies (10), who should report to him, what Dum- 
 norix was doing. In the following night Caesar caused 
 the highest ridge of the mountain, at whose foot the 
 enemy had encamped, to be occupied by liis legate 
 T. Labienus. He himself followed them with the caval- 
 r}\ To Labienus he had given orders (11) to abstain 
 
 (5) fungi, praeesse. (6) coercere, refrenare. (7) animad- 
 vertere in aliquem, also punire. (8) Gram, § 268. 3. (9) condo- 
 nare. (10) Ahlat. ahsol (11) praecipere, imperare. 
 
 from an engagement, until he had seen the rest of the 
 army near the camp of the enemy. At daybreak, how- 
 ever. It was announced to Caesar by a false report, that 
 that mountain had been occupied by the enemy; whereby 
 he was induced to engage in no battle. At length, the 
 day being far advanced, he learned that Labienus' had 
 most accurately carried out (12) his orders (13); but the 
 Helvetians had already moved their camp, so that an 
 attack upon them could not be made. 
 
 No. 212. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 
 On account of the corn-supply Caesar believed that, 
 on the following day, he must desist from pursuing the 
 enemy, and turned his march towards Bibracte, which 
 IS the largest and richest city of the Aeduans When 
 this was reported to the Helvetians by Gallic fugitives, 
 they themselves changed also their march to cut Caesar 
 off from the provisions, and, in small engagements, often 
 attacked the rear of the Romans. They had the greater 
 courage, because, on the day before, the Eomans, though 
 they had occupied the mountain, had not engaged in 
 battle; which they believed had happened out of fear. 
 After Caesar had learned the plan of the enemy, he sent 
 his cavalry to check their attack; he conducted the rest 
 of the army to a hill, and, after he had drawn up a 
 triple battle-line, waited for the enemy. The latter ad- 
 vanced, after they had repulsed the Eoman horse, in a 
 very close (1) body, up against Caesar's first battle-line. 
 After fighting had been long and fiercely (2) engaged in 
 on both sides, Caesar repulsed the Helvetians and forced 
 th em, as they were wearied out with wounds, to retire (3) 
 
 (12) persequi. (13) mandatum, imperatum, or by a Belative 
 clause. 
 
 No. 212. (1) confertus. (2) acer, or vehemens. (3) se re- 
 cipere. 
 
280 
 
 Pabt n. 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 281 
 
 ii 
 
 : ) 
 
 
 I 
 
 to a monntain near by. But when the Romans closely 
 followed, the latter were, by a sudden attack of the Boji 
 and Tulingi, who protected(4) the rear of the Helvetians, 
 surrounded on the flanks. Thus the battle was renew- 
 ed (5). Caesar ordered his soldiers to advance in two 
 divisions, since the Helvetians, when they perceived the 
 attack of the Boji, also descended from the mountain, 
 which they had occupied, and pressed on (6) again. At 
 length, the Helvetians were forced, by a fierce battle, 
 again to retire to the same mountain; the others betook 
 themselves to their waggons. The Eomans followed them 
 and attacked them anew (7). After the fight had been 
 carried on till late in the night at the baggage also, 
 the Eomans, at length, gained possession of the baggage 
 and camp of the enemy. Many of the latter had been 
 slain in battle, many in the camp itself, others were 
 captured; the rest took to flight by the greatest marches, 
 which they not even discontinued (8) at night, and ar- 
 rived, on the fourth day, in the territory of theLingones. 
 
 No. 213. 
 
 Chapter VI. 
 During these three days Caesar thought it necessary 
 to remain (1) in the siime place, partly (2) on account 
 of the wounded soldiers, partly(2) that the slain miglit(B) 
 be buried. But forthwith he had forbidden the Lingones 
 through messengers and letters, to give (4) the Helvetians 
 com, or to assist them with any other thing; whereby 
 it came to pass, that the latter were pressed by the 
 greatest want of all provisions {res). When, therefore, 
 Caesar, after an inter\\al (5) of three days, followed them 
 
 (4) defendere, praesidio esse. (5) redintegrare , renovare. 
 (6) instare. (7) denuo. (8) intermittere. 
 
 No. 213. (1) Feriphr. Conjug. (2) et - et, quum — turn, also 
 partim — partim. (3) posse. (4) praebere, praestare. (5) hy 
 intermittere. 
 
 with the army, on the march itself ambassadors of the 
 Helvetians came to him, threw themselves at his feet 
 and with tears asked peace of liim. Caesar ordered 
 them to give hostages and to deliver up the arms and 
 deserters (6); if they had done this, he would admit them 
 to a surrender (7). Whilst they, then, were occupied 
 with the seeking and bringing together of these things, 
 m the foUowing night about 6,000 men departed (8) 
 fi-om the camp of the Helvetians, and hastened in 
 flight (9) towards the Ehine, be it because they feared, 
 after surrendering the arms, to be dragged into slavery^ 
 be it because they hoped, amid so vast a multitude of 
 men, easily to remain concealed (10), or to be able to 
 escape all dangers. The other Helvetians did everything 
 wliich they had been commanded by Caesar, and their 
 submission was accepted by him. Caesar, then, beHeved, 
 that all of them ought to be spared. Therefore he 
 commanded them to return into their former (11) terri- 
 tory, and to rebuild their cities and villages. For he 
 feared, if those places, which had formerly belonged (12) 
 to the Helvetians, remained vacant, the Germans might 
 occupy them and become dangerous to the Allobrogians 
 and the province of Gaul. But since the Helvetians, 
 as they had burned (13) all their fruits, before they had 
 departed from home, were destitute (14) of everything 
 at home, by order of Caesar a supply of com was 
 given (15) to them by the Allobrogians. Caesar learned 
 the nimiber of all the Helvetians, who had emigrated 
 from home, from the lists, which he had found, drawn 
 up (16) in Greek characters, in their camp. The total 
 had been about 368,000, o ut of whom 92,000 were able 
 
 (6) perfuga, transfuga. (7) aliquem in deditionem accipere 
 (8) discedere^ egredi. (9) fuga petere aliquid, fuga contendere 
 ad. (10) on/y occultari. (11) pristinus, prior. (12) Gram. § 207. 
 2, (13) comburere. (14) egere, indigere. (15) copiam facere ali- 
 cujus rei. (16) conficere. 
 
 i 
 
282 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 283 
 
 i-;i 
 
 M< 
 
 ill 
 
 to bear arms. After taking the census (17), Caesar 
 found, that the number of those, who returned to their 
 country, was 110,000. 
 
 Xo. 214. 
 
 The Nation of the Suevi. 
 
 (Caes. Bell. Gall. IV, 1—3.) 
 The nation of the Suevi surpasses the other Germans 
 by far both in size and military (1) valour. 100,000 
 armed men are yearly led by them from their territory 
 to wage war (2) with the neighbouring nations; for since 
 they are said to have 100 cantons, each of them sends 
 1,000 armed men. Those who remain at home, occupy 
 themselves (3) with agriculture (4) to maintain both 
 themselves and those who have marched to war. When 
 the year has passed, those who have been in arms 
 return; but those who have cultivated the fields, march 
 to war; whereby it is brought to pass, that, though (5) 
 agriculture is not neglected, yet all are very skilled in 
 warfare. No one of them possesses private fields, nor 
 is any one allowed to reside in the same place longer 
 than one year; all the fields and all the fruits belong (6) 
 to all in common. However they do not make much 
 use of com, but live (7), for the greatest part, on milk 
 and flesh. Great is their fondness for hunting, to which 
 they are accustomed from childhood, and therefore they 
 spend much time in the forests. This manner of life 
 makes the Suevi excel before (8) other men by the huge 
 size of their bodies as well as by exercise and strength (9). 
 To this comes (10), that they use almost no clothing 
 
 (17) censum habere. 
 
 No. 214. (1) bellicus. (2) bellum gerere, or bellare, Gerund 
 with ad, or causa. (3) operam dare, Gram. § 287, 2., or versari 
 in aliqua re. (4) agrum colere. (5) qnum. (6) Gram. § 207. 2. 
 (7) vesci. (8) excellere ceteris, or inter ceteros. (9) vis {Plnr.) 
 (10) Gram. § 276, end. 
 
 and frequently bathe in the coldest rivers. They do 
 not hinder merchants from coming to them, not to buy 
 from them, but the more easily to sell that which, by 
 plundering, has been taken by their own people. Of 
 imported articles (res) they use ahnost none. Merchants 
 are forbidden to import wine to them, because they 
 fear to become effeminate by its use and less fit to 
 endure the hardships of war. Not even do they suffer 
 horses to be imported to them, though those that have 
 been bred (11) among them (12), are small and ugly. 
 To use saddles they deem very disgraceful. In battle 
 the horsemen often jump down from the horses to fight 
 on foot. They consider it the greatest praise for them- 
 selves, if the fields around their territory are left 
 uncultivated to the greatest extent possible; from which 
 they believed it would be understood, that the neigh- 
 bouring states did not dare to attack them. 
 
 No. 215. 
 
 Caesar's First (1) Passage of the Bhine. 
 (Caes. Bell. Gall. IV, 16—19.) 
 In Gaul itself Caesar had already twice engaged 
 in war with the Germans ^ first with king Ariovist, then 
 with the Usipetes and Tencteri. After he had defeated 
 the latter (2) in the year 55 before Christ, he beHeved, 
 especially for two reasons (3), that he must make an 
 attempt (4) to cross the Rhine. For he was convinced, 
 that the Germans could not easily be deterred from 
 going over into Gaul , unless they were inspired (5) with 
 the fear, that fighting must be done (6) with the Eomans 
 one day even in their own territory. To that reason 
 
 (11) by nasci. (12) ipse. 
 
 No. 215. (1) mt primus; for Caesar crossed the Rhine only 
 fmce. (2) Relative. (3) xcith Partic. of ducere, or commovere. 
 Gram. § 221. 2. 1, (4) periculum facere. (5) injicere alicui 
 ahquid. (6) dimicare, confligere. 
 
 it 
 I' 
 
284 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 285 
 
 hti 
 
 II ' 
 
 k 
 
 
 « 
 
 a second was joined, viz. that he knew, that those of 
 the Usii)etes and Tencteri, who had been absent to get 
 booty and to fetch com, and had taken no part in the 
 battle, had crossed the Eliine, and been received into 
 an alliance (7) by the Sigambri. For these and other 
 reasons, therefore, Caesar sent messengers to the Si- 
 gambri, who should say, that he asked those to be 
 delivered over to him, by whom, in Gaul, war had been 
 waged against the Roman people; should they not do 
 this, the Sigambri could have no peace with him. The 
 Sigambri replied to those, who had been sent, that Caesiir's 
 dominion was bounded by the Khine. If the Romans 
 did not wish that, against their will, the Germans 
 should come into Gaul, could (8) Caesar deem it fair, 
 that in the territory of the Germans any dominion or 
 any power should be granted (9) to him? And thus (10) 
 they refused (11) to deliever those over, whom Caesar 
 had asked for. Of the tribes beyond the Rhine (12) 
 Caesar had only the TJbii in some degi'ee(13) as allies; 
 for with these he had concluded (14) friendship, after 
 they had sent ambassadoi-s and given hostages. But 
 for that very (15) reason they feared very much, that 
 war might be made upon them by the other tribes and 
 especially by the Suevi. Therefore they most earnestly 
 besought Caesar through ambassadors not to abandon 
 them. Should he be prevented, by his own situation (16), 
 from waging a longer war with Germany, yet he should 
 come at least, that the Germans might no longer doubt, 
 that the Romans were both able and dared to lead an 
 army across the Rhine; that would he help enough for 
 them; for Caesar's army had, by vanquishing Ariovist, 
 and repulsing the Tencteri, acquired so gi-eat a renovn i 
 
 (7) foedus ac societas. (8) with num. (9) concedere. (10) ita- 
 que. (11) recusare, also negare. (12) hy the Adj. Transrhenanus. 
 (13) quodammodo. (14) jungere, facere. (15) ipse. (IB) by res 
 (Plnr.). 
 
 of bravery even with the remotest nations of Germany 
 that his friendship alone secured (17) them against thei^ 
 attiick. 
 
 No. 216. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 Although the Ubii had promised Caesar a sufficiently 
 large number of ships to bring the troops over(l) yet 
 he believed it both safer and more becoming himself 
 and the Eoman people, to build a bridge (2) across the 
 Khine. It was evident, that the difBculty of carrying 
 out this work would be very great on account of the 
 swiftness (3) and breadth and depth of the river; he was 
 nevertheless of opinion (4), that he must either go across 
 by a bridge or not cross at all. Tlierefore he issued an 
 order to collect (5) the materials necessary to construct 
 a bridge, and ah-eady on the eleventh day, after the 
 whole work had been finished, he led the troops over. 
 But that no damage might (6) be done to the bridge 
 by the barbarians, he left a strong garrison on both 
 sides of it. When he, then, after all tMs had been 
 well aiTanged, began to march (7) into the territory of 
 the Sigambri, several states sent ambassadors to him to 
 sue for peace; these were all commanded to give hostages, 
 and were received into friendship. Thus this part of 
 Germany began (8) to be subdued by the Eomans. As 
 soon as the Sigambri had beed informed, that the con- 
 struction (9) of a bridge across the Rhine had been 
 begun by Caesar, they suffered themselves to be per- 
 suaded by the Usipetes and Tencteri, whom they had 
 received among them, to abandon (10) their territory 
 
 (17) tneri, tutum reddere. 
 
 No. 216. (1) transportare. (2) pontem facere. (3) rapiditas. 
 .41 existimare. (5) comportare. (6) posse. (7) ingredi, intrare, 
 exercitum deducere. (8) Gram, g U6. Xote. (9) instituere. See 
 "Im 8. (10) relinquere. 
 
 |! 
 
286 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 287 
 
 I 
 
 and to conceal themselves and all their property in the 
 forests. Therefore Caesar found their villages empty(ll), 
 and returned, some days after setting their edifices on 
 fire and ordering the crops to be cut (12), with all his 
 troops into the territory of the Ubii. From the latter 
 he learned, that the Suevi, after the news of the build- 
 ing (13) of a bridge across the Ehine had been brought 
 to them through scouts, had also left their cities and 
 concealed (14) women and children in the desert and 
 forests; that aU who were able to carry arms, had 
 assembled in one place, wliich was pretty (15) far distant 
 from the territory of the Ubii; that it was not probable, 
 that they, within the next days, would make an attack 
 upon the Eoman allies, as they feared, that they must 
 fight (16) with the Romans in their own temtorj-. 
 Caesar therefore resolved, since he had, by liberating the 
 Ubii, both inspired the other Germans with fear and 
 sufficiently revenged himself on the Sigambri, — a cir- 
 cumstance which (17) had been the cause of leading the 
 amy across, — to return into Gaul, and ordered the 
 bridge to be broken down. He had stayed (18) beyond 
 the Rhine altogether eighteen days. 
 
 No. 217. 
 
 Death of IndutiomaruB. 
 
 (Caes. Bell. Gall. V, 55—58.) 
 After most of the states of Gaul had been subdued, 
 the Treviri, under the leadership of Indutiomarus, most 
 obstinately (1) resisted the Romans. Indutiomarus had 
 already, before winter, resolved to take the camp of 
 Labienus, but he had, upon receiving (2) the news of » 
 
 (11) vacuus, inanis. (12) succidere. (13) facere, efficere. 
 (14) deponere, condere. (15) satis. (16) Piriph: C(»\)tig. Hee 
 also Gram. § 153. (17) quae res. (18) versari. 
 
 Xo. 217. (1) pertinacissime. (2) by afferre, or accipere. 
 
 Victory of Caesar, led his army back into the country 
 of the Treviri. During (3) the whole winter he sent 
 ambassidors into all parts of Germany, arousing the 
 states and promising much money, if they were willing 
 to come acroas the Rhine and make war with him 
 against the Romans. It was easy, said he, after most 
 ot the Roman soldiers had been slain in war, to over- 
 come the others, and to free Gaul from their dominion (4) 
 But the Germans could not be persuaded to become (5) 
 partakers in that war with the Romans; for after a 
 double experience (6), by the defeat both of Ariovist 
 and the Tencteri, they had been deterred from trying (7 j 
 the fortme of war against the Romans a third time 
 Nevertheless Indutiomarus let no day pass (8) without (9) 
 preparing, with the greatest energy, what seemed 
 necessary for waging the war. Troops were collected (10) 
 and exercised, a large number of horses was brought 
 together (11). AVhen these things became known (12) 
 m the whole of Gaul, not only convicted and exiled 
 people began, in great numbers, to be allured to Indu- 
 tiomarus, but also many of the noblest among the Gauls, 
 and even entire states, asked, through ambassadors, for 
 his friendship. He soon saw no reason to doubt any 
 more, that people would come to him of their own 
 accord, and that he would not lack volunteers, as soon 
 as he had begun the war against the Romans. After 
 he had, therefore, appointed an armed meeting, with 
 which the Gauls usually begin (13) a war, he first 
 brought it about, that Cingetorix, liis own (14) son-in- 
 law, was declared an enemy of the country in that large 
 meeting, and t hat the property (15) of the latter was 
 
 ..n ^^^ .^f ; ^^^ doiniuatio, dominatus. (5) ly se facere, or esse 
 velle. (6) by experm. (7) temptare, periclitari. (8) intermittere, 
 mmttei-e. (9) Gran,. § 252. L (lO) cogere. (11) comparare. 
 12 palam fieri, divulgari, horainum sermone percrebrescere. 
 (13) suscipere. (14) ipse. (1.5) bonum (Flur.). 
 
288 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 Section xix. 
 
 289 
 
 Ii 
 
 L 
 
 I 
 
 publicly sold. For Cingetorix. as the head of the other 
 party, had sought the friendship of the Romans and 
 had followed Caesir. After Cingetorix had been con- 
 demned, Indiitiomarns disclosed (.16) to the multitude, 
 wliich, at that time, had assembled, what he was intend- 
 ing to do. The Senones and many other states of Gaul, 
 of which it was known, that they bore the dominion 
 of Caesar against their will, had summoned (17) him, 
 said he, to ex])el the Eomans; he would march there 
 as soon as possible (18); but before that could be done, 
 it was necessary to storm (19) the camp of Labienus. 
 He, therefore, ordered, that all should keep themselves 
 ready for that (20). 
 
 No. 218. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 Immediately after dismissing the assembly Labienus 
 wa-* through the friends of Cingetorix, informed of all 
 that had been transiicted (1)- But as the camp was 
 strongly fortified no less by the condition of the place 
 than by art, he did not think that he had to fear any 
 dano-er at all for liimself and his legions, but he rather 
 hoped, that an opportunity would offer itself (2) to carry 
 out a successful exploit. Not to let it sUp away, he 
 called (3), through his messengers, the horse of the 
 neighbouring states from all parts, and ordered them 
 all to assemble in an appointed place. Indutiomarus 
 had, meanwhile, approached the camp of Labinus with 
 aU this troops. His horse were roving (4) almost daily, 
 under the rampart of the camp, be it to spread terror. 
 
 (16) aperire alicui, pronuntiare apud aliquem. (17) arcessere. 
 (18) qnam primum, u-ith fieri potest. (19) oppugnare. (20) para- 
 
 tnm esse ad aliquid. , 
 
 Ho. 218. (1) dicere et agere. (2) se dare, or better uoii de- 
 
 esse. (3) evocare. (4) vagari. 
 
 be it to be able to inform (5) Indutiomarus of the 
 manner (6) of fortification. At the same time missUes 
 were very often cast into the camp. Labienus very 
 carefully restrained his soldiers from showing any desire 
 of fighting; and thus he effected, that the surmise of 
 his fears was increased from day to day (7). The more 
 the Eomans began to be an object of contempt to the 
 enemy, the more boldly Lidutiomarus daily approached 
 the camp. Then labienus, during one night, caused 
 all the horse, who had been summoned from the neigh- 
 bouring states, to be led (8) into the camp, and in this 
 affi,ir he used so much care, that nothing could be 
 betrayed (9) to the enemy. The latter advanced, on the 
 following day, to the camp with great shouting, and 
 aft«r they had spent there nearly the whole day, had 
 thrown missiles, and chaUenged the Romans, with much 
 abusive language, to a fight, they withdrew, according 
 to their custom(lO), scattered and single towards evening 
 Then Labienus believed (11), that the time for action 
 had come, and he did not doubt, that the enemy could 
 easily be frightened and put to flight. But as he was 
 convinced, that their confidence (12) rested (13) on Indu- 
 tiomarus alone, he, on a sudden, despatched aU his 
 cavalry out of the camp, after he had given the following 
 advice, that aU, with the greatest impetuosity, should 
 rush (14) on Indutiomarus alone, and not desist, before 
 they had either captured or kiUed him. For he beHeved 
 that he must especiaUy (15) hinder him from escaping; 
 wherefore he appointed a great reward to him who 
 should bring him the head of the slain. And that hope 
 did not disappoint him . After the attack had been 
 
 (5) docere, orcertiorem facere de aliqna re. (6) ratio. (7) in 
 dies. (8) intromittere, introducere. (9) enuntiare. (10) either 
 „(U they toere tconf", or with consnetudo, according to Gram S 238 
 a. e. (11) arbitrari, reri. (12) fldncia. (13) positum esse. (14) pe- 
 tere, oppugnare. (15) maximo opere. 
 
 Mttller, Exerciws. j^g 
 
290 
 
 Pakt II. 
 
 Section xx. 
 
 I 
 
 t 
 
 
 J. 
 
 made by the cavalry, the footsoldiers were sent up for 
 their protecfcion. All rushed, neglecting the rest, on 
 Indutiomarus alone, whom they caught and slew. An 
 immense slaughter (16) of the enemy was made, who, 
 Indutiomarus being slain, dared nowhere to resist. By 
 this victory of Labienus it was effected, that the rest 
 of Gaul was, for some time (17), a little quiet. 
 
 291 
 
 SECTION XX. 
 
 Some Biographical Sketches. 
 
 No. 219. 
 
 Titus Livius, the Historian (1). 
 
 About the life of Titus Livius but little (2) has 
 come down to our time. He was bom at Patavium, a 
 city which (3) was not far from the river Po and the 
 Adriatic gulf, in the year 59 before Christ under the 
 consulship of Caesar and Bibulus. His birth-place was, 
 among the other cities of Italy, next to Eome in 
 power (4) and wealth, but also in this, that as Eome 
 derived its origin from the Trojans under the leadersliip 
 of Aeneas , so Pata\ium from the same people under 
 the leadership of Antenor. Livy himself seems to have 
 been bom of wealthy (5) parents. He was a boy nearly 
 nine years of age, when Caesar crossed the Eubicon, 
 and as a youth he saw all the calamities (6) of the civil 
 wars, and the ruin of the republic itself, which followed. 
 Like most of the noble youths of that time, so Liv}^ 
 also was trained principally by the studies of philosophy 
 
 , 
 
 (16) clades. (17) aliquamdiu, aliquantum temporis. 
 No. 219. (1) rerum scriptor. (2) pauca. (3) Gram, § 238. 5. 
 (4) opes. (5) locuples. (6) scelus. 
 
 and ebqnence. But he probably (7) early devoted him- 
 self to history especially that of his native city and 
 Upper Italy, which was, as is manifest fronx his Jti^^ 
 well known to him. As a youth he seems to K 
 come to Rome and there soon to have acquired a most 
 exact knowl^ge of aU its institutions and'localitiesX 
 he describes many things with such great perspicuitWs) 
 t^t It IS not to be doubted, but that he L tiem 
 with ks own eyes Livy never soHcitod a pubHc office, 
 nor d^d he ever discharge any, but devoteS himself (9 
 
 of S ^f"'"' '""^ ^^P^^^^^y *° *^« --Po-tion 
 of Eoman history. But this work soon becLe so 
 
 Inghly celebrated (10), that the name of Livy becai^ 
 • very renowned not only at Rome, but even ZZ 
 reinot^ countries. It cannot be doubted, that Lit 
 was a friend to Augustus himself, though he seemed, Z 
 «ome measure, opposed (11) to the Caesarian party 
 Tacitus, tha most excellent historian, who lived abou^ 
 100 years later relates of Livy, that he was often caUed 
 PomnT"''!,, I ^^S^i^, because he had extoUed 
 
 says he not a hindrance to their friendship. Of Clau- 
 dius, the one, who was afterwards emperor, we know 
 ^at as a y^uth he undertook, at the encouigement of 
 
 t/f r * ^'^'^' ^^^^"^ it foUo^s, that Livy 
 
 ^d famUiar intercourse (12) with the sovereigns them- 
 
 tollowed(13) by so great and so universal a celebrity(14) 
 of his name and the admiration of men, that people 
 ^vdled to Rome from the remotest counUs, n'oTt 
 
 !!lr!.!!^l^^!l:^^f;^^^;^^j^^^^ earth, but 
 
 «pica? "^1 i '''• A ('^ P-spicuitas, o. by plane or per" 
 
 19* 
 
292 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 Section xx. 
 
 u 
 
 
 r I 
 
 to see livy. Thus Pliny the younger relates of a native 
 of Gades(15), that he, induced by the name and repute 
 of Livy, had come from the furthest part of the earth, 
 to see him, and immediately after he had seen him, 
 departed again (16). 
 
 No. 220. 
 
 Chapter n. 
 So much, then, was Livy honoured and celebrated 
 in his life-time. Another (1) writer, Seneca the rhetori- 
 cian, relates that Livy had as son-in-law the rhetorician 
 Lucius Magius, who declaimed, indeed, badly, but had 
 nevertheless a circle of hearers (2), since people praised 
 him not on his own account, but on that of his father- 
 in-law. Whence it is perceived, both in how great 
 honour Livy stood with his fellow-citizens, and that he 
 had also a daughter who was married to Magius. He 
 is also said to have had a son. Quintilian, at least, 
 quotes (3) a passage from a letter, which Livy is believed 
 to have written to his son, that Demosthenes and Cicero 
 must be read; then each inasmuch (4) as he is most 
 similar to Demosthenes and Cicero. Besides this, 
 however, nothing is known of his family and his 
 domestic life. He probably did not pass his old age at 
 Eome, but in his native city, whither he seems to have 
 returned after the death of Augustus. He died at 
 Pataviimi in the 76*^ year of his age, in the year 17 
 A. D. When the Patavinians believed, in the year 
 1413 A. D., to have found the tomb of Livy, they 
 erected, at public expense (5), a magnificent Mausoleum, 
 in which they buried (6) the reputed (7) bones of their 
 
 29a 
 
 u J i 
 
 (15) Gaditanus quidam. (16) only abire. 
 
 No. 220. (1) Add autem. (2) „cirde of hearers'", only populus, 
 or circulus. (3) afferre, laudare. (4) ita. (5) sumptus. (6) con- 
 dere. (7) hy putare. See Gram. § 238. 2. h. 
 
 lUustno,^ feUow-citizen. Livy h^ written the history 
 of the Roman people from the arrival of Aeneas in 
 Italy up to the year 9 before the birth of Christ in 
 
 t ^i^' 1 ^^ ""^ ^ "^"^y ''°«ks tra^ can be 
 Aown(8) The work, however, seems ruther to have 
 stopped(9) with the 142"^ book, than to have been 
 completed, and Livy was probably willing to continue 
 ^e events (10) to the death of Augustus and complete 
 150 books Li ancient times the whole work was divid- 
 ed mto decades, each of which contains ten books. 
 Only three Mid a half entire decades have come down 
 
 Slfrnw.?'".^*' *^' *^'*' *« ^^'^1^' «^d the first 
 half(ll) of the Mh. But in the remotest times epitomes 
 
 or summaries 12) of the whole work had been made, 
 
 which are still extant, but more arouse than satisfy(13 
 
 the desire of knowing the work itself. - Livy's manner 
 
 of writmg has been greatly (14) praised by all antiquity. 
 
 There have been people, indeed, who have caUed him 
 
 credulous, because he has related many prodigies with 
 
 •'^'^ religions credulity; moreover others, who 
 
 S^^,if *^ ^""^^ ^ ^ ^^^^^g« ««rtain pecu- 
 Wies(16) of his native city, which they have styled 
 Patevimtes. but aU this is partly groundless (17), partly 
 BO doubtful, that the renown of the man cannot at aU 
 be lessened by accusations (18) of this kind. Yet one 
 thing cannot be denied, that Livy has too seldom 
 pomted out and less carefully examined the sources, 
 from which he has drawn. But in the whole work so 
 much eloquence is displayed, such a charm of language 
 80. sure a judgment on the most important thin^, so' 
 great a love of truth and honesty, that hardly^Lig 
 
 (8) vestagia demonstrare. (9) finiri, desinere; opp. absolyi 
 
 plere. (U) summopere. (15) yideri, unth and mthout sibi. 
 (16)propnnm. (17) inanis. (18) criminatio. 
 
294 
 
 Pakt n. 
 
 Section xx. 
 
 295 
 
 /) I 
 
 i- 
 
 I I 
 
 I. -'} » 
 
 similar can be found. Livy's manner of writing differs, 
 in very many points, from that (19) of SaUust; and if 
 these writers are compared with each other, it must be 
 in such a manner, that they are considered equal, yet 
 not alike. 
 
 No. 221. 
 
 C. Sallustius Crispus. 
 
 C. Sallustius Crispus was bom of a Plebejan family 
 at Amitemum, a Sabine town, in the year 86 before 
 Christ. In what manner he spent his boyhood, and at 
 what time he came to Eome, has not been recorded. 
 When a youth he gave himself up to dissipation and 
 pleasures, so that his Hfe was greatly disapproved (1) 
 by grave and honest men. He early resolved on apply- 
 ing himself (2) to historical composition; yet he was 
 prevented, when a youth, from carrying out this plan (3), 
 by his ambition and aspiration to engage in public 
 affairs (4). As tribune of the people, in the year 52 
 before Christ, he proved himself a vigorous antagonist 
 of Milo, who had been accused of committing an 
 assault (5), and of Cicero also, who defended Milo. On 
 account of his licentiousness he was cast out from the 
 senate by the censor Appius Oaudius Pulcher in the 
 year 50 before Christ, but in the following year he was 
 made quaestor by Caesar, whose party he favoured 
 with great zeal, and thereby reinstated in the senatorial 
 dignity. As commander (6) of a small army Sallust 
 was, about the same time, put to flight by the Pompe- 
 jans in Illyria. In Campania, whither he had been sent 
 
 (19) Gram. § 210. Note 4. 
 
 No. 221. (1) magnopere improhari alicui. (2) appHcare so 
 ad aliquid, operam dare, or navare alicui rei, also animum ap- 
 pellere ad aliquid. (3) only relative Fron. (4) capessere rem 
 publicam. (5) vis. See Gram. § 217. 3. (6) praefectus. 
 
 by Caesar to allay (7) insurrections, he was able to 
 escape death only by a speedy flight. When the African 
 war had begun (8), SaUust was sent as praetor with 
 part of the fleet to the island of Cercina to snatch from 
 the enemy the provisions which they had brought 
 together there. He had (9) good fortune, and, after he 
 had vanquished and repulsed the enemy, he conveyed 
 an abundant supply of grain over to the camp of Caesar. 
 The war being finished, Caesar made him propraetor, 
 and gave him the administration of the province of 
 Numidia. This office he is said to have abused to 
 extort (10) large sums of money from the inhabitants 
 of the province. On returning to Eome he was accused 
 of extortions (11) but rescued from a trial by the favour 
 and power of Caesar. His great riches, thus acquired, 
 Sallust used for planting (12) the most magnificent 
 gardens, which, under the name of the Sallustian 
 gardens, were an object of admiration (13) to men long 
 afterwards. But his house was so brilliant and embel- 
 hshed, that, later on, it was inhabited by the emperors 
 themselves, for instance by Vespasian. After Caesar's 
 assassination Sallust withdrew from public Hfe, and 
 devoted himself entirely to historical composition (14) in 
 his villa near the city (15). Occupied with these studies 
 he died, as most beUeve(16), on the IS^^^ of May in 
 the year 35 before Christ, but as others say, on the 
 same day in the year following. 
 
 No. 222. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 Sallust edited three historical works, the first of 
 which is the book on the conspiracy of CatiHne, the 
 
 (7) sedare, componere. (8) exoriri. (9) uti. (10) exprimere, 
 extorquere. (11) Gram. ^ 217. 3. (12) aedificare. (13) admira- 
 tionem movere alicui, or admirationi esse alicui. (14) scribere 
 historiam. (15) by suburbanus. (16) statuere, or by videtur. 
 
296 
 
 Pakt n. 
 
 Section xx. 
 
 297 
 
 !! 
 
 Hi 
 
 f 
 
 second the book on the Jugurtliine war, the third the 
 five books of Histories, in which he had comprised the 
 events (1) from the death of Sylla to the conspiracy of 
 Catiline. The two works, which we have mentioned in 
 the first place, have been preserved to us entire (2); but 
 of the Histories, which are extolled, by the ancients, 
 with the highest praises, only fragments axe extant. 
 Also some other writings, as two letters sent to Caesar 
 on the regulation (3) of the commonwealth, and a 
 speech (4) against Cicero, are ascribed, by some, to 
 SaUust, but they are, without doubt, spurious (o). 
 Though SaUust, in his Hfe, suUied (6) himself with 
 many faults, yet in his books he is the most violent 
 denouncer (7) of them, and a warm eulogist (8) of virtue. 
 He was always an antagonist of the nobles (9). The 
 manners (10) of life and custom of men, of which he 
 treats, he pictures with lively colours, and is admirable 
 in describing the character of the first men. He is 
 rich (11) and acute in his thoughts, short and abrupt 
 in his expression, aiming (12) at Attic diction and 
 principally emulating (13) Thucydides. In language he 
 uses (14) old-fashioned words and a certain Catonian 
 severity; already Asinius PoUio, who was his contempo- 
 rary, and others reproached him for his aflfectation of 
 old-fashioned language. But still his diction is choice 
 and extremely attractive (15), so that his books are read 
 with the greatest profit and pleasure. SaUust had him- 
 self either seen or learned, from the most reliable 
 sources, ahnost everything which he has described. 
 His boyhood feU in the times of SyUa (Sidlanus, Adj.); 
 
 No 222. (1) res, with or withaut gestae. (2) integer. (3) or- 
 dinare. (4) declamatio. (5) by supponere. (6) commaculare, in- 
 quinare. (7) insectator. (8) praedicator, laudator. (9) here opti- 
 mates. (10) ratio. (11) frequens. (12) studiosus. (13) aemulus. 
 (14) here by amare. (15) mirum in modum suavis, also by miri- 
 fice animos oblectare. 
 
 but when the Catilinarian war was waged, SaUust was 
 already a young man of 23 years, so that he was able 
 to see with his own eyes, and to understand, by his 
 own discernment, both men and things. The Jugurthine 
 -"^ar, mdeed, had been undertaken (16) and finished 
 some time before Sallust; but the recoUection of what 
 had happened in it, was, at that time, fresh and 
 everything established by public documents (17), and 
 Sallust as propraetor of Numidia, procured, with, the 
 greatest dihgence, for himself in Africa a knowledge of 
 lo<mhti^ and things, which pertained to an accurate 
 and rebable description of that war. Thus it happened, 
 that grea,t conscientiousness and truth manifests itself(18) 
 in all the writings of Sallust. But to describe as 
 accurately as possible the character of the persons, he 
 often introduces them speaking, and attributes to some 
 of them speeches, which have, in fact, not been deUver- 
 ed by them, but which, according to (19) their character, 
 could conveniently have been delivered: a custom in 
 which he foUowed the best Greek historians (20), especi- 
 ally Thucydides. ^ 
 
 No. 223. 
 
 The Poet P. VirgUlus Maro. 
 P. Virgilius Maro was bom at Andes, a village (1) 
 m the territory (2) of Mantua, in the year 70 before 
 Christ, under the consulship of M. Crassus and Pompey 
 the Great. His parents seem to have been simple country- 
 people without nobility of family, but intelligent and 
 honest and also (3) moderately wealthy. Therefore the 
 iather caused his son to be as carefoUy instructed as 
 possible, first as it seems at Cremona. When the very 
 
 No. 223. (1) qui est vicus. (2) ager. (3) by idem. 
 
 "1 1 
 
 
 r. 
 
298 
 
 Part ii. 
 
 Section xx. 
 
 299 
 
 r- 
 
 
 I 
 
 same M. Crassns and Pompey the Great, under whom 
 Virgil was born, were consuls the second time, he, then 
 16 years old, took, after the manner of the Romans, the 
 manly gown, left Cremona, and betook himself first to 
 Milan, but soon after to Naples and Rome, to continue (4) 
 his scientific studies (5). At Naples he is said to have 
 enjoyed the teaching (6) of Parthenius, a not obscure 
 poet and grammarian, but to have been verj- well in- 
 structed at Rome in philosophy as weU as in mathe- 
 matics and physics (7) by (8) Syron, an Epicurean philo- 
 sopher and friend of Cicero. His studies being fini8hed(9), 
 Virgil, who, partly on accoimt of his delicate health, 
 partly'on account of his natural dislike (10), abhorred (11) 
 the din of the Forum and the hardships of military life, 
 retired to his country-house near Andes to devote him- 
 self entirely to rural life and poetical pursuits. But 
 only for a short time was VirgU aUowed to enjoy this 
 leisure. For after the battle at PhUippi Octavian began 
 to distribute to the veteran soldiers the land (12) which 
 he had promised them. Eighteen cities of Italy, which 
 had been on the side (13) of Brutus and Cassius, among 
 which was Cremona, lost aU their land. But the sol- 
 diers, accixstomed to taking booty and not satisfied with 
 what had been presented to them by the general, pene- 
 trated (14) also into the neighbouring fields and espe- 
 ciaUy into those of Mantua, and expeUed the legiti- 
 mate (15) owners. Virgil was also several times in the 
 same danger. First, it is true (16), his friend Asinius 
 Pollio, who was, at that time, as legate of Anthony m 
 Upper Italy , and who esteemed Virgil very highly on 
 account of Ms science and poetical e xcellence (17), pro- 
 
 (4)persequi. (5) only litterae. (6)uti aliquo doctore. (7)ina- 
 thematica (orum) et physica (orum). (8) per. (9) absolvere, per- 
 ficere. (10) insitmn taedium. (11) abhorrere ab ahqua re. 
 (12) ager {Plur.) (13) stare ab aliquo. (14) invadere, irrumpere. 
 (15) Justus ac legitimus. (16) sane (=„« is tnie"). (17) Tirtus. 
 
 tected him; but when the former was called away to 
 the Perusian war, Virgil could not prevent himself from 
 bemg driven away from his paternal estate. But to 
 recover this, and, at the same time, to bring help to his 
 neighbours, who, as he himself says, had been deprived 
 of their fields without any right and against the will 
 of Octavian, he travelled twice to Rome, and there, re- 
 commended by Asinius Pollio to Maecenas and Octavian 
 he finally eflPected, that both to himself and to many 
 of his fellow-citizens their property was restored. 
 
 No. 224. 
 
 Chapter n. 
 Though these things were sad, yet they exercised 
 a great influence (1) on the ftirther development (2) of 
 the poet. For in Asinius PoUio, Maecenas and Octavian 
 he found not only very powerful protectors (3) of his 
 affairs, but also friends and encouragers of his poetry. 
 It was especially Maecenas, who, at that time, by word 
 and deed, supported all, who distinguished themselves 
 by poetical talent (4), and, after peace had been restored 
 through Octavian, received all the best (5) poets into 
 familiar friendship (6). In that circle of poets Virgil 
 was, as It were, the centre(7), and he was no less honour- 
 ed than loved by the poets Cornelius GaUus and Aemi- 
 Hus Macer, L. Varius and Plotius Tucca, Propertius and 
 Horatius. The peace and tranquillity, which Octavian 
 had restored in Italy and aU over the earth, the wealth 
 and prosperity of the city, the Hberality, with which 
 not only Augustus, but especially Maecenas, encouraged 
 the studies of the fine arts (8) and particularly of poetry, 
 
 No. 224. (1) multum valere ad. (2) excolere. (3) invenire 
 sliquem patronum. (4) facultas, virtus. (5) praestantissimus, 
 or optimus quisque. (6) in familiaritatem adducere. (7) princi- 
 patum quendam tenere. (8) bonae artes. 
 

 300 
 
 Pabt n. 
 
 Section xx. 
 
 301 
 
 l>( 
 
 )i 
 
 
 all this had excited so great an ardour in (Gen.) the 
 Eoman mind, that all, impelled as it were by a noble 
 contest, endeavoured, each in his own way to attain 
 perfection. Virgil had already as a youth occupied him- 
 self (9) much with poetry; but it cannot at all be doubt- 
 ed, that those poems, which are praised as juvenile poems 
 ofYirgil, Culex, Ciris, Copa, Moretum, Dirae, and others, 
 were not written by Virgil himself. The oldest poems 
 of Virgil, which have come down to us, are the Buco- 
 lics, ten pastoral (10) poems, collected in one book, which 
 are now usually inscribed Eclogae, i. e. selected poems. 
 In these Eclogues Virgil , following the example of the 
 Greek poet Theocritus, a Sicilian, describes the beauties 
 of nature and the simplicity of pastoral life, but inter- 
 weaves (11) in them, with much skill, the praise of his 
 patrons and friends and other things, which refer to the 
 circumstance of that time. But they have been written 
 between the years 43 and 37 before Christ, at which 
 time Virgil had much to suffer (12) from the veterans, 
 on account o£ (Ahl.) the above mentioned distribution of 
 land. After he had first acquired a great renown by 
 these poems, he left his paternal estate and lived partly 
 at Eome, partly at Naples, which city, as Virgil was (13) 
 of delicate health, was especially pleasing to him on ac- 
 count of its mild climate. 
 
 No. 325. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 At Naples Virgil finished his second work, which 
 is inscribed Georgica, after a labour of seven years, in 
 the year 30 before Christ. This poem is dedicated to 
 Maecenas, and treats, in four books, of the four parts 
 of rural affairs, the cultivation of the fields and trees. 
 
 i' 
 
 (9) versari in aliqua re. (10) pastoricius, or pastoralis. 
 (11) inserere, intexere. (12) multum vexari. (13) uti. 
 
 and catde-breedmg and bee-keeping (1). The knguage 
 in the Georgica is much more poHshed (2) and elegant 
 than in the Eclogues; but the things themselves, though 
 
 Sv.?T, f; ^r""'' ^***^ ^'''^^'' l^^e been so 
 faithftUy taken from the natural condition of Italy and 
 
 ^e hfe of the Romans, that the poem, in spite of(3) 
 
 Bv ^^ ^^^""'' t' '*'*"^^ *^« ^^^ renown. 
 By the description of the loveliness of rural life and of 
 
 Ae work of farmers, he endeavours, at the same time, 
 to lead his fellow-citizens back to the old custom of the 
 Eomans of cultivating the fields, in which he beHeved 
 was (4) the strongest support (5) of truly Roman virtue. 
 But on account of the civil wars agriculture had begun 
 to be altogether neglected in Italy. In convenient places 
 the poet has interwoven, with the greatest skiU, not 
 only the praise of Maecenas and Octavian, but also many 
 legends of Italian antiquity; so that this work is not 
 unjustly considered by very many to be the ,most ex- 
 cellent of Its kind. After the publication of the Georgica 
 Virgil was occupied, for eleven years, with the comple- 
 tion of his la^t and greatest work, which, in twelve 
 books celebrates the exploits of Aeneas. In this heroic 
 poem Virgil has principally imitated Homer, arranginff(6) 
 the whole matter in such a mamier, that he describes 
 in the first six books of the Aeneis, following the Odys- 
 sey, the wanderings of Aeneas, but in the six last books, 
 after the example of the Iliad, the wars and battles of 
 Aeneas m Italy itself. Thus Virgil endeavoured, in the 
 one Aeneis, to comprise the two poems of Homer. But 
 in the following- out (7) of the work VirgH eveiywhere 
 proves himself a Roman poet, celebrating, with the 
 highest skill, not only the glory of the entire Roman 
 p eople and its ancient virtues, but also of Octavian and 
 Xo. 225. (1) res pecuaria, res apiaria. (2) urbanus, politus. 
 W mstituere, disponere. (7) persequi. 
 
 II, 
 
 1 
 
302 
 
 Pabt II. 
 
 SeCTIOX XX. 
 
 303 
 
 . 
 
 the Julian family, which derived its origin (8) from 
 Julus, the son of Aeneas. The poem has, indeed, been 
 followed out to the end by the poet himself, but not 
 polished (9) in all its parts; for before he could execute 
 this, death overtook (10) him to (11) the greatest grief 
 of his friends. In the year 19 before Christ Virgil under- 
 took a journey to Greece, there and in Asia Minor to 
 give the last touch (12) to the perfection (13) of the 
 Aeneis. At Athens he met (14) Augustus, who was re- 
 turning from the East, and, since he had already begun, 
 for some time, to languish (15), he allowed himself to 
 be persuaded to return with Augustus to Italy. The 
 sickness became, on account of the passage (16), more 
 violent, and Virgil died, soon after his arrival, at Brun- 
 disium, on the 22^^ of September, in the year 19 before 
 Christ. 
 
 No. 226. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 Virgil was, by order of Augustus, buried (1) at 
 Naples, as he himself had wished in his lifetime. On 
 his tomb the following epitaph (2) is said to have been 
 inscribed, which he himself, when dying, dictated: 
 „Mantua has given me birth, the Calabrians have snatch- 
 ed (me) away (3), now Parthenope possesses (me); I have 
 sung pastures (4), fields (5), (and) leaders." 
 
 By this distich (6) the poet has, at the same time, 
 pointed out (7) the place of his birth, of his death, and 
 of his tomb; for Brundisium, where he died, is situated 
 in Calabria, Naples, where he was buried, was called 
 Parthenope in the remotest times. But at the same time 
 
 (8) originem repetere, revocare. (9) limare. (10) opprimere. 
 (11) cum. (12) extremam manum imponere. (13) expolire. 
 (14) convenire aliquem. (15) aegrotare. (16) navigatio. 
 
 Nd. 226. (1) humare, condere. (2) titulus. (3) rapere. 
 (4) pascuum. (5) rus. (6) distichon, i, n, (7) indicare. 
 
 he ha« also marked out (8) those three poetical works 
 on the composition of wMch he spent (9) his whole life,' 
 aie Bucohca, in which pastures and pastoral life, the 
 Georg,ca, m which fields and rural life, the AeJs, in 
 which genemk and their exploits are celebrated. When 
 ?n "^Tl^^ lordly been begun, so great a renow^ 
 foUoj^d the poem that Propcrtius did not hesitate T 
 
 "^'ir^k-^'l^tT'' '^'''''' ^^' ^^y- (y«) «r««k ones. 
 Something (11) greater is being produced (12) than 
 
 the IKad". 
 Augustus often called upon (13) Virgil to read (14) 
 
 Vir^r fTj" *'^ P°^"' "^^^"^^ ^* -- Published! 
 
 he read to hun the second, the fourth and the sixth 
 books; and the last, indeed, principally on account of 
 OcUvia the sister of Augustus. But when Virgil to- 
 wards the end of the book, recited, with great ^a^- 
 those famous verses on the death of MarceUus, The son 
 of Octavia, whom Augustus loved ardently and had re- 
 solved to make his heir, so great a weeping of aU who 
 were present, arose, that Augustus enjoined silence (15) 
 
 r^w f ^L "* "^"^ ^'*"^^ ^'*' ^^^ (^^) *e sor- 
 row, felt (16) great consolation in the pmises of her son 
 
 tri?.?/!!''^ sestercesdT), a sL, which equak 
 nearly 370 dollars of our money, to be paid to Virgil 
 for each single verse; so that, as twenty five verses treat 
 of MarceUus, the poet received a reward of almost 9,375 
 dollars. To o^ier friends he also sometimes recited s^me 
 passages (18 of the poem, but generaUy only those, about 
 which he himself doubted, in order to learn and make 
 
 (8) designare. (9) consumere in aUqna re. (10) praedicare 
 (11 nescio quid. (12) nasci. (13) peLe ab. (U) rSre 
 (lo) silentinm imperare. (16) perciDere (M\ Aar^V ,1^- 
 See Gram, g 348. k (18) pars. ^ ^ ^ ^ '"'*'"'*• 
 
304 
 
 Part n. 
 
 I 
 
 use of the judgment of others. As his heirs Virgil had 
 appointed (19), besides (20) others, also the poets Vanus 
 and Tncca, and ordered them to destroy the Aeneis as 
 an unfinished work by fire. But in spite of(21) the 
 respect for this last wiU Augustus forbade that to be 
 done, and thus a greater testimony was given to the 
 poet, than if Augustus had approved of the testmiony 
 of the poet himself. Therefore Varius and Tucca, by 
 order of Augustus, corrected, indeed, some few things, 
 but did by no means add anything, so that they did 
 not even endeavour to complete (22) those verses, which 
 Virgil had left incomplete. 
 
 The poems of Virgil, and especially the Aeneis, were 
 very highly esteemed by the Romans. Abeady in the 
 time of Augustus they were begun to be read and ex- 
 plained in schools; soon, as the poems of Homer with 
 the Greeks, so with the Romans those of Virgil were 
 given to boys and youths to be learned by heart (23). 
 This renown of the poet graduaUy grew in an incredible 
 manner, so that, in the so-called Middle Ages (24), not 
 a few believed (25) they saw a fountain of all wisdom 
 in the poems of VirgU, and venerated him, as it were, 
 as a prophet and wonder-worker (26). 
 
 (19) haeredem scribere, or facere. (20) H»e et - et. {J^)<^^- 
 tra (22) explere. (23) ediscere. (24) media aetas (Sing.). (25) sibi 
 videri. (26) tamquam fatidicus quidam et homo minficus. 
 
 1 
 
 ll>i 
 
 Free Exercises. 
 
 — ^- 
 
 
 Mttller, Exercises. 
 
 20 
 
Ill 
 
 I 
 
 SECTION XXI. 
 
 Cardinal Newman's Sketcli of Cicero's Life 
 
 and Writings. 
 
 No. 22:. 
 
 1. Chief Events (1) in the Life of Cicero 
 
 Marcus TulUus Cicero was bom at Arpinum the 
 iiative place of Marius ,« fKo ^ piuum, the 
 
 (K C 1^fi^ Z ''""^' "^ *^« year of Rome (2) 648 
 
 the Grl^k P ''"'' ^T "^^''^^^^ ^^' birth 4) to 
 
 of Equestrian rank, but had never taken part in the 
 pubhc affai.. of Eome, though both Hs father'^and Ind 
 father were persons of consideration (7) in the pTrt of 
 Italy .to which they belonged (8). hL father (9) "^ bein^ 
 a man of cultivated mind himself, detennined Z 
 
 Ird toT^ . Ir*"^^ °' ^ '^'''' education (To), 
 Iv^J r, "' ?' P'-«^P«'t(n) of those public em- 
 p^ents which a feeble constitution (12) incapacitated 
 Wlf from undertaking (13). Marcus, the elder of the 
 wo, soon displayed indications of a superior (14) Intel! 
 lect and we are told that his schoolfellows carried home 
 
 (4) in lucem edi. (5) Mairnn<! iDa ni\ a m * ^- 
 
 nodere. (9) o«/y atque iUe quidem. (10) institutio. (11 ij^ 
 Sr '"/''''"• ;i^)'^'-P0ri« debilitas. (13)aditu arcere (= ". 
 "t (— „to car^ «(o/, aec. — that"). 
 
 20* 
 
 t; 
 
308 
 
 Part ni. 
 
 H 
 
 HI 
 
 I 
 
 II? 
 
 ed the school for the sake of seeing a youth who gave 
 such promise (16) of fature eminence. One of his earhest 
 masters was the poet Archias, whom he defended after- 
 wards in his Consular year (17); under his instructions 
 he was able to compose a poem, though yet a boy, on 
 the fable of Glaucus, which had formed the subject (18) 
 of one of the tragedies of .Eschylus. Soon after he as- 
 sumed the manly gown he was placed under the care(19) 
 of Scaevola, the celebrated lawyer, whom he introduces 
 so beautiftilly into several of his philosophical (20) dia- 
 logues; and in no long time he gained a thorough know- 
 ledge of the laws and poHtical institutions (21) of his 
 
 country (22). 
 
 This was about the time of the Social war; and(J6), 
 according to the Roman custom, which made it a ne- 
 cessary part of education to learn the mUitary art by 
 personal service (24), Cicero took the opportunity of ser- 
 ving a campaign (25) under the Consul Pompeius Strabo, 
 father of Pompey the Great. Returning to pursuits more 
 congenial to his natural taste (26), he commenced the 
 study of Philosophy under (27) Philo the Academic, of 
 whom we shall speak more particulary hereafter. But 
 his chief attention was reserved (28) for Oratory, to which 
 he appUed himself with the assistance of Molo, the first(29) 
 rhetorician of the day; while Diodotus the Stoic exer- 
 cised him in the argumentative subtleties (30) for which 
 the disciples of Zeno were so generally celebrated. At 
 the same time he declaimed (31) daily in Greek and 
 
 (16) spes. (17) only consularis {Apposition to Subj.). (18) ira- 
 goedia versatur in. (19) tutela. (20) de philosophia. (21) insti- 
 tuta publica. (22) populus Romanus. (23) itaque. (24) bellicus 
 usus. (25) stipendia merere, or mereri. (26) labores ingemo 
 magis consentanei. (27) doctor. Oram. § S84. 1. (28) hy am- 
 mum intentum habere in aliquid, w praecipua diligentia ahquid 
 complecti. (29) facile princeps. (30) argnmentandi subtihtas 
 ^rig:]., or argnmentandi argutiae. (31) declamitare. 
 
 Section xxi. ong 
 
 ^^"i^^'lTl ^'""^ "^^'^°'^^' -^» --re competi- 
 Z^. """ '"^ *^^ ^^"^ '^ ^' political (33) 
 
 No. 228. 
 
 Chapter n. 
 Of(l) the two professions (2), which, from the con- 
 tentiousness (3) of human nature, are involved in the 
 veiy notion of society, while that of arms (4), by t 
 splendour and importance (5), secures the almost uncUvid 
 .dadmira xon(6) of a rising and uncivilised people" Wl 
 practice(7), on the other hand, becomes (8) \he' path t 
 honours m later and more civilized ages (9), by reason 
 of the oratorical accomplishments (10) to which it usuallv 
 gives scope(ll). The date of Cicero's birth (12) fdS 
 cisely dunng that intermediate state of things (13) i 
 which the gloxy of militaiy exploits (14) lost (l!) its pr^ 
 
 which were their natural issue (16); and he was the ^t 
 
 ff ZsS! "^ ""' r^'''^ *° *^^ ^g*^-* dignities 
 ot the State with no other recommendation (18) than his 
 
 t^lW " "' "^ "^"'^ " ' ""^^ "^^^^ 
 
 The first cause of importance he undertook was his 
 
 T o.>r'S°r "'■ "rtl ^"'f ' '""•" ^^"^'•)- (33) civilil 
 
 ^. iia"T ^ ^ "*'■ ""^"'^ "f '*« twopr.- that of arms- 
 f ; "''^f - "» f'^ other lu,nd", et quoniam - contra 1 Zl' 
 autemcontra, or nt- ita. (2) vitae ratio. (3) ^raalJoT fZ^ 
 Ob. (4) altera militaris. (6) gravitas. (0) paene omnem in se 
 
 W aperire. (9) apud populos diu jam ac bene constitutos 
 
 iu '^^'""Lrt'T"^^ ^"^ "^^"^ campus-pate:"": 
 desii^t^^: (^,^^„fj""«<i''» "la aetas. (14) virtus bellica. (15)6. 
 desmit esse (16) sua sponte derivari, consequi. (17) aditum 
 nancisci, sibi patefacere {\fft Innc rjkt\ .. ■ ^ ' ^"^"""^ 
 
 It notlttng else etc. (19) in civih magistratu parta (i. e. merita). 
 
810 
 
 Pakt ni. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 311 
 
 W'' 
 
 I 
 
 defence (20) of Sextiis Eoscins; in which he distinguished 
 himself by his spirited opposition (21) to Sylla, whose 
 favourite (22) Chrysogonus was prosecutor in the action. 
 This obliging him, according to Plutarch, to leave Eome 
 on prudential motives (23), he employed his time in tra- 
 velling for two years under pretence (24) of his health, 
 which, he tells us, was as yet (25) unequal to the exer- 
 tion of pleading. At Athens he met with T. Pomponius 
 Atticus, whom he had formerly known at school, and 
 there renewed with him a friendship (26) which lasted 
 through life, in spite of the change of interests and 
 estrangements of affection (27) so common in turbulent 
 times. Here too he attended the lectures (28) of An- 
 tiochus, who, under the name of Academic, taught the 
 dogmatic doctrines (29) of Plato and the Stoics. Though 
 Cicero felt at first considerable dislike (30) of his philo- 
 sophical views, he seems afterwards to have adopted the 
 sentiments of the Old Academy, which they much re- 
 sembled (31); and not tiU late in life (32) to have re- 
 lapsed into the sceptical tenets (33) of his former in- 
 structor Philo. After (34) visiting the principal philoso- 
 phers and rhetoricians of Asia, in his thirtieth year he 
 returned to Eome, so strengthened and improved both 
 in bodily and mental powers, that he soon ecHpsed m 
 his oratorical efforts (35) all his competitors for pubUc 
 favour. 
 
 (20) causam alicujus detendendam suscipere. (21) acrem se 
 praestare adversarium. (22) familiaris. (23) prudentiae rationes 
 {Ahl), or by ut sibi caveret. (24) causam interponere. (2o) etiam- 
 tnm. (26) Trand. „that life-long (vitae aeqnalis) /r., which neither 
 the change of int., nor the estr. etc, were ahU to dissolve.'' (27) ani- 
 mornm dissensio, or studiorum diversitas. (28) scholas obire, 
 freqnentare. (29) only dogmata. (30) aversiore esse ammo ab, 
 or minime delectari. (31) similitudo, affinitas. Gh-am. § 207. 
 (32) extrema aetate, or only senex. (33) ratio {Sing.) de omnibus 
 rebus dubitandi, or only dubitationes. (34) ergo quum. (35) di- 
 cendi contentio {Ahl.). 
 
 No. 229. 
 
 Chapter in. 
 
 So popular a talent speedily gained him (1) the 
 suffrage of the Commons (2); and, being sent to Sicily 
 as Quaestor, at a time when the metropolis itself was 
 visited with a scarcity of com (3), he acquitted himself 
 m that delicate (4) situation with such address (5) as to 
 supply the clamorous wants (6) of the people without 
 oppressing the province from which the provisions were 
 raised (7). Returning thence with greater honours than 
 had ever been before decreed to a Roman (8) Governor 
 he ingratiated himself still farther in the esteem of the 
 bicilians by undertaking his celebrated prosecution (9) 
 oi Verres; who, though defended by the influence (10) 
 of the MetelU and the eloquence of Hortensius, was at 
 length driven in despair into voluntary exile (11). 
 
 Five years after his Qnaestorship, Cicero was elect- 
 ed ^ile, a post of considerable expense (12) from the 
 exhibition of games connected with it. In this magis- 
 tracy (13) he conducted himself with singular proprie- 
 ty(14); for, it being customary to court (15) the people 
 by a display of splendour (16) in these official shows (17) 
 he contrived to retain his popularity without (18) sub- 
 
 Xo. -29. (1) Transl. „naving speedily gained hy m pop. a tal 
 (ingemum popnlare) etc. and been sent" etc. (2) comitiar^ plebs' 
 {i) annona, or annonae caritate premi, laborare. (4) difflcilis' 
 (o) ita se gerere, or tanta sollertia versari in -, ut (6) nro' 
 Ro^LT^' "ecessitati (7) frumentum exigere. (8) quisquam 
 Romanns „Gover,wr" = „u,ho had governed (administrare) a pr<^ 
 
 eZlf r'"T"- ^'"^ ''"'=*°"*^^' «^''*-- (11) ^ -» ^PO^te 
 exsulare in exsihum ire. (12) magistratus adraodum sumptuo- 
 
 sus. (13) munus. (14) consiliorum prudentia. (15) gratificari 
 
 alicui. (16) apparatus ac splendor, or splendidus quidam appa- 
 
 '^2 ^:-'* c T''-L/'^^ '"'^' P""'*^'' '"^ ^oll^u^es, or pubiL 
 celebrat.o(Sm^). (18) Transl. „so tl^t 1^, a-hat {as it) ofte,^ happen- 
 ed, neither plundered nor sacrificed'' etc. 
 
312 
 
 Pabt III. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 11';. 
 
 V'l 
 
 I'' ' 
 
 •ll- 
 
 1 
 
 1 I 
 
 mitting to the usual alternative of plundering the pro- 
 vinces or sacrificing his private fortune. The latter was 
 at this time by no means ample; but, with the good 
 sense and taste which mark his character (19), he pre- 
 served in his domestic arrangements (20) the dignity of 
 a literary and public man, without any of the osten- 
 tation of magnificence (21) which often distinguished the 
 candidate for popular applause. 
 
 After the customary interval of two years, he was 
 returned at the head of the list as Prsetor(22); and now 
 made his first appearance in the rostrum in support (23j 
 of the Manilian law. About the same time he defended 
 Cluentius. At the expiration of his Praetorship, he re- 
 fused to accept a foreign province, the usual reward of 
 that magistracy; but, having the Consulate foil in 
 view (24), and relying on liis interest (25) with Caesar 
 and Pompey, he allowed nothing to divert (26) liim from 
 that career of glory for which he now (27) believed him- 
 self to be destined. 
 
 No. 330. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 It may be doubted, indeed, whether (1) any indi- 
 vidual (2) ever rose to power by more virtuous and truly 
 honourable conduct (3) ; the integrity of his public life (4) 
 was only equalled by the correctness of his private 
 morals; and it may at first sight (5) excite our wonder 
 
 313 
 
 (19) quo erat recti atque decori judicio praestans ejus in- 
 geuium. (20) rerum privatarum (domesticarum) administratio. 
 (21) nulla magnificentiae ostentatione. (22) praetorem primum 
 comitiorum tabellis renuntiare (declarare). (23) suadere aliquid. 
 Gram. § 249. 1, or § 288. 1. (24) in optima spe esse alcujus 
 rei, or omni spe spectare aliquid. (25) uecessitudo („trtM", Genit). 
 (26) Pass, averti. (27) jam. 
 
 No. 230. (1) Gram. § 176. Note 3. d. (2) nemo. (3) by vir- 
 tus et honestas. (4) res publicae. (5) principio. 
 
 Me foZ^/° 'P^^''^ ^^"^ ^^°^^ -ften^ards so 
 W8) frorn ,r'^ .pronuse(6). Yet (7) it was a fai- 
 lure (8) from the penod of his Consulate to his Pro- 
 pr«torskp(9) in Cilicia, and each year is foundTlO) to 
 d— h his influence in public aLrs, tiuTe^r s 
 
 putltior, ^ . ;°»Porta.ace(12) by his present re! 
 putation, and confounding the authority he deservedly 
 jwssesses as an author Hfi^ ^-+1, ^.u ■ . "'^•erveaiy 
 
 of h.-n, K 1. "''*^°'^(^'^) ^^^ tte opinions entertained 
 of him by his contemporaries as a statesman. From the 
 consequence usually attached (14) to passing ev^^ ^ 
 politician's celebrity is often at its zenith (Jl^'hi! 
 own generation; while the author, who is in the Lh 
 es repute with posterity, may perhaps have been S 
 valued or courted in his own day. Virtue indeelTo tot 
 spicuous as that of Cicero, studies so dignified/lS) a^ 
 o^ orical powei. so commanding, will always invest St 
 thu. possessor with a large portion of reputation and 
 authority; and this (18) is nowhere more apparent th^n 
 
 quahties be added, more pecuKarly necessary for a 
 
 tatesman, they will hardly of themselves carry that 
 
 pohtical weight which (20) some writers have atUed 
 
 (6) spem pridem ostensam minime a«;«?Pnni n\ • ^ 
 m^U».„ c.ph„ ,9, Tr.^ ,2 ,'S,r d4' S-TZ 
 
 a POtissimiim L; /I of ■ \"^l-)- (11) admirantur autem 
 
 " poussimum qui. (12) m republica potentia n^\ ;„ i;*t • 
 (= „as an author^). (U) eifJr f»„t„ P°^«°5'a. 13) in httens 
 lent nt -> * . ' ■ *^»tam emm vim habere so- 
 
 berahs. (17) concihare alicui aliquid. (18) quod quidem 
 (19) summa omnium irratulatio (Oiw t„„f, \ \ <l«'<iem. 
 
 pubUcum, quantum. ^^ ""'^*'°- ^^^ **"*""" '^^bere momentum 
 
 
i 
 
 314 
 
 Part ni. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 to Cicero's public life, and which his own self-love led 
 him to appropriate (21). 
 
 The advice of the Oracle (22), which had directed 
 him to make his own genius, not the opinion of the 
 people, his guide to immortality [which in fact pointed 
 at (23) the above-mentioned distinction between the fame 
 of a statesman and of an author (24)], at first made a 
 deep impression (25) on his mind; and at the present 
 day he owes his reputation principally to those pursuits 
 which, as Plutarch tells us, exposed (26) him to the ridi- 
 cule and even to the contempt of his contemporaries as 
 a *^pedant and a professor (27)". But his love of popu- 
 larity overcame (28) his philosophy (29) , and he com- 
 menced a career which gained him one triumph and 
 ten thousand mortifications (30). 
 
 No. 231. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 It is not indeed (1) to be doubted that in his po- 
 litical course (2) he was more or less influenced by a 
 sense of duty (3). To many it may even appear that a 
 public life (4) was best adapted for the display of his 
 particular talents; that, at the termination of the Mithri- 
 datic war, Cicero was in fact marked out as the very 
 man to (5) adjust the pretensions of the rival parties in 
 
 315 
 
 (21) paullo ambitiosius sibi vindicare, arrogare. (22) only 
 illnd Oraculum. (23) significare. Pass. Constr. (24) gloria civi- 
 lis = ,,fame of a sV', doctrina = „fame of an auth.'' „6cfireen^ 
 Genit (25) haerere, or insidere in. (26) by efficere ut. (27) ali- 
 quem per jocum atque adeo per contemptum hominem graecu- 
 lum et scholasticum vocitare. (28) by plus valere quam. (29) lit- 
 terae, or artium studia. (30) molestia, dolor. 
 
 No. 231. (1) nee vero. (2) by rempublicam capessere. Gram. 
 § 289. 2. (3) officii ratio. (4) here campus publicus. (5) ido- 
 neum existimare, qui. Gram. § 258. (6) aemulationes popu- 
 larium partium, or diversa civilium partium studia ita conciliare, 
 ut . . . 
 
 the Cominonwealth(6), to withstand the encroachments (7) 
 of Pompey, and to baffle the arts of Caesar. And if 8 
 the power of swaying and controUing the popiilar as- 
 semblies by his eloquence; if the circumstances (9) of 
 his rank, Equestrian (10) as far as family was concerned 
 yet almost Patrician from the splendour of his pergonal 
 honours; if the popularity derived from Hs accusation 
 of Verres, and defence of Cornelius, and the favour of 
 the Senate acquired by the briUiant services (11) of his 
 Consulate; if the general respect of all parties which (12) 
 his learning aad virtue commanded; if these were suf- 
 ficient qualifications for a mediator (13) between con- 
 tending factions, Cicero was indeed called upon by the 
 voice of his country to that most arduous and honour- 
 able post And in his Consulate he had seemed sensible 
 of the caU(14): "All through my Consulate," he de- 
 clares m his speech against Piso, "I made a point of 
 doing nothing (15) without the advice of the Sei^te and 
 the approval of the People. I ever defended the Senate 
 in he Rostrum, in the Senate House the People, and 
 united the populace with the leading men, the Equestrian 
 order with the Senate." 
 
 Yet after that eventful period, we see him resign- 
 ing his high station to Cat«, who, with half(16) Ms 
 abiLties, little foresight, and no address(17), possessed that 
 first requisite for a statesman (18), firmness. Cicero, on 
 toe contrary was irresolute, timid, and inconsistent. 
 He talked indeed largely of preserving a middle coiu^, 
 
 du,hngut>hedhyPatr.lmmtr,-. (U) res praeclare gestae. (12) Trand 
 (mquain) si propria sunt ejus qui conciliaturus est. (14) quam 
 
 cTVmTr ^t ^''^ "''' ^'"^ '^^"•^""^ statuU'c^: 
 ^u ,n m # r. (16) by nequaquam similis, or minime aequalis 
 
 (17) rerum usas. (18) prima ilia rerum administrandarum virtus 
 
316 
 
 PABT ni. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 i'l 
 
 i 
 
 ■■I 
 i« 
 
 it 
 
 but lie was continually vacillating from one to the 
 other extreme (19); always too confident or too dejected; 
 incorrigibly vain (20) of success, yet meanly panegyrizing 
 (21) the government of an usurper. His foresight, saga- 
 city, practical good sense, and singular tact (22), were 
 lost for want of that strength of mind which points (23) 
 them steadily to one object. He was never decided, 
 never (as has sometimes been observed) took an impor- 
 tant step without afterwards repenting of it. Nor can 
 we account (24) for the firmness and resolution of Hs 
 Consulate, unless we discriminate (25) between the case 
 of resisting and exposing a faction, and that of balanc- 
 ing contending interests (26). Vigour in repression 
 differs widely from steadiness in mediation (27); the latter 
 requiring a coolness of judgment, which a direct attack 
 upon a pubHc foe is so far from (28) implying, that it 
 even inspires minds naturally timid with unusual 
 ardour. 
 
 No. 232. 
 
 Chapter VI. 
 His Consulate was succeeded (1) by the return of 
 Pompey from the East, and the establishment of the 
 First (2) Triumvirate; which, disappointing his hopes 
 of political power (3), induced him to resume his forensic (4) 
 and literary occupations. From the^e he was recalled, 
 after an interval of four years, by t he threatening 
 
 (19) inter extrema {or diversa) consilia fluctuare. (20) by 
 vanitati non temperare, si . . . (21) turpiter adulari. (22) „prac- 
 tkaV''- etc. rerum judicandarum sapientia, tractandarum (geren- 
 darum) calliditas (facultas singularis). (23) convertere. (24) satis 
 intelligere. (25) by meminisse aliud esse aliud . . . (26) sta- 
 dia diversissima consociare, studia contraria conjungere. (27) con- 
 ciliatio. (28) Gram. § 275. 2. 2. 
 
 Xo. 232. (1) excipere. Active Cmstr. (2) not primus. (3) spes 
 consequendae potestatis. (4) judiciorum labores, or causarum 
 dictio. 
 
 317 
 
 dnvmg hm into exile. This (6) event, which, consider- 
 ing the circumstances connected with it, wL one of 
 
 distress and despondency. He wandered about Gre^e 
 
 tT« t ^ ^ '^^''^P*^ *^ administer, and shunning 
 ^er(7) to load him His return (8), which took place 
 
 Zl TT. "^n*' ^""''^°« y^^' r-i'^tated him Z 
 the ^gh station (9) he had filled at the terminatio" S 
 
 ^t J^ I ' ."* *' oi^^'^stances of the times did 
 not aUow him to retain it. We refer to Eoman history 
 for aja account (10) of his vacillations between the T^Z 
 
 Gabinius, to ^tiate^te^*:^^^^-^^^ 
 «>nal histoiy in the meanwhUe(12) fumishi "uttle lo^h 
 noticing, except his election into ihe college of 1!^ 
 
 return from exile, was in consequence of Pompey's law 
 
 Sl;il^.>. '""''"' ^'^^ ''^y ^«^^^g° command (15), 
 
 whith t T "T* ^''^"^ ^"^^"^^ *^«-- Thi« office 
 which we have above seen him decline, he now accept- 
 
 him-. (8) Tmnsl ^aTnJ\"! "'^"'^^ (certatim) loaded 
 yet the crc ofth. "rr f^ *'" ^*'- •••*««"» reinstated in . . ., 
 yet m»rc. of the ttmes (ratio temporum, or rerum conditio) « 
 
 i .aSlnrrn^torrerZ Ro'lr*'^ ^^.^'^^ "^2^), 
 adversarius naV -!. T Romanarum. (11) only acerrinms 
 
 SgZ* i,«^ r^?, .?**"" ""*"■■"" P"^''*^ «i contigerunt. 
 
 Id Oram. # S38. 5. (14) ut Cilicia ei constitueretur provincia 
 
 (lo) externum imperium gerere. provincia. 
 
 ill 
 
Is 
 
 M 
 
 318 
 
 Pakt III. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 fi 
 
 ill 
 
 ed with feelings of extreme reluctance (16), dreading 
 perhaps the military occupations which the movements(17) 
 of the Parthians in that quarter rendered necessary. Yet 
 if we> consider the state and splendour with which the 
 Proconsuls were surrounded (18) , and the opportunities 
 afforded them for almost legalized (19) plunder and 
 extortion, we must confess that this insensibility (20) to 
 the common objects of human cupidity was the token 
 of no ordinary mind. The singular disinterestedness (21) 
 and integiity of his administration, as well as his 
 success against the enemy, also belong (22) to the history 
 of his times. The latter he exaggerated from the 
 desire (23), so often instanced (24) in eminent men, of 
 appearing to excel in those things for which nature has 
 not adapted them. 
 
 No. 283. 
 
 Chapter VII. 
 
 His return to Italy (1) was followed by earnest 
 endeavours to reconcile Pompey with Caesar, and by 
 very spirited behaviour (2) when Caesar required his 
 presence in the Senate. On this occasion he felt the 
 glow of self-approbation (3) with which liis political con- 
 duct seldom repaid him (4): he writes to Atticus, "I 
 believe I do not please Caesar, but I am pleased with 
 myself, which has not happened to me for a long while." 
 However, this effort at independence (5) was but transient. 
 
 (16) „ivifh feel of extr. reV, Siiperl of invitus. (17) tumul- 
 tus, or turba. (18) celebrari. (19) legitimus. (20) animi tardi- 
 tas ad eas res quas . . . (21) quanta vero fuerit innocentia etc. 
 (22) repetere licet ab illarum rerum scriptoribus. (23) eo desi- 
 derio, ut . . . (24) id quod saepe factum videinus. 
 
 No. 233. (1) Inltaliam ubi rediit, laboravit . . . , ut. (2) ani- 
 mose omnino fortiterque rem gerere. (3) se sibi satisfecisse 
 laetatus est, or ipse sibi probari visus est. (4) Transl ,,%chich 
 pleasure he had seldom enjoyed in his pol life (res publicae)" 
 (5) constantiae conatus. 
 
 319 
 
 At no period (6) of his public life did he display such 
 miserable vacillation as at the opening of the civH war. 
 We tod hmi first accepting a commission from the 
 
 saihng for Greece, resolving to follow him thither: 
 presently determining to stand neuter(8); then ben 
 on retinng(9) to the Pompeians in Sicily; and, when 
 after all he had joined their camp in Gree;e, di^covei^ 
 mg such timidity and discontent as to draw from 
 Pompey the bitter reproof (10), J wish Cicero would 
 go over to the enemy, that he may leam to fear us." 
 
 >.. l.^^ ""^"^ ^"^ ^*'^^' ^"^"" ^^^ ^^^*1^ of PhamHa, 
 he had the mortification of learning (11) that his brother 
 
 and nephew were making their peace with Caesar, bya2) 
 
 throwing on himself the blame of their opposition to 
 
 points (13) of character which redeem the weaknesses of 
 tllT r^^^^^l^)^ ^^-> l^earing that Caesar had 
 
 ZTt Tk^^'^ ^'"^'^ '^' charge (15) which the 
 ktter had brought against himself, he wrote a press- 
 nig 16) letter in his favour(17), declaring his brother's 
 safety was not less precious to him than liis own, and 
 
 Jhis'voTe ''''* ^'^^' ^'^^""' ^"'' "' '^' eompLnion 
 
 Now (18) too the state of his private afiairs reduced 
 
 hun to much perplexity; a sum he had advanced (19) to 
 
 Pompey had impoverished him, and he was forced to 
 
 (6) nee uUum fuit teniDus mm n\ • • 
 
 »nW;oo ^ . ^«"ipus..., quo. (7) i^rovmciam pro re- 
 
 oogitare ad P. m Siciham. (10) acerba contumelia. (11) sum- 
 
 ^ hat tl^ threw" etc. (13) laus eximia (insignis). (U viW 
 CIVU.S moonstantiae, c- rerum gerendarj ignria (S cS^ 
 culpam accusationem transferre in. (16) g^vissimus. ^iTL: 
 
320 
 
 Paet ni. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 stand indebted to Atticus for present assistance (20). 
 These difficulties led him to take a step (21) which it 
 has been customary to regard with great severity; the 
 divorce (22) of his wife Terentia, though he was then 
 in his sixty-second year, and his marriage (23) with his 
 rich ward (24) Publilia, who of course was of an age 
 disproportionate to his own. 
 
 No. 2S4. 
 
 Chapter Vin. 
 
 Yet(l), in reviewing this proceeding (2) , we must 
 not adopt the modem standard of propriety (3), forgetful 
 of a condition of society which reconciled actions even 
 of moral turpitude (4) with a reputation for honour and 
 virtue. Terentia was a woman of a most imperious 
 and violent temper (5), and (what is more to the purpose) 
 had in no slight degree contributed to his present (6) 
 embarrassments by her extravagance in the management 
 of his private affairs (7). By her he had two chUdren, 
 a son, bom a year before his Consulate, and a daughter 
 whose loss he was now (8) fated to deplore (9). To 
 Tullia he was tenderly attached, not only from the 
 excellence of her disposition, but from her literary 
 tastes (10); and her death tore from him, as he so 
 pathetically (11) laments to Sulpicius, the only comfort 
 which the course of public events had left him. At 
 
 321 
 
 (20) sumptus necessarios ab aliquo suppeditatos accipere. 
 (21) consilium capere, with Genit of Getnind. (22) divortium fa- 
 cere cum. (23) ducere, with, or ivithout in matrimonium. (24) pu- 
 
 pilla. 
 
 No. 234. (1) Gram. § 172. Note. (2) de eo facto ut recte 
 existimemus. (3) nostra honestatis norma. (4) quaedam morum 
 turpitudo. (5) ingenium et arrogans et impotens. (6) ille, or 
 illius temporis. (7) rei familiaris administrandae insolentia. 
 (8) tum. (9) aliquem fato sibi ereptum lugere. (10) litterarum 
 studia. (11) miserabiliter, flebiliter omnino. 
 
 iirst he was inconsolable; and, retiring to a little island 
 near his estate at Antium(12), he buL himseif n t,e 
 woods, to avoid the sight of man. His distress wa 
 ii^creased by the conduct of his new (13) wife PubliS 
 
 TZ::T "Z'-^i,'- at the dea^h 
 
 u Z '^P^^^^h*^^ (14)- On this occasion he wrote 
 his TVeatise on Consolation (15), with a view (leTt 
 alleviate his grief; and, with the same object, he dete^ 
 mined on dedicating a temple to his daughter as a 
 memonal of her viHues and his affection. His friend! 
 were assiduous in their attentions (17); and Caesar, who 
 had treated him with extreme kindness on his ^tum 
 trom Egypt, signified the respect he bore his characterdS) 
 
 tdr " 'f'l '' condolence (19) from Spain 
 
 where the remains of the Pompeian party still engaged 
 him Caesar, moreover(20), had shortly before given 
 a still stronger proof of his favour, by replying to a 
 
 Tut nol^t .""/'' '""^ "P ^ praiseTcato; 
 but no attentions, however considerate (21), could soften 
 Cicero s vexation (22) at seeing the cou;try he had 
 formerly ^ved by his exertions now subjected to the 
 tyramiy of one master. His speeches, indeed, for Mar- 
 ceUus and Liganus, exhibit traces of inconsisUcy; but 
 for the most part he retired from pubHc business (23), 
 
 ^ir"^"^":^ ^^ '' '^' composition of those works 
 winch, while they mitigated his political sorrows (24) 
 have secured (25) his literaiy celebrity ^ ^' 
 
 (12) fundus Antianus. (13) alter. Omit the proper name 
 
 nZT t^ "'" -nsolationis. (16) causa. IZ T^e. 
 
 17 nullum ... non praestare officium, or nulli officio deesse 
 
 18) quanti eum (or ejus animum virtutesque) faceret ^Z' 
 
 terae consolatoriae. (20) idem n^,./ ^^^^que; taceret. (19) lit- 
 
 officia quantumlibet 2ZT' r2 V '^''^' '^'^' ^''^ """" 
 aeirritudinpm J''^''.'^^^' (^) mitigare cruciatum, lenire 
 
 carTr 724?.;^^ ^'^^ plerumque publico 
 
 MttUer, Exercises. 
 
 21 
 
322 
 
 Part m. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 323 
 
 ii 
 
 I' i 
 
 ill 
 
 • 
 
 M 
 
 No. 235. 
 
 Chapter IX. 
 
 The murder of Caesar, which took place in the 
 following year, once more brought him on the stage of 
 public affairs (1); but as our present paper (2) is but 
 supplemental (3) to the history of the times, we leave 
 to others to relate what more has to be told of him, 
 his (4) unworthy treatment of Brutus, his coalition with 
 Octavius, his orations against Antonius, his proscription, 
 and his violent death, at the age of sixty-four. Wil- 
 lingly would we (5) pass over his public life (6) alto- 
 gether; for he was as little (7) of a great statesman as 
 of a great commander (8). His merits are of another 
 kind and in a higher order of excellence. Antiquity 
 may be challenged to produce (9) a man more virtuous, 
 more perfectly amiable than Cicero. None interest (10) 
 more in their life, none excite more painful emotions (11) 
 in their death. Others, it is true (12), may be found 
 of loftier and more heroic character, who awe (13) and 
 subdue the mind by the grandeur of their views (14), 
 or the intensity of their exertions (15). But Cicero 
 engages our affections by the integrity of his public 
 conduct, the correctness of his private life, the generos- 
 ity, placability, and kindness of his heart, the playful- 
 ness (16) of his wit, the warmth of his domestic attach- 
 ments (17). In this respect his letters are invaluable (18). 
 
 No. 235. (1) only in scaenam (scenam) revocare. (2) com- 
 mentariolus. (3) by complere. (4) The foil by clauses „how nn- 
 worthily he treated (indignitate uti in aliquem)", etc. (5) malle- 
 mus. (6) quid inter cives (or in civitate) egerit. (7) „a« little 
 — a«", nee — nee. (8) in magistratibus — in imperiis. (9) pro- 
 voeare lieet antiques ut proferant. (10) commendationem habere. 
 (11) vehementius animos affieere. (12) sane. (13) by rapere. 
 (14) consilium. (15) rerum gerendarum fortitude. (16) jueundi- 
 tas. (17) pietatis in suos sensus atque affectus. (18) gravissi- 
 mum argumentum, xvith afferre, or accord, to Gram. §208. 1. 
 
 Here says Middleton, «we may see the genuine (19) 
 ^ without disguise (20) or affectation, i^^^l 
 y^ kttens to Atticus; to whom he talked with the l^Z 
 frankness as to himself, opened the rise and 1^ 
 oi^h thought(21); and never entered into any 5a J 
 ■«^^thout his particular advice." ^ 
 
 It must be confessed, indeed, that this private 
 
 <5onduct (23), and shows that they were partly of a 
 ^oral character (24). Want of firmness has been^repL 
 -ily men^oned as his principal failing; and insinirfty 
 
 mmd On the other hand (26), it must not be forgotten 
 that opemiess nnd candour are rare qualities (27) in a 
 «t^tesman at all times, and while the dupHc ty of 
 
 but craily mind, though incomparably (29) more odious 
 In^. •"~'^>^(^^) -g-ded with'fL4. oftZt 
 
 No. 236. 
 
 Chapter X. 
 Cicero was deficient, not in honesty, but in moral 
 courage (1); Ms disposition, too, was conciliatory and 
 forgiving; and much which has been referred to incon- 
 sistency should be attributed to the generous temper (2) 
 which induced him to remember the services i^ther than 
 
 sUia vel imta vel suscepta communicare. (22) familiarium litte 
 rarum conunerciun.. (23) civiles rationes.' 24) ad l"s p - 
 Tm.: T, °"'-^"' «<>"J»nct«m esse. (25) 6^, assidue comitari 
 (26) „e illud qmdem. (27) Transl. „are rarely found^K (28) timid 
 nomims oratio ambigua f291 ;««„,■«= / * -u > ' .. 
 
 No. 28e. (1) animi firmitas (= ,^moral cmr.-). (2) humani- 
 tas (= „jen. temp.-). ^ ' 
 
 21* 
 
324 
 
 Part hi. 
 
 n 
 
 • ■ 
 
 liii; 
 
 1 i 
 
 1 ! 
 
 it 
 
 the neglect of Plancius, and to relieve the exiled and 
 indigent Verres. Much too may be traced to (3) his 
 professional habits as a pleader (4); which led him to 
 introduce the licence of the Forum into deliberative 
 discussions (5) , and [however inexcusably (6)] even into 
 his correspondence with private friends. 
 
 Some writers, as Lyttelton, have considered it an 
 aggravation of Cicero's inconsistencies (7) , that he wa& 
 so perfectly aware, as his writings show, of what wai* 
 philosophically and morally upright and honest (8). It 
 might be sufficient to reply, that there is a wide differ- 
 ence between calmly deciding on an abstract point (9)^ 
 and acting on that decision (10) in the hurry of real 
 life (11); that Cicero in fact was apt to fancy (12) [as 
 all will fancy when assailed by interest or passion] that 
 the circumstances of his case constituted it an exception 
 to the broad principles of duty (13). Besides, he con- 
 sidered it to be actually (14) the duty of a statesman 
 to accommodate theoretical principle to the exigencies 
 of existing circumstances (15). "Surely (16)," he says in 
 his defence of Plancius, **it is no mark of inconsistency 
 in a statesman to determine his judgment and to steer 
 his course by the state of the political weather. This 
 is what I have been taught, what I have experienced, 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 325 
 
 il 
 
 (3) referre ad, or repetere a. (4) causarum consuetude et 
 usus. (5) fori licentiam in deliberandi severitatem introducere, 
 transferre. (6) hy excusationem non habere. (7) inconstantiae 
 crimen augeri. (8) ratione simplex (sincerum) et honestum in 
 moribus. (9) rem quampiam decidere communiter, dijudicare 
 generatim. (10) ita ut decideris (dijudicaveris). (11) vita com- 
 munis, also res gerendae, or vita et negotia. (12) alicui posse 
 in mentem venire. (13) suae causae rationem non contineri in 
 tanta amplitudine officiorum, or suam aliquam causam eximi 
 debere e tanta etc. (14) omnino. (15) ,,to accommodate^'^ etc.y sen- 
 tentias universas accommodare ad temporum rationes, (16) nee 
 vero. See Cic, pro Plane. § 94. 
 
 what I have read: tHs is what is recorded in historv 
 of the wisest and most eminent men whetL ..^ ^ 
 
 especially the part of mediator ^7^ u^ ^^cn 
 
 rivals ri8V ar,^ \. "^ mecuator (17) between political 
 
 upon Pompey Hmself wt ^^.^ ^ "^""^ *^^ 
 of them." ' ^^ ^""^ persuading each 
 
 No. 337. 
 
 2. Cicero's Literary Position (1) and Relation (2) to the 
 
 New Academy. 
 
 were not so senously acknowledged as to lead to « 
 practical application of them to the conduct oT life (6) 
 
 (23) flagitare. consilium. (22) htteris missis ad. 
 
 consSiuf 4U::i"Tcl*'Tl -*-. -Ptores. (2) mihi est 
 
 error. (5) rltioL et ieema i rS'^ jtrf" "'^'^'^ 
 Pit* tkA ',r;*«« i.- "ioraiia. (bj „fo lead to a vr annJ <-i 
 
 "C, aa vitae actionem, or ad roY.i,«, j "^ ^ i^f^appi, 
 
 ducere. '''^'^ gerendarum modum tra- 
 
 .1 
 ■■■J 
 
 . v.k' 
 
 '■»(♦' 
 
 '■1 
 
 iU 
 
 
 Mil 
 
 tli 
 
326 
 
 Pakt ni. 
 
 Section, xxi. 
 
 327 
 
 I 
 
 I*' * 
 
 |ji 
 
 II 
 
 Even when they proposed them in the form of precept (7), 
 they still regarded the perfectly virtuous man as the 
 creature of their imagination (8) rather than a model 
 for imitation— a character whonL<9) it was a mental 
 recreation rather than a duty to contemplate; and if an 
 individual here or there (10), as Scipio or Cato, attempt- 
 ed to conform his Hfe to his phHosophical conceptions (11) 
 of virtue, he was sure to be ridiculed for singularity 
 and affectation. 
 
 Even among the Athenians, by whom pliilosophy 
 was, in many cases, cultivated to the exclusion of every 
 active profession (12), intellectual amusement, not the 
 discovery of Truth, was the principal object of their 
 discussions (13). That we must thus account (14) for the 
 ensnaring (15) questions and sophistical reasonings (16) 
 of which their disputations consisted, has been noticed 
 by writers on Logic (17); and it was their extension of 
 this system (18) to the case of morals wHch brought 
 upon their Sophists the irony of Socrates and the sterner 
 rebuke of Aristotle. But if this took place in a state 
 of society in which the love of speculation (19) pervaded 
 all ranks, much more was it to be expected among the 
 Eomans, who, busied as they were in political enter- 
 prises (20), and deficient in philosophical acuteness (21), 
 had neither time nor inclination for abstruse investiga- 
 tions^ and who considered philosophy simply as one of 
 the many fashions (22) introduced from Greece, '^a sort 
 
 (7) ly praeceptorum formulis, or only praecipiendo. (8) quae- 
 dam species cogitationis ; also by mente fingere, and ad imitan- 
 dum proponere (= ,,mod. for imit''). (9) cujus tbrrnam, or only 
 eumque. (10) quod si unus aliquis. (11) notio mente concepta. 
 (12) omnem rertim agitationem neglegere (Abl. absol,). (13) dispu- 
 tandi (disceptandi) finis. (14) ab eo studio repetendum esse. 
 (15) captiosus. (16) argumentandi argutiae. (17) dialectica. 
 (18) rationem transferre ad. (19) disquirendi studium. (20) pu- 
 blicis consiliis districtum esse. (21) exigua disserendi (argu- 
 mentandi) subtilitate praeditum esse. (22) mos unus de multis. 
 
 Of table furniture (23), '» as Warburton well expresses 
 It, a mere refinement in the arts of social enjoyment (24) 
 Tks character it bore (25) both among Wds and 
 enemies. Hence the popularity which attended the three 
 Athenian philosophers who had come to Bome on an 
 embassy from their native city; and hence the inflexible 
 detemination(26) with which Cato procured their dis- 
 missal through fear, as Plutarch teUs us, lest their 
 arts of disputation should corrupt the Roman youth. 
 
 No. 338. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 And when at length, by the authority of Scipio, 
 the horary treasures (1) of SyUa, and the patronage of 
 LucuUus, philosophical studies had gradually received 
 the countenance (2) of the higher classes of their coun- 
 tr^^en, still, in consistency with the principle above 
 laid down (3), we find them determined in their adoption 
 of this or that system (4), not so much by the harmony 
 of Its parts or by the plausibHity of its reasonings, as 
 by Its suitableness to (5) the particular profession Lnd 
 pohtical station (6) to which they severally belonged, 
 rhus, because the Stoics were more minute than other 
 sects in inculcating the moral and social duties (7), we 
 hnd the Roman jurisconsults professing themselves foUow- 
 ers ot Zeno; the orators, on the contrary, adopted 
 the disputatious system (8) of the later Academics; while 
 
 cultl r ?^ '^' ^^^^ ornamentum quoddam ad vitae 
 Srj^ ^""^ ^oluptatem pertinens. (25) speciem prae se ferre. 
 [26) pertmacissimum studium, invicta constantia. 
 
 No. -38. (1) hbrorum copia. (2) alicui probari (= to rec 
 
 ficientes. (4) disciphnam amplecti. (5) congruentiacum. (6) vitae 
 genus (munus) et civilis conditio. (7) minutius praeWe t 
 sevenus urgere et privata officia et civilia. (8) in utra™ 
 partem disputandi ratio, or consuetudo. ^^^ramque 
 
328 
 
 Part m. 
 
 :t: 
 
 hi 
 
 h > 
 
 1- 
 
 Epicurus was the master of the idle and the wealthy. 
 Hence, too, they confined (9) the profession of philoso- 
 phical science to Greek teachers; considering them the 
 sole proprietors, as it were, of a foreign and expensive 
 luxury (10), which the vanquished might suitably have 
 the duty (11) of furnishing, and which the conquerors 
 could well afford to purchase (12). 
 
 Before the works (13) of Cicero, no attempts worth 
 considering had been made for using the Latin tongue 
 in philosophical subjects (14). The natural stubborn- 
 ness (15) of the language conspired wdth Roman haught- 
 iness to prevent this application. The Epicureans, 
 indeed, had made the experiment, but their writings 
 were even affectedly (16) harsh and slovenly (17), and we 
 find Cicero himself, in spite of his inexhaustible flow 
 of rich and expressive diction (18), making continual 
 apologies (19) for his learned occupations, and extolling 
 philosophy as the parent of everything great, virtuous, 
 
 and amiable. 
 
 Yet, with whatever discouragement (20) his design 
 was attended, he ultimately (21) triumphed over the 
 pride of an unlettered people, and the difficulties of a 
 defective (22) language. He was indeed possessed of 
 that first requisite for eminence (23), an enthusiastic 
 attachment (24) to the studies he was recommending. 
 But, occupied as he was with the duties of a states- 
 man (25), mere love of Literature would have availed 
 
 (9) by a soils tradi velle. (10) merx quaedam. (11) decere 
 atque oportere. (12) commode emere posse. (13) by scribere 
 coepisse. (14) ad philosophiae praeceptiones transferre. (15) ri- 
 gidior natura, or quaedam asperitas. (16) de industria. (17) hor- 
 ridus ac dissolutus. (18) ornatissimae ac maxima propriae dic- 
 tionis copia abundare. (19) defensitare. (20) quidquid difficultatis 
 occurrebat. (21) aliquando contigit ut. (22) inops. (23) pri- 
 mus ille magnarum rerum effector. (24) ardentissimus amor. 
 (25) officia (negotia) publica. 
 
 I 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 329 
 
 little if separated (26) from that energy and breadth of 
 intellect by which he was enabled to pursue a variety 
 of objects at once, with equally persevering and inde- 
 fatigable zeal (27). 
 
 No. 239. 
 
 Chapter ni. 
 
 "He suffered no part of his leisure to be idle " 
 says Middleton, "or the least interval of it to be lost(l)- 
 but (2) what other people gave to the public shows, to 
 pleasures, to feasts, nay, even to sleep and the ordinary 
 refreshments of nature (3), he generaUy gave to h^ 
 books, and the enlargement of his knowledge. On days 
 of business (4), when he had anything particular (5) to 
 compose, he had no other time for meditating but when 
 he was taking a few turns in his walks (6), where he 
 used to dictate his thoughts to his scribes who attended 
 him. We find many of his letters dated (7) before 
 daylight, some from the senate, others from his meals 
 and the crowd of his morning levee (8)." Thus he found 
 tune (9), without apparent inconvenience (10), for the 
 business of the State, for the turmoil of the courts(ll) 
 and for philosophical studies. During his Consulate he 
 deLvered twelve orations in the Senate, Rostrum, or 
 Forum (12). His Treatises de Oratore and de BepublM, 
 the most finished (13) perhaps of his compositions, were 
 
 plectf^ ^ '"'""^" ^^'^ *'"^^"' constantia ac perseverantia com- 
 
 ^<>^ J*"if'" ^^^ *'^' excidere. Omit „to be idle", and „of W\ 
 ILnt ^r^T"""." V ""■^°"' refectioues. 4) hy the Adj. nego- 
 tiosus (o) ahqmd htterarum. (6) paullisper ambulare in por- 
 tico. (7) subscnbere. (8) mane inter turbas salutatorum, or only 
 nter matutmas salutationes. (9) suum tempus attribuere alicui. 
 (10 nullo officio neglecto. (U) judiciorum altercationes. (12) if 
 dMfroMthe Forum Bom., hy (Plur. fora,o.) judicia. (13 qui- 
 bus nihil pohtius, etc. ^ J 'i^^ 
 
 I 
 
330 
 
 Pakt ni. 
 
 ::<!,, 
 
 I 
 
 u 
 
 written at a time when, to use his own words, "not a 
 day passed without his taking part in forensic dis- 
 putes (14)". And in the last year of his life he com- 
 posed at least eight of his philosophical works, besides 
 the fourteen orations against Antony, which are known 
 by the name of Philippics. 
 
 Being thus ardent in the cause (15) of philosophy, 
 he recommended it to the notice (16) of his countrymen, 
 not only for the honour which its introduction (17) 
 would reflect upon himself (which of course was a mo- 
 tive with him), but also with the fondness of one who 
 esteemed it "the guide of life, the parent of virtue, the 
 guardian (18) in difficulty, and the tranquillizer in mis- 
 fortune". Nor were his mental endowments less adapt- 
 ed to the accomplishment of his object (19) than the 
 spirit (20) with which he engaged in the work. Gifted 
 with great versatility of talent (21), with acuteness, 
 quickness of perception, skill (22) in selection, art in ar- 
 rangement, fertility (23) of illustration, warmth of fan- 
 cy (24), and extraordinary taste (25), he at once seizes 
 upon the most effective (26) parts of his subject, places 
 them in the most striking point of view (27), and ar- 
 rays (28) them in the liveliest (29) and most inviting (30) 
 colours. 
 
 (14) „/o take p. in for. disp.'^, pro reo dicere. (15) studiosissi- 
 mum patronum se praestare. (16) cognitioni proponere. (17) tan- 
 quam civitate donata. (18) quae et praesidinm afferret in . . . 
 et tranquillitatem in . . . (19) consilium. (20) alacritas (studium- 
 que). (21) ingenium varium ac multiplex, also quasi agilitas 
 ingenii. (22) sollertia. (23) copia. (24) cogitandi, or fingendi 
 quidam ardor. (25) judicandi sagacitas singularis. (26) SuperL 
 of eminens, with quisque. (27) tanquam lumen clarissimum. 
 (28) by pingere. (29) acer. (30) suavis. - 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 331 
 
 No. 240. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 His writings have the singular felicity of combin- 
 uig (1) bnlhancy of execution (2) with never-failing good 
 sense(3) It xnust be allowed that he is deficient in 
 depth (4); that he skims (5) over rather than dives (6) 
 into the subjects of which he treats; that he had too 
 great command of the plausible (7) to be a patient in- 
 vestigator or a sound reasoner. Yet if he (8) has less 
 ongumhty of thought (9) than others, if he does not 
 grapple (10 with his subject, if he is unequal to a re- 
 gular and lengthened disquisition (11), if he is frequent- 
 ly mconsistent in his opinions, we must remember that 
 mere soundness of view, without talent for display (12) 
 has few recommendations for those who have not yet 
 imbibed a taste even for the outward form (13) of know- 
 ledge, that system nearly precludes freedom, and depth(14) 
 almost impHes obscurity. It wa« this very absence of 
 scientific exactness (15) which constituted in Eoman eyes 
 a principal charm (16) of Cicero's compositions. 
 
 Nor must his profession as a pleader (17) be for- 
 gotten in enumerating the circumstances which con- 
 curred to give his writings their peculiar character (18) 
 For, however his design of interesting (19) his country- 
 men in Greek literature, however too his particular line 
 of talent (20), may have led him to explain rather than 
 
 Xo. 240. (1) felicissime conjungere. (2) omatissimae dictio- 
 ms lumina. (3) sententiarum inexhansta (semper affluens) va- 
 
 ZVvrK^^ • (°) '1«"'"''«- (6) exhaurire aliquid. (7) ita 
 
 probabihbus argmnentis abundare ut. (8) qui si. (9) vis in- 
 gem> ac fecunditas. (10) versare ao pertentare aliquid. (11) to 
 be unequal" ek ordinare ac producere institutam disquisitionem 
 
 dH^'' , -W-'l.''^"^ f-^-lt^^- (13) externa species. (14) sub- 
 tilitas. (lo) h, scentiae acumine carere. (16) Bomani imprimis 
 delectabautur (17) consuetude forensis (= ^„f. as a pl.^). 
 (18 propnetatem imprimere. (19) commendare alicui aliquid. 
 (20) ipsius ingenii inclinatio. ^ 
 
 if 
 
332 
 
 Pabt ni. 
 
 A) 
 ( 
 
 J 
 
 I. 
 
 111 
 
 to invent; yet he expressly (21) informs us it was prin- 
 cipally with a view to his own improvement in Oratory 
 that he devoted himself to philosophical studies. This 
 induced him to undertake successively (22) the cause (23) 
 of the Stoic, the Epicurean, or the Platonist, as an 
 exercise (24) for his powers of argumentation; while the 
 wavering and unsettled state of mind (25), occasioned by 
 such habits of disputation, led him in his pei^onal 
 judgment to prefer the sceptical tenets (26) of the New 
 Academy. 
 
 Yet he was never (27) so entirely a disciple of the 
 New Academy as to neglect the claims (28) of morality 
 and the laws. He is loud in his protestations (29) that 
 truth is the great object of his search: "For my own 
 part, if I have applied myself especially to this philo- 
 sophy, through any love of display (30) or pleasure in 
 disputation, I should condemn not only my folly, but 
 my moral condition (31). And, therefore, unless it were 
 absurd, in an argument like this (32), to do what is 
 sometimes done in political discussions (33), I would 
 swear by Jupiter and the divine (34) Penates that I burn 
 with a desire of discovering the truth, and really believe 
 what I am saying." 
 
 No. 341. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 
 And, however inappropriate (1) this boast may ap- 
 pear, he at least pursues the useful and the magnificent 
 
 (21) ipse. (22) by modo — modo — modo. (23) personam 
 sustinere. (24) ut tentaret quid — posset. (25) animi fluctuatio 
 atque inconstantia. (26) dubitationes sequi. (27) neque vero 
 unquam. (28) praecepta. (29) profiteri atque testari. (30) osten- 
 tatione aliqua adductus. (31) mores et natura. (32) talis dis- 
 putatio. (33) quum disceptatur de. (34) dii. 
 
 No. 241. (1) immoderatior, alienior. y,And — thi8^\ Gram, 
 ^ 238. 6. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 333 
 
 in philosophy; and uses his academic character as a 
 pretext rather (2) for a judicious selection fZ each 
 sys em than for an indiscriminate rejection of aU is 
 
 tance(4) of doctrines which, as an orator (5), he does 
 not scruple to deride; those of Zeno in ^JiLl^:^ tl 
 maintained the truth of the popular theology (6) Ind 
 the divine origin of augury, and (as we notSraboT^ 
 was more explicit (7) than the other masters in 4 S 
 of social duty. This difference of sentiment Tetw^n 
 the magistrate and the pleader (8) is strikingly iUustrlted 
 m the opening (9) of his treatise de Le^L tCe 
 
 demtrihn " ^^'^ '' ^'^ quarter (11) of the Aca- 
 demies, whose reasomngs he feels could at once destroy 
 the foundation on which his argument rested. ^^My 
 ^eatise hroughout(12)", he says, "aims at the strengthen"^ 
 
 f^fe to? . """^^ ^''^''' '^ P^^P^-- I dread There- 
 fore to lay down (13) any but well considered and care- 
 fully examined principles; I do not say principles wtSi 
 are universally received (14), for none are Lh but 
 
 virtue to be desirable for its own sake, and nothing 
 whatever to be good, or at least a great good, w2 
 IS not in Its own nature(15) praiseworthy." These Tmo 
 sophei. are the Stoics; and then, apparently alS ngae) 
 
 tur .^'^ tu^t'ur^st r^^^^*":/^*-« -' -bi -linqui videa- 
 lur . . . quam ut. (3) m republica (= Jn the can nf n o/un 
 
 d ir:z;r^'^- ^^^--^^ ^^:i^^ 
 
 accommodatns %\ ■ • ^ ^ "^^ magistratibus vel causis 
 
 accommodatus. (9) pnncipium, w prima pars, ao) summ» 
 praecepta. (H) venian. petere. (12) omnis nostra olatio'S 
 
 i 
 
334 
 
 Pakt III. 
 
 i 
 
 li!" 
 
 to the arguments of Cameades against justice, which 
 he had put into the mouth (17) of Philus in the tliird 
 book of his de Eepuhlicdj he proceeds: "As to (18) the 
 Academy, which puts the whole subject into utter con- 
 fusion (19), I mean the New Academy of Arcesilas and 
 Cameades, let us persuade it to hold its peace. For, 
 should it make an inroad (20) upon the views which 
 we consider we have so skilfully put into shape (21), it 
 will make an extreme havoc (22) of them. The Academy 
 I cannot conciliate, and I dare not ignore (23)." 
 
 And as, in questions connected with the interests 
 of society (24), he thus uniformly advocates the tenets (25) 
 of the Porch, so in discussions of a physical character (26) 
 we find him adopting the sublime and glowing (27) sen- 
 timents of Pythagoras and Plato. Here, however, hav- 
 ing no object of expediency in view to (28) keep him 
 within the bounds of consistency, he scruples not (29) to 
 introduce whatever is most beautiful in itself (30), or 
 most adapted to his present purpose. 
 
 No. 243. 
 
 Chapter VL 
 
 At one time(l) he describes the Deity as the all- 
 pervading Soul (2) of the world, the cause of life and 
 motion; at another He is the intelligent Preserver and 
 Governor of every separate part. At one time the soul 
 
 (17) utentem (usum) inducere (facere). (18) Transl, „Let us 
 persuade (exorare, ut) the Acad.'' etc. (19) perturbare. (20) in- 
 vadere in. (21) scite instruere et componere. (22) ruinas edere. 
 (23) submovere. Cfr. Ck. de Legg. I L ch. IS. (24) ad civilem 
 societatem pertinere, or rempublicam attingere. (25) only con- 
 fagere ad. (26) Adj. naturalis. (27) grandior atque luculentior 
 (ardentior). (28) in quibus quum sit nulla ratio utilitatis, qua. 
 (29) Gram. § 250. 3. 1. (30) per se. 
 
 No. 242. (1) „a# me time , . . at another ^^, etc., modo . . . 
 modo ... (2) mens omnia pervadens et quasi anima. 
 
 SbCTIOX XXI. 
 
 335 
 
 of man is in its own nature necessarily eternal, without (3) 
 begimnng or end of existence (4); at another it is reprt 
 
 ^int(6); at another it is to enter (7) the assembly of 
 the Gods, or to be driven into darkne^, according to 
 
 te moral conduct in this Hfe(8); at another, it is only 
 in it« best and greatest specimens (9) destined for immor- 
 atnL'^Tr'' '^'^'^^ inunor^ality is described as 
 Iv frfpS "^'^^^'^^'^^^^^ -nd the continuance of earth- 
 ly friendships (11); sometimes as but an immortality of 
 
 Though the works of Aristotle were not iven to 
 
 t:':T^ f '^"^'^ ^^^^ ^- Greece Cfirap^ 
 pears to have been a considerable proficient in his philo- 
 
 it S: T . t' """^ "^^^^^^^^^(1^) the important aid 
 
 affords in those departments of science which are 
 
 ahke(lo) removed from abstract reasoning and fanciful 
 
 theonzmg( 6). To Aristotle he is indebted for most of 
 
 m^v b!^. 7TZr ^^'"^ ^^* ^ ^'^ '^ ^« remarks 
 may be traced to(17) the same acute philosopher. 
 
 The doctrines of the Garden (18) alone, though some 
 
 of his most intimate friends were of the Epicurean^ Jool 
 
 of inrretflpT' '""^"" ^^' ^^^^^^^^^ '^^^^ - - 
 of nterest (19 in a system which cut at the very root(20) 
 
 4usqu?rrw S/n "; "^i* ""• ^'^ ^^^ ^*^^ - -— 
 
 ujusque ratione. (9) hy Superl. with quisque ClO^ in^P (^^\ ^ - 
 strnae amicitiae propagatio, or perleS (mLJ ^ ^ 
 quamvis diversa. (13) v^v^tafcJ^ (^ t ^ i ''^'''^ 
 
 (15) et et na\^'-\ ^^^^ ^ P^^be perspicere. 
 
 as (17)' Trlsl * 'he W ^"^^^^^^ '^^*^^^ '' '^'^^^^ '^^^- 
 
 Zr riT/' ^''''^'f *^ ^."). (19) .to feel int.^^, Led J 
 capi. (20) tanquam radicitus evellere pt «ni«,;c. / *'''''^"' 
 
 atque succidere. °''^' "'^^'^ enervare 
 
 
336 
 
 Pabt ni. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 which (21) he himself both in public and private was so 
 honourably distinguished. 
 
 Such then was the New Academy, and such the 
 variation of opinion which, in Cicero's judgment, was 
 not inconsistent with the profession of an Academic. 
 And, however his adoption of that philosophy may be 
 in part referred (22) to his oratorical habits, or his natur- 
 al cast of mind (23), yet, considering the ambition which 
 he felt to inspire (24) his countrymen with a taste for 
 literature and science, we must conclude with Warburton 
 that, in acceding to the system of Philo, he was strong- 
 ly influenced by the freedom of thought and reasoning(25) 
 which it allowed to his literary works (26), the liberty 
 of illustrating the principles and doctrines (27), the strong 
 and weak parts, of every Grecian school (28). 
 
 No. 243. 
 
 3. Peculiarity of Cicero's Discussions (1). 
 His Rhetorical "Works. 
 Bearing then in mind (2) his design of recommending 
 the study of philosophy, it is interesting to observe (3) 
 the artifices of style and manner which, with this end (4), 
 he adopted in his treatises; and though to enter mi- 
 nutely into this subject would be foreign to our present 
 
 337 
 
 (21) qiiibus virtutibus, or quarum virtutum laude. (22) Transl. 
 ,,But tJiough (etsi) he teas led (adduci) to the adoption'^ etc, „by his 
 oratorical hah. (oratoria consuetude)" etc. (23) inclinatio animae 
 ac naturae. (24) tamen quum vehementer vellet (maxime cupe- 
 ret) imbuere studio . . . (25) opinandi ac ratiocinandi licentia. 
 (26) hy scribenti datur, offertur. (27) Latinis litteris, or dispu- 
 tando illustrare sententias ac disciplinas sive graves sive infir- 
 mas. Omit ^parfs^^. (28) secta. 
 
 No. 243. (1) dicendi artificia, disserendi modi. Either de, 
 or quibus . . usus sit (quae, 07- quos . . adhibuerit). (2) si spec- 
 tamus. (3) admiramur profecto, quibus . . usus sit. Gram, 
 § 238. o. (4) ad earn rem perficiendam. 
 
 were undertaken '' "" ^^'""^ ^W 
 
 them are conveyed PUt. a^^^ ^^""^ "^^st of 
 
 before his tim7 been^ve^' T 'l "^^ ""^"^P^^^' ^H 
 
 their -positionsrbri;;^^^^^^ 
 
 the sentiments of an individuS nm , 1 ''"'^'^''^ 
 -de of argument could har^^^' ' ^;^ ^^I '"^^'° 
 other shape. Of that interrogative and If .-'^ """^ 
 versation(ll), however, Cicero Si but fewT "°"" 
 the nature of his diaIoimen5)^ T ^^^ specimens; 
 
 that of the two AttSn as^ ^"^ " f """'"* '^'"^ 
 writing. His aim WI4T <! "\^"" ^' '^^''' '^ 
 availed himself of tMs i.!2 , """"'^ ''''^''''' ^""^ ^e 
 and variety ( 5) Ihfeir?' °'. -^^.^P^^^*-- ^r the Hfe 
 it gave to'L Vst o,; S;? ffi^^ ^^^°- -^-'^ 
 
 Mnds: accoKling ns(17)^f ^bi^^ oMtTbll^^^ 
 under controversvHfi^ ;*■ « ^^ it} is beyond or 
 
 ^^"versy(^i«j^ it assumes the shanp nf o 
 tinned treatise riQ^ nv « ^ i- ^ ^* ^ ^^^^ 
 
 coUoquentes inducere «i,7«. i T . ^' ^ ^Hws inter se 
 arte oratoria. (^ad ;c;f r**'"' ' ^' P^-'o^ophia. Add et de 
 (10) unus sapiens (l^ZTo '=~'"'J'°«'- P^opius accedere. 
 sem,onis. ([3) oia.^nu dS^^S ''"^"^ •"^-*- ^2) forn.a 
 
 acmovere, etc. olit tLf^ a^'' 7vTT ^''''"''' ^^"«* 
 orationis. (16) „•*,•,./, u „7 'f .•" ^ ^ alacntas ac varietas 
 
 (17) si enim l^n mJ'l '^•"' ""'^ <ii-eptationis. 
 (19) perpetu: traLte perj i."S, -ntroversia™ vel secus. 
 Jy disputando digeri atqueTcu ^ (SinXT ^'""*'"^' ''^ 
 ^r»le,•", atque ita vel . vel <-?-?^ ! ""' '^■■- '" *^ 
 
 Muner, Exercise. ' " ' ^ °™''*"-^' ^P'^^^or, dignitas. 
 
 22 
 
 
 :j| 
 
 H 
 
338 
 
 Part in. 
 
 i.r 
 
 
 I! ^ 
 
 practical and systematic treatises (23) on rhetoric and 
 moral duty, when not written in his own person (24), 
 are merely divided between several speakers who are 
 the mere organs (25) of liis own sentiments; wliile(26) 
 in questions of a more speculative cast (27) , on the na- 
 ture of the gods, on the human soul, on the greatest 
 good, he uses his academic liberty, and brings forward 
 the theories of contending schools under the character 
 of their respective advocates (28). The advantages gain- 
 ed in both cases by the form of dialogue are evident. 
 In controverted subjects he is not obliged to discover 
 his own views, he can detail opposite arguments forci- 
 bly and luminously (29), and he is allowed the use of 
 those oratorical powers in which, after all, his great 
 strength (30) lay. In those subjects, on the other hand, 
 which are uninteresting because they are familiar, he 
 may pause (31) or digress before the mind is weary and 
 the attention begins to flag (32); the reader is carried 
 on by easy journeys and short stages (33), and novelty 
 in the speaker supplies the want of (34) novelty in the 
 matter. 
 
 No. 244. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Nor does Cicero discover less skill in the execution(l) 
 of these dialogues than address in their method (2). It 
 were idle to enlarge upon the beauty, richness (3), and 
 taste (4) of compositions which have been the admiration 
 of every age and country. In the dignity of his speakers, 
 
 (23) quum praecipit atque ordine plura exponit de. (24) by 
 suis verbis iiti. (25) interpres. (26) contra. (27) diligent ius 
 investigare {Part, of neces8.\ or by a clause ^jtchich are of''' etc. (acrio- 
 rem disceptationem habere). (28) suo cuique defensore attributo 
 (= ,,under the char, of"' etc.). (29) vim lumenque afferre singulis 
 etc. (30) vis ingenii summa. (31) cessare licet. (32) flaccescere. 
 (33) processus, or progressus {Plur.) (34) compensare. 
 
 No. 244. (1) compositio. (2) conformatio. Omit ^nddress"^. 
 (3) ornatus. (4) temperatio. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 339 
 
 their high tone of mutual courte^vf^^ ^^. i. 
 
 tis groups (6), and the dehcate S^^^ ?" ^'"^"^^ ^^ 
 
 he is inimitable (8). The mlst^^^^ 
 
 introductions, wlich genLuf 1/ !?^^'^ '^ ^' 
 
 the passions ^r the im^a^n 1^^^^^^^^^^ '^ 
 
 which both sides of ^^'^''^?'^^^^' *^^ eloquence with 
 
 Plaved (U) I 1 ^''''^''''' '""^ successively dis- 
 
 of the supposed (15) conversatL 1, T *""^ 
 
 praise (16) of ^hLso^l^roT'^'^ J^""'''". '"^ 
 from Grecian it,,! T?^ ^7 ^' ^^ quotations 
 
 and f.Z::;i^ZeTlT'^''^; lastly, the melody 
 charm round his^itint^ ^' r''''' *° ^^''^^d^) a 
 the Eoman reader Thel^ ^1^" '' themselves. To 
 selves by th^r contilZ T'"^ recommended them- 
 tn tl,. i ^^tinual and most artful references fSO^ 
 
 to the heroes of the old renubl.V wl,^ "^rences (^0) 
 
 but exemplars, and (as it wXf 1 T"^ ^^^'^'^^ 
 
 philosophy which 1 ! 1 7ri P^*''''^ °^ *'^* ^*«rn«l 
 
 -n. Nor is there rr^otilifnTrrf^'?"^"^^ 
 
 (V) cont Jo J.? :::^:":LLrT::z-%^^ '=°"^^^^"'^- 
 
 possit imitari? Quid dicam de ,"P*'°- ^^^ «"'« est qui 
 
 &ram. ^' mr. J, o,- S S88 1 (m^ i' ^' •'<=*'°'»'°<'datum esse. 
 
 atque abditae. (141 notatm T\ ■ ' ^^^^ ""e* retrusae 
 
 usui-patio, or testimouiorum ! ^/^ ' '" -f- > d^) poetarum 
 quasi sonus oratio Js Tlnur '""*""*'°- ^^'^ Vl^rn^si^r.. 
 
 perfundere aliquid. (20) laurt'io rai/ ' •'."""'l'^'*^*« q^^dam 
 futile fluxumque commentum %2 L "^ ^'^^'^-^' or 
 
 usquam perturbatum cT *"'' "'" ''"' ''' 'i^^l^^"^ 
 
 22* 
 
 I' 
 
 I 
 
 
340 
 
 Part m. 
 
 II.' 
 
 various beauties we have been enumerating, which (23) 
 are blended together with so much skill and propriety (24), 
 that it is sometimes difficult to point out the particular 
 sources of the admiration which they inspire. 
 
 The series of his rhetorical works has been preserved 
 nearly complete, and consists (25) of the De Invent ione, 
 De Oratore, Brutus sive de clans Orator ilncs^ Orator site 
 de optinio genere Dicendi, De paHitio7ie Oratoridy TopicOy 
 and de optimo genere Oratorum. The last -mentioned, 
 which is a fragment (26) , is understood to have been 
 the proem to his translation (now lost) of the speeches 
 of Demosthenes and ^Ischines, De Corona. These he 
 translated with the view of defending, by the example 
 of the Greek orators, his own style of eloquence (27), 
 which, as we shall afterwards find, the critics of the 
 day (28) censured as too Asiatic in its character (29); 
 and hence the proem, which still survives, is on the 
 subject of the Attic style of oratory. This composi- 
 tion (30) and his abstracts (31) of his own orations are 
 his only rhetorical works (32) not extant, and probably 
 our loss is not very great. The Treatise mi Ehetork, 
 addressed to Herennius (33), though edited \^ath his 
 works, and ascribed to him by several of the ancients, 
 is now generally (34) attributed to Comifi^cius, or some 
 other writer of the day. 
 
 (23) Transl ,fiut (sed) they'', (24) tarn apte atque accommo- 
 date. (25) exstat . . numerus paene contiimus; qui sunt . . . 
 (26) by non integer. (27) suum dicendi genus. (28) only aequales. 
 (29) pro Asiatico reprehendere. (30) commentatio. (31) adum- 
 brationes quaedam. (32) scripta rhetorica. (33) is autem liber, 
 qui Herennio inscribitur estque de Inventione oratoria . . . 
 (34) a plerisque. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 341 
 
 Jfo. 245. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 The works, which we have enumernfprl 
 the art of rhetonV in A'^ . enumerated, consider 
 VI rnetoric in different points of viewm a..A 
 
 <iivision i, fourfold 2 ' .^^ j "'''»'"'"• "" 
 
 question. The arf nf fV,„ i j k '^j m cauea m 
 
 ■Lir^t.. ,1. A ^ ^P^^^"" ^ directed to five 
 
 tio) n9\ i " "'*'' J"dicatio, dehberatio, laudatio fdescrin 
 
 ne ne au " 7^:^'^? T^'"^''^'' •^"''^"'- ^^ -"^ 
 do) ly a Mat. cla,^.- q„ib„3, „^ ^^,^^^^^^ ^^^^ proW 
 
342 
 
 Part in. 
 
 I 
 
 parts: introduction, statement of the case, division of 
 the subject, proof, refutation, and conclusion. 
 
 His treatises De Inventmie and Toinca^ the first 
 and nearly the last of his compositions, are both on the 
 invention of arguments, which he regards, with Aristotle, 
 as the very foundation of the art; though he elsewhere 
 confines the term eloquence, according to its deriva- 
 tion (16), to denote excellence of diction and deliver}^, 
 to the exclusion of argumentative skill (17). The former 
 of these works was written at the age of twenty, and 
 seems originally to have consisted of four books, of 
 which but two remain. In the first of these he considers 
 rhetorical (18) invention generally, supplies commonplaces 
 for the six parts of an oration promiscuously (19), and 
 gives a full analysis (20) of the two forms of argument, 
 syllogism (21) and induction. In the second book he 
 applies these rules particularly to the three subject- 
 matters of rhetoric (22) , the deliberative, the judicial, 
 and the descriptive, dwelling principally on the judicial, 
 as afibrding the most ample field for discussion (23). 
 
 No. 246. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 This treatise seems for the most part compiled (1) 
 from the writings of Aristotle, Isocrates, and Herma- 
 goras; and as such he alludes to it (2) in the opening 
 of his De Oratore as deiicient in the experience (3) and 
 judgment which nothing but time and practice can 
 
 (16) ipsa origine sic circumscribi dicit ut . . . (17) removere 
 argumentandi sollertiam {Abl. absd.}. In the fdl. omit „OfiginaUy^K 
 (18) oratorius, (19) conjuncte proponere (=r „to supply promisauMS- 
 ly"). (20) enucleate, accurate expUcare. (21) ratiocinatio. (22) ge- 
 nera dicendi, genera causarum. (23) ampliorem habere discep- 
 tationem. 
 
 No. 246. (1) mutuari (Depon.). (2) atque haec causa, est 
 cur eadem ab ipso dicatur, (3) carere usn. 
 
 r*-. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 343 
 
 impart (4). Still it is an entertaining (5) , nay, useful 
 work; remarkable, even among Cicero's writings for 
 Its uniform good sense (6), and less familiar to (7) the 
 scholar only because the greater part has been super- 
 seded (8) by the compositions of his riper years. 
 
 His Tojnca, or treatise on commonplaces, has less 
 extent and variety of plan (9), being little else than a 
 compendium of Aristotle's work on the same subject. 
 It was, as he informs us in its proem, drawn up from 
 memory (10) on his voyage from Italy to Greece, soon 
 after Caesar's murder, and in compliance with the 
 wishes of Trebatius, who had some time before urged 
 him to undertake the translation. 
 
 Cicero seems to have intended (11) his De Oratore 
 De Claris Oratoribm, and Orator, to form one complete 
 system (12). Of these three noble works the first lays 
 down the principles and rules of the rhetorical art; the 
 second exemplifies(13) them in the most eminent speakers 
 of Greece and Rome; and the tHrd shadows out the 
 features (14) of that perfect orator, whose superhuman 
 excellences should be the aim of our ambition (15). The 
 De Oratore was written when the author was fifty-two, 
 two years after his return from exile; and (16) is a 
 dialogue between some of the most illustrious Romans 
 of the preceding age on the subject of oratory. The 
 principal speakers are (17) the orators Crassus and Anto- 
 mus, wh o are represented unfol ding the principles (18) 
 
 (4) actione comparari. (5) jucundus ad legendum. (6) per- 
 petua quadam valetudine praestare. (7) rarius usurpari a. 
 
 r "^"T^t ",?.?'• ^^^ """t-^ctior minusque varia compositio. 
 trram. $ 335. (10) e memoria conscribere. (11) eo consilio com- 
 ponere. (12) unam absolutamque doctrinam efflcere. (13) exem- 
 phs illustrare. (14) formam adumbrare. (15) divinam quandam 
 excellentiam (virtutem, laudem) imitandam atque aemulandam 
 proponere. (16) inducit autem quosdam viros (= „Bomans") 
 coUoquentes. (17) by partes priores tribuere alicui. (18) ratio 
 (.Stng.). 
 
 ii^l 
 
344 
 
 Part ui. 
 
 ■ 
 
 of their art to Sulpicius and Cotta, young men just 
 rising in the legal profession (19). In the first book, 
 the conversation turns on the subject-matter of rhetoric, 
 and the qualifications (20) requisite for the perfect 
 orator. Here Crassus maintains the necessity of his 
 being acquainted with the whole circle of the arts (21), 
 while Antonius confines eloquence to the province of 
 speaking well. The dispute for the most part seems 
 verbal (22) ; for Cicero himself, though he here sides 
 with (23) Crassus, yet elsewhere, as we have above 
 noticed, pronounces eloquence, strictly speaking (24), to 
 consist in beauty of diction. Scaevola, the celebrated 
 lawyer, takes part in this preliminary discussion (25) ; 
 but, in the ensuing meetings, makes way for Catulus 
 and Caesar, the subject leading to such technical dis- 
 quisitions (26) as were hardly suitable to the dignity of 
 the aged Augur (27). 
 
 No. 247. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 
 The next morning Antonius enters upon the sub- 
 ject (1) of invention, which (2) Caesar completes (3) by 
 subjoining some remarks on the use of humour in 
 oratory; and (4) Antonius, relieving (5) him, finishes the 
 
 11; : ■ 
 
 ill 
 
 (19) ad juris civilis laudem eniti, or ad juris legumque 
 scientiam incumbere. (20) virtus; ^requisite for^^, Genit. (21) om- 
 nium ambitum litterarum complecti. (22) verbi, or nominis 
 controversia est, also by de verbo, non de re disceptare. (23) ac- 
 cedere alicui, or ad sententiam alicujus. (24) only proprie. 
 
 (25) quasi prolusio (= j^prel. r^isc"), or disputatio inchoata. 
 
 (26) acrior, or interior artis disquisitio. (27) only senex (add 
 „AM^Mr" to the proper name). 
 
 No. 247. (1) praecipere or dicere ingredi de, also explican- 
 dum sumere aliquid. (2) quae tractatio. (3) cumulum addere 
 alicui rei. (4) „and — him^^, Gram. § 238. 6. (5) succedere ali- 
 cui, or excipere aliquem. 
 
 T 1 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 345 
 
 mormng discussion with treating of arrangement and 
 niemory. In the afternoon (6) the nxles ffr propriety 
 and elegance of diction are explained (7) by CmsruT 
 who was celebrated in this department (8) of the al 
 and he work concludes with his handling the subject 
 of dehveryO) and action. Such is the pla^dO) of the 
 De Oratore, the most finished (11) perhaps of Ci Jot 
 
 SXr^W t,^'^'^^'^^^(^^) and magnifirj 
 Tre fiVl'''"^ '• The characters of the aged senators 
 
 invested with an almost religious majesty (14), from the 
 
 JrTh'\"^^^T' to the melanLi;^;;tinies(15 
 for which its member were reserved (16) 
 
 an iftL?r?' ^' '^''" ^^*''"*" "^^ ^^''^ -f^- 
 
 death T f "'"'"" ^''''' ^'^^"^^ '^' '^^ of Cato's 
 death, when he was sixty-one, and is thrown into the 
 
 himself. He begins with Solon, and after briefly men- 
 tioning the orators of Greece, proceeds to those of his 
 
 iZnttl . ^T"^ ^^"'"^ ^'^ '' l^i-«elf. 
 
 direct. V """i^r """ ^' ""^'^ ^' ^^'«^^^'' i^ ^^^-^ te 
 airects his attention principally (20) to diction and 
 
 delivery as m his De Inventione and Topica he con- 
 siders the matter of an oration. This treltise is of a 
 
 4mH. n„ ■ ""^"^ iJe . . . (11) quo opere (or quibusl nihU 
 
 aafn, T'" '^ '1"'° °P'^^ (1"'''"«) '^""d scio an nihil ' 
 12 aajestas quaedam (= „«;, ,^^,u). (,3^ subtiliter (eLan- 
 
 quels fi ere ^ni T"" '^^'^'''^ ^^™<'"^«' «"• ""'^ ^o""- 
 
 IT . 1 ^ Populares. (19) complecti. (20) verba fa- 
 
 cere pot.ssxmum de, or dilatare disputationem de, or iaecYpuam 
 dUigentiam conferre in laudem [with Genit.) P'-^ecipuam 
 
 ' i 
 
346 
 
 Part in. 
 
 less practical nature (21) than the rest. It adopts the 
 principles of Plato (22), and delineates (23) the perfect 
 orator according to the abstract conceptions of the 
 intellect (24) rather than the deductions of observation 
 and experience (25). Hence he sets out with a defini- 
 tion (26) of the perfectly eloquent man, whose charac- 
 teristic it is to express himself with propriety (27) on 
 all subjects, whether humble, great, or of an intermediate 
 character (28); and here he has an opportunity of paying 
 some indirect compliments to himself (29). With this 
 work he was so well satisfied that he does not scruple 
 to declare, in a letter to a friend, that he was ready 
 to rest (30) on its merits his reputation for judgment 
 in Oratory. 
 
 The treatise De pmiitiane Orator id, or on the three 
 parts of rhetoric, is a kind of catechism (31) between 
 Cicero and his son, drawn up for the use of the latter 
 at the same time with the two preceding. It is the 
 most systematic and perspicuous (32) of his rhetorical 
 works, but seems to be but the rough draught (33) of 
 what he originally intended. 
 
 (21) minus ad coinmunem vitae usum accommodatum esse. 
 (22) Platonicam quandam Ibrmam exprimere. (23)speciem adum- 
 brare. (24) ^according to'-'' etc., mente et cogitatione depictus, 
 conceptus. (25) vita usuque cognitus, or a rerum cognitione et 
 usu derivatus. (26) (a) principio definire. (27) bene appositeque, 
 or apte et accommodate, ^xchether^ etc. sive . . sive . . sive. 
 (28) <mly medius. (29) tecte (subobscure) sibi ipsi gratulari. 
 (30) velle (cupere) se famam consistere in, or conjunctam esse 
 cum. (31) interrogando et respondendo contexere, or interroga- 
 tionibus ac responsionibus mutuis absolvere. (32) maxime et 
 ratione et perspicuitate excellere, praestare. (33) brevis adum- 
 bratio, nudus commentarius. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 347 
 
 Xo. 248. 
 
 4. Cicero's Philosophical Writings. 
 The connection wHch (1) we have been able to 
 preserve between the rhetorical writings of Cicero 
 cannot be attained in his moral, political,:nd metaph" 
 mi Iv r^:^ partly (2) from the extent of the suljec^ 
 partly from the losses occasioned by time, partly from 
 the inconsistency which we have warned(3) the reader 
 ^expect in his sentiments. In our enumeration, there 
 
 ll.r.^1 "^^^ ''^'^'■^^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^rder than that 
 which the date of their composition furnishes 
 
 The earliest (5) now extant is part of his treatise 
 f. pI; '^ m three books; being a sequel to liis work 
 on Pohtics. Both were written in imitation (6) of Plato's 
 treatises on the same subjects. The latter of these (De 
 Rmhhca) was composed a year after the De Oratore, 
 and seems to have vied (7) with it in the majesty and 
 interest of the dialogue. It consisted of a series^S) of 
 discussions m six books on the origin and principles of 
 govemment Scipio being the principal speakei, but 
 Laehus, Phxlus, ManiHus, and other personages of like 
 gravity taking part in the conversation. TiU lately f 9) 
 but a fragment of the fifth book was understood to be 
 m existence, in which Scipio, under the fiction of a 
 dream (10), inculcates the doctrine of the immortality 
 
 Poss^nt 'tr r}n^ ''''^ '^^"^ ""' (quemadmodum) .... connect! 
 fr^^l: "^^""^ qua ... . affinitate conjuncti sunt. 
 
 (2) cujus rei causa est quod et . . et . . et, or quod quidem 
 eff ctum est partim e^c. (3) admonere. GrJ. g ^5. L^i,)l 
 
 per' sex I'iblf .- ^ ^ ''""' "^*'^" disputationes pertinentes 
 per sex hbros, or disp. continuae sex libris conclusae de . 
 (9) nuper fuit quum particula tantum . . . putabatur, or nuper 
 opmati erant. (10) visum inducens ^ 
 
348 
 
 Part ni. 
 
 II - 
 
 of the soul. But in the year 1822, Monsignor(ll) Mai, 
 librarian of the Vatican (12), published considerable (13) 
 portions of the first and second books, from a palimpsest 
 manuscript (14) of St. Austin's Commentary on the Psalms, 
 In the part now recovered, Scipio discourses on the 
 different kinds of constitutions and their respective (15) 
 advantages; with a particular reference (16) to that of 
 Rome. In the third book, the subject (17) of justice 
 was discussed by Laelius and Philus; in the fourth, 
 Scipio treated of morals and education; while in the 
 fifth and sixth, the duties of a magistrate were explain- 
 ed, and the best means of preventing (18) changes and 
 revolutions (19) in the constitution itself. In the latter 
 part of the treatise, allusion was made to the actual 
 posture (20) of -affairs in Rome , when the conversation 
 was supposed to have occurred, and the commotions (21) 
 excited by the Gracchi. 
 
 No. 249. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 In this treatise De Legihis, which was written two 
 years later than the De Bepuhlkd^ when he was fifty- 
 five, and shortly after the murder of Clodius, he re- 
 presents himself as explaining to his brother Quintus 
 and Atticus, in their walks through the woods of 
 Arpinum (1), the nature and origin of the laws and their 
 actual state (2), both in other countries and in Rome. 
 The first part only of the subject (3) is contained in the 
 
 (11) vir Eminentissimus , or Reverendissimus D(ominus), 
 (12) Vaticanae bibliothecae curator. \V6) non exiguus. (14) pa- 
 limpsestus, or codex abrasus. (15) by quisque. (16) saepe men- 
 tionem inferre, facere („fo", Genit). (17) ratio. (18) occurrere. 
 (19) perturbationes {„m^^, Genit.), (20) conditio quae turn erat 
 quum. (21) seditio, or motus. 
 
 No. 249. (1) by a clause with dum and inambulare. (2) prae- 
 sens rerum status. Omit j^their^^, (3) cujus disputationis prior 
 pars. 
 
 ,r, 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 349 
 
 books now extant; the introduction to which we have 
 had occasion to notice (4), when speaking of his Stoical 
 sentiments on questions connected with State policy (5). 
 Law he pronounces to be the perfection (6) of reason, 
 the eternal mind, the divine energy, which, while it 
 pervades and unites in one the whole universe, associates 
 gods and men by the more intimate resemblance (7) of 
 reason and virtue, and still more closely men with men, 
 by the participation of common faculties, affections, and 
 situations (8). He then proves, at length (9), that justice 
 is not merely created by civil institutions, from the 
 power of conscience, the imi)erfections (10) of human 
 law, the moral sense (11), and the disinterestedness of 
 virtue (12). He next proceeds to unfold the principles, 
 first, of religious law, under the heads of divine wor- 
 ship (13); the observance of festivals and games; the 
 office of priests, augurs, and heralds; the punishment 
 of sacrilege and purjury; the consecration of land (14), 
 and the rights of sepulchre; and, secondly, of civil law, 
 which gives him an opportunity (15) of noticing the 
 respective duties of magistrates and citizens. In these 
 discussions, though professedly speaking of the abstract 
 question (16), he does not hesitate to anticipate the sub- 
 ject (17) of the lost books, by frequent allusions (18) to 
 the history and customs of his own country (19). It 
 must be added, that in no part of his writings (20) do 
 
 (4) mentio incidit. (5) „of his Stoical sent.^' etc. quid Stoicos 
 secutus de rebus publicis sensisset. (6) by summus, or rectissi- 
 mus. (7) interior similitudo. (8) similium et ingeniorum et 
 studiorum et conditionum commuuitas. (9) uberius. (10) vitium. 
 (11) honestatis sensus. (12) virtutis gratuitae magnificentia , o^ 
 virtutis liberalitas. (13) „the primnpUs, firsf' etc. ratio legesque 
 religionis sacrorum usu variatae, distinctae. (14) fundus (Plur.), 
 (15) quarum mentione adducitur ut. (16) quaestionem rationis 
 tractare. (17) praecipere quaedam ex iis libris qui . . . (18) See 
 248, 16. (19) patrius. (20) in nullo ejus libro. 
 
350 
 
 Pabt in. 
 
 I*' 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 worse instances occur, than in this treatise, of that 
 vanity which was notoriously his weakness (21), which 
 are rendered doubly offensive (22) by their being put 
 into the mouth (23) of his brother and Atticus. 
 
 No. 250. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 Here (1) a period of seven or eight years intervenes, 
 during which he composed little of importance (2) besides 
 his Orations. He then published the De claris Ora- 
 tor ihus and Orator: and a year later (3), when he was 
 sixty- three, his AcademiccB Qimstiones , in the retirement 
 from public business (4) to which he was driven (5) by 
 the dictatorship of Caesar. This work had originally (6) 
 consisted of two dialogues, which he entitled Catulus and 
 LucuUuSj from the names of the respective speakers in 
 each (7). These he now remodelled and enlarged (8) into 
 four books, dedicating them to Varro, whom he intro- 
 duced as advocating, in the presence of Atticus, the 
 tenets (9) of Antiochus, while he himself defended those 
 of Philo. Of this most valuable composition (10), only 
 the second book (LucuUus) of the first edition (11) and 
 part of the first book of the second are now extant. In 
 the former of those two, LucuUus argues against, and 
 Cicero for, the Academic sect, in the presence of Catulus 
 and Hortensius; in the latter, Varro pursues the history 
 of pliilosophy (12) from Socrates to Arcesilas, and Cicero 
 
 (21) eum laborasse constat. (22) eo etiam molestiora esse 
 quod . . . (23) oratione (o»* orationi) alicujus intexere. 
 
 Xo. 250. (1) post ilia. (2) quum interea pauca graviora . . . 
 scripsisset, edidit etc. (3) poster© anno. (4) illo usus otio, quod. 
 (5) hy afferre. (6) primo, initio. (7) e disputantium noininibus, 
 or e clefensorum utriusque causae nominibus. (8) reficere atque 
 dilatare. (9) rationem alicujus defendere. (10) gravissimum 
 opus, gravissima explanatio. (11) forma, or descriptio, also editio 
 (12) exponit qui philosophiae cursus fuerit. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 351 
 
 continues (13) it down to the time of Cameades. In the 
 second edition (14) the style was corrected, the matter 
 condensed, and the whole (15) poHshed with extraordinary 
 care and diligence. 
 
 The same year he published his treatise De Finihus, 
 or «0n the chief good", in five books (16), in which are 
 explained the sentiments of the Epicureans, Stoics, and 
 Peripatetics on the subject. This is the eariiest of his 
 works in which the dialogue is of a disputatious cha- 
 racter (17). It is opened with a defence (18) of the Epi- 
 curean tenets (19), concerning pleasure, by Torquatus; 
 to which Cicero replies at length (20). The scene then 
 shifts (21) from the Cuman villa to the library of young 
 LucuUus (liis father being dead), where the Stoic Cato 
 expatiates on the sublimity of the system (22) which 
 maintains the existence of one only good, and (23) is 
 answered by Cicero in the character (24) of a Peripatetic. 
 Lastly, Piso, in a conversation held at Athens, enters 
 into an explanation (25) of the doctrine of Aristotle, that 
 happiness (26) is the greatest good. The general style (27) 
 of this treatise is elegant and perspicuous; and the last 
 book in particiUar has great variety and splendour of 
 diction. 
 
 No. 251. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 It was about tliis time that Cicero was especially 
 courted (1) by the heads of the dictator's party (2), of 
 
 (13) persequi. (14) quos libros denuo emisit; tJie foil hy Ahl 
 ahd. (15)universadisputatio. (16) ^treatise - in five books-, only 
 hbri quinque. (17) disceptando texi, or disceptationis speciem 
 habere. (18) principio explicare. (19) placita, dogmata (^concern- 
 tw^", de). (20) fuse. (21) sedes disputationis transfertur. (22)mul. 
 ta de ejus doctrinae praestantia disserere. (23) qui. (24) perso- 
 Jiam gerens. (25) „m a conv.'^ etc, Athenis sermonem orditur de 
 <dla .^ . sententia). (26) beata vita. (27) oratio. 
 
 No. 251. (1) colere, observare. (2) dictatoria factio. 
 
 
 f' 
 
 I 
 
352 
 
 Part hi. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 353 
 
 I 
 
 t< 
 
 I' ^ 
 
 il^ 
 
 whom Hirtius and Dolabella went so far as to declaim (3) 
 daily at his house for the benefit of his instructions. 
 A visit of this nature to (4) the Tusculan \dlla, soon 
 after the publication of the De Finihm, gave rise to his 
 work entitled Tuscidance Qiioestiones, which professes to 
 be the substance (5) of five philosophical disputes between 
 himself and friends, digested (6) into as many books. 
 He argues throughout after the manner of an Academic, 
 even with an afiectation (7) of inconsistency; sometimes 
 making use (8) of the Socratic dialogue, sometimes launch- 
 ing out (9) into the diifuse expositions which character- 
 ise (10) his other treatise. He first disputes against 
 the fear (11) of death; and in so doing (12) he adopts 
 the opinion of the Platonic school, as regards (13) the 
 nature of God and the soul. The succeeding discussions 
 on enduring pain, on alleviating grief, on the other 
 emotions of the mind, and on virtue, are conducted for 
 the most part on Stoical principles (14). This is a high- 
 ly ornamental (15) composition, and contains more quo- 
 tations (16) from the poets than any other of Cicero^s 
 treatises. 
 
 We have already had occasion to remark upon the 
 singular activity (17) of his mind, which becomes more 
 and more conspicuous (18) as we approach the period (19) 
 of his death. During the ensuing year, which is the 
 last of his life, in the midst of the conftision and anxieties 
 consequent (20) on Caesar^s death, and the party warfare 
 
 (3) Traml. „even declaimed^'' (declamitare). „for the ben. of 
 his instr.''' = ,^to learn from him''. (4) hujusmodi amicorum con- 
 ventus in {icith Ace). (5) summa capita, or summa quaedain. 
 (6) distribuere. (7) cum simulatione etiam. (8) consectari. (9) di- 
 gredi in. (10) j^wkch char.'"'' = „o/*". (11) by contemnendum esse, 
 or timendum non esse. (12) qua in re, or quo loco. (13) de. 
 (14) rationibus contineri, dirigi. (15) Stiperl. ©/"omatus. (16) verba. 
 (17) laborum assiduitas propria {icith Genit). (18) eminere visa 
 est. (19) quo ipse propius aberat. (20) angores derivati a. 
 
 of his Philippics (21), he found time to write (22) the 
 I>e Nattira Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Senec- 
 tute, De AmcUid, De Officiis, and Paradoxa, besides 
 the treatise on Rhetorical (23) Common Places above 
 mentioned. 
 
 Of these, the first three were intended as (24) a full 
 exposition of the conflicting opinions entertained on their 
 respective subjects (25); the De Fato, however, was not 
 hnished according to this plan (26). 
 
 Xo. 252. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 
 His treatise De Nattira Deorum, in three books (1), 
 may (2) be reckoned the most splendid of all liis works,' 
 and shows that neither age nor disappointment (3) had 
 done injury (4) to the richness and vigour of his mind 
 In the first book, Velleius, the Epicurean (5), sets forth 
 ttie physical tenets of his sect (6), and is answered by 
 Ootta, who is of the Academic school (7). In the second, 
 Balbus, the disciple of the Porch, gives an account of 
 lus own system (8), and is, in turn, refuted by Cotta in 
 the third. Tlie eloquent extravagance (9) of the Epi- 
 curean, the solemn enthusiasm (10) of the Stoic, and the 
 bnUiant raillery (11) of the Academic, are contrasted (12) 
 with extreme vivacity and humour (13); — while the 
 subUmity of the subject itself imparts to the whole com- 
 position a grander and more elevated character (14), and 
 
 (21) certationes Plulippicae. (22) otium nancisci scribendi 
 de . . . (23) oratorius. (24) esse volnit. (25; diversae de qua- 
 que re sententiae. (26) non ita, nt institnerat. 
 
 No. 252. (1) See 250, 16. (2) licet numerare inter; alio tvith 
 dnb.t.0 an Oram. § 176. Note 3. d. (3) rerum civilium despe- 
 ratio. (4) demmuere aliquid de. (6) Epicnri sectator. (6) only 
 physica ejus. (7) Transl. „hy Cotta, the Academic". (8) snara doctri- 
 namtueri. (9) dissoluta facundia. (10) gravitas ardorque. (11) ur- 
 banissima ludificatio. (12)concertare cum. (13)hilaritas. (14)nescio 
 quid aspergere grande atque excelsum. 
 
 Mttller, Exercises. 03 
 
 'i 
 
354 
 
 Pabt m. 
 
 % 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 discovers in the author imaginative powers (15), which, 
 celebrated as he justly is for playfulness of fancy (16), 
 might yet appear more the talent of the poet than the 
 orator. 
 
 His treatise De Divinatione is conveyed in a discus- 
 sion (17) between liis brother Quintus and himself, in 
 two books (18). In the former, Quintus, after dividing 
 Divination into the heads (19) of natural and artificial, 
 argues with the Stoics for its sacred nature (20), from 
 the evidence of facts (21), the agreement of all nations, 
 and the existence (22) of divine intelligences. In the 
 latter, Cicero questions its authority (23), with Cameades, 
 from the uncertain nature of its rules, the absurdity 
 and uselessness of the art, and the possibility of account- 
 ing (24) from natural causes for the phenomena (25) on 
 which it was founded. This is a curious work (26), from 
 the numerous cases adduced from the histories (27) of 
 Greece and Eome to illustrate the subject in dispute (28). 
 
 His treatise De Fato is quite a fragment (29); it 
 purports to be the substance of a dissertation (30) in 
 which he explained to Hirtius (soon aft;er Consul) the 
 sentiments of Chrysippus, Diodorus, Epicurus, Cameades, 
 and others, upon that abstruse subject. It is supposed 
 to have consisted at least of two books, of which we 
 have but the proem of the first, and a small portion of 
 the second. 
 
 (15) vim cogitandi fingendique tantam elicere („in tfie auth.''^, 
 Genit). (16) res jucunde depingendae {„celebr. as he !«?««", quam- 
 vis etc.). (17) ipse disputat cum, or oratio institaitur. (18) See 
 J250y 16. (19) in duo genera. Instead of „^tnh«»" use Pronoun. 
 (20) sacram esse demonstrare. (21) et facta afferens evidentissi- 
 ma et . . et. (22) Veritas. (23) dubitat ullane sit ilia vis quod 
 et leges sint . . . et . . . (24) explicari posse. (25) rerum even- 
 tus. (26) est autem jucundum ilia legere ob . . . „ca»e«", exem- 
 pla. (27) res. (28) id de quo disputatur. (29) mancus, mutilus. 
 (30) speciem contracti sermonis habere. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 No. 253. 
 
 355 
 
 Chapter VI. 
 
 In his beautifiil compositions, De S&nedute and De 
 Amicitia, Cato the censor and Laelius are respectively (1) 
 introduced, deUvering their sentiments on those subjects. 
 The conclusion of the former, in which Cato discourses 
 on the immortaHty of the soul, has been always cele- 
 brated (2); and the opening of the latter, in which Fan- 
 nius and Scsevola come (3) to console LseHus on the death 
 of Scipio, is as exquisite an instance of deHcacy and 
 taste in composition (4) as can be found in his works. 
 In the latter he has borrowed largely from the eighth 
 and ninth books of Aristotle's Ethics, 
 
 His treatise De Officiis was finished about the time 
 he wrote his second PhiHppic, a circumstance which 
 illustrates (5) the great versatiHty of his mental powers (6). 
 Of a work so extensively celebrated, it is enough to 
 have mentioned (7) the name. Here he lays aside the 
 less authoritative form of dialogue, and, with (8) the 
 dignity of the E^man Consul, unfolds, in his own per- 
 son, the principles of morals, according to (9) the views 
 of the older schools, particularly of the Stoics. It is 
 written in three books, with great perspicuity and ele- 
 gance of style; the first (10) book treats of the honestim, 
 or virtue, the second of the idile, or expedience, and the 
 
 No. 253. (1) in . . libris De Sen altero Catonem Cen- 
 
 sorem {or Censorium) altero ... (2) omnium laudibus celebrare. 
 (3) Laehum conveniunt ut. (4) tantae est elegantiae tantique 
 judicii, ut luculentius ejus rei {or virtutis) exemplum ... (5) qua 
 quidem re efficitur quam . . fuerit. (6) varia vis ingenii, or va- 
 num et multiplex ingenium. (7) ponere. (8) „flere" etc. seposi- 
 tis autem personis coUoquentium quod minus viderentur habere 
 auctoritatis ipse (= „in his own person'') hie assumpta ... (9) se- 
 cutus. (10) Transl. „in the first . . he treats" etc. 
 
 23* 
 
 :i 
 
356 
 
 Pakt in. 
 
 
 
 third adjusts the claim (11) of the two, when they hap- 
 pen (12) to interfere with each other. 
 
 His Paradoxa Stoicm-um might have been more suit- 
 ably, perhaps, included (13) in his rhetorical works, 
 being (14) six short declamations in support of the posi- 
 tions (15) of Zeno; in which that philosopher's subtle- 
 ties (16) are adapted to the comprehension of the vul- 
 gar (17), and the events of the times. The second, fourth, 
 and sixth, are respectively directed (18) against Antony, 
 Clodius, and Crassus. They seem to have suffered from 
 time (19). The sixth is the most eloquent (20) , but the 
 argument of the third is strikingly (21) maintained. 
 
 Besides the works now enumerated, we have a con- 
 siderable fragment of his translation (22) of Plato's Ti- 
 mcBiiSj which he seems to have finished in his last year. 
 His remaining philosophical works, viz.: the Hortensiiis, 
 which was a defence of philosophy; De Gloria; De Con- 
 solatione, written upon Platonic principles on his daugh- 
 ter's death; De Jure Civil i, De Virtutihn^, De Auguriis, 
 Chorographia, translations of Plato's Protagoras^ and Xeno- 
 phon's (Economics, works on Natural History (23), Pane- 
 gyric (24) on Cato, and some miscellaneous (25) writings, 
 are, except a few fragments, entirely lost. 
 
 (11) ad rationis normam revocare. (12) si quando usu veniat 
 ut. (13) aptius (commodius) adjungi posse. (14) quum sint. 
 (15) arx, propugnaculum. (16) illius (i. e. Zenonis) disciplinae 
 argutiae. (17) Adj. popularis. (18) singulos petere. (19) vetustate 
 corrumpi. (20) majoris eloquentiae, or elocutione ornatior. 
 (21) egregie. (22) decurtata ac mutila interpretatio. (23) libri 
 naturales (physici), quorum utroque physica quaedam explican- 
 tur. (24) laus. (25) varii generis. 
 
 kt*. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 357 
 
 No. 354. 
 
 5. Cicero's Letters. His Historical and Poetical Com- 
 positions (1). 
 His Letters, about one thousand in all, are com- 
 prised (2) in thirty-six books, sixteen of which are ad- 
 dressed (3) to Atticus, three to his brother Quintus, one 
 to Brutus, and sixteen to his different friends; and they 
 form a history (4) of his life from his fortieth year. 
 Among those addi^essed to his friends, some occur (5) 
 from Brutus, Metellus, Plancius, Caelius, and others. 
 For (6) the preservation of this most valuable depart- 
 ment (7) of Cicero's writings, we are indebted to Tyro, 
 the author's freedman (8), though we possess, at the pre- 
 sent day, but a part of those originally pubHshed(9). 
 As (10) his correspondence with his friends belongs to 
 his character (11) as a man and politician (12), rather 
 than to his Hterary aspect (13), we have already noticed 
 it in the first part of this memoir. 
 
 His Poetical and Historical works have suffered a 
 heavier fate (14). The latter class, consisting of his com- 
 mentary on his consulship and his history of his own 
 times, is altogether lost. Of the former, which consist- 
 ed of the heroic poems Haley one, Limon, Maritis, and 
 his Consulate, the elegy of Tamelastes, translations of 
 Homer and Aratus, epigrams, etc., nothing remains, ex- 
 cept some fragments of the Bioi^iomena and Diosemeia 
 of Aratus. It may, however, be questioned whether 
 li terature has suffered much by these losses (15). We 
 
 Xo. 254. (l)lustoriae, or historiarum libri; carmina. (2) con- 
 tinere. (3) mittere. (4) narrationem, or historiam complere. 
 (o) esse. (6) quod conservata est. (7) pars gravissima. (8) li- 
 bertus. Omit ^author's'^. (9) quas iUe edidit. (10) sed quoniam. 
 (11) aperire mores. (12) homo ac civis (magistratus). (13) scrip- 
 toris ingenium (persona). (14) longe secus {i7iclndes ,,1imvier'') 
 accidit {^cith Dat). (15) gravemne litterati jacturam fecerint, or 
 magnumne litterae Latinae detrimentum acceperint, or multumne 
 dignum memoria perditum sit. 
 
358 
 
 Pakt m. 
 
 are far, indeed (16), from speaking contemptuously of 
 the poetical talent of one who possessed so much, fancy (17), 
 so much taste (18), and so fine an ear (19). But his 
 poems were principally composed in his youth; and after- 
 wards, when his powers were more mature (20), his oc- 
 cupations did not allow even to his active mind the time 
 necessary for polishing a language still npiore rugged in 
 metre than it was in prose (21). His contemporary (22) 
 history, on the other hand, can hardly have convey- 
 ed (23) more explicit, and certainly would have con- 
 tained less faithful, information (24) than his private 
 correspondence; while (25), with all the penetration he 
 assuredly possessed, it may be doubted if (26) his diffiise 
 and graceful style was adapted for the deep and con- 
 densed thoughts (27) and the grasp (28) of facts and 
 events which are the chief excellences of historical com- 
 position (29). 
 
 No. 255. 
 
 6. Cicero's Orations. 
 
 The Orations which he is known to have composed 
 amount in all to about eighty, of which fifty-nine, either 
 entire or in part, are preserved. Of these some are(l) 
 deliberative, others judicial, others descriptive; some de- 
 livered from the rostrum, or in the senate; others in 
 the forum, or before (2) Cgesar; and (3), as might be 
 
 (16) ac tamen multum abest ut. (17) cogitandi ardor. (18) ju- 
 dicandi elegantia. (19) aures teretes. (20) adultius ingenium. 
 Gram. § 225. (21) versibus etiam horridior quam oratione, or 
 a versuum nuiuero magis etiam quam orationis elegantia alie- 
 nus (abhorrens). (22) aequalis. (23) non potest attulisse . . . aut 
 certe non erat praebitura veriorem (certiorem) . . . (24) renim 
 gestamm narratio. (25) et quamquam fait . . . tamen . . . 
 (26) satisne idonea . . . fuerit. (27) meditatio {Sing.), (28) com- 
 prehensio. (29) historici generis laudes. 
 
 No. 255. (1) versari in genere ... (2) apud. (3) est autem 
 ipse . . . (,,/ram", pro). 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 359 
 
 anticipated from the character already given of his ta- 
 lents, he is much more successful in pleading (4) or in 
 panegyric (5) than in debate or invective. In delibera- 
 tive oratory (6), indeed, great part of the effect of the 
 composition depends on its creating in the hearer a high 
 opinion of the speaker (7); and, though Cicero takes 
 considerable pains to interest the audience in his fa- 
 vour (8), yet his style is not simple and grave enough, 
 he is too ingenious, too declamatory, discovers too much 
 personal feeling (9), to eHcit that confidence in him, 
 without which argument has little influence (10). His 
 invectives, again (11), however grand and imposing, yet, 
 compared with his cabner and more familiar (12) pro- 
 ductions, have a forced and unnatural air (13). Splendid 
 as (14) is the eloquence of his Catilinarians and Phi- 
 Hppics, it is often the language of abuse rather than of 
 indignation (15); and even his attack (16) on Piso, the 
 most briUiant and imaginative (17) of its kind, becomes 
 wearisome from want (18) of ease and reHef(19). His 
 laudatory orations, on the other hand, are among his 
 happiest efforts (20). Nothing can exceed the taste (21) 
 and beauty of those for the Manilian law, for MarceUus, 
 for Ligarius, for Archias, and the ninth PhiHppic, which 
 is principally in praise of Servius Sulpicius. But it is 
 
 (4) causas defendere ... (5) laudare . . . disceptare . . . 
 objurgare. (6) genus. (7) magna vis repetitur (derivatur) ab ea 
 existimatione quam oratio ipsa conciliat. (8) auditores benevolos 
 reddere (efficere). (9) commotior est quam ut. (10) qua carere 
 nullo modo potest in . . . (11) rursum accusationes ejus. (12) in- 
 genio congruentior. (13) nescio quid violenti atque arcessiti 
 (14) quantumvis. (15) by contumeliosus . . . iratus, or con- 
 viciantis . . . indignantis est, or convicia sunt . . . indignatio. 
 (16) impugnatio . ., qua nihil est in hoc genere... (17) ardens. 
 (18) quia caret. (19) moderatio. (20) felicissime versari, or feli- 
 citer elaborare in. (21) quid enim vel judicio vel . . excellentius 
 iis quas . . . 
 
360 
 
 Part m. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 in judicial eloquence, particularly on subjects of a Kvely 
 cast (22), as in his speeches for Cselius and Mursena, and 
 against Csecilius, that his talents are displayed to the 
 best advantage (23). In both these departments of ora- 
 tory (24) the grace and amiableness (25) of his genius are 
 manifested in their full lustre (26), though none of his 
 orations are without tokens of those characteristic ex- 
 cellences. Historical allusions (27), philosophical senti- 
 ments, descriptions full of life and nature, and polite 
 raillery, succeed each other in the most agreeable man- 
 ner, without appearance of artifice or effort (28). Such 
 are his jHctures of the confusion of the Catilinarian 
 conspirators on detection (29) ; of the death of Metellus; 
 of Sulpicius undertaking the embassy to Antony; the 
 character he draws of Catiline; and liis fine sketch (30) 
 of old Appius, frowning (31) on his degenerate descen- 
 dant (32) Clodia. 
 
 No. 256. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 These, however, are but incidental and occasional 
 artifices (1) to divert and refresh the mind, since his (2) 
 Orations are generally laid out according to the plan 
 proposed in rhetorical works; the introduction, contain- 
 ing the ethical proof (3); the body of the speech (4), the 
 
 361 
 
 .• 
 
 (22) in causis excitationibus, or de rebus paullo acutiorbus. 
 (23) ingenii vires expromere uberrinie, ingenio abuti commo- 
 dissime. (24) artis dicendi campus. (25) jucunditas. (26) tan- 
 quam in clarissimo lumine coUocatum esse. (27) rerum veterum 
 usurpationes. (28) tarn jucunde inter se excipiunt ut nee arte 
 quaesita nee in alienum locum trauslata (arcessita) esse videan- 
 tur. (29) conjurationem detegere (Ahl absol). (30) iugeniosa 
 (commodissima) inductio. (31) succensere alicui. (32) ^degen. 
 descendant'"'', ab a vita virtute degenerans. 
 
 No. 256. (1) artificia, quibus aliquando pro re nata relaxat... 
 (2) nam ipsae. (3) ad mores accommodatus. (4) causae expositio 
 (explicatio). 
 
 argument (5), and the peroration addressing itself to the 
 passions (6) of the judges. In opening his case (7) he 
 commonly makes a profession of timidity and diffidence 
 with a view to concUiate the favour of his audience' 
 the eloquence, for instance (8), of Hortensius, is so power- 
 tul, or so much prejudice has been excited (9) against 
 his client, or it is his first appearance in the rostrum 
 or he IS unused to speak in an armed assembly, or to 
 plead m a private appartment (10). He proceeds to en- 
 treat the patience of his judges; drops out (11) some 
 generous (12) or popular sentiment, or contrives to ex- 
 cite prejudice against (13) his opponent. He then states 
 the circumstances of his case, and the intended plan of 
 his oration; and here he is particularly clear. But it 
 18 when he comes actuaUy(14) to prove his point that 
 his oratorical powers begin to have their full play (15) 
 He accounts for everything so naturaUy(16), makes tri- 
 vial circumstances tell so happily (17), so adroitly con- 
 verts apparent objections (18) into confirmations of his 
 argument,connects independent faxjts (19) with such ease 
 and plausibility, that it becomes impossible to entertain 
 a question (20) on the truth of his statement. This is 
 particularly observable in his defence of Cluentius, where 
 prejudices (21), suspicions, and difficulties are encounter- 
 ed with the most triumphant ingenuity (22); in the ante- 
 
 ingredi, or ad causam accedere. (8) velut . . dicit. (9) invidiam 
 creare ahem. (lOinter domesticos parietes. (11) enuntiare, i" 
 ferre, mj.cere. (12) ingenuus. (13) de auctoritate alicujus de- 
 trahere, or hmare. (14) ubi vero accessit ad. (15) vim atque 
 copiam eloquentiae omnem expromere, or frenos omnes eloquen- 
 mt «^''' .T- ^f*"' «l°-l»«ntiae fontes aperire. (16) facile. 
 17 exigua fehc.ter augere, o,- minima feliciter exaggerare. 
 (18) ea quae yidentur contraria callide convertere ad. (19) dissi- 
 nuha (d.spana) connectere (20) ut dubitare non posse videaris 
 
 SunS oirrir^"''"*^- '''' ''-'^ "^^''^'^'^'^ ^"- 
 
362 
 
 Pabt m. 
 
 cedent probabilities of bis Pro Milone; in bis apology 
 for Muraena's public, and CsbHus's private life, and his 
 disparagement of Verres's military services in Sicily (23); 
 it is observable too in the address with which (24) the 
 Agrarian law of RuUus, and the accusation of Rabirius, 
 both popular measures (25), are represented to be hostile 
 to public liberty; with which (26) Milo's impolitic un- 
 concern (27) is made a touching incident (28); and Cato^s 
 attack upon the crowd of clients which accompanied the 
 candidate for affice, a tyrannical disregard (29) for the 
 feelings (30) of the poor. So great indeed is his talent (31), 
 that he even hurts a good cause by an excess of (32) 
 plausibility. 
 
 No. 257. 
 
 Chapter m. 
 
 But it is not enough to have barely proved his 
 point; he proceeds, either immediately, or towards the 
 conclusion of his speech, to heighten (1) the effect by 
 amplification. Here he goes (as it were) round and 
 round (2) his object; surveys it in every light (3); exa- 
 mines it in all its parts; retires, and then (4) advances; 
 turns and re -turns it (5); compares and contrasts it; 
 
 (23) extenuare (deminuere) . . militarem gloriam Siciliensem. 
 (24) idem apparet qumn . . . apte demonstrat esse . . . (25) qua- 
 rum utraque esset admodum popularis. (26) quum . . utitur . . 
 ad. (27) imprudens lentitudo. (28) hy movere animos judicum. 
 (29) j^attack upon^'^ etc. reprehensionem assectationis in petitio- 
 nibus officiorum trahit (vertit) in, or interpretatur esse crimen 
 crudelitatis contemnentis etc, (30) pietas, observantia (Sitig.), 
 also officia. (31) atque adeo hac ipsa sollertia efficitur ut. 
 (32) nimius. 
 
 No. 257. (1) augere contendit. (2) tamquam circumeundo 
 varie illustrare. (3) quantum in ea momenti sit undique anqui- 
 rere. (4) Omit ^^and then". Liketvise ^^and'''' in the foil. (5) tractare 
 retractare, also semel atque iterum yersare. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 363 
 
 iUustrates (6), confirms, enforces (7) his view of the ques- 
 tion, till at last the hearer feels ashamed of doubting (8) 
 a position which seems built on a foundation so strictly 
 argumentative. Of this nature is his justification (9) of 
 iiabirius in taking up arms against Satuminus; his ac- 
 count of the imprisonment of the Eoman citizens by 
 Verres, and of the crucifixion (10) of Gavius; his com- 
 parison of Antony with Tarquin; and the contrast he 
 draws (11) of Verres with Fabius, Scipio, and Marius. 
 
 And now, having established his case, he opens upon 
 his opponent a discharge of raillery, so deHcate and 
 good-natured (12), that it is impossible for the latter to 
 maintain his ground against it. Or where (13) the sub- 
 ject IS too grave to admit this, he colours his exagger- 
 ation with all the bitterness of irony or vehemence of 
 pa^ion(14). Such are his frequent delineations (15) of 
 Gubmius Piso, Clodius, and Antony; particularly his 
 vmd and almost humorous contrast (16) of the two con- 
 suls, who sanctioned his banishment, in his oration for 
 bextius. Such the celebrated account (already referred 
 to) of the crucifixion of Gavius by Verres, which it is 
 difficult to read, even at the present day, without having 
 our feelings roused(17) against the merciless Pr^tor. But 
 the appeal to the gentler emotions of the soul is reserv- 
 
 (6) declarare. (7) probare (= ,,conP% confirmare (= ,enf.-). 
 
 8) satisne, or an parum tutus sit is locus, quern tot argumen- 
 torum firmitate, or tot tamque gravium argumentorum praesi- 
 dns mumverit. (9) purgatio illius in Rabirium criminis quod . . . 
 
 10 m crucem agere. (11) hy dissimilitudo, or hy opponere 
 
 (12) lacessere dictis adversarium aggredi tarn et facete et in-' 
 genue, or adversarium acute et ingenue dictis sic obruere, ut. 
 
 (13) quod 81 Id. (14) vituperationem exaggeratam acerbissima 
 imsione et gravissima indignatione distinguere, or acerb, irr. et 
 ira ardentissima utens (usus) rem exaggerare atque colorare. 
 
 15 quo m genere lUae sunt frequentatae descriptiones . . 
 (16) acris.ac paene faceta comparatio. (17) odio accendi, inflam-' 
 man. 
 
364 
 
 Pabt in. 
 
 ed(18) (perhaps with somewhat of sameness (19)) for the 
 close of his oration; as in his defence (20) of Cluentius, Mu- 
 rsena, Cselius, Milo, Sylla, Flaccus, and Rabirius Postu- 
 mus; the most striking instances of wliich are the poetic- 
 al burst of feeling with which he addresses (21) his 
 client Plancius, and his picture of the desolate condition 
 of the Vestal Fonteia, should her brother be condem- 
 ned (22). At other times, ihis peroration contains more 
 heroic and elevated sentiments (23) ; as in his invoca- 
 tion (24) of the Alban groves and altars in the perora- 
 tion of the Pro MilmiCj the panegyric on patriotism, and 
 the love (25) of glory in his defence (26) of Sextius, and 
 that on liberty at the close (27) of the third and tenth 
 Philippics. 
 
 No. 258. 
 
 7. Cicero's Style (1). Conclusion (2). 
 But it (3) is by the invention of a style (4), which 
 adapts itself with singular felicity to every class of 
 subjects (5), whether lofty or familiar, philosophical or 
 forensic, that Cicero answers even more exactly to his 
 own definition (6) of a perfect orator than by his plau- 
 sibility, pathos, and brilliancy (7). It is not, however, 
 here intended to enter upon the consideration (8) of a 
 subject so ample and so familiar to all scholars (9) as 
 
 (18) ciere non solet nisi (= ^^the appeal . . is resJ"^)^ or con- 
 ferre solet in. (19) nimis fortasse neglegere rationem varietatis 
 {All. ahsoL). (20) ut in causis, o>' ut factum videmus in . . . 
 (21) „f^e poetical 6." etc. ornatissima ilia atque ardentissima com- 
 pellatio. (22) quae fratre condemnato futura sit. (23) grandioribus 
 atque excelsioribus sententiis perorare. (24) ut quum appellat. 
 (25) studium. (26) causa. (27) extremus. Gram. § 237. 3. 
 
 Ko. 258. (1) dictio. (2) commentarium, tractationem absol- 
 vere. (3) ^^But it is ... that Cicero'^^, only ac tamen, or sed idem. 
 (4) genus quoddam novum dicendi. (5) omnis rerum varietas. 
 
 (6) magis etiam . . . qualem ipse definivit speciem expressit. 
 
 (7) either suadendi, movendi, ornandi facultas, or argumentandi 
 probabilitas, augendi amplitudo, eloquendi ornatus. (8) tractan- 
 dum suscipere. (9) litteratus. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 365 
 
 Cicero's diction, much less to take an extended view of 
 it through the range (10) of his philosophical writings 
 and familiar correspondence. Among many excellences, 
 the greatest is its suitableness to the genius (11) of the 
 Latin language; though the diffuseness thence necessar- 
 ily resulting (12) has exposed it, both in his own days 
 and since his time, to the criticisms (13) of those who 
 have affected (14) to condemn its Asiatic character (15), 
 in comparison with (16) the simpHcity (17) of Attic 
 writers, and the strength (18) of Demosthenes. Greek, 
 however, is celebrated for its copiousness in voca- 
 bulary (19), for its perspicuity, and its reproductive 
 power (20); and its consequent facility of expressing the 
 most novel or abstruse ideas with precision (21) and 
 elegance. Hence the Attic style of eloquence was plain 
 and simple, because simj^licity and plainness (22) were 
 not incompatible (23) with clearness, energy, and har- 
 mony. But it was a singular want (24) of judgment, 
 an ignorance of the very principles of composition (25), 
 which induced Brutus, Calvus, Sallust, and others to 
 imitate this terse (26) and severe beauty in their own 
 defective language (27) , and even to pronounce the 
 opposite kind of diction deficient in taste and purity (28). 
 In Greek, indeed, the words falf, as it were, naturally, 
 into a distinct and harmonious order (29); and, from the 
 exuberant richness of the materials, less is left to the 
 ingenuity of the artist (30). But the Latin language is 
 
 (10) omnem ambitum . . . diligenter persequi. (11) natura 
 et quasi indoles. (12) indidem derivatus. (13) by incurrere in 
 reprehensiones. (14) dicere. (15) pompa Asiatica. (16) alienus a. 
 (17) sanitas, or siccitas. (18) gra vitas. (19) verborum. (20) quae- 
 dam fecunditas (= „reprod. j?."). (21) proprie. (22) mediocritas. 
 (23) pugnare cum. (24) by carere. (25) bene dicendi leges. 
 (26) nudus. (27) sermonis egestas. (28) ^.deficient in t, and p.'', 
 ineptus ac putidus, or horridus sordidusque. (29) sua sponte 
 quodammodo et apte et numerose cadere. (30) here orator. 
 
366 
 
 Pakt m. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 367 
 
 comparatively weak, scanty, and unmusical (31); and 
 requires considerable skill and management to render it 
 expressive (32) and graceful. Simplicity in Latin is 
 scarcely separable from baldness (33) ; and justly as 
 Terence is celebrated for chaste and unadorned (34) 
 diction, yet, even he, compared with Attic writers, is 
 flat and heavy (35). Again, the perfection of strength 
 is (36) clearness united to brevity; but to this combination 
 Latin is utterly unequal (37). From the vagueness and 
 uncertainty of meaning which characterises its separ- 
 ate (38) words, to be perspicuous (39) it must be full. 
 "What (40) Livy, and much more Tacitus, have gained 
 in energy, they have lost in lucidity and elegance; the 
 correspondence of Brutus with Cicero is forcible (41), 
 indeed, but harsh and abrupt. Latin, in short, is not 
 a philosophical language, not a language (42) in which 
 a deep thinker (43) is likely to express himself with 
 purity or neatness. Cicero found it barren and disso- 
 nant (44), and as such he had to deal with it (45). His 
 good sense enabled him to perceive (46) what could be 
 done, and what it was in vain to attempt; and happily (47) 
 his talents answered precisely to the purpose required (48). 
 He may be compared to a clever landscape-gardener (49), 
 who gives depth and richness (50) to narrow and confined 
 
 (31) multo with Compar. of exilis, astrictus, asper. (32) ar- 
 gutus. (33) tenuitas humilitas est. (34) sanus et sincerus. 
 (35) humilis ac durus. (36) vis summa inest in. (37) minime 
 idoneus ad. (38) singuli. (39) hy perspicuitatem repetere a. 
 (40) itaque quantum roboris . . . tantum luminis . . . (41) ner- 
 vosus. (42) non apta philosopliiae nee talis. (43) by graves acu- 
 taeque sententiae. (44) inopem et hiulcum nancisci. Begin sent 
 toith quum. (45) his impeditum difficultatibus formandum susci- 
 pere. (46) sapienter intellexit, or sensu quodam recti ac judicio 
 ductus intellexit. (47) contigit autem ut. (48) rei efficiendae 
 accommodatum esse. (49) topiarius quispiam. (50) laxare et lo- 
 cupletare. 
 
 premises (51) by ingenuity and skiU in the disposition 
 ot ins trees and walks. 
 
 No. 259. 
 
 Chapter n. 
 
 Terence and Lucretius had cultivated simplicity (1) 
 Cotta, Brutus, and Calvus had attempted strength (2) 
 but Cicero rather made a language than a style (3) 
 yet not so much by the invention as by the combina- 
 tion of words. Some terms, indeed, his philosophical 
 subjects obHged him to coin (4); but his great art lies 
 in the application of existing materials (5), in convert- 
 ing (6) the very disadvantages of the language into 
 beauties, in enriching (7) it with circumlocutions and 
 metaphors (8), in pruning it of harsh and uncouth ex- 
 pressions (9), in systematizing the structure of a sen- 
 tence(lO). This is that copia dicendi which gained Cicero 
 the high testimony of Ca«sar to his inventive powers(ll) 
 and which, we may add (12), constitutes him the great- 
 est master of composition that the world has seen (13). 
 
 Such, then, are (14) the principal characteristics of 
 Cicero's oratoiy; on a review of which (15) we may 
 ■mth some reason (16), conclude that Eoman eloquence 
 stands scarcely less indebted to his works than Eoman 
 phUosophy. For, though in his De claris Orataribus he 
 
 (51) fundus angustis circumscriptus finibus. 
 
 No. 259. (1) tenue dicendi genus excolere. (2) lacertos, or 
 nervos adders orationi. (3) ipsa dictio, non genus aliquod di- 
 cendi. (4) fabncari. (5) communibus soUerter uti, or sapienter 
 
 T ''\ ?r ."" P'°°'P'° *"°*- (^) "^^^^ ad, mth ornare, 
 Oram.gS88.1. (7) addere. (8) translatio. (9) aspera et agre- 
 at.a expurgare. (10) stmendorum verborum rationem demon- 
 strare. (11) qnam ab eo inventam tantopere laudavit. (12) bt, 
 nesoio an. Gram, g 176. Note 3.d. (13) onlt, omnium temporum, 
 or saeculonm. (W) either hae propriae sunt maximaeque lau- 
 des . ., or haec habui dicere de . . (15) quas si consideres. 
 <16) non temere. 
 
368 
 
 Part in. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 369 
 
 begins his review (17) from the age of Julius Brutus, 
 yet, soberly speaking (18) (and as he seems to allow in 
 the opening of the De Oraiore), we cannot assign an 
 earlier date to (19) the rise of eloquence among his 
 countrymen, than that of the same Athenian embassy 
 which introduced the study of philosophy. To aim, 
 indeed, at persuasion, by appeals to the reason or 
 passions (20) , is so natural, that no country, whether 
 refined or barbarous, is without its orators. If, however, 
 eloquence be the mere power of persuading, it is but a 
 relative term (21), Kmited to time and place, connected 
 with a particular audience, and leaving to posterity no 
 test of its merits (22) but the report (23) of those whom 
 it has been successful in influencing; but we are speak- 
 ing of it as the subject-matter of an art (24). 
 
 The eloquence of Cameades and his associates had 
 made [to use a famiKar term (25)] a great sensation (26) 
 among the Eoman orators, who soon split into two 
 parties, — the one adhering (27) to the rough unpolished 
 maimers (28) of their forefathers, the other favouring 
 the artificial graces (29) which distinguished the Grecian 
 rhetoricians. In the former class were Cato and LaeHus, 
 both men of cultivated minds, particularly Cato (30), 
 whose opposition to Greek literature was founded solely 
 on political considerations (31). But, as might have 
 
 (17) numeruin oratorum ordiri, or cursum eloquentiae re- 
 petere usque a. (18) verius tamen, or si volumus ingenue agere, 
 or si verum quaerimus. (19) antiquiorem esse dicere. (20) ra- 
 tionum momentis et animorum motibus uti ad persuadendum. 
 (21) comparationem quandam habere. (22) argumentum, or in- 
 dicium laudis suae transmitters ad. (23) testimonia. (24) quae- 
 rere id quod est studii atque artis. (25) vulgare dicere. (26) ©om- 
 movere animos. (27) adhaerescere. (28) rudis atque impolita 
 consuetude. (29) ad artem elegantiamque se applicare, or arti- 
 ficiosam venustatem adamare. (30) only ille quidem maxime. 
 (31) rationibus civilibus moveri ut. 
 
 
 been expected (32) , the Athenian cause had prevailed; 
 and (33) Carbo and the two Gracchi, who are the prin- 
 cipal orators of the next generation, are praised as 
 masters of an oratory learned, majestic, and harmonious 
 in its character (34). These were succeeded by Antonius, 
 Crassus, Gotta, Sulpicius, and Hortensius; who, adopting 
 greater liveliness and variety of manner (35), form a 
 middle age in the history of Roman eloquence. 
 
 No. 260. 
 
 Chapter HI. 
 
 But it was in that which immediately followed 
 that the art was adorned by an assemblage (1) of orators, 
 which even Greece will find it difficult to match. Gf 
 these Caesar, Cicero, Curio, Brutus, Caelius, Calvus, 
 and Callidius, are the most celebrated. The talents, 
 indeed, of Caesar were not more conspicuous in arms 
 than in his style, which was noted for its force and 
 purity (2). Caelius, whom Cicero brought forward into 
 public life (3), excelled in natural quickness (4) , loftiness 
 of sentiment, and politeness in attack (5); Brutus in 
 philosophical gravity, though he sometimes indulged 
 himself (6) in a warmer and bolder style. Callidius was 
 delicate (7) and harmonious; Curio bold and flowing (8); 
 Calvus, from studied opposition to Cicero's peculiarities (9), 
 cold, cautious, and accurate. Brutus and Calvus have 
 
 (32) id quod futurum praevidisses, or id quod fieri necesse 
 fuerat. ..Athenian'', Atticorum. (33) ita (quo) factum est ut. 
 (34) oratio limata, grandis, numerosa. (35) stilus. 
 
 No. 260. (1) magnum ornamentum (decus) addit tanta mul- 
 titudo. (2) urbanitas, or incorrupta integritas. (3) ad rempubli- 
 cam adducere, or auctorem atque ducem esse reipublicae capes- 
 sendae. (4) animi quaedam alacritas. (5) accusationis (accusandi) 
 urbanitas. (6) delectari. (7) tener, or lenis. (8) fluens, or per- 
 facile currens, or volubilis. (9) studiose recedere a propriis 
 Ciceronis laudibus; ..coW. lentus. 
 
 MUlIer, Exerpi8eK. 24 
 
370 
 
 Pabt in. 
 
 \ • 
 
 been before noticed as the advocates of the dry senten- 
 tious mode (10) of speaking, which they dignified by 
 the name (11) of Attic; a kind of eloquence which (12) 
 seems to have been popular from the comparative (13) 
 facility with which is was attained. 
 
 In the Ciceronian age the general character of the 
 oratory was dignified and graceful. The popular 
 nature (14) of the government gave opportunities for 
 effective appeals to the passions (15); and, Greek litera- 
 ture being as yet (16) a novelty, philosophical sentiments 
 were introduced with corresponding success (17). The 
 republican orators were long in their introductions, 
 diffuse in their statements (18), ample in their divisions, 
 frequent in their digressions, gradual and sedate (19) in 
 their perorations. Under the Emperors, however, the 
 people were less consulted in state affairs; and the 
 judges, instead of possessing an almost independent 
 authority (20) , being but delegates of the executive (21) 
 from interested politicians (22) became men of business; 
 literature, too, was now familiar to all classes; and 
 taste began sensiby to decline (23). The national appetite 
 felt a craving (24) for stronger and more stimulating 
 compositions (25). Impatience was manifested (26) at the 
 tedious majesty and formal graces (27), the parade of 
 
 (10) sententiosa brevitas (= .^ry sent. w."). (11) honorifice, 
 or iionorifico nomine appellare. (12) quod quidem genus . . . 
 (13) by a clause with propterea quod. (14) popularis . . consti- 
 
 tutio. (15) persuasio oratoria (= „c#ec^. aj)p. to fAcy)- (16)etiam- 
 tum. (17) usurpatio philosophiae magnopere probatur, or trans- 
 latae a philosophis sententiae magn. probantur. (18) narratio. 
 (19) lentus or sedatus, or tardo gradu atque composito. (20) sui 
 juris esse. (21) ubi delegato officio fungi coeperunt, or ex quo 
 principum mandata exsequi coacti sunt. (22) omittere studia ci- 
 yilia (AM. ahsol). (23) infirmari atque labi, or obrui atque inter- 
 ire. (24) vulgo desiderium excitare. (25) valentior atque acutior 
 oratio. (26) „to manifest imp,'', improbare, vituperare. (27) ve- 
 nustus apparatus. 
 
 Section xxi. 
 
 371 
 
 arguments (28), grave sayings, and shreds of philoso- 
 phy (29), which characterized their fathers; and a smarter 
 and more sparkling (30) kind of oratory succeeded, just 
 as in our own country the minuet (31) of the last century 
 has been supplanted by the quadriUe (32), and the 
 stately movements (33) of Giardini have given way to 
 Eossini's brisker and more artificial melodies. Corvinus, 
 even (34) before the time of Augustus, had shown him- 
 self more elaborate (35) and fastidious in his choice of 
 expressions. Cassius Severus, the first who openly 
 deviated from the old style of oratory, introduced an 
 acrimonious and virulent mode of pleading (36). It now 
 became the fashion to decry (37) Cicero as inflated, 
 languid, tame, and even deficient in ornament (38); 
 Maecenas and Gallio followed in the career of degener- 
 acy (39); till flippancy of attack (40), prettiness of 
 expression (41), and glitter of decoration (42) prevaHed 
 o ver(43) the bold and manly eloquence of free Eome(44). 
 
 ,^, ^^^^ .^"""^^^ argumentorum. (29) decerpti e philosophia loci. 
 30) acnus et quasi micantius. (31) „minuta" ilia saltatio. 
 (32) chorea „quadruplex". (33) numeri graviores. (34) quid 
 quod etiam ante . . ., sed primus Cassius Sev., etc. (35) dili- 
 gens. (36) acerbus a^ue amarus, or malignus accusandi modus. 
 (37) reprehendere quod fuisset. (38) tardus (timidus) atque adeo 
 inornatus (incomptus). (39) eandem viam declivem persequi. 
 (40) impugnandi petulantia. (41) eloquendi nitor. (42) ornamen- 
 torum splendor. (43) by opprimere, obruere. (44) eitJier liberae 
 illius aetatis, or ea quae in libero populo floruerat. 
 
 0. A. M. D. G. et H. B. M. V. 
 
 24* 
 
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The Editor, having been prevented frcmi correcting the proofs, 
 begs to make the following 
 
 Conigeiida and Addenda. 
 
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 ^e 5 for hi^ht read height. 
 
 14 " Earthen ware read Earthenware. 
 12 * Cretes irad Cretans. 
 
 5 from the bottom add (20) fungi, Gram. § 231. 
 
 15 for his 7'ead is. 
 
 7 from the bottom for negotiation of read neg. 
 
 about. 
 4 from the bottom read at one time this. 
 
 3 " " " /orperfundereyrafi^profundere. 
 
 12 for ennmies read enemies. 
 
 3 from the bottom add (17) inducere. (18) scutum 
 ( = " an obL sh"). (19) tergum taurinum. 
 (20) umbo. (21) eminere. (22) chpeus 
 ( = "round sh."). 
 
 3 for guidance read guidance. 
 
 3 from the bottom for that 7^ead to. 
 10 for suppress read oppress. 
 
 5 from the bottom read sedes ; Pipinus etc. 
 
 8 dele that he. 
 
 8 for dispaired read despaired. 
 17 " hear read ear. 
 13 " sacrifices read sacrificers. 
 16 " sacrificers " sacrifices. 
 10 from the bottom read to steal (2) there. 
 
 ^ " " " for se se parare read se 
 se-parare. 
 
Page 254 line 15 for cartain read certain. 
 
 271 
 
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 4 from the bottom for quod ammodo read quo- 
 - dammodo. 
 
 7 from the bottom for would he read would be. 
 10 " " " " beed r^flf/ been. 
 
 4 " " " " plane or perspicue read 
 plane et perspicue. 
 
 16 for custom read customs. 
 2 " mind read minds. 
 
 17 " circumstance J'ead circumstances. 
 9 from th^ fH)ftom for quum autem contra read 
 
 quum autem-contra. 
 
 1 from the bottom for publicae read f^erendae, 
 
 and add Omit " private." 
 4 from the htffom for consuetude read neces- 
 
 situdo. 
 12 for treatise read treatises. 
 
 8 from the bottom for oratio read sermo. 
 
 2 " " '* infiert or before quomm. 
 12 " " " for excitationibus and acuti- 
 
 orbus read excitatioribus and acutioiibus. 
 10 for affice read office. 
 21 *' sensiby read sensibly. 
 7 from the Ixjttomfor leutus or sedatus read lentus 
 ac sedatus. 
 Other inacvnracies if less imj^orlance, as Milet for Miletus, 
 Tarent for Tarentum, etc., aill l)e eafult/ noticed and correeted. 
 
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