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The War 
 
 Week by Week 
 
 As Seen from 
 New York 
 
 Being Observations from 
 Life 
 
 By 
 Edward S- Martin 
 
 New York 
 
 E» ?♦ Dutton & Company 
 
 Publishers 
 
GIFT OF 
 H. W. VVILSOM 
 MAR 2 2 1929 
 
 Copyright, 19 M 
 
 By life publishing COMPANY 
 
 Copyright, 1914 
 By E. p. button & COMPANY 
 
 013(S33 
 
 rbe "Rniclierbocher preea, "Hew I?orft 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE war in Europe caught 
 the general American mind 
 quite unprepared. Very- 
 few of us had given more than 
 passing attention to the Euro- 
 pean situation. Most of us who 
 thought about it at all, considered 
 that though the factors that im- 
 periled peace were obstinate and 
 awkward, the cost of a great war 
 and the disturbance attending it 
 would be so enormous as to be 
 prohibitive. So we had formed 
 a habit of not taking first-class 
 European war-clouds seriously. 
 
iv INTRODUCTION 
 
 The second-class clouds, we had 
 noticed, did sometimes result in 
 war, but the big ones had to be 
 blown away; they threatened too 
 much. When the trouble over 
 Servia and the murdered arch- 
 duke came along we were merely 
 interested to see how Europe 
 would get out of it. That she 
 would in some way escape serious 
 consequences we did not doubt. 
 We had often before watched the 
 European diplomatists side-step, 
 and we expected to see them do it 
 again. 
 
 They would have done it, who 
 can doubt, if time had been given 
 them, but as it was, the incredible 
 happened. These following pages 
 are a record in their way of how the 
 
INTRODUCTION v 
 
 succeeding events affected Ameri- 
 can sensibilities. No one, of 
 course, can assume to speak the 
 sentiments of the people of the 
 United States, but a very large 
 majority of our people seem to 
 have been affected alike by the 
 events that passed before them 
 and the news and the arguments 
 that they read, and their conclu- 
 sions and resulting opinions are 
 probably reflected with fair accur- 
 acy in the pages that come after. 
 Only citizens of German birth or 
 descent and a few others have 
 been able to accept the German 
 point of view and approve the 
 German proceedings. The rest of 
 us — apparently four-fifths of the 
 population — have seemed to see 
 
vi INTRODUCTION 
 
 things about alike, and to place 
 our sympathies almost entirely 
 with the Allies. 
 
 This American attitude appears 
 to have been a surprise, as well as 
 matter for concern, to the Ger- 
 mans, who seem to have expected 
 that to us as neutrals, their cause 
 would look good. There are de- 
 tails of their position that have 
 a claim on neutral sympathy, and 
 in the end may get it, but from 
 the start these details have been 
 crowded out of consideration by 
 the alarming facts of the proceed- 
 ings before us, and the still more 
 alarming narrations and hypotheses 
 put forward to account for them. 
 We disapproved Germany's im- 
 mense preparedness for war. We 
 
INTRODUCTION vii 
 
 saw in her and no one else the 
 author and compeller of the crush- 
 ing armament of Europe. From 
 Bernhardi we learned of a theory 
 and practice of war, which, unim- 
 portant when read as an academic 
 dissertation, towered up into the 
 proportions of a revelation when all 
 the actual motions of the German 
 machinery began to verify Bern- 
 hardi's forecast. We read Usher 
 and took notice of Pan-Germanism ; 
 we considered the effect of Niet- 
 zsche and Treitschke on the Ger- 
 man moral sense, and all the time, 
 while we were gathering what ideas 
 we coiild about the contents of the 
 contemporary German brain, we 
 had in daily view the tremendous 
 drive of the German Army over 
 
viii INTRODUCTION 
 
 the line into neutral Belgium, and 
 presently on and on, in spite of 
 defenders, through the North of 
 France to the gates of Paris. 
 
 With that great spectacle of 
 invasion, especially of little Bel- 
 gium, before our eyes, no use to 
 tell us that the Germans were 
 banded together to defend their 
 fatherland. For us there was no 
 sign in these proceedings of defense 
 of the fatherland. It all looked 
 like a well-planned raid on Europe, 
 designed to capture from anyone 
 who had it, anything on land or 
 sea which the German imagina- 
 tion had come to find necessary 
 to realize the huge German ideal. 
 
 We paid little attention to 
 Russia. Russia is a country we 
 
INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 Americans read about. But Bel- 
 gium and France we know. Penn- 
 sylvania people know them far 
 better than they know California, 
 and Californians know them far 
 better than they know Pennsyl- 
 vania. They are as familiar as 
 Massachusetts, and even more 
 edifying. It was impossible to 
 feel like chilly neutrals about hav- 
 ing them ravaged, f ought-over, 
 burnt-over, mulcted and Ger- 
 manized. We didn't want it 
 done, and the more we saw it done 
 the more we didn't like it. 
 
 We liked nothing the Germans 
 were doing; nothing that they 
 hoped to do. Every one of their 
 plans, so far as we could get wind 
 of them, aimed to make the world 
 
X INTRODUCTICN 
 
 look less attractive to us. They 
 were destroying our friends, de- 
 stroying our favorite playgrounds, 
 destroying, as at Louvain and 
 Rheims, objects invaluable to us 
 in our humble aspirations to 
 understand life. They were de- 
 stroying in so far as they could the 
 world and the people and the order 
 that we knew and dealt with and 
 considerably liked, and they of- 
 fered us in the place of them 
 '' Deutschland iiber allesf' 
 
 Perhaps we are ignorant, per- 
 haps we are selfish, perhaps we are 
 not real neutrals. But, again, per- 
 haps we are not Yankees for no- 
 thing. At any rate the swap that 
 Germany proposed did not look 
 good to us on the 4th of August, 
 
INTRODUCTION xi 
 
 and it has not looked good to us 
 since. We are ready to love the 
 Germans whenever they become 
 lovable again and we do admire 
 them even now; we are ready 
 to move up and make room for 
 them if they don't crush in too 
 unmannerly; we are ready to be 
 sorry for them if necessary (as 
 doubtless it will be and is) and 
 to help them as we can when they 
 restmie sanity of life. But with 
 their proceedings in Belgium and 
 their purposes in France we are 
 not pleased; no, not for a minute; 
 and if no choice is given us but 
 whether to see the Germans 
 annihilate the French or the Rus- 
 sians annihilate the Germans, 
 while we don't like either show, of 
 
xii INTRODUCTION 
 
 the two we prefer to have the 
 management run the films that 
 exhibit the activities of the Czar. 
 As for the Germans and the 
 English we feel, primarily, a good 
 deal as we might feel if it were the 
 Germans and the Americans. Here 
 are two full-grown, able-bodied 
 nations. If they have differences 
 that must be fought out, let's form 
 a ring, and maybe when they've 
 lost some blood there will be better 
 feeling between them. But there 
 is more to it than that. England is 
 the background of about half the 
 population of these States. In the 
 British Isles are the chief relics 
 and reminders of our history up 
 to three hundred years ago. We 
 have a great concern, undoubtedly, 
 
INTRODUCTION xiii 
 
 for the preservation of that back- 
 ground. We do not wish to see 
 it Germanized or devastated. We 
 want it still to be there when we 
 go to see it. 
 
 And the English idea of govern- 
 ment and of colonial administra- 
 tion is vastly nearer our idea than 
 the German method. We should 
 by no means like it to have the 
 branches of the widespreading 
 British tree lopped off and grafted 
 on to the Kaiser^s ambitious 
 empire. 
 
 And to the English as backers 
 of the Belgians and allies of the 
 French against the devastating 
 German giant, our hearts go 
 out instinctively. Though, plainly 
 enough, England stands in the 
 
xiv INTRODUCTION 
 
 way of Germany's ambition and 
 that gives Germany an under- 
 standable grievance, the same is 
 true of every sovereignty now 
 existing on earth. We all stand 
 in Germany's way in her pre- 
 sent mood, and her apparent 
 willingness and readiness to de- 
 molish us all as soon as she gets 
 around to it, and take what she 
 wants of our belongings, does 
 undeniably give us a fellow-feeling 
 one for another, and an instinctive 
 inclination to edge up fairly close 
 to one another imtil Germany gets 
 new light. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Introduction . 
 
 Caught in a Trap 
 
 German Intelligence 
 
 How TO Manage a Continent 
 
 How We Feel and Why . 
 
 Voices .... 
 
 The Dream of Domination 
 
 Will They Get to Paris? 
 
 Backing away from Paris 
 
 The Case of the Kaiser . 
 
 A Complaint from the Kaiser 
 
 The Pathos of the Germans 
 
 A Foundling . 
 
 The Unscrambling of Europe 
 
 Let Us Turn out Our Pockets 
 
 PAGE 
 
 iii 
 I 
 14 
 ^1 
 33 
 43 
 50 
 60 
 
 71 
 79 
 
 84 
 
 93 
 
 102 
 
 118 
 
 129 
 
\\n 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 German "Kultur" and the 
 Prussian Idea 
 
 Dr. Munsterberg's Appeal 
 
 A Little More Armament for 
 Uncle Sam! . 
 
 Germany, the Doctor 
 
 Thinking like a German 
 
 Germany and Colonies 
 
 The German Ideal . 
 
 139 
 150. 
 
 158 
 
 171 
 
 180 
 
 195 
 209 
 
The War 
 
 Week by Week 
 
The War: 
 Week by Week 
 
 CAUGHT IN A TRAP 
 
 IS it that armament is a trap and 
 Europe is caught in it? What 
 is the inwardness of these pro- 
 ceedings which now, at this writ- 
 ing, have for ten days been going 
 day by day from bad to worse, and 
 read so entirely unlike real life and 
 so much like a forecast-story by 
 H. G. Wells? 
 
 Is it all happening — has it all 
 
2 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 happened — logically, because the 
 causes and the means were there 
 and the clock had struck? Or is 
 it Germany's put-up job again, 
 like the war of 1870? 
 
 The extraordinary mix-up of it! 
 A Slav-and-Teuton row in Austria, 
 that within ten days brings every 
 gun in Europe out of its rack, fills 
 France and Germany with weeping 
 women, sends German ships scurry- 
 ing to port or holds them there, 
 and closes every stock exchange 
 in the world! The mere wash of 
 this disturbance, look what it does 
 to us ! Our stock exchanges closed 
 for the first time since 1873, our 
 values disordered, our blessed 
 tourists by the thousand running 
 hither and yon in Europe, their 
 
CAUGHT IN A TRAP 3 
 
 credits useless and no ships to bring 
 them home ! It is Hke being caught 
 in a vast flood, an overwhelming 
 torrent of hate and sudden death 
 from Europe's broken dam. We 
 clutch at the newspapers falling 
 from their presses in continuous 
 showers. We can do little at the 
 moment for our own caught in 
 that huge welter of civilization 
 running amuck, and nothing yet 
 for all those other innocent vic- 
 tims of — what? Victims of what? 
 What has done it? With whom is 
 the final reckoning to be made? 
 It seems a war not brought on by- 
 peoples, but by three aristocratic 
 governments; by the tottering 
 Hapsburgs and their allied interests 
 in Austria, by those governors of 
 
4 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 Russia that direct the irresponsible 
 absolutism of which the Czar is 
 the figurehead, and by William 
 the Prussian and the Germany h© 
 stands for. It is no war of France, 
 no war of England. Italy as yet 
 holds off from it. It seems to spell 
 Austria's desperation, Russia's re- 
 sistance, and Germany's oppor- 
 tunity. 
 
 Well, it is the hundredth year 
 from Waterloo, and we shall see 
 what we shall see; signs and won- 
 ders, who can doubt, and an upshot 
 far beyond calculation. 
 
 Out of all the sudden din of 
 rumor, prediction, and mobiliza- 
 tion which has proceeded from 
 Europe, it has seemed apparent 
 
CA UGHT IN A TRAP 5 
 
 that no great power over there 
 wanted to fight except Austria, 
 and she only about enough to 
 chastise the Servians and save 
 herself from impending disruption. 
 Between no other countries was 
 there immediate bitterness of 
 spirit. The rest were prepared, 
 but anxious and reluctant. 
 
 So, arguing from reasons, it 
 seemed as if our brethren must 
 manage to localize the war. For 
 England, France, and Russia to 
 fight Austria, Italy, and Germany 
 because the Austrian Serbs are 
 unruly and the Archduke Ferdi- 
 nand was assassinated seemed too 
 preposterous to happen. It is in- 
 credible that it should happen. 
 But wars spring out of conditions 
 
6 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 far deeper than the immediate 
 causes. Germany is a great and 
 ambitious miHtary power with im- 
 portunate desires and an immense- 
 ly expensive army. The condi- 
 tion of Europe, sweating under an 
 enormous armament, the Triple 
 Alliance and the Triple Entente 
 watching one another with weap- 
 ons ready, was a condition of 
 long-standing strain and very un- 
 stable balance. Somehow, some- 
 time, Europe has got to have 
 relief from such expenditures for 
 armament as she has been carry- 
 ing; somehow, it would seem, 
 there must come to be, vir- 
 tually if not nomiinally, the United 
 States of Europe, with a central 
 authority strong enough to keep 
 
CAUGHT IN A TRAP 7 
 
 order in the whole European 
 family. 
 
 As it is, with the Alliance and 
 the Entente, Europe was organized 
 for a huge civil war. Must that 
 come, and vast destruction with it, 
 before the members of the Euro- 
 pean family can reach a larger 
 understanding and submit to the 
 regulation of the family council? 
 Our States split, fought, and joined 
 again; but, slavery gone, there 
 was comparatively little to hinder 
 their reunion. There is vastly 
 more to keep the nations of Europe 
 apart — repulsions of race and 
 traditional hatreds without num- 
 ber, and the family interests of 
 rulers, titular and actual. Still, 
 half a loaf is better than no bread, 
 
8 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 and a modified and regulated inde- 
 pendence may seem preferable to 
 destruction. 
 
 Especially it may seem so after 
 a great war. To fight, to suffer, 
 if need be to die for something 
 dearer than life and worth more, 
 is one form of human satisfaction 
 and the quarrel with it has no very 
 tenable grounds. But to fight and 
 suffer and die merely that the pro- 
 cesses of civilization may hunch 
 along by another jolt is pretty 
 tedious, and the doubt if civiliza- 
 tion is advanced by vast, wholesale 
 wars makes it more so. The end of 
 all wars is peace on a better basis, 
 and the clearing away of obstacles 
 to the development of the peoples 
 
CA UGHT IN A TRAP 9 
 
 whose development shows the most 
 promise. 
 
 The last big war in Europe gave 
 Germany an Emperor and France 
 a President. The next may give 
 Germany a President, and to Rus- 
 sia commission government, and to 
 Austria heaven knows what, for 
 tradition, when the smoke clears 
 away, may be found among the 
 dead on the field. Nobody can 
 guess what will come in the wake 
 of such a war as now seems under 
 way; nobody can say whether 
 there will be a crowned head left in 
 Europe. All anybody can safely 
 assert is that a vast treasure will be 
 consumed, and that tens of thou- 
 sands of the best lives in Europe 
 will go out. 
 
lo THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 This enormous topic puts all 
 ordinary topics deep in the shade. 
 Watching Europe is the ruling oc- 
 cupation in these States at this 
 writing, and it is a pretty lively 
 job, especially for thousands of 
 people who have friends traveling 
 abroad, and who want mightily 
 to know what is happening to 
 them and how they are to get 
 home. 
 
 Our government is taking 
 thought actively about them, of 
 course, but war is not polite, and 
 does not always wait for non- 
 combatants to get out of the way. 
 Our friends in England we think 
 of as safe. About our friends in 
 France we shall think with more 
 anxiety until we hear further. 
 
CAUGHT IN A TRAP ii 
 
 There is a great food problem 
 coming, and great money problems. 
 So far the chief function of these 
 States in relation to the threatened 
 suicide of Europe has been to assist 
 the intending decedent in turning 
 his effects into cash. But if the 
 threat is to be carried out there will 
 be fiscal transactions to conduct 
 that will call for the highest avail- 
 able skill, and that has stirred again 
 the demand for Mr. Warburg on 
 the Federal Reserve Board and the 
 prompt completion of that board 
 so that it may proceed to business. 
 
 If all Europe is to be one tre- 
 mendous moving picture of war it 
 will be hard for us to keep our 
 minds sufficiently on things at 
 
12 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 home to do our necessary business 
 here. School is keeping in Europe 
 for all mankind while these ter- 
 rific possibilities impend. We are 
 prone to forget what sort men are ; 
 prone to think they have become 
 different; have risen above the 
 possibilities of such behaviors as 
 they once committed. But who, 
 besides Mr. Bryan, and perhaps 
 Mr. Carnegie, can think yet of 
 civilization without wars? Men 
 fight more politely than they used 
 to, and are less cruel in retaliation 
 and revenge, but there is as much 
 fight in them as ever, and when the 
 preventives of war and the sacri- 
 fices to avert war and preparations 
 for war have finally got too irksome 
 to be endured, at it they go, ham- 
 
CAUGHT IN A TRAP 13 
 
 mer and tongs, and the best men 
 win, presumably. At any rate, re- 
 sults come in that way that do 
 not come otherwise. 
 
 If Europe must have an enor- 
 mous revolutionary convulsion pre- 
 ceding some new arrangement of 
 her institutions and the relations 
 of men, she will have it, and have 
 it to a finish, and we who will look 
 on must learn what we can and help 
 as we may. 
 
GERMAN INTELLIGENCE 
 
 ARE the Germans intelligent? 
 Of course some of them are. 
 Individuals of every pat- 
 tern are intelligent. But the Ger- 
 mans who have managed Germany 
 for the last sixty years ; who believe, 
 as Bismarck did, in blood and 
 iron; who have made of Germany 
 such a wonderful machine, have 
 made her strong and rich and 
 masterful, and are so intensely 
 bent on securing for her all that 
 may be coming to her — what of 
 them? Are they intelligent now? 
 Everybody seems to feel that 
 u 
 
GERMAN INTELLIGENCE 15 
 
 Germany might have stopped the 
 war that Austria had started if she 
 had really wanted to. Not on old 
 Franz Josef, but on William the 
 Prussian, is laid the responsibility 
 for this war. The belief is that 
 the management of Germany was 
 ready for more of the great blood- 
 and-iron tonic, and let the war 
 come, and probably even en- 
 couraged Austria to light the 
 fuse. 
 
 It looks so. 
 
 "This time France must be 
 finished so that she will make us no 
 more trouble." That sentiment, 
 frankly expressed by some of the 
 German managers, is part of the 
 formidable German motive, and 
 along with it goes imperial, world- 
 
1 6 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 gobbling purposes that it needs 
 a large map even to discuss. 
 
 Was it intelligent of the German 
 management to want to finish 
 France ? Between individual 
 Frenchmen and individual Ger- 
 mans there is not much ill will. 
 They can get on together perfectly 
 if conditions are favorable. The 
 chief trouble between France and 
 Germany since '71 has been Alsace 
 and Lorraine, captured by Bismarck 
 and dragged away over the French 
 border. France must be finished 
 because Bismarck carried her be- 
 loved provinces off to his politi- 
 cal harem, and she will go after 
 them the first good chance. 
 
 But nobody but the German 
 management wants France to be 
 
GERMAN INTELLIGENCE 17 
 
 "finished/' England, Russia, It- 
 aly, these States, all the rest of 
 us, prefer France in the unfinished 
 French state as heretofore. We 
 want no German jailers in charge 
 of her, no German flavors in 
 her honorable dishes, no German 
 admixture in her architecture. 
 Wedo not want any made-in- 
 Germany France. No, no, not 
 any! 
 
 It is not popular, this idea of 
 ' ' finishing ' ' France. France is too 
 valuable to be "finished." For 
 one thing, she is charming. For 
 another, she is a laboratory of 
 civilization where experiments are 
 made in government, in religion 
 and irreligion, in cooking, in art. 
 
1 8 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 in the regulation of the affections, 
 in everything. Of course, to finish 
 her is the idea not of the German 
 people but of the German manage- 
 ment. The German people would 
 not gain a lap by finishing France. 
 They probably prefer variety in the 
 world, as the rest of us do, and like 
 the picture better with France 
 left French. But the German 
 management is a different affair. 
 It is no more a free agent than a 
 locomotive engine. It has to run 
 on the rails that have been laid 
 down for it by Bismarck and the 
 engineers before and since. It 
 has got to hang onto Alsace and 
 Lorraine, and get all it can where- 
 ever it can get it, and stick to blocd 
 and iron, and load up with arma- 
 
GERMAN INTELLIGENCE 19 
 
 ment, and plot to swallow Hol- 
 land, and plot to swallow Denmark 
 and Belgium, and plot a German 
 pathway to the Mediterranean, 
 and paint the map of the world the 
 German color to the last possible 
 peninsula and cape. The manage- 
 ment is free only to acquire. It 
 may not be merciful ; it may not be 
 generous ; it may not even keep its 
 word if its '* interest " conflicts with 
 it. It may only be greedy and 
 grab and rise up early to keep what 
 it gets. 
 
 It sounds like the story of the 
 New Haven Railroad over again, 
 doesn^t it? Can it be that the 
 Kaiser is the Charles S. Mel- 
 len of Germany? They say 
 
20 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 France has only one joke; certain- 
 ly autocracy has only one story. 
 Live and let live seems to be a 
 necessary rule of life, but it is a 
 rule that autocracies can never 
 keep. Their interests will always 
 conflict with the let-live end of it; 
 their existence is too precarious to 
 risk a competition of strong neigh- 
 bors; they must be, and take 
 thought always to keep on being, 
 the great trusts that are so strong 
 that nothing can touch them, and 
 that are able at any time to swal- 
 low anyone that is inconveniently 
 active in the same business. It is 
 the old story again that the chain 
 that binds the slave binds the 
 master. Autocrats are no more 
 free than autocratized people. 
 
GERMAN INTELLIGENCE 21 
 
 There is a "must" for Hapsburgs, 
 a "must" for HohenzoUerns, and 
 they must do it or quit. 
 
 However, autocracy is a process. 
 Some things are accomplished by it 
 that could hardly come otherwise. 
 Diaz was a process; Standard Oil 
 has been a process; Mr. Morgan 
 was a great process in some re- 
 spects, and the German Empire 
 could hardly have been organized 
 in a mass-meeting. The empire 
 was all right enough — a going 
 concern of great efficiency and one 
 of the leading assets of civilization. 
 The German people are very valu- 
 able folks ; nobody doubts it. But is 
 their management up to the date? 
 Is it intelligent with a current and 
 contemporaneous intelligence, or is 
 
22 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 it driving along unadjusted to its 
 generation? 
 
 That seems to be the great 
 question whereof these great war 
 movies now proceeding may have 
 the answer coming in their films. 
 The Germans are intelligent. In 
 spite of the large detachments of 
 intelligence from that country for 
 the benefit of this one that followed 
 1848, there is plenty left. They 
 are able and they are well trained. 
 They will not like to tip out their 
 board of directors and discharge 
 their hereditary manager, the gen- 
 ial and exemplary William Hohen- 
 zollem. He is a good man of 
 the kind and liked and respected. 
 But if he is out of date what can 
 
GERMAN INTELLIGENCE 23 
 
 they do? If Germany is a mere 
 HohenzoUern asset the creditors 
 may get it, but if Hohenzollerns 
 are a mere Hability of Germany 
 they can be discharged. 
 
 That is where France has the 
 best of it. She fired her hereditary 
 manager along about 1793, and 
 has never had one since for long at 
 a time, and since 1871 committees 
 of her stockholders have run her 
 business, and done fairly well. 
 
 Never was anything so inter- 
 esting as this war. They say that 
 England may run out of news 
 paper. Appalling! Any live per- 
 son hereabouts would rather give 
 up food than newspapers. The 
 Evening Sun declares that, regard 
 
24 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 being had to the means of trans- 
 mitting the news, the week ending 
 August 6th was "the most inter- 
 esting seven days any generation 
 of man has lived through. " Very 
 likely; and the second act in the 
 great drama may make the first 
 act seem tame. 
 
 We are getting the climax of 
 materialism. One recalls reading 
 lately with amusement mixed with 
 sympathy the suggestion of Mr. 
 R. A. Cram, reviver of the Gothic, 
 that we are at the beginning of a 
 new five-hundred-year period in 
 which what we call ' ' modem civili- 
 zation, " dating roughly from the 
 fall of Constantinople in 1453, 
 "will dissolve and disappear as 
 completely as the Roman Empire 
 
GERMAN INTELLIGENCE 25 
 
 vanished at the first node after the 
 birth of Christ." And, then, Mr. 
 Cram suggested, we will get back 
 the best of what was in "the great 
 Christian Middle Ages." 
 
 This idea seemed interesting 
 though fantastic, but nothing seems 
 fantastic any more, and it is ''a lead- 
 ing banker" whom a newspaper 
 quotes as saying, anent the collapse 
 of the mechanism of exchange: 
 
 '* We have been building up this 
 delicate fabric for hundreds of 
 years and we thought that it was 
 in perfect working order and was 
 sufficient to stand up under any 
 contingencies. But it has broken 
 down in a night and the world 
 plunged into a condition like that 
 prevailing in the Middle Ages." 
 
26 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 The world may not be going 
 all the way with Mr. Cram, but 
 it has made quite a lurch in his 
 direction. 
 
HOW TO MANAGE A CONTINENT 
 
 IT is evident that the European 
 method of running a continent 
 is behind the times; so obvi- 
 ously and fatally behind that it 
 has come to terrible smash and in- 
 volved everyone concerned in it in 
 an incalculable disaster. The prin- 
 ciple of this collapsed method has 
 been every nation for itself with 
 such help as it could attract, and 
 the devil take Europe. There 
 have always been combinations, 
 but they have been temporary. 
 There have been concerts of the 
 
 powers and Ententes and Alliances 
 27 
 
28 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 to preserve the balance of power, 
 but nothing effective enough to 
 permit any European nation to 
 allow her powder to run low or 
 miss the latest thing in guns and 
 war material. 
 
 Think what life in these States 
 would be if they all had to arm and 
 drill and carry guns against one 
 another! Think of New York 
 setting up to be boss of the family 
 and maintaining a fleet in coalition 
 with Connecticut and Rhode 
 Island in rivalry with Massachu- 
 setts and Maine! Think of the 
 ambitions of Illinois to control 
 the waterway to the Atlantic, and 
 the anxiety of Missouri to keep 
 clear the way to the Gulf ! Think 
 of Texas with separate interests, of 
 
MANAGING A CONTINENT 29 
 
 California with still another set of 
 needs and rivalries and an army 
 and navy to back them! Think, 
 for short, of hot water, and then of 
 hotter water, and more of it, then 
 of immense quantities of boiling 
 water under pressure, and you will 
 have an idea what this country 
 would be if run on the European 
 plan. 
 
 Incidentally you will get a no- 
 tion of what the American Civil 
 War was fought to avoid, and of 
 what the Monroe Doctrine was 
 contrived to avert, and of the value 
 to peace of the disposition that left 
 Cuba her autonomy, that seeks 
 now to open a path to independ- 
 ence for the Philippines, and that 
 has held off with scruples that 
 
30 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 have been so much criticized from 
 every sign of land-hunger in 
 Mexico. If a great, preponderant 
 power is to keep the peace in a 
 continent it must not be selfish and 
 it must be trustworthy, and it 
 must respect minority represen- 
 tation. Moreover, it must not be 
 too free with its neighbors' land- 
 marks. Napoleon tried to rear- 
 range the landmarks of Europe, 
 and they were too much for him. 
 Bismarck took Alsace and Lor- 
 raine and Schleswig-H o 1 s t e i n ; 
 Austria grabbed Bosnia and Herze- 
 govina and abolished the Sanjak 
 of Novibazar. Behold the fruits 
 of those larcenies! Enterprising 
 European autocrats and their 
 boards of managers must be 
 
MANAGING A CONTINENT 31 
 
 broken of their propensity to 
 change the map and insist on blue 
 or green peoples living in yellow or 
 red districts. The European mind 
 must learn the lesson that the 
 American mind is born to — the 
 lesson of a continental family 
 made up of diverse individuals, 
 actively competitive, but sub- 
 missive to such limitations of in- 
 dividual action as the integrity 
 and prosperity of the family 
 require. 
 
 Autocracies, not peoples, have 
 got Europe into its present fearful 
 mess. Autocracies and their nar- 
 row selfishness and their frightful 
 blunders have fastened militarism 
 on her and brought her to the 
 brink of hell. She will come back, 
 
32 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 but how can they come back? 
 Surely they are all riding to a fall 
 — Hapsburgs, Hohenzollerns and 
 Romanoffs — for though Russia's 
 lot is cast in with the democratic 
 governments and their success may 
 seem to promise that her present 
 government will stand, she cannot 
 escape a salvation that has become 
 epidemic in Europe. She will get 
 her share. 
 
HOW WE FEEL AND WHY 
 
 SOMETIMES the clouds 
 come up and gather black 
 and threaten torrents, and 
 then the wind changes and they 
 blow away without a drop. 
 
 So also with war-clouds. They 
 have so often blown away without 
 a gun fired. But not this last 
 time. This time there has come 
 war; not a mere single war, but a 
 sudden cloudburst of wars that 
 fairly beggars expectation in its 
 menace. 
 
 At this writing that is still about 
 all we know. We have had the 
 
 3 33 
 
34 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 furious blast that precedes the 
 storm and watched the scurrying 
 of wayfarers for shelter. We have 
 seen the lightning strike in a few 
 places, but the great destructive 
 energies have not shown their 
 power yet. There have been 
 some thousands killed, perhaps — 
 the news as yet comes very weak in 
 detail — a few vessels sunk or cap- 
 tured; but, as we write in the 
 second week of disturbance, the 
 chief destruction has been to con- 
 fidence and commerce. It is as 
 though Europe was afire. And 
 so she is, and no one putting out 
 the blaze, but the available mili- 
 tary population of six countries 
 running to add to it, and more 
 expected. 
 
HOW WE FEEL AND WHY 35 
 
 What we know who write is that 
 enormous levies of trained soldiers 
 are on their way to great battles. 
 We know the Belgians, to the 
 wonder of onlookers, have checked 
 the German advance through their 
 borders, and nicked with an im- 
 pressive and cheering gash the 
 prestige of "invincible Germany." 
 We know nothing worth mention- 
 ing about the English and German 
 fleets. We know that Europe is 
 full of our friends and neighbors, 
 caught in the great conflagration, 
 and not able as yet to escape from 
 it. But the edges of the picture 
 are all as yet that we can see. The 
 center is veiled still. No doubt 
 our readers of this issue will have 
 seen some of it. We think of them 
 
36 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 a good deal as one thinks of people 
 who have had a look-in on the 
 Judgment Day. 
 
 The unanimity of sentiment in 
 this country against Germany is 
 surprising. It is not anti- German, 
 and it is not pro-English. It seems 
 to be a judgment given promptly 
 and spontaneously on the merits of 
 the case as seen by American eyes. 
 As a people we have come in the 
 last fifty years to be almost as near 
 kin to the Germans as to the Eng- 
 lish. We respect the German 
 ability and value German friend- 
 ship; nevertheless, the American 
 mind records and discloses with 
 hardly appreciable dissent the 
 impression that the English, 
 
HOW WE FEEL AND WHY 37 
 
 French, and Russians are fighting 
 in this war in behalf of the liberties 
 of all the world, and that Germany 
 and Austria are seeking to impose 
 on the world a despotic authority to 
 which it would be ruinous to yield. 
 For fifteen years in this country 
 a steady fight has been going on 
 against commercial despotism. It 
 has been a hard fight, the harder 
 because it has seemed to many to 
 be a fight against efficiency. We 
 think we have won it, and we hope 
 that in the long run the result will 
 prove not to be prejudicial to 
 efficiency. But however it may 
 turn out, this fight against powers 
 that were, and seemed indomitable, 
 has perceptibly trained and edu- 
 cated the American mind. In 
 
38 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 many particulars we think differ- 
 ently from what we thought fifteen 
 years ago. What was radical 
 opinion then is public opinion now. 
 We have thrown off the yoke of the 
 railroads and the trusts that had 
 dominion over us. How we shall 
 get along without the guidance 
 they were used to give us we do not 
 know, but we not only hope to get 
 along without the harm to our- 
 selves that would inevitably result 
 from serious harm to them, but 
 hope that in the end they will 
 prosper better and be more service- 
 able from having been put in their 
 place. 
 
 Germany, with her stout insist- 
 ence on having her "place in the 
 
HOW WE FEEL AND WHY 39 
 
 sun," no matter who must be 
 crowded out of it, has seemed to 
 Americans to personify the com- 
 mercial despotism that they have 
 fought long and finally beaten at 
 home. Her word to Europe and 
 all the world has been, "I shall 
 have what I want, and I have the 
 power to take it." With that 
 spirit in control of her government 
 and people she has forced arma- 
 ment on armament on all her 
 neighbors and compelled them to 
 the conclusion that there would be 
 no peace until it had been settled 
 by arms whether Germany or the 
 rest of Europe was the stronger. 
 As to that, we shall know in due 
 time, but the instant Europe wins, 
 if she does win, it will be a case 
 
40 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 like our case of the railroads and 
 the trusts. To destroy them 
 would be only a shade less bad 
 than to be ruled by them. Ger- 
 many is a very important spoke 
 in the wheel of civilization. The 
 moment it has been drubbed into 
 her that she is not the whole wheel 
 it will be necessary to help her with 
 such repairs that she can go on 
 with her work. As much as these 
 States are anti-German because 
 Germany seems to need the illu- 
 mination of defeat, so they will be 
 pro-German just as soon as she 
 has had her lesson. 
 
 As for the Slav peril, which 
 Professor Miinsterberg and Pro- 
 fessor Richard make so much of, 
 there are very few shivers running 
 
HOW WE FEEL AND WHY 41 
 
 up American backs on account of 
 that. The Slav peril is remote; 
 the German peril was imminent, 
 and Europe was justified in taking 
 counsel from the copy-book and 
 doing the next thing. 
 
 A great war is a great paci- 
 ficator of squabbles. This one in 
 Europe has pitched the Ulster 
 disturbance out of court and made 
 the militants negligible. Nobody 
 in England has time to bother 
 with invented troubles and hos- 
 tilities when real ones press so 
 hard on British energies. It is a 
 good deal so with our minor diffi- 
 culties. There couldn't be a great 
 railroad strike. It was no time for 
 it. So the railroads agreed to 
 
42 THE WAR. WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 unacceptable terms of arbitration. 
 There was no time for any more 
 fooling by hostile Senators over 
 the Federal Reserve Board, so Mr. 
 Warburg was confirmed and the 
 Board completed by the appoint- 
 ment and acceptance of Mr. De- 
 lano. Mr. Warburg, by the way, is 
 a German product, not very long 
 out of Hamburg and only lately 
 naturalized; and yet, though gen- 
 eral sentiment is so strongly 
 against the German Government 
 in the war, there seems not to have 
 been a voice raised against Mr. 
 Warburg as a near-German. 
 
VOICES 
 
 PERSONS who are in the habit 
 of talking acceptably to the 
 general public, and have 
 acquired the advertisement incid- 
 ent to that privilege, can make 
 themselves heard, and are heard 
 gladly, even in a din of war. The 
 more the din and the bigger the 
 babel of unidentified cries, the 
 more acceptable is the sound of 
 the voices that are familiar. 
 
 Not many German voices are 
 familiar here except those Germans 
 or German-Americans who are re- 
 sident in this country and speak 
 
 43 
 
44 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 in English. Professor Munster- 
 berg, of Harvard, has long-stand- 
 ing habits of public admonition. 
 We have heard abundantly from 
 him since war began, and fully 
 also from Professor Ernst Rich- 
 ard, of Columbia. Both of these 
 gentlemen chide us for our feeling 
 that Germany needs to be dis- 
 ciplined; both of them offer us 
 pictures of her as the long-suffering 
 defender of civilization and bul- 
 wark of Europe against the insurg- 
 ing Slav. Neither of them seems 
 to feel that in Germany, as often 
 happens elsewhere, prosperity has 
 outrun manners. 
 
 Voices from England come over 
 the cables. We have had the 
 more or less familiar tones of John 
 
VOICES 45 
 
 Jay Chapman, shocked at being 
 shoveled upon a train and herded 
 out of Germany, recounting ''the 
 awe-striking brutaHty of actual 
 war," the disappearance in the 
 handling of American refugees of 
 ''every decency existing in soci- 
 ety,'* proclaiming that "the fu- 
 ture of free government of the 
 modern world is now being safe- 
 guarded by blood and treasure by 
 Britain" as it was in the days of 
 Napoleon. 
 
 We have had a remarkable voice 
 from the dead, a vision of Tolstoi 
 brought to notice and repeatedly 
 reprinted, in which he foretold 
 "the great conflagration" starting 
 in 1 91 2 and developing into a 
 destructive calamity in 191 3, with 
 
46 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 all Europe in flames and bleeding 
 and filled with the lamentations 
 of huge battlefields. Out of the 
 North, Tolstoi said, would come 
 in 1 91 5 a strange figure, not a gen- 
 eral, but a writer or a journalist, 
 in whose grip most of Europe 
 would remain until 1925. Finally 
 would come a new political era for 
 Europe, the end of empires and 
 kingdoms, and the federation of 
 the United States of Nations to 
 hold the world for the four great 
 giants — the Anglo-Saxons, the 
 Latins, the Slavs, and the Mongo- 
 lians. And another voice from the 
 dead is Napoleon's: "In another 
 hundred years Europe will be all 
 republican or all Cossack." 
 
 Through the World George Ber- 
 
VOICES 47 
 
 nard Shaw has expounded, what 
 seem to him, the defects in the 
 deportment of the British Govern- 
 ment towards Germany. Bernard 
 would have thrown a good 
 scare into Germany in time to 
 give her warning of what to 
 expect. 
 
 Through the World also has 
 come the liveliest voice of all, H. 
 G. Wells, vSure of what he has to 
 say and saying it with penetra- 
 tion; sure that "the monstrous 
 vanity that was begotten by the 
 easy victories of 1870-71" has 
 come to its inevitable catastrophe ; 
 sure that "never was a war so 
 righteous as is the war against 
 Germany now,*' glad it has come, 
 glad to be in it, and keen to save 
 
48 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 the Germans when they have had 
 their Hcking. 
 
 Twice Wells has called out to us. 
 In his second vociferation he is sure 
 that the Belgian check prefigures 
 how the war is going, and proceeds 
 to the subdivision of Europe with 
 a view first to save Germany and 
 next to make the rest of Europe 
 politically comfortable. He does 
 it with intelligence, so that one 
 hopes that when the Powers get 
 around to this duty of map-mak- 
 ing they will call in Mr. Wells and 
 get his views. 
 
 Of course, though, there may not 
 be any available Powers left when 
 the fighting stops. In that case 
 what's to hinder Brother Wells 
 from mending the map himself! 
 
VOICES 49 
 
 ''A writer out of the North," 
 Tolstoi said," is to have Europe in 
 his hand for ten years!" There's 
 your chance, Brother Wells. 
 
 Mr. Kipling must be talking 
 to himself. His voice at this 
 writing is still inaudible. And 
 though Chesterton must be talk- 
 ing, up to this time of writing 
 he has not talked over the cable. 
 But, heavens! How he must be 
 thinking 1 
 
THE DREAM OF DOMINATION 
 
 OUR President has solemnly 
 exhorted us all to keep 
 our shirts on in the great 
 existing crisis in human affairs 
 and not to talk loud, and not to 
 be partisan, but strictly neutral. 
 We are going to. We are sin- 
 cerely the friends of all those 
 parties who are scrapping. There 
 is not one of them that we do 
 not yearn to benefit. We do not 
 intend to meddle in their fight, 
 except to help them stop when 
 the time comes, and to bind up 
 what wounds we can reach, and 
 50 
 
THE DREAM OF DOMINATION 51 
 
 carry food, perhaps, where it is 
 needed. But, inasmuch as all of 
 us read and some of us think, we 
 are bound to have opinions on the 
 merits of the controversy and 
 hunches as to who ought to win 
 and who is going to. In our be- 
 havior we must be neutral to a 
 hair's breadth; but if in our minds 
 and feelings we had no preferences 
 in such a conflict and thought only 
 of how it affected ourselves, we 
 should be a good deal duller and 
 more selfish people than we are. 
 And behold ; all of us but a little 
 band of German-born defenders of 
 Germany seem to feel that it is 
 for the interest of civilization that 
 Germany should be beaten in this 
 war. We cannot see the welfare 
 
52 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 of mankind in the domination of 
 Europe by the kind of Germany 
 that has been making in the 
 last forty years. In this country 
 we believe in democracy, and are 
 committed to a great experiment 
 with it. But if the Germany of 
 Bismarck and the Kaiser is right 
 and working on the right track by 
 the right means, then we are wrong 
 and proceeding in delusion, and our 
 experiment will come to grief. If 
 Bismarck and the Kaiser are right, 
 blood and iron, militarism and 
 autocracy, the strong hand and the 
 mailed fist are the great tools of 
 civilization. But not with such 
 tools can democracy hope to suc- 
 ceed. Its hope is all in justice and 
 a fair deal, backed, no doubt, by 
 
THE DREAM OF DOMINATION 53 
 
 armed men, but not dependent for 
 its prosperity on armed aggression. 
 
 What do we think of Germans? 
 Consider what we think of them 
 as immigrants in this country. 
 Consider our anxieties about the 
 annual throng of newcomers that 
 passes through our ElHs Island 
 gate. Dubious material for a 
 democracy so many of them seem. 
 But about Germans there has 
 never been a misgiving. They 
 have always been welcomed as 
 a strengthening stock. Always 
 wherever there has been a settle- 
 ment of Germans it has been felt 
 to be a settlement of people able to 
 take care of themselves and to 
 maintain, and in some respects 
 
54 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 improve, our standards of life. 
 Certainly we have no antipathy 
 to Germans; no racial distrust of 
 them. 
 
 But we do distrust the leading 
 that Germany has had since 1870. 
 We do consider that her people 
 have been trained to follow a false 
 ideal. We do consider that the 
 policy of Bismarck corrupted her 
 moral sense. A great man was 
 Bismarck and a great deal good, 
 but he lied without scruple, and he 
 took for Germany without scruple 
 or regard for justice anything that 
 he thought would do Germany 
 good. When he took Alsace and 
 Lorraine he overdid the job and 
 committed his unfortunate country 
 to a hopeless debauch of militar- 
 
THE DREAM OF DOMINATION 55 
 
 ism. Germany as we see it now 
 is not the Germany of Goethe or 
 Schiller, of the democrats of 1848; 
 it is the Germany of Bismarck, 
 and of intense commercialism, 
 and of success at any price. When 
 Bismarck told in his memoirs how 
 he changed the wording of the 
 French ambassador's letter and 
 brought on the war in 1870, it was 
 notice given to mankind that in 
 diplomatic concerns the word of 
 Germany may not be trusted. 
 When the German troops crossed 
 the Belgian frontier it confirmed 
 the existing impression that pro- 
 mises of the German Government 
 are only good so long as enforce- 
 able by the promisee. To Ameri- 
 cans who did not understand the 
 
56 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 spirit and morals of the German 
 Government, the invasion of Bel- 
 gium brought a shock something 
 like the shock that came two years 
 ago when the Outlook disclosed the 
 theory of the three cups of coffee. 
 Something important seemed to 
 crumble. Germany stood revealed 
 as, governmentally, a vast and 
 ruthless commercial organization, 
 bound by no scruple, committed 
 to the belief that might is the only 
 right, and ready to crush and de- 
 stroy any obstacle in her path. 
 
 Nothing is comparable in im- 
 portance to the Germans with be- 
 ing detached from that terrible 
 dream of domination. Their 
 teachers and government seem 
 
THE DREAM OF DOMINATION 57 
 
 to have an obsession that un- 
 less the Germans take charge 
 of the world and give orders 
 to all its peoples the world will 
 go to pot. They are sincere, 
 apparently, in the belief that the 
 Slavs will bite the head off of 
 civilization unless the German war 
 lord can bite the head off of 
 the Slavs. But the Slavs are a 
 numerous and husky people, fairly 
 good stock, and coming along 
 fast. It is conceivable that the 
 Almighty intended that they, too, 
 shall have a place in the sun. 
 There is lots of room for them, 
 especially in Asia. Why this 
 urgent necessity to bite off their 
 so numerous heads? Is it that the 
 world from the German point of 
 
58 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 view has only two kinds of nations 
 — those whom she can thrash, and 
 those who might thrash her? Is 
 it an essential part of the militar- 
 istic conception that everybody on 
 earth must some time be fought 
 and, if possible, thrashed? Is it 
 that terrible obsession that has left 
 Germany without one zealous 
 friend in all the earth and with 
 only one ally in Europe? We 
 people of the United States seem 
 to be the best friends she has in the 
 world, the most solicitous for her 
 true welfare, the most anxious to 
 save the pieces of her if she gets 
 broken. But we don't like her 
 militarism, nor believe in her 
 theory that the Teuton is the Only 
 Hope. It is no vital defect in her 
 
THE DREAM OF DOMINATION 59 
 
 people, but a dreadful misdirec- 
 tion of leadership that has got her, 
 as we see it, into a war in which 
 defeat will be disaster but victory 
 would be ruin. Yes, ruin infalli- 
 bly; for there is not room on 
 earth for the Germany of the 
 Kaiser's hopes and Bismarck's 
 purposes. There is no place, no 
 possible toleration, for a super- 
 man nation that would dominate 
 mankind. The Germans must be 
 content to be good people, living 
 among good people and polite to 
 them. That is the best that the 
 future offers to any nation. 
 
WILL THEY GET TO PARIS? 
 
 WITH the din of Europe 
 continuously in our ears 
 our poor affairs at home 
 get but a slight hearing. Europe 
 is in the condition of a village with 
 a mad dog careering up and down 
 its main street. We read day by 
 day, and many times a day, of the 
 Germans creeping nearer to Paris, 
 and wonder if they will get there. 
 When the Allies stand them off 
 somewhere the hearts of most of 
 us rise a little; when the Allies get 
 a setback our hearts sink. Then 
 
 we feel that Lord Kitchener is 
 60 
 
WILL THEY GET TO PARIS? 6i 
 
 probably right in forecasting a war 
 that will go over the winter — per- 
 haps two winters, perhaps three. 
 What seems unthinkable is Europe 
 with the German foot on her neck : 
 Belgium absorbed, France pros- 
 trated and Germanized, England 
 subdued — our turn to come next. 
 Are there Germans enough to 
 accomplish that? One cannot 
 think it. It is conceivable that 
 Paris may be taken, but while 
 England has a navy and Russia 
 an army, how can Germany dictate 
 terms to Europe? Nothing that 
 she has accomplished so far is 
 incompatible with her final un- 
 doing, but, as Kitchener says, it 
 may take time. 
 
 There are those who hold that 
 
62 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 Germany is unbeatable ; that she is 
 so superior in the military art and 
 in war power as the result of forty 
 years of close devotion to those 
 details that she can go out and 
 take anything she wants from 
 nations powerless to defend their 
 own against her. President G. 
 Stanley Hall, of Clark University, 
 in Worcester, has put this idea into 
 words as clearly as anyone. Ger- 
 many's war personality now in con- 
 trol of her, he says, is Nietzsche's; 
 a worship of power, whereof 
 the ethics is: "Do, be, get every- 
 thing you have the strength to do. 
 Pity is a vice. Evolution means 
 the survival of the fittest and the 
 destruction of the unfit. Chris- 
 tianity with its sympathies for the 
 
WILL THEY GET TO PARIS? 63 
 
 poor in spirit means decadence — 
 was a disease. The worid belongs 
 to those who have the might to get 
 it, and treaties, peace-pacts, arbi- 
 tration, are mere points of strategy 
 to deceive other nations." This 
 philosophy. Dr. Hall says, has 
 taken a deeper hold of the German 
 mind than any other ever has 
 since Hegel. A large proportion of 
 Germany's ablest men have done 
 nothing but study war, and that 
 so secretly that the other nations 
 of Europe have been taken 
 unawares. The war, so far, fol- 
 lows Bernhardi's book, and pro- 
 bably will to the end, barring 
 accidents. No power, Dr. Hall 
 thinks, could resist Germany's 
 five and a half millions of armed 
 
64 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 men, trained to the last point of 
 warfare. 
 
 Perhaps not, but most of us 
 Americans will live, barring acci- 
 dents, to see. If Germany's 
 controlling mind has been formed 
 by Nietzsche and her hands 
 taught to make his theories good, 
 then in very truth a mad dog is 
 loose in the main street of Europe. 
 But what happens to mad dogs? 
 They give the villagers a frightful 
 scare; they bring death to some, 
 but in the end, poor creatures, if 
 they are not killed they die of their 
 disease. 
 
 Nietzsche's philosophy and mili- 
 tarism are fatal diseases. In so 
 far as Germany has got them she 
 
WILL THEY GET TO PARIS? 65 
 
 will die. There is death in them, 
 not life. 
 
 It is impossible that this Niet- 
 zsche rabies runs all through Ger- 
 many. It will have to be localized 
 and expelled. Dr. Hall's conclu- 
 sions are not to his own liking. 
 He does not wish to see them come 
 true, and if he is a prudent man he 
 will hedge on them. If he can find 
 some one to give him fair odds 
 against the proposition that the 
 meek shall inherit the earth, let 
 him bet a little something on the 
 meek. They are a much better 
 risk than Dr. Hall seems to 
 think. A deep principle of hu- 
 man life works for them im- 
 mutably, and once they start 
 fighting they are liable to keep 
 
66 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 at it in their modest way for a 
 long time. 
 
 The Nietzsche-Bemhardi theory 
 is incredible to ordinary people. 
 They think it is a crazy man's 
 joke. But once they learn it is real, 
 there is nothing to do but beat it 
 or die. Life in a Nietzsche-Bern- 
 hardi world would not be worth 
 living. At this writing, after what 
 the Belgians have done and are 
 doing, and with what the French 
 are doing for themselves, and with 
 what the stubborn English are 
 doing to help them, and with 
 those loud thumps by Russia at 
 Germany's back door, things do 
 not seem to justify Dr. Hall's 
 fears. 
 
WILL THEY GET TO PARIS? 67 
 
 If the Germans have become 
 detached for the time from their 
 Christian inheritance and are ac- 
 tuated just now by Nietzsche- 
 Bernhardi philosophy, there is 
 no use of making so much re- 
 monstrance about dropping bombs 
 in Antwerp. Of course they 
 will drop bombs anywhere they 
 seem likely to put the unfit out of 
 commission. If they have gone 
 back to first principles we must 
 expect a war more like what war 
 was before first principles were 
 modified. General Miles says this 
 will probably be the last great 
 war. No doubt it will be the last 
 great war for the present. One 
 of the discouraging things about 
 schools is that the instructed 
 
68 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 scholars are continually getting out 
 of them and green ones coming in. 
 It is the same about nations and 
 war. The generation that knows 
 about war is constantly dying 
 and being replaced by a gener- 
 ation that has to be taught. If 
 this is to be the last great war for a 
 long, long time it will have to be 
 followed by a prodigious rearrange- 
 ment of Europe. And no doubt 
 it will be, however it comes out. 
 Meanwhile we have the German 
 apologists holding forth about the 
 Slav peril, and the German armies 
 using every means to kill or dis- 
 able all their natural allies against 
 the Slav. That is the way the 
 Nietzsche philosophy works. Re- 
 lying solely on aggression, it im- 
 
WILL THEY GET TO PARIS? 69 
 
 putes aggressive intentions to all 
 its neighbors and takes such pre- 
 cautions against them as to force 
 all the neighbors to band together 
 to save their lives. 
 
 Of course this immense dis- 
 turbance of the world is going 
 to affect us in all our interests 
 and in our politics. Our fiscal 
 machinery is very much upset, 
 our markets are disarranged; a 
 great many of our workers have 
 already lost employment; we are 
 going to see high prices for food 
 and diminution of the wages fund. 
 The great German workshop for 
 the time being is dead. Nothing 
 that we have been used to send to 
 it can go; nothing we have been 
 
70 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 used to get from it can come. The 
 other workshops of Europe are 
 also very much disarranged by the 
 drawing off of so many men to war. 
 These considerations will affect 
 our politics very promptly. In 
 hazardous times partisanship lags, 
 and folks want safe men in charge. 
 We want the full ability of the 
 country to be at the service of the 
 Government, and a government 
 ready to avail itself of the full 
 ability of the country. It is no 
 time for selfish politics. The 
 world is afire, and our affair is to 
 stand by with the best apparatus 
 we can supply to help put out the 
 blaze and save the burned-out 
 people. 
 
BACKING AWAY FROM PARIS 
 
 WAR is our apology to the 
 animals for the way we 
 kill them. When need 
 calls hard enough, man takes his 
 place in his turn in the line to the 
 shambles. The story of Europe as 
 it comes just now is too much like 
 another tale of the stockyards by a 
 superheated Upton Sinclair. The 
 part of an American citizen con- 
 tinues to be to sit in a chair where 
 the breeze can reach him and 
 read about killings. The reading 
 is wonderfiil, but the part is not 
 a glorious part, and one feels 
 71 
 
72 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 ashamed at times not to suffer 
 more and struggle more when 
 anguish and struggle on such a 
 stupendous scale are going on. 
 
 Morning, noon, and night we 
 read about it in our newspapers. 
 We are fascinated by the story, so 
 unreal, so portentous, so tremend- 
 ous. Whatever our work is, it 
 becomes a routine that we go 
 through with perfunctorily and 
 drop when it is done to go back to 
 the great war serial of which there 
 is a fresh installment twice a day. 
 This is "the Day" which German 
 officers in wardrooms of battle- 
 ships and messrooms of army 
 headquarters have stood up to 
 drink to these many years past. 
 
 How is it going? 
 
BACKING AWAY FROM PARIS 73 
 
 Not yet, after forty days of 
 fighting, is there any outcome that 
 seems decisive as to the result. 
 The furor Teutonicus of which we 
 have had warning from Professor 
 Richard has all its cylinders in 
 action. The Germans, said Dr. 
 Richard, in the Outlook y "are de- 
 termined to win at any cost, and 
 after their victory to leave their 
 enemies in such shape that they 
 will never be able to disturb the 
 peace again. " That expresses the 
 underlying purpose of this war — 
 the annihilation of all obstacles to 
 Germany's supremacy in Europe. 
 What we learn of the proceedings 
 in France indicates that it is being 
 pressed with an energy altogether 
 prodigious and unprecedented in 
 
74 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 warfare. But there is a counter 
 movement going on, not quite 
 so energetic, but remarkably reso- 
 lute and considerably effective, to 
 leave the Germans in such shape 
 that their neighbors in Europe 
 may give due attention to the 
 rational enjoyment of life. Un- 
 happily, this involves digging a 
 vast number of Germans under the 
 ground, and by the accounts we 
 get the preliminaries for that rem- 
 edy are being faithfully attended 
 to. The Germans have made a 
 wonderful advance on Paris, but 
 they have met such a skillful and 
 stubborn resistance, and suffered, 
 apparently, such enormous losses 
 that the question is, how many 
 of them are left? What we won- 
 
BACKING AWAY FROM PARIS 75 
 
 der is, How long can they keep it 
 up, and can they finish France 
 and England before Russia btirsts 
 through their back door? 
 
 Hereabouts, frankly enough, we 
 hope they can't, and our opinions 
 follow our hopes. In spite of all 
 the wonder of the German ad- 
 vance, the Germans seem to us to 
 be in a tighter place than the 
 Allies. They can stand a wonder- 
 ful lot of killing while they last, but 
 are there enough of them? The 
 furor Teutonicus undoubtedly has 
 justified Dr. Richard's high opin- 
 ion of it, but it cannot re-animate 
 the dead. 
 
 This war may be known in time, 
 if anyone is left alive to write about 
 
76 rilE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 it, as The Great Misunderstanding. 
 Everybody concerned in it seems to 
 have misunderstood. The Kaiser, 
 strong for fattening peace and 
 strong in his conviction that arma- 
 ment would secure it, became the 
 business partner of Herr Krupp, 
 and gleaned his passing profit in 
 the making of guns. His motives 
 being misunderstood, the neigh- 
 bors got the idea that he was pre- 
 paring for war, and all stocked up 
 forthwith and kept at it to the 
 limit of their ability and beyond. 
 Bismarck, the friend of Motley, 
 a great deal wiser and kindlier man 
 than, just now, he gets credit for 
 being, misunderstood the French 
 when he supposed that the defeat 
 of 1870 would set easier on them if 
 
BACKING AWAY FROM PARIS 77 
 
 he relieved them of the care of 
 Alsace and Lorraine. When it 
 came to the pinch about Servia, 
 the Kaiser and the war-lords seem 
 to have misunderstood everybody : 
 Russia in thinking she would back 
 down if gruffly addressed, Eng- 
 land in thinking she would grab 
 at a ridiculous bribe and had no 
 prejudice against infamy, Belgium 
 in supposing she would merely 
 whimper when trampled on, all of 
 Europe and the rest of mankind in 
 entertaining the astonishing idea 
 that the nations were more afraid 
 of Russia than of the Kaiser and 
 his Krupps and the furor Teutoni- 
 cus. Was ever there so misunder- 
 stood and so misunderstanding a 
 victim as the poor Kaiser! Our 
 
78 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 heart bleeds for him. One would 
 like to help him in his extremity. 
 Would he care to have a gallant 
 ex-naval officer who won renown 
 once in a tight pinch and might 
 be useful at Heligoland? Take 
 him, Kaiser! Take our Hobson! 
 Entirely at our risk as to him, 
 though, of course, at your risk as 
 to you. 
 
THE CASE OF THE KAISER 
 
 THE chief blame for the war 
 in Europe is laid here- 
 abouts on the Kaiser. 
 Maybe that is just, maybe not, 
 but this seems apparent: that, 
 whether the Kaiser did right or 
 wrong, he did his duty as he saw 
 it. One may think he did terribly 
 wrong and yet acquit him of con- 
 scious fault, of selfishness, of every 
 thing but a misconception of the 
 contemporary world and his part 
 in it. 
 
 The Kaiser does not believe 
 in representative government for 
 
 79 
 
8o THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 Germany. He does not believe in 
 democracy, at least not for Ger- 
 many. Neither did Bismarck. 
 Bismarck doubtless believed a 
 good deal in Bismarck, partly as 
 the agent of the Almighty, partly 
 as Bismarck, director of the Ger- 
 man people. Government of Ger- 
 many by Bismarck through his 
 Kaiser was representative govern- 
 ment of a sort, for Bismarck in 
 a way was representative. The 
 Kaiser does not believe in that. 
 He discharged Bismarck at once. 
 He believes in government by 
 the Kaiser as the agent divinely 
 appointed to govern the German 
 people. He is not responsible to 
 the German people for what he 
 does, but to the Almighty. He 
 
THE CASE OF THE KAISER 8i 
 
 believes — he must believe — that 
 he is competent to judge what is 
 right for Germany and that when 
 he does it he has God for his ally. 
 That goes far to make him the 
 resolute man that he is, but it 
 makes him mighty dangerous. Of 
 course he wants to do Germany 
 good, for he is a devoted soul, and 
 Germany is his duty and his 
 ambition. Doubtless he would 
 give his life for her; give it cheer- 
 fully. The trouble with him and 
 his theory is that in most of the 
 affairs of men many heads are 
 better than one. In spite of the 
 craziness of mobs, in the long 
 run, the sanity of many minds is 
 more durable and less subject to 
 delusion than the sanity of one 
 
82 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 mind. The successful kings and 
 emperors nowadays are persons 
 employed by the people they nom- 
 inally govern. Some of the em- 
 ployed kings are very valuable and 
 useful, but "divine right" rulers 
 like the Kaiser, however good 
 and able and sincere, are utterly 
 out of date in forward-looking 
 countries in this age of the world. 
 To us who believe and hope in 
 democracy the Kaiser seems a 
 tragedy. He has hitched his wag- 
 on to the wrong star. He is able, 
 he is engaging, he is likeable, a 
 good husband, a dutiful father, 
 a good man. He would have 
 made a tip-top Kaiser if only he 
 could have got on a contemporary 
 basis with the German people and 
 
THE CASE OF THE KAISER 83 
 
 realized that they should be his 
 boss and not he theirs. Employed 
 by them he might be useful, for 
 they like him and he them, but an 
 autocratic ruler for such a people 
 as the modern Germans is an 
 anachronism, and the probable fate 
 of the Kaiser is to prove it so. 
 The great destructive machine 
 which he has spent his strength to 
 perfect has got away from him, 
 and is doing its appointed work of 
 devastation. Where he will be, 
 or in what case, when its wheels 
 cease to turn no one can foretell. 
 
A COMPLAINT FROM THE KAISER 
 
 THE complaintof the German 
 Kaiser to our Mr. Wilson 
 about the thousands of 
 dum-dum bullets found in the 
 French fort of Longwy affords 
 affecting evidence of the Kaiser*s 
 disposition to swallow what is 
 handed to him. This is the 
 Kaiser's first considerable war, 
 and having had probably little 
 practice in separating true news 
 from false, he doubtless believes 
 that all his good Germans have 
 been behaving like gentlemen, and 
 that the Belgians, French, and 
 84 
 
THE KAISERS COMPLAINT 85 
 
 British have done many repre- 
 hensible naughtinesses. In this 
 country, where our minds are 
 newspaper-fed, and where to cut a 
 pack of lies and turn up the truth 
 is an exploit done instinctively and 
 repeatedly in the course of the day's 
 reading, we have learned to take all 
 reports of atrocities in war with 
 allowances. Consider our recent 
 war in Colorado, and the incident 
 of the militia and the burning of 
 the miner's camp. The various 
 versions of that story contradict 
 one another just as the versions of 
 the story of Lou vain do. 
 
 If Mr. Wilson should reply to 
 the Kaiser's remonstrance, "Well, 
 Kaiser, everybody's doin' it," that 
 would indicate one way to deal with 
 
86 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 atrocity stories. Either believe all 
 you read from both sides or else 
 reject all. But to believe all the 
 tales of German cruelties and re- 
 ject all the tales of anti-German 
 cruelties is not intelligent. War 
 is terribly cruel. It lets loose 
 hordes of men, the bulk of whom 
 are humane but including many 
 who are not htimane. Moreover, 
 war excites and intensifies the 
 passions, and may brutalize even 
 the kindly. It is not incredible 
 that Belgian peasants, infuriated 
 by their sufferings, took dreadful 
 vengeance on wounded Germans. 
 And, of course, it is not incredible 
 that some Germans took terrible 
 vengeance on helpless Belgians. 
 When five or six million men are 
 
THE KAISER'S COMPLAINT 87 
 
 practicing to kill one another, why 
 bother about these details or fret 
 because some women and children 
 and other non-combatants are 
 killed? It is the war that is terri- 
 ble, not these poor, dreadful inci- 
 dents of it. To try to make war 
 nice is poppy-cock. After we 
 have read of trenches filled and 
 fields heaped with dead young 
 Germans at Liege, and with Ger- 
 mans and Frenchmen and English- 
 men along a line two hundred 
 miles wide from Liege to Paris, 
 this protest from the Kaiser about 
 dum-dum bullets sounds like a 
 joke. 
 
 The poor Kaiser! The papers 
 quote the late British General 
 
88 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 Grierson, who had been military 
 attache at BerHn, as saying of 
 him: "He's all right; he's a gentle- 
 man. But those around him are 
 perfectly poisonous." 
 
 Just how much hand, immedi- 
 ately and personally, the Kaiser 
 had in bringing on the war is not 
 known yet, but a theory that com- 
 mends itself to credulity holds the 
 poisonous Prussian war party re- 
 sponsible for getting Germany into 
 this war while the Kaiser was off 
 on his summer holiday in Norway. 
 The proceedings as to the stiffening 
 of Austria's backbone in her deal- 
 ings with Servia were doubtless 
 agreed upon before the Kaiser left 
 his capital. Austria was to mobi- 
 lize against Servia, but it seems 
 
THE KAISER'S COMPLAINT 89 
 
 to have been expected, and there 
 seems to have been a supposition 
 that it had been arranged that 
 Russia would do nothing more than 
 protest in Servia's behalf. But 
 when Russia fooled this expecta- 
 tion by mobilizing, the Kaiser was 
 away, and then, apparently, the 
 Crown Prince and all the fire- 
 eaters rushed matters so hard that 
 before the Kaiser could get back 
 the country was committed to fight 
 Russia. That meant France, too, 
 and then, to Germany's horror, 
 England joined them, leaving 
 German diplomacy flat on its back 
 and the war squad in control of 
 everything. 
 
 If that is a true story, and the 
 Kaiser was thus caught in the 
 
90 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 machinery he has so labored to 
 create, still it was his machinery 
 that caught him, and it all only 
 illustrates the saying that those 
 who live by the sword shall perish 
 by the sword. 
 
 The war news at this writing is 
 all of a successful stand by the 
 Allies in France on the line from 
 Paris to Verdun, and the driving 
 back of the Germans. But we 
 only know generally what is going 
 on. It is fight, fight, fight; a 
 tremendous engagement of huge 
 armies along a long line, with 
 apparent advantage for the Allies. 
 If the defenders merely hold their 
 own in this fighting they are ahead. 
 For the Germans to hold their own 
 
THE KAISERS COMPLAINT 91 
 
 is not enough. They must con- 
 quer or get out. 
 
 All the forecasts of students and 
 predictions of prophets, seers, wiz- 
 ards, witches, holy men, clairvoy- 
 ants, and sooth-sayers have been 
 widely published and have made 
 interesting reading of late. We all 
 want to see a little farther ahead 
 than the unaided vision can pene- 
 trate. Some attractive long-dis- 
 tance prophecies have set Nov- 
 ember as the month in which the 
 Kaiser is to lose his empire. That 
 may follow, of course, if this enor- 
 mous battle between Paris and 
 Verdun goes decisively against the 
 the invaders and the Russian suc- 
 cesses continue. 
 
92 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 There is a pious beauty about 
 the phrasing of the Httle proclama- 
 tion in which President Wilson calls 
 upon "all God-fearing persons" 
 to pray on October 4th for the 
 restoration of peace in Europe. 
 It reads like a collect out of the 
 Episcopal prayer-book. Europe's 
 needs are urgent. It is to be 
 hoped that she will not be past 
 praying for on the first Sunday 
 in October. 
 
THE PATHOS OF THE GERMANS 
 
 NO doubt in our character as 
 neutrals we ought to be 
 as sorry as we can for 
 everybody involved in the great 
 war, without stopping to be over- 
 nice in apportioning blame; sorry 
 for the Kaiser because he has been 
 caught in his machinery; sorry for 
 France and England and Germany 
 because, being considerably civil- 
 ized, they should not be under the 
 terrible cost and inconvenience of 
 battling with one another; sorry 
 for the Serbs, and for Austria 
 
 93 
 
94 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 because she is such a back number; 
 sorry most of all for the gallant 
 Belgians who have suffered so 
 much, and least perhaps for Rus- 
 sia whom nothing can hurt very 
 deep and whose chances of gain 
 are biggest in proportion to what 
 she risks. 
 
 And coming to particulars, we 
 ought especially to be sorry for the 
 Germans. As we see them to-day 
 they are a pathetic people. Ger- 
 many has set up to be the bully 
 of Europe, and a bully, when one 
 has got over being mad at him, 
 is always pathetic. Bullies are 
 always stupid. At the bottom of 
 their proceedings is inability to 
 understand something very import- 
 ant to be understood. They are 
 
PATHOS OF THE GERMANS 95 
 
 people who, seeing no chance to 
 get what they want by favor, are 
 constantly tempted to try to get 
 what they can by force. 
 
 That seems to be the case with 
 the Germans. They have enor- 
 mous merit of a most substantial 
 kind, and it has brought them 
 huge and well-earned gains; but 
 when it comes to getting anything 
 by favor there is nothing com- 
 ing to them. In his present stage 
 of development, the German is 
 the fat man of Europe whom no- 
 body loves. Individual Germans 
 are beloved, of course, but the 
 typical German not. A writer in 
 the Outlook J an American of Ger- 
 man parentage, writing in defense 
 of his brethren, explains the uni- 
 
96 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 versal distaste for Germans in 
 Europe by saying: 
 
 "The average German, whom 
 the foreigner sees, is aggressive, 
 self-assertive, loud in his manner 
 and talk, inconsiderate, petty, 
 pompous, dictatorial, without hu- 
 mor; in a word, bumptious. He 
 has, in many cases, exceedingly bad 
 table manners and an almost gross 
 enjoyment of his food ; and he talks 
 about his ailments and his under- 
 wear. His attitude toward wom- 
 en, moreover, is likely to be over- 
 gallant if he knows them a little 
 and not too well, and discourteous 
 or even insolent if he is married to 
 them or does not know them at all. 
 He is at his worst at the time when 
 he is most on exhibition, when he 
 is on his travels or helping other 
 
PATHOS OF THE GERMANS 97 
 
 people to travel, as ticket-chopper 
 or customs official." 
 
 This German apologist knows 
 that underneath bad manners 
 which the German does not know 
 are bad are some of the greatest 
 and best of human qualities, but 
 casual observers don't like the 
 manners and naturally don't like 
 the man; so Germans, apparently, 
 have been taught that every hand 
 in Europe is against them, and 
 that they must always expect to 
 fight for what they get and thrash 
 all comers. Hence militarism and 
 all the troubles that follow it. 
 
 A little while ago English man- 
 ners were just as ill thought of, 
 
98 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 and doubtless with just as good 
 reason, as German manners are 
 now; but English manners seem 
 to have improved. American 
 tourist manners do not edify all 
 foreign observers, but bad man- 
 ners in our tourists do not have 
 political consequences. Refine- 
 ment usually comes with pros- 
 perity, and has come abundantly 
 to Germans in the United States. 
 German prosperity at home has 
 mostly come within the last thirty 
 years, and probably it would in 
 time have brought manners in its 
 train, and possibly as Germans 
 grew to be more generally accep- 
 table they would have emerged 
 from this terrible idea that they 
 must thrash all the world in 
 
PATHOS OF THE GERMANS 99 
 
 order to get their place in the 
 sun. 
 
 When prosperity will resume its 
 refining course among the Germans 
 in Germany heaven knows, but is 
 not their situation sincerely pa- 
 thetic? Not only are the manners 
 of ordinary Germans open to such 
 regretful criticism as above quoted, 
 but the example set to ordinary 
 Germans by their superiors in 
 rank and power seems far from 
 helpful. Professor Newbold, of 
 Philadelphia, who fled through 
 Germany the other day, is quoted 
 in the papers as saying : 
 
 "The war was caused by a little 
 group of military men who aim 
 at the conquest of the world. 
 
loo THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 They are the most offensive people 
 I have ever met. They are re- 
 sponsible to no one for their ac- 
 tions and they lit the fuse." 
 
 But as to the mass of ordinary 
 Germans whom he saw, he says: 
 
 *'I never before saw such despair 
 and misery written on the faces 
 of people as I saw in Germany 
 when war was declared. They 
 felt and looked as though the end 
 of the world had come." 
 
 Be sorry for the Germans. 
 They are in for a terrible time. 
 At the bottom they are good and 
 extremely able and valuable peo- 
 ple, but they have been tied up to 
 a wrong conception of what rules 
 our modern world. If the war rids 
 
PATHOS OF THE GERMANS loi 
 
 them of the domination of ** mili- 
 tary men who aim at the conquest 
 of the world," there is no reason 
 why they should not grow in favor; 
 but no country that all the others 
 fear can hope to be popular in a 
 modern world. 
 
A FOUNDLING 
 
 THIS is distinctly a foundling 
 war that is going on in 
 Europe. Nobody is will- 
 ing to father it. One after another 
 the nations concerned have stood 
 up and made formal declaration 
 that it was no war of theirs, but 
 an unwelcome charge left on their 
 doorstep. It will take court pro- 
 ceedings to trace its paternity, but 
 persons who have duly read the 
 papers, white and other kinds, 
 incline strongly to the suspicion 
 that the war is the love-child of the 
 German General Staff. Nobody 
 
 102 
 
A FOUNDLING 103 
 
 else in Europe seems to have 
 wanted it, not even the Kaiser. 
 The story that the Staff fooled him 
 with a story that the Russians — or 
 was it the French? — had crossed 
 his frontier is just such another 
 tale as that of Bismarck and the 
 Kaiser's grandpa, and sounds so 
 likely that we hope that in due time 
 the German people will take the 
 matter up with their General Staff 
 and get the rights of it. If they 
 conclude that the war was a mis- 
 take for them and that the Staff 
 got them into it on false pretenses, 
 to hang so many of the Staff as 
 they can catch would seem not to 
 be out of the way. 
 
 And perhaps there are professors 
 left alive in Germany with whom 
 
104 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 some settlement may be in pros- 
 pect. When one considers what 
 this war is for, the answer here- 
 abouts is that it is to correct cer- 
 tain obsessions that have grown 
 up in the German mind as a conse- 
 quence of wicked and erroneous 
 philosophy and teaching. The 
 gospel of force, of assault, of rob- 
 bery, has been preached openly 
 and effectively in Germany for a 
 generation. Nietzsche preached it 
 until his madness became uncon- 
 trollable, and Treitschke, Von 
 Sybel, Von Bernhardi, and heaven 
 knows how many others. They 
 got it into the more or less innocent 
 German head that it belonged to 
 the Germans to dominate the rest 
 of mankind. To get that idea out 
 
A FOUNDLING 105 
 
 of the German head, out utterly 
 and permanently, is what this 
 great war is primarily about. 
 
 Secondarily, it is a war against 
 the whole idea of militarist domin- 
 ation; a war against brute force; a 
 war to keep the terrible obsession 
 that has brought Germany and all 
 Europe to so dreadful a pass from 
 lodging in the mind of any other 
 people for some time to come. It 
 is not a war of the English to 
 crush German trade ; not primarily 
 a war of the French to get back 
 their lost provinces; not a war 
 of the Belgians to conquer Ger- 
 many; not a war of Russia to get 
 Constantinople; not a war of any- 
 body for any detail of trade, or 
 revenge, or advantage, but a war 
 
io6 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 of all hands to destroy militarism 
 and the gospel of force, and bring 
 peace and equity back into the 
 world. 
 
 It is a terrible job to beat the 
 gospel of force and make peace 
 universally popular. This present 
 try at it seems to be going along 
 as well as could be expected. The 
 Nietzscheans are still extremely 
 efficient. Rheims Cathedral, bat- 
 tered and burned, now attests, 
 along with Louvain, their savage 
 competence in destruction. Cer- 
 tainly the Vandals and the Huns 
 had nothing on the Germans as 
 destroyers of the monuments of 
 beauty and of piety. Beaten back 
 on the Marne, the Kaiser^s troops 
 
A FOUNDLING 107 
 
 are making, at this writing, a for- 
 midable stand on the Aisne, where 
 there has been a week's fighting, 
 but as yet without decisive miH- 
 tary results. 
 
 The German rush is over, the 
 Allies, having managed, like good 
 shoppers, to avoid or survive it, 
 are at it now, ding-dong, to get the 
 idea of conquest out of the obsti- 
 nate German head, preparatory to 
 introducing there some less danger- 
 ous conceptions of the duty and 
 destiny of man. There seems to 
 be going on a vast killing of men in 
 France, not to mention the whole- 
 sale operations in that line which 
 we hear of on the other side of 
 Germany. Truly a bad philoso- 
 phy is a very fatal thing and 
 
io8 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 desperately hard to eradicate. If 
 missionaries could have converted 
 Germany to the paths of peace, 
 that woiild have been the thriftier 
 way, but what could missionaries 
 have done when a large proportion 
 of the Germans are abundantly 
 religious and suppose that they are 
 Christians already, and the rest 
 don't want to be? 
 
 Suggestions of peace have been 
 made to our President, but amount 
 to nothing as yet. Neither side is 
 ready for them. The talk is still 
 of a pretty long war in which 
 settlement will be reached by pro- 
 cesses of exhaustion. When it 
 comes to that, the feeling of the 
 Allies is that England and France 
 
A FOUNDLING 109 
 
 with control of the sea can stand 
 more of it than harbor-bound 
 Germany can; while Russia is 
 inexhaustible. That is dreadful 
 sounding talk, but, of course, it is 
 a hard job to get the poison of a 
 rotten philosophy out of the heads 
 of a strong, obstinate, and very 
 numerous people. Some devils 
 come out, as the Scripture says, 
 only by prayer and fasting. We 
 are going to try prayer on a large 
 scale on October 4th, and with 
 fasting there has been much experi- 
 ment in the field already, with 
 very much more extended tests in 
 prospect if the war continues long. 
 
 Only long-distance predictions 
 of this war's results have any 
 
no THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 chance as yet. It has gone far 
 enough now to prove that no one 
 is to have an easy victory. The 
 AlHes on the defensive seem able to 
 stand off the Germans; the Ger- 
 mans on the defensive seem able 
 to stand off the Allies. It looks 
 as though the German invasion 
 of France was a failure, but the 
 German defense of Germany, if it 
 comes to that, promises to be a 
 very hard nut for the Allies to 
 crack. That is one thing that 
 gives gravity to the talk of a long 
 war. 
 
 But speculation about these 
 immediate details is futile. The 
 mind dwells rather on the ultimate 
 result to mankind of these tremen- 
 dous forces of disarrangement. 
 
A FOUNDLING iii 
 
 The most fantastic prophecies, like 
 Tolstoi's vision and that queer 
 seventeenth century prediction 
 put out by Figaro J get attention 
 because they range so far ahead. 
 The future of the world has not, 
 for a century at least, been so 
 utterly uncertain. It is as Mr. 
 Root said the other day at Ham- 
 ilton College: 
 
 ** This dreadful war, with its ter- 
 rible destruction and misery, marks 
 the end of an epoch and the begin- 
 ning of a new day for the world. 
 No man can tell just what the end 
 will be. We are on the threshold 
 of that new day in which the 
 associations of men are taking new 
 forms and new opportunities and 
 are leaving behind everything that 
 has gone before." 
 
112 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 That is the point. Behind this 
 awful cloud that obscures Europe 
 there is something like a new hea- 
 ven and a new earth, and we want 
 to know what they will be like. 
 This is not a war of hatreds. 
 Hatreds may be bred in it, have 
 been bred in it, especially in Bel- 
 gium — but they did not cause it. 
 What caused it was fears and 
 obsessions. It is all a dreadful 
 cautery of life to get the madness 
 out of it. It even seems as if the 
 nations that have kept out of it, 
 especially Italy, are half anxious 
 to get in for fear they will miss 
 the treatment. 
 
 Maurice Maeterlinck, a Belgian, 
 says the Belgians must not forget 
 
A FOUNDLING 113 
 
 their terrible experiences nor feel 
 presently that, after all, the mass 
 of Germans may not be so bad. 
 "We must be pitiless," he says; 
 "the Germans are guilty in the 
 mass ; they did what it was in them, 
 and always will be in them, to do; 
 they must be destroyed like wasps. 
 Let there come a thousand years 
 of civilization, of peace, with all 
 refinements, the German spirit 
 will remain absolutely the same 
 as to-day, and, given opportunity, 
 would declare itself tmder the same 
 aspect and with the same infamy. " 
 
 Maurice seems to be a good deal 
 stirred up. Probably he has been 
 to Louvain. But to destroy the 
 Germans is too large a contract. 
 
 Moreover, this idea that a whole 
 
114 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 race of men s incurably impossible, 
 though excusable in Maeterlinck 
 for the moment, is a very mis- 
 chievous idea. It is cousin to the 
 idea the Germans seem to have 
 cultivated about the Slav, and to 
 their further notion that the Teu- 
 ton is the Only Hope. But "Teu- 
 ton" in the German mind includes 
 all the races of Northern Europe — 
 British, French, Belgian, Dutch, 
 Scandinavian, Celt, and even Slav 
 itself, unless it is too much mixed 
 with infusions from Asia. The 
 Germans have not professed a 
 pious purpose to destroy even the 
 Slavs "like wasps," and as to the 
 Belgians, their professions about 
 them were most polite. All the 
 Germans want of the Belgians is 
 
A FOUNDLING 115 
 
 complete control of their country 
 and their great port. They have 
 not professed yet to see a need to 
 exterminate the Belgians. Ger- 
 manized and subjected to the 
 direction and discipline of the 
 German military caste, the Bel- 
 gians might look pretty good to 
 Germany. 
 
 Of course that is what gives 
 intensity to Maeterlinck's wrath 
 and gives extension to the senti- 
 ment that when the final settle- 
 ment comes Belgiimi ought to have 
 Berlin. 
 
 The wonderful rush of the Ger- 
 man armies from Belgium to Paris 
 was immensely instructive. So 
 were the reports of the exhaustion 
 of the German troops when they 
 
li6 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 had reached the side-lines of Paris 
 and had to begin to retreat. 
 
 A terrible, terrible thing is the 
 furor Teiitonicus; dangerous to all 
 comers, but especially to Teutons. 
 What will the survivors of those 
 driven battalions of Germany 
 think about it when they get 
 home? They have seen the Juror 
 Teutonicus at work; they have felt 
 the drive of it; they have been 
 subject to the orders of the agents 
 of it; have been goaded by their 
 swords, lashed sometimes across 
 their faces by their whips. They 
 have seen German lives spent as 
 lives have never been spent before 
 in Western Europe. They will 
 know the terrible futility of that 
 expenditure. What will they 
 
A FOUNDLING 117 
 
 think of the fiiror Teutonicus, of 
 militarism, of government by a 
 caste? 
 
 Can they think? Can the com- 
 mon Germans think? Or has the 
 power to think been thrashed out 
 of them under miHtary discipHne? 
 
THE UNSCRAMBLING OF EUROPE 
 
 THE interesting thing ahead 
 when the fighting is fin- 
 ished is the unscrambling 
 of Eiirope. The German mind 
 takes no account of it. It is all for 
 making Europe a great German 
 trust, capitalized high enough to 
 give a huge profit on the war, full 
 of subsidiaries, and with "com- 
 mon" and "preferred" and the 
 other trimmings. The German 
 idea is to do all that by main 
 strength and then keep it done by 
 main strength. The plan has all 
 the charms that made the argu- 
 
 Ii8 
 
UNSCRAMBLING OF EUROPE 119 
 
 ment for our big trusts — economy 
 and efficiency of administration, 
 capacity to do large things on a 
 large scale, and all that. All the 
 small, independent concerns of 
 Europe would be incorporated into 
 the big German trust, and made 
 fabiilously profitable to the owners 
 by a perfected organization and 
 the extirpation of competition. 
 No more Belgium, no more Hol- 
 land, no Switzerland, as little 
 England as possible, a pared-down 
 France, and a grand, gigantic Ger- 
 many. 
 
 But the English idea seems to be 
 quite different. 
 
 " We want this war to settle the 
 map of Europe on national lines 
 and according to the true wishes of 
 
120 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 the people who dwell in the dis- 
 puted areas. 
 
 "After all the blood that is being 
 shed we want a natural and har- 
 monious settlement which liber- 
 ates races, restores the integrity of 
 nations, subjugates no one and 
 permits a genuine and lasting 
 relief from the waste and tension 
 of armaments under which we 
 suffered so long." 
 
 So Winston Churchill, first 
 Lord of the Admiralty, and what 
 he says is a proper sentiment for 
 England who cannot hope to oc- 
 cupy this world by her unaided 
 force, and has need of contented 
 neighbors to work with. Part of 
 the great problem will be to devise 
 due possibilities of contentment 
 for all the Germans except the 
 
UNSCRAMBLING OF EUROPE 121 
 
 military caste, and not even that 
 can the AlHes shirk. There will 
 be sixty-odd million very valuable 
 Germans left when the war is 
 over, and that is far too many 
 people to be left with punctured 
 hopes or without a satisfying 
 vision of the future. Somehow 
 matters must be handled so that 
 in twenty years Germans will say: 
 "After all, it was a good war for 
 us. It delivered us from militar- 
 ism and Pan-Germanism and left 
 us free to live and work and trade 
 in a world no longer unfriendly.** 
 
 This war is an enormous process 
 of civilization, and it is as a process 
 that we should look at it — a pro- 
 cess that came inevitably out of 
 
122 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 the preparations made for it and 
 the defects in the world -arrange- 
 ment that preceded it. We ought 
 to feel confident that out of all 
 the killing and destruction that is 
 going on, ideas and considerations 
 and concessions will come to birth 
 that will be worth the terrible cost 
 and anguish of the accouchement. 
 There is a German point of view 
 that, with all its unconscionable 
 terrors and brutalities and its 
 dreadful entanglement with mili- 
 tarism and the gospel of force and 
 Prussian Junkerism, is not all non- 
 sense. These Germans that are 
 being killed by regiments ought 
 to be carrying their civilization to 
 the parts of the world that need it, 
 As far as it goes, it is a wonderful 
 
UNSCRAMBLING OF EUROPE 123 
 
 civilization, and the made-over 
 world that is coming must provide 
 markets for all that is good in it. 
 For that matter, the world that 
 was before the first of August was 
 open enough, amply open, to the 
 German civilization. It was only 
 closed to German sovereignty, 
 which could not spread except by 
 trespassing on premises already in 
 hands competent to resist tres- 
 pass. German civilization was wel- 
 come almost everywhere. German 
 sovereignty was welcome almost 
 nowhere outside of Germany. 
 That it will be any more welcome 
 after the war does not seem at all 
 likely, but with the fear of Ger- 
 man sovereignty dissipated, Ger- 
 man civilization — meaning effi- 
 
124 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 ciency, patience, and order — may 
 be more welcome in the earth than 
 ever. 
 
 Meanwhile it is all the prelimi- 
 nary details of the process that 
 interest us; the details of the 
 fighting. That goes on at this 
 writing on the line of the Aisne 
 with desperate fervency. The 
 Allies refuse to be beaten; so do 
 the Germans. The butcher's bill 
 grows and grows; we know little 
 about it, and cannot think much 
 about it yet, because of the inten- 
 sity of our concern about the issue. 
 Clearly, the great plan to over- 
 whelm France by a sudden on- 
 slaught is a failure. If the invad- 
 ers are to possess France they will 
 
UNSCRAMBLING OF EUROPE 125 
 
 have to earn and pay for every 
 yard of it. But there is no pros- 
 pect that they will possess it. 
 The Germans on the Aisne are 
 fighting for dear life, and all the 
 time the rapping on the back doors 
 of Berlin grows louder, and winter 
 is coming on. Terrible stories 
 come and persist about German 
 atrocities in Belgium, including out- 
 rage and mutilation of women. A 
 letter published in the Sun, written 
 to Harold M. Sewall, of Bath, 
 Maine, is explicit and convincing 
 as to this latter point. This 
 dreadful development of morbid 
 brutishness is perhaps a detail of 
 the furor Teutonicus against which 
 Professor Ernst Richard so lately 
 warned the world. It must make 
 
126 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 direful reading for the German 
 apologists. 
 
 The more thoughtful people 
 have had no real vacation this 
 year. August is the vacation 
 month, and since August first we 
 have all been to school every day, 
 Sundays included, learning the 
 military art and the history and 
 geography of Europe. Among 
 other things, we have fought over 
 again the chief battles of our own 
 Civil War for our better under- 
 standing of the proceedings in 
 France. There has been no peace, 
 no rest. Where we have not been 
 harrowed by enormous battles, vast 
 destruction, and huge mortality, 
 we have been ruminating about the 
 
UNSCRAMBLING OF EUROPE 127 
 
 immediate future of mankind. It 
 is as though all bets were declared 
 off and all precedents became in- 
 valid on August first, and a new 
 time began on that date, to which 
 the calculations that had come to 
 be our habit no longer applied. 
 The jar of this transition is enor- 
 mous, even here, where we are 
 shielded by distance from the 
 griefs and material distress that 
 accompany it. Our friends are 
 not dead, nor in special peril; 
 no consuming disaster hangs over 
 us, and yet most of us Americans 
 are depressed, some consciously, 
 some without knowing why. You 
 can't read war and think war all 
 the time for two months without 
 feeling the strain of it. 
 
128 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 No; thoughtful people this 
 year got only so much real vaca- 
 tion as they had in June and 
 
 July. 
 
LET US TURN OUT OUR POCKETS 
 
 WE ought to get into this 
 European war harder. 
 Since it is not proposed 
 that we shall fight in it, we ought 
 to get into the rescue work with 
 more power. Some of us are doing 
 something, but most of us are 
 doing nothing and not enough is 
 being done. Not enough money 
 is coming out for the Belgians, 
 whose terrible plight is so pro- 
 foundly appealing. Not enough 
 for the Red Cross. One trouble is 
 that we have war troubles of our 
 own; that because of upsets, due 
 
 9 129 
 
130 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 to war, in many lines of business, 
 an unusual proportion of our own 
 people are in more or less pecu- 
 niary distress. Another trouble is 
 that when six nations in Europe 
 are spending their utmost energies 
 to kill, what even a large country, 
 three thousand miles away, can do 
 to save must seem almost trivial. 
 Still, we ought to do more; we 
 must do more. No other invest- 
 ment offers such returns as the 
 succor of the Belgians, so many of 
 whom, woeful to tell, are beyond 
 aid already. 
 
 Come, brethren, let us turn out 
 our pockets at least. The special 
 appeal now to us is for the Bel- 
 gians and the French of Northern 
 France; the regions where the war 
 
TURN OUT OUR POCKETS 131 
 
 has gone. What terrible cries will 
 come later and from where no one 
 can tell. In Austria there must 
 be great distress, but Austria and 
 East Prussia and Poland are not 
 so near our door as Belgium is. 
 The only safe place for Belgian 
 non-combatants now seems to be 
 England, and there they have gone 
 by thousands and are being cared 
 for by the English. 
 
 No doubt our great part in this 
 vast disturbance is to mind our 
 own business and keep our general 
 apparatus of production and dis- 
 tribution going for the benefit 
 not only of ourselves, but of all 
 Europe. But though to mind our 
 jobs is useful, it does not ease 
 our hearts much. Lucky anybody 
 
132 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 who can go over there and help. 
 Lucky anybody who has much to 
 give and gives it. Those who have 
 not much to give should pinch 
 and give more than they can. 
 That is better than to be left out 
 of this war. It is not brotherly to 
 stay out. 
 
 The interminable battle on the 
 Aisne still, at this writing, rages 
 on indecisively, apparently with 
 enormous loss of life. We are told 
 now to call it, not a battle, but a 
 campaign. Other huge campaigns 
 are going on to the east of Ger- 
 many, where the Russians seem to 
 have the better of it, and where 
 also enormous losses attest the ef- 
 ficiency of modern war machines. 
 
TURN OUT OUR POCKETS 133 
 
 It makes for detachment from 
 life to watch these tremendous 
 proceedings. It seems ignoble, 
 and it is, to cling over anxiously 
 to life when daily so many thou- 
 sands before our eyes give it up. 
 This is our battle, too, that is 
 being fought in Europe; our des- 
 tiny as well as their own that Bel- 
 gians, British, French, Germans, 
 and all the rest are struggling and 
 dying over. This is a conflict of 
 fundamental ideas. If the Ger- 
 man idea wins, its next great 
 clash seems likely to be with the 
 idea that underlies such civiliza- 
 tion as we have in these States. 
 In some ways we are slack, and it 
 might not be altogether bad for us 
 to have the German goad scar our 
 
134 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 easy-setting hides. Read how the 
 German peril has turned Enghsh 
 Aldershot into a factory for turn- 
 ing soft islanders into athletes. 
 A very efficient instrument is 
 the German goad, and wonderful 
 things it seems to have done for 
 Germany. There is a large pro- 
 portion of unused energy in most 
 people; the use of the German 
 goad is to bring it all to applica- 
 tion. Nature's goad is hunger, but 
 that is not enough to carry civili- 
 zation very far. The German 
 goad undertakes to cover the 
 whole distance that civilization has 
 to go; to prod the whole world 
 into a huge productiveness and all 
 siirviving mankind into fabulous 
 efficiency. That is the idea that 
 
TURN OUT OUR POCKETS 135 
 
 is now being discussed in Europe. 
 It has come to the point where 
 the nations have to settle whether 
 they will accept the German idea 
 and try to be like Germany, or 
 reject it and demonstrate that it 
 is unsound. 
 
 What is the matter with it? It 
 looks lovely to the Germans, and 
 in great measure it has agreed with 
 them wonderfully. They tell you 
 that the army and military train- 
 ing is the very hub of their wheel ; 
 that it has made Germany what 
 she is ; that it is the greatest thing 
 in the world, and that to force it on 
 the world is to confer on the world 
 the greatest possible blessing. 
 
 Well, Germany has conferred 
 
136 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 this blessing very considerably on 
 Europe in the last forty ^^ars, and 
 Europe in her deep perversity 
 declines to like it. She wants to 
 be rid of it. Perhaps she doubts 
 that military training is the great- 
 est thing in the world. There 
 have been folks who said that love 
 was. Germany has not bothered 
 much with love, but she is undeni- 
 ably strong in military training. 
 There is so much good in the 
 German discipline that people were 
 almost ready to believe it was all 
 good. Since the war came that 
 inclination has weakened. The in- 
 vasion of Belgium weakened it; 
 so did Louvain; so did Rheims; so 
 did the terrible harrying of the 
 Belgians; so did the unanimity 
 
TURN OUT OUR POCKETS 137 
 
 with which nearly all of Europe 
 and the United States have taken, 
 some actively, some as neutrals, 
 the negative side in the argument. 
 The feeling grows that the German 
 idea, with all its immense good, 
 makes for mania, and would ulti- 
 mately, if it ran on, produce a 
 crazy world, bereft of its jewels, 
 with battles forever running in 
 its head, and huge wars forever 
 in preparation. So the discus- 
 sion runs very high. When it is 
 over the question will come up 
 what to substitute for the German 
 idea that will possess the valuable 
 disciplinary facilities of that sys- 
 tem without its dangerous ten- 
 dency to produce military mania. 
 After all, efficiency isn't every- 
 
138 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 thing. It isn't the chief end of 
 man, nor even his main business 
 on earth. His main business on 
 earth is to Hve, except when, on 
 occasion, as now, the main busi- 
 ness of very many men becomes, 
 temporarily, to die. 
 
GERMAN "KULTUR** AND THE 
 PRUSSIAN IDEA 
 
 GERMANY'S purpose in 
 the great war, as seen 
 from here, is to teach 
 a reluctant world that what the 
 German Kaiser says goes. It is 
 a war for the vindication of the 
 Prussian say-so; a war of destruc- 
 tion and extermination of what- 
 ever stands up against Prussian 
 domination; a war to parcel out 
 the world anew, and give Prussia 
 what she wants. Prussia has 
 dominated the rest of Germany so 
 completely that it has forgotten 
 139 
 
140 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 that there ever were ideas in Ger- 
 many that were not Prussian. 
 Undoubtedly Prussia is eager to 
 dominate the rest of mankind in 
 the same way, and morally cap- 
 able of using any available means 
 to do it. With the Prussian idea 
 it is truly a case of world-power or 
 downfall. It is an idea that is 
 incapable of repose, that requires 
 periodical exercise in the field, 
 and must be fed on conquest if it 
 is to keep its strength. 
 
 That is not at all true of German 
 *'kultur, " which we have so much 
 been told the Germans are fight- 
 ing to defend. The German 
 "kultur** means pig-iron, Krupps, 
 ships, beer, chemicals, music, 
 discipline, military service, and 
 
''KULTUR'' AND PRUSSIA 141 
 
 professors. It is the German 
 civilization and includes the Ger- 
 man attempt to discover, assimi- 
 late, and apply knowledge and 
 truth. This last needs very little 
 defense by armies. It only needs 
 time and peace. Given those, it 
 will conquer the world, if it is good 
 enough, and not a gun fired. 
 Knowledge and truth are things 
 for which, even in this world, 
 there is plenty of room. Of habit- 
 able land there is only a limited 
 area on this planet ; good ports are 
 scarce; all the ready-made farm- 
 ing land in the better climates 
 belongs to somebody capable of 
 making trouble if ousted, but 
 the more truth people get hold of, 
 the more there is left; the more 
 
142 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 knowledge is applied, the more 
 awaits application. In so far as 
 German "kultur"'was good, it had 
 all the world to dominate, and no 
 objection. In thirty years that 
 domination had made vast pro- 
 gress. But against the domina- 
 tion of the Prussian idea the 
 objection is so vital and intense 
 that in the great world-rising 
 against it there is only too much 
 prospect that the breath of Ger- 
 man "kultur" will be clean 
 squeezed out of the German 
 body. Krupps cannot do much 
 for it; destruction and exter- 
 mination — the erasure of beauty, 
 the expulsion of piety — are not 
 aids to it. It should be the ally 
 of those things, not their foe. 
 
''KULTUR'' AND PRUSSIA 143 
 
 Alas, then, for German "kultur, " 
 ridden to its death by the ruthless 
 Prussian demon; struggling splen- 
 didly to do the demon's work, but 
 fated, who can doubt, to sink in 
 due time, gasping and bleeding, 
 foundered by that fatal rider. The 
 pity of it; oh, the pity of it! that 
 what should be the world's ex- 
 ample must figure as its warning; 
 that this hell that is heating for 
 the Saxons and Bavarians — kindly 
 people both — is the kind of hell 
 that awaits all people who fail 
 to fight off Prussian domination 
 before it has enchained them. It 
 is a bad hell ; a hell of Krupps and 
 ruined cities and violated women, 
 and tears and misery and blood, 
 and blackened fanes. 
 
144 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 Since Antwerp fell it has seemed 
 more than ever that this world 
 is not our home, and the war seems 
 more than ever like a war of Rome 
 and Carthage. For the capture of 
 Antwerp seems a blow at England. 
 We were pretty sure all along that 
 the Germans could beat up the 
 Belgians if they put their minds on 
 it, but it was hoped that England 
 and France between them could 
 furnish distraction enough to keep 
 them diverted. But that has not 
 proved feasible, and now it seems 
 a longer road than ever to Tip- 
 perary. 
 
 The improved Krupp siege-guns 
 seem to have made all exposed 
 fortifications obsolete. We have 
 been building some defenses lately 
 
''KULTUR'' AND PRUSSIA 145 
 
 to protect the Panama Canal. It 
 will be interesting to know if they 
 would be of any use against these 
 new Krupps. Fortifications are 
 expensive and take up room, and 
 perhaps it is something to be put 
 to the credit of the big Krupps 
 and the Zeppelins that they have 
 destroyed the efficiency of forts. 
 If there is to be no security in 
 fortifications, folks who hope to 
 live in the enjoyment of liberty and 
 die in their beds must contrive 
 new means of protection. The 
 peace of the world must rest on 
 some new understanding, ade- 
 quately enforced, or perhaps we 
 must just resign ourselves to tak- 
 ing bigger chances. It was a bene- 
 fit to the world and helped the 
 
146 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 general cause of democracy when 
 the early improvements in cannon 
 put old-time city walls out of use. 
 City dwellers have had more room 
 ever since, and trade has been 
 freer. Like advantages may 
 come in the end out of the current 
 improvements in war which have 
 made it too efficient. When all 
 modern knowledge and all the re- 
 sources of modern industry are 
 concentrated on the work of killing 
 men by wholesale and destroying 
 all their works, a degree of success 
 is attained which is self-decapitat- 
 ing. Questions like this current 
 one, whether the Prussian Idea is 
 the Only Hope and the Kaiser 
 the Preferred Instrument of the 
 Almighty, are, of course, very 
 
"KULTUR'' AND PRUSSIA 147 
 
 interesting indeed to discuss, but 
 even to the Prussians themselves 
 the discussion will seem too dear if 
 the price of it is extermination. 
 
 We do not realize this war, we 
 Americans. The people who re- 
 alize it most, as yet, are the Bel- 
 gians, but all the countries actively 
 concerned in it will realize in due 
 time what it means when the 
 resources of a mechanical civili- 
 zation are concentrated on the 
 destruction of human life. As for 
 Belgium, she is like a country 
 crucified for the saving of the 
 nations. Of all the countries in- 
 volved in the war, she was the 
 most innocent, the best justified, 
 the most gallant. Gashed with 
 
148 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 innumerable wounds, her poor 
 body is a witness, still living, 
 against the aggressions of Prussia, 
 and against our modern warfare 
 by machinery. 
 
 There comes in the papers an 
 echo of complaint from England, 
 alleging that negotiations are 
 making here to stop the war, and 
 protesting that the war cannot be 
 stopped until it reaches its natural 
 finish. As to negotiations we 
 know nothing, and our newspapers 
 have reported nothing. But it is 
 true enough that the war cannot 
 be lanced until it comes to a head. 
 
 There are two ways in which the 
 Prussian idea of world-domination 
 may achieve its fate; one is to be 
 beaten now from the outside; the 
 
''KULTUR'' AND PRUSSIA 149 
 
 Other is to succeed now and be 
 overthrown in due time from with- 
 in. But, either way, it is a very- 
 important idea that will consider- 
 ably change the world; and cer- 
 tainly if it crashes down in ruin 
 now, all the other ideas of world- 
 domination by a single empire, 
 British, Russian, American or any 
 other, will go with it. When 
 the London Stock Exchange opens 
 again for business it is likely to 
 open on a world chastened into 
 considerable respect for the text 
 that embellishes the Exchange 
 front: '*The Earth is the Lord's 
 and the fulness thereof.'* 
 
DR. MUNSTERBERG S APPEAL 
 
 ONE may open Professor 
 Munsterberg's book, "The 
 War and America," to 
 scoff and close it to pray. There 
 is little in it to change the opinions 
 of Americans about the war, but 
 there is a good deal that appeals 
 to sympathy. Dr. Munsterberg's 
 position is trying. He is a friend 
 of this country, has cast in his lot 
 with it, or, at least, is doing his 
 life's work here, has been, he says, 
 its defender against foolish detrac- 
 tion abroad, has been a representa- 
 tive of America among Germans, 
 150 
 
DR. MUNSTERBERCS APPEAL 151 
 
 as also a representative of Ger- 
 many among Americans. Now he 
 is shocked and grieved when the 
 country of his birth gets into a 
 war with most of Europe to find 
 American sentiment against Ger- 
 many in overwhelming measure. 
 He cannot understand it. He 
 thinks there must be some mis- 
 take; that we don't understand 
 Germany and her position; don't 
 know how good the Germans are, 
 how important to the world, how 
 imperiled by the jealousy of Eng- 
 land, the unaccommodating spirit 
 of Belgium, the revengefiilness of 
 France, and the dark malice of 
 Russia. How can we see these 
 valuable and persistently peace- 
 seeking people so atrociously as- 
 
152 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 sailed and not be for them! Did 
 not gallant old Steuben fight for 
 us — better than Lafayette did — in 
 the Revolution? Did not Ger- 
 mans in considerable numbers fight 
 for the Union in the Civil War? 
 Is not nearly a quarter of our 
 population of the German stock? 
 At least we should be neutral — 
 neutral in our feelings as well as 
 in the actions of our government. 
 Family ties, trade relations, art 
 and science, respect and good- 
 will had bound the United States 
 and Germany and Austria closely 
 together. "To-day,'* says Dr. 
 Munsterberg, "one surging wave 
 of hatred has swept it all away." 
 ' ' Hatred ? ' ' Herr Professor ; 
 hatred? Must the judge hate the 
 
DR. MUNSTERBERCS APPEAL 153 
 
 plantiff when he gives judgment 
 for the defendant? "I have 
 repeated incessantly," you write, 
 ' ' that the desire for fairness is one 
 of the deepest traits in the Ameri- 
 can mind. Must I reverse all my 
 enthusiasm and my faith?" 
 
 No, don't reverse yet. See this 
 misery through and watch how we 
 behave. We are not necessarily 
 unfair because the Franco-Bel- 
 gian-British end of this trouble 
 looks better to us than the German 
 end. Maybe that end is the best. 
 You admire our propensity to be 
 fair, but the minute we incline 
 against the German side in a great 
 dispute you impugn our judicial 
 capacity. 
 
 Never mind ! Everything should 
 
154 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 be excused to you because you are 
 a suffering man, trying to make 
 a bad case look good. No doubt 
 it is impossible that you should see 
 this case as we see it. Your book 
 must convince any un- German 
 reader that we shall never see the 
 case as you see it. The idea which 
 you offer of simple, honest Ger- 
 many taking a few indispensable 
 military precautions against the 
 ravening wolves of Europe, and 
 especially against the impending 
 hug of the terrible bear, is comic 
 to us, Herr Doctor. We can't 
 help it. With all due respect, we 
 remember Frederick William and 
 his tall grenadiers, Frederick the 
 Great and Maria Theresa, Bis- 
 marck's Prussia and Austria in '66, 
 
DR. MUNSTERBERG'S APPEAL 155 
 
 and then what you call "the war 
 of 1870 recklessly stirred by the 
 intolerance of Imperial France," 
 and since 1888 the Kaiser and 
 his Krupps, and we smile, Herr 
 Doctor; we just have to. 
 
 Blood and iron is a great medi- 
 cine, but Germany, as we see it, 
 has overdosed herself with it. She 
 has not made a friend in Europe 
 since Bismarck died. They say 
 he was overruled when Alsace and 
 Lorraine were detached from 
 France. They tell us the Kaiser 
 was tricked into this war by the 
 Prussian war-hogs. Alas, Pro- 
 fessor Miinsterberg, it is not the 
 Americans who are the enemies of 
 Germany. You will find in due 
 time that they do not hate the 
 
156 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 good Germans. The enemies of 
 Germany have been men of her 
 own household, the men who have 
 not only dreamed, but published 
 to the world what you scornfully 
 describe as "the fantastic dreams 
 of the so-called Pan-Germans." 
 Why, since 1870, has Germany 
 confidently expected another great 
 war? Why has she ceaselessly 
 trained men, built fortresses, cast 
 guns, hoarded money and organ- 
 ized to the last detail a campaign 
 against the rest of Europe? The 
 reason, as we see it, is that the 
 small class that guides the destinies 
 of her industrious millions has had 
 **God with Us" for its motto and 
 *'Rule or Ruin" for its policy. 
 Germany is a great country gone 
 
DR, MUNSTERBERG'S APPEAL i^-j 
 
 wrong. She is getting what her 
 rulers have earned for her. They 
 have made her an impossible 
 nation; a menace to mankind. 
 She has put her trust in force, 
 alienated her natural allies, dis- 
 honored her treaties. Now her 
 appeal to force has gone to judg- 
 ment. If she conquers Europe 
 ruin will find her in victory as it 
 found Napoleon. If Europe con- 
 quers her she will get off easier; 
 but either way she has terrible 
 sorrows ahead of her and is a fit 
 object of pity for all kind people. 
 
A LITTLE MORE ARMAMENT FOR 
 UNCLE SAM ! 
 
 WE saw the German army 
 march to Paris. We saw 
 Liege fall, and since then 
 we have watched the capture of 
 Antwerp. We have stood by 
 attentive while German submar- 
 ines have sunk five British cruisers. 
 We have also seen the German 
 attacking force driven back from 
 the Marne to the Aisne by the 
 French and British forces, and 
 German commerce chased from 
 the seas by the British navy. We 
 have been duly attentive to all 
 158 
 
AMERICA NEEDS ARMAMENT 159 
 
 these spectacles, and unless we are 
 very, very stupid, we must have 
 acquired some new and definite 
 realizations about modern war. 
 Chief among them may well be 
 the conviction that if we were to 
 choose from the animal kingdom 
 the creature that best exemplifies 
 our relative condition among 
 powerful nations, we would have 
 to remove our good old eagle 
 from our country's seal and coins 
 and substitute for him the soft- 
 shell crab. 
 
 Considering what we are and 
 what we have got, we are, next to 
 China, the most defenseless con- 
 siderable people on the crust. 
 Only our modest navy impairs our 
 claim to be the Pie of the Nations. 
 
i6o THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 To be sure, we are too big to be 
 conquered by any sudden dash, 
 and have in us, besides, enormous 
 potentiaHties of defense or agres- 
 sion. To be sure, too, we are so 
 pacific and so Httle ambitious to 
 take anything from anybody, and 
 so isolated that we can safely go 
 much lighter armed and less pro- 
 tected than any other great country. 
 But we seem to have leaned too 
 hard on isolation and our pacific 
 reputation. This war that we 
 have been watching has shown us 
 that our coast defenses are pro- 
 bably out of date; that, in pro- 
 portion to oiir responsibilities, our 
 navy is small and insufficiently 
 equipped, and that our little skele- 
 ton army needs more meat on its 
 
AMERICA NEEDS ARMAMENT i6i 
 
 poor bones. Everyone who is in- 
 terested in our equipment for war 
 knows that it is conspicuously 
 incomplete. No one knows it 
 better than Europe and Japan. 
 Mexico at our back door is a big 
 bundle of disorders and anxieties. 
 Our temporary tenure of Vera Cruz 
 was threatened last week by some 
 uneasy Mexican bandit, and may 
 be threatened again to-morrow. 
 What our duty to Mexico may 
 come to be we do not know, but 
 if our hopes should be disappointed 
 and we should yet have to inter- 
 vene, our whole military force in 
 being would not be enough for the 
 job. 
 
 We are pacific, but we under- 
 
i62 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 take some duties which imply 
 maintenance of a moderately com- 
 petent apparatus of force. The 
 Monroe Doctrine, that is part of 
 our accepted foreign policy, is 
 maintained not so much by us 
 as by the navy of England. We 
 see Germany, her vast efficiency in 
 military matters, and the curious 
 obsessions and aspirations to 
 which the minds that control her 
 are subject. We know that Ger- 
 many has yearnings that conflict 
 with our continental policy, and 
 that what chiefly stands between 
 them and us is England, now 
 fighting for her life. We don't 
 think England will be conquered, 
 but if she should be, what have 
 we got to back up such an answer 
 
AMERICA NEEDS ARMAMENT 163 
 
 as we should wish to make to a 
 proposal from Germany that she 
 should be allowed to improve the 
 culture of Mexico or South Brazil? 
 And there is Japan, whom we love 
 considerably, and who, we doubt 
 not, is fond of us, but who will 
 think no less kindly of us for hav- 
 ing due shot in our lockers, and 
 being not only polite and consider- 
 ate, but able-bodied. 
 
 Are we not rather too short of 
 munitions of war? Recent events 
 have demonstrated that we are 
 living on the same planet with 
 nations whose supreme desire is 
 to knock the heads off of one 
 another, and who, just now, have 
 subverted all their other business 
 
1 64 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 to the accomplishment of that pur- 
 pose. What this world will be like, 
 or who will be boss in it, when 
 present activities terminate, we 
 cannot guess. What aims the 
 conquerors will have or what 
 means to accomplish them we 
 cannot tell, but in a world so mad 
 as this, plunging to conditions 
 which cannot be foreseen, would 
 it not be wise for us to add a 
 little to our means of self-pro- 
 tection? 
 
 It takes three years to build a 
 battleship. They say it takes a 
 year to make a torpedo. It takes 
 six months, at least, to make even 
 an experimental soldier, and very 
 much longer to make even an 
 experimental sailor. We do not 
 
AMERICA NEEDS ARMAMENT i6s 
 
 want to be a military nation, but 
 we should not be too slack about 
 military prepartion. Had we not 
 better take, quietly but promptly, 
 our little dose of the medicine 
 which is being passed out in such 
 vast quantities to Europe? Our 
 situation has changed violently in 
 three months. We ought to do 
 something about it, and do it at 
 once. The time is at hand when 
 we shall have to take care of our- 
 selves and may be called upon to 
 protect some of our neighbors. 
 Should we not qualify ourselves 
 betimes for these duties? We are 
 having a tremendous lesson in 
 human history, from which, for 
 us, one application is: In time 
 of war prepare for peace ! 
 
1 66 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 One alternative to employing 
 some more troops and providing 
 for annual provision of a moder- 
 ate reserve of trained soldiers, 
 and building a supply of torpe- 
 does, submarines, and junk of that 
 sort, and putting a rather larger 
 share of the national mind and 
 money into military and naval pro- 
 vision, would be to come out for 
 non-resistance. Bishop Greer has 
 done that. To the average un- 
 regenerate mind it does not look 
 like a good course. But it looks 
 about as good and quite as hope- 
 ful as this other method that is 
 now proceeding in Europe. To 
 be between excessive armament 
 and non-resistance is to be between 
 the devil and the deep sea, and 
 
A MERICA NEEDS A RMA MENT 167 
 
 after all, drowning is a compara- 
 tively easy death. 
 
 What does anybody suppose 
 Germany would do to the world if 
 it sat down and let her have her 
 way? The chances are that if all 
 outside opposition were removed 
 from her, the South Germans 
 would presently get to work to 
 rid themselves of the insufferable 
 Prussian military caste, including 
 every Hohenzollern who could be 
 caught on his way to the tall 
 timber. 
 
 In the light of events in the last 
 three months, the present united 
 condition of Germany has come 
 to look like a cruel union of the 
 wolf and his prey. The great 
 crime against Germany is not 
 
1 68 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 British jealousy, not French re- 
 venge, nor Russian mahce. It is 
 German governmental stupidity. 
 Not since William II assisted Bis- 
 marck down the German front 
 steps with his boot, has Germany 
 produced a man who had the nec- 
 essary gumption 'to get anything 
 from Europe, except with a blud- 
 geon. The Kaiser is not so bad 
 a man, but he is of second or third- 
 rate ability, and he has managed 
 to concentrate in his sacred per- 
 son virtually all authority over 
 the destinies of the German people. 
 Of course, at times, democracy is 
 heartrending, but it isn't so bad 
 as a hereditary Kaiserism. 
 
 Stars above! This spectacle of 
 a great people befuddled and mis- 
 
AMERICA NEEDS ARMAMENT 169 
 
 led in this century by one second- 
 rate man, himself misled by a lot 
 of bughouse militants whose trade 
 is destruction ! It makes one want 
 to go out and eat grass with the 
 cows, like Nebuchadnezzar; to get 
 in with the animals, of whom 
 
 ''Not one is dissatisfied, not one 
 is demented with the mania for 
 owning things," 
 
 (especially colonies), and who, 
 though at times they fight, fight 
 merely with horns and teeth and 
 claws, and not with the very lat- 
 est thing in modern improved 
 machinery. 
 
 It all makes one half -ashamed 
 to buy a gun or order a torpedo, 
 
170 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 though in our case, when we have 
 done all that anyone as yet will 
 dare propose, we shall have acquired 
 no more than a fairly competent 
 national police force. The world 
 nowadays, under the great stimu- 
 lation of German militarism, is 
 like a city infested with gangs, 
 where all the available money is 
 spent in strengthening the gangs, 
 and nothing for the police. Only 
 in so far as our war-money is spent 
 on something that will keep order 
 in the world, will there be satis- 
 faction in spending it. And per- 
 haps it will be so spent, for if the 
 warring gangs fight one another to 
 a standstill and call for the police, 
 it is we most of all who should be 
 ready to respond. 
 
V 
 
 GERMANY, THE DOCTOR 
 
 THERE is no doubt about 
 the efficiency of the great 
 current German advertise- 
 ment. Our German friends may- 
 give themselves all credit. They 
 have done the trick as it has never 
 been done before. Everywhere 
 their notice has taken the head of 
 the column, and reading matter is 
 lucky if it can squeeze in next to it. 
 Up to the first of August Germany, 
 as we saw it, was a country in 
 Europe somewhere between France 
 and Russia, that printed in an 
 
 old-fashioned, middle-age type, 
 171 
 
172 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 was good in music, beer, shipping, 
 and manufactures, and rather 
 bumptious in international poHtics. 
 German history was so mixed up 
 that only the more proficient 
 students got far into it. German 
 baths were good; so were German 
 razors. The Germans were the 
 best chemists, and made excellent 
 toys. We knew them as efficient 
 people; traded with them exten- 
 sively; welcomed them here as 
 visitors or settlers; but about the 
 German mind and what was going 
 on in it, very few of us had much 
 knowledge or felt any particular 
 concern. 
 
 But since the fourth of August, 
 when the Germans began to pub- 
 lish their advertisement across the 
 
GERMANY, THE DOCTOR 173 
 
 line in Belgium, all that has 
 changed. To all thinking people 
 in the world, the compelling and 
 engrossing thought has become 
 Germany. What is she? How 
 came she so? What does she 
 want, and can she get it? Those 
 have become the ruling subjects 
 of enquiry, and enquirers have 
 tackled them on the run. The one 
 thing needful has seemed to be 
 to understand Germany. Every- 
 thing about her has assumed a vast 
 importance — her place on the 
 map, her history for ten centuries, 
 her religions, her ambitions, her 
 hatreds and the sources of them 
 and, of course, her military and 
 naval apparatus. We are all in 
 the situation of the fisherman 
 
174 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 when he had let the genie out of the 
 bottle. We don't know what we 
 have got, but we see that it is 
 a mighty big thing, and want to 
 know about it. We want to know, 
 especially, what it is going to do 
 to us. 
 
 Already it has done a lot. Peo- 
 ple used to laugh about the Belgian 
 lion, especially the one on the 
 monument at Waterloo. It may 
 be that the careless morals of the 
 late Leopold impaired the dignity 
 of Belgiimi's reputation. At any 
 rate, most people thought rather of 
 her thrift than of her punch. But 
 over her line drives Germany, and 
 behold Belgium the wild-cat; Bel- 
 gium who dared the Minotaur; 
 
GERMANY, THE DOCTOR 175 
 
 Belgium, the savior of France, the 
 defense of England, the pepper in 
 the monster*s eye, the hero, the 
 martyr ! Never such a splendor of 
 glory and of sympathy — and, alas! 
 punishment — as the great German 
 advertisement has brought to little 
 Belgium. 
 
 And France, whose vice has 
 been thrift, behold her a spend- 
 thrift of all things precious! 
 Emotional France! See her calm, 
 determined, prompt; well ordered, 
 well generaled; matching strength 
 with strength, prodigal in devo- 
 tion, intelligent in sacrifice. 
 
 There is a new England. Lloyd 
 George tells how "A great flood of 
 luxury and sloth which had sub- 
 merged the land is receding and 
 
176 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 a new Britain is appearing" that 
 "can see for the first time the 
 fundamental things that matter 
 in hfe and that have been obscured 
 ... by the tropical growth of 
 prosperity." 
 
 Very wonderful, all this. Ger- 
 many is the great doctor of Europe. 
 Played-out men and women have 
 been going to her to be cured for 
 generations. Now she is bringing 
 her cure to those who stayed at 
 home. 
 
 Oh, the amazing Germany! she 
 that practically single-handed has 
 served notice on Europe : ' ' Obey or 
 fight for freedom ! " How came it 
 to be in her? Out of what far-off 
 springs, what inward strivings, 
 
GERMANY, THE DOCTOR 177 
 
 what leadings, what visions and 
 hallucinations has come to her this 
 extraordinary call to be the purge 
 of a commercialized civilization! 
 How came it that the Germans, a 
 people mostly simple, kindly, and 
 affectionate, should suddenly tran- 
 spire as '^the stern hand of fate to 
 scourge us to an elevation where 
 we can see the everlasting things 
 that matter for a nation?" 
 
 We want to know; we want to 
 understand. Everything about 
 Germany has become vitally inter- 
 esting. We examine her on the 
 map. We seize on the books that 
 tell her symptoms and the history 
 of her case. We cannot read Von 
 Treitschke, but we read about him ; 
 and we read Nietzsche and Bern- 
 
178 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 hardi and Usher and Cramb and 
 many more. In Germans, German- 
 born or American-born, we have 
 a new interest. Three months 
 ago we gave them no special 
 thought. Now we look at each 
 of them curiously, trying to see in 
 them some trace of this prodigious 
 insanity that has shaken the world. 
 When the French went mad and 
 purged Europe they had a great 
 leader. But the Germans have 
 no great leader. They have a 
 sublime delusion and a magnifi- 
 cent machine. Their leaders, it 
 would seem, are Von Treitschke 
 and Nietzsche, both dead. Their 
 Kaiser is a gallant but not a wise 
 man; their whole leadership, spir- 
 itual and political, seems touched 
 
GERMANY, THE DOCTOR 179 
 
 with madness and inevitably des- 
 tined to disaster. But, oh, the 
 marvel and the splendor of it! 
 And, oh, the immense effect of it 
 on a machine-crazed world — slack 
 in faith, greedy of ease, and filled 
 with people jealous of the means 
 and easements of their neighbors! 
 
THINKING LIKE A GERMAN 
 
 IT is related that Captain Disco 
 Troop, who went out of 
 Gloucester to the Banks, 
 could think like a cod, and did so 
 think when he was after cod, and 
 so filled his schooner and got home 
 before his brethren. 
 
 We in this country are not yet 
 out after Germans, but we are 
 closely concerned with them and 
 mightily concerned about them, 
 and it seems very important that 
 we should learn to think like a 
 German. For three months now 
 a great many of us have been 
 1 80 
 
THINKING LIKE A GERMAN i8i 
 
 trying to do it, with such assist- 
 ance as we could get from available 
 authorities on German thought, 
 and from an exceedingly stimu- 
 lating spectacle of German action. 
 We have read the newspapers, 
 including great numbers of letters- 
 to-the-editor, both from Germans 
 and anti-Germans, statements 
 from all kinds of professors, reports 
 from returning travelers, appeals 
 in great number from professional 
 writers, and "white papers" and 
 government manifestoes. We 
 have read the English reviews, 
 our own magazines and reviews, 
 and books or extracts from books 
 by Bernhardi, Treitschke, Usher, 
 Cramb, Wile, Biilow, and the rest. 
 From these researches, coupled 
 
1 82 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 with our observation of current 
 events reflected with more or less 
 distortion, most of us have con- 
 cluded that Germans think steadily 
 the will-to-power, conceiving of 
 the world as their lawful apple, 
 from eating which they have been 
 far too long restrained by the 
 rest of mankind, and especially 
 by England. We think we think 
 like a German when we think 
 Kaiserism, Prussianism, the rule 
 of might, blood, and iron, Deutsch- 
 land uber Alles, Force the higher 
 law, and all that. Accordingly, 
 it is getting to be that every 
 German is suspect. Three months 
 ago we thought of Germans not 
 very often, being concerned with 
 baseball, woman suffrage, our 
 
THINKING LIKE A GERMAN 183 
 
 home-grown politics, the refor- 
 mation of society, the efforts of the 
 Alexander Berkman crowd to con- 
 fer moral importance on disorder, 
 the efforts to expel the bad germs 
 from business, the vivisection of 
 the railroads, the chastening of 
 the express companies, and Becky 
 Edelson's disinclination to eat in 
 jail. When we did think of Ger- 
 mans we thought of them respect- 
 fully and kindly, and with the sen- 
 timent that it was foolish of the 
 abstinence party people to inter- 
 vene between them and beer. But 
 since August ist all these other 
 topics have been virtually wiped 
 off the slate, and we think, most of 
 the time, about Germans, and think 
 like a German in so far as we can. 
 
1 84 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 Are we doing it? Are we really 
 thinking like a German when 
 we think the Germans are out 
 to capture the earth? Are we 
 justified in thinking of all the 
 Germans, here and everywhere, 
 as for Germany against the world? 
 Must we think of Herman Ridder 
 for example, as awaiting, with a 
 concrete howitzer base in his back 
 garden, the coming of the Krupps 
 to the Western Hemisphere? Are 
 our neighbors here of German 
 derivation potential spies of the 
 Kaiser and potential allies of the 
 Kaiserland against this Republic 
 that has sheltered them? Ger- 
 many in this war is, apparently, a 
 very compact, united nation. In 
 action all the Germans are work- 
 
THINKING LIKE A GERMAN 185 
 
 ing in unison, fighting, paying, 
 dying, shoulder to shoulder; are 
 we to infer that in every German 
 mind exists this strenuous pur- 
 pose, avowed by one great school 
 of German thought and finding its 
 due expression in a war defended 
 or extenuated by all the rest — the 
 purpose to impose on earth the 
 HohenzoUern will as its dominant 
 governmental force; to seize for 
 Germany whatever Germans 
 covet; to kill and destroy what- 
 ever stands in the way of Ger- 
 man ambition, humbling all 
 other powers that Germany may 
 increase? 
 
 If to think these thoughts is 
 to think like a German, then we 
 Americans ought all to realize it. 
 
1 86 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 ''Given that mood of mind," 
 writes a friend to this paper, 
 ''victory for the Teuton would be 
 more terrible than defeat, as the 
 world would be delivered to a 
 succession of barren struggles, 
 ending in such suspicion and de- 
 spair as creation has never wit- 
 nessed. " How is it? How many 
 German minds have yielded to 
 this terrible obsession? How 
 many of the Gennan fighting men 
 are consciously expressing it ? How 
 many feel themselves committed 
 to world-power or downfall? 
 
 It is the habit of peoples, when 
 involved in a serious war, to fight 
 first and think afterwards. The 
 trouble about thinking like the 
 
THINKING LIKE A GERMAN 187 
 
 German masses is that there is no 
 evidence that the German masses 
 have yet begun to think. They 
 are very busy fighting and taking 
 care of wounded men, and a great 
 many already are dead. Vor- 
 waerts, the Social-Democrat Ger- 
 man paper, showed signs of think- 
 ing, and (we hear) was suppressed. 
 The only German thought that 
 shows just now is this Pan-Ger- 
 m a n, world-power, Machtpolitik 
 thought that has brought on and is 
 conducting the war. The mass of 
 Germans behaves as though it was 
 completely penetrated and pos- 
 sessed with this thought. If we 
 are to think like a German it is 
 the only important and effective 
 thought available for us at present. 
 
1 88 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 And yet, if we attribute it to all 
 Germans, it may be we shall do 
 them an injustice. It may be that 
 they are already beginning to think 
 thoughts of their own not identical 
 with this governing thought of the 
 Prussian force- worshippers, and 
 that a little further along in the 
 war, when the Russians, say, finally 
 cross the German border, we shall 
 begin to get a new line of Ger- 
 man thought which is not de- 
 rived from Treitschke and Bern- 
 hardi, and, perhaps, is not strictly 
 Hohenzollern. 
 
 Let us wait a bit and see. The 
 new thought, if it comes, may be 
 very, very interesting and fruitful ; 
 fruitful possibly of the sort of 
 fruit that hangs from trees by 
 
THINKING LIKE A GERMAN 189 
 
 hempen stems and is harvested in 
 coffins. 
 
 Let us wait. And especially let 
 our brother Americans of German 
 descent be advised to wait a little, 
 too, and not be absolutely confi- 
 dent that they are thinking like 
 Germans until the whole of Ger- 
 man thought has had a chance to 
 disclose itself. 
 
 The present leaders and direct- 
 ors of German thought and action 
 are the most important foes of 
 democracy in the world. If our 
 fellow-republicans here of German 
 descent give the whole of their 
 adherence to their present leaders, 
 the later German sober second 
 thought may terribly embarrass 
 them. What will they say — 
 
190 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 Ridder, Miinsterberg, the Roose- 
 velt Exchange Professors and 
 all the Kaiserbund — if German 
 thought suddenly changes on 
 them? Who will they speak for 
 then? Not for the United States, 
 certainly, for they don't now; and 
 not for Germany if Germany 
 sheds the Kaiser. 
 
 We do not envy the gentlemen 
 in this country who have got in 
 with the Kaiser. If his tires go 
 flat they will have a very long 
 walk home. 
 
 Assistant Secretary Roosevelt 
 says we have not enough men in 
 the Navy by eighteen thousand to 
 man the ships we have in stock. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt would be obliged 
 
THINKING LIKE A GERMAN 191 
 
 if Congress would authorize the 
 Navy Department to recruit that 
 number of men and add them to 
 the force that the law at present 
 allows. 
 
 We believe Mr. Joseph H. 
 Choate, lately ambassador, would 
 back Air. Roosevelt in this desire. 
 In the introduction that he has 
 contributed to Cramb's Germany 
 and England Mr. Choate says : 
 
 "What is going on now is a con- 
 test for the empire of the world, 
 and we have no use for empire. 
 But if we really wish for peace 
 against all hazards, we must ever 
 strengthen our Navy and train 
 every youth in the Republic, as he 
 approaches manhood, to such an 
 extent as shall qualify him to be 
 
192 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 converted into an efficient soldier 
 at the shortest notice." 
 
 Mr. Choate does not wish to 
 bring on war, but to keep out of it. 
 With armament it is as it is with 
 drink and many other things. Too 
 much is worse than none; enough 
 is better than none. Germany's 
 awful example of too much arma- 
 ment will be used by the inconsid- 
 erate to scare us out of having 
 enough, but we must have an ade- 
 quate minimum apparatus of pro- 
 tection. 
 
 After all, how little a conqueror 
 can conquer! When forcible re- 
 sistance is overcome he thinks he 
 has won, but he has only begun. 
 There may be, there usually is, 
 
THINKING LIKE A GERMAN 193 
 
 defeat in triumph and triumph in 
 defeat. The conqueror can kill 
 the body; he can destroy cities; 
 he can spread starvation, change 
 boundaries and flags. But his 
 missiles cannot kill the spirit. If 
 a beaten race survives it remains a 
 factor in life. If it is extermin- 
 ated, the conquering nation can- 
 not escape the reckoning for its 
 cruelty. Its own spirit reflects its 
 conduct, is maimed when it inflicts 
 an unjust wound, is chained by the 
 chains it fastens on its prisoners, is 
 seared by its ferocities, blasted by 
 its ambitions, blood-poisoned by 
 its fiiry. 
 
 And in the end, what lasts is 
 ideas. The Jews have had no 
 
 country for nearly two thousand 
 13 
 
194 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 years, but they had an idea, and 
 they have lasted and have pros- 
 pered. The Greeks ended cen- 
 tiiries ago as a poHtical power, but 
 their ideas still influence man- 
 kind enormously. The Romans 
 were conquered and reconquered 
 long since, but Roman law and the 
 Roman character and some of the 
 Roman ideas about political and 
 colonial government and the regu- 
 lation of life are still active factors 
 in our world. It is important that 
 order should be kept on this planet, 
 but it is not so important who 
 keeps it as people think. What is 
 important is the ideas that de- 
 velop when it gives them a chance. 
 
GERMANY AND COLONIES 
 
 A MAN who returned a book 
 by Nietzsche to the PubHc 
 Library remarked as he 
 passed it in: "This does not get 
 under my skin." 
 
 The remark applies to the efforts 
 of the German apologists in this 
 country. Some of these gentle- 
 men have done better than others, 
 but none of them has got under 
 the American skin. Their best has 
 been to bring some ideas and 
 arguments to American attention 
 that later on may help to inspire 
 sentiments that may be useful 
 195 
 
196 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 to Germany. A good many of us, 
 for instance, think with sympathy 
 of Germany's yearning for good 
 colonial possessions, where Ger- 
 mans may develop as Germans 
 and the German language will not 
 have to yield to English. That 
 seems a natural aspiration for a 
 crowded and energetic country, 
 but while, in a way, we sym- 
 pathize with it, we are not ready 
 yet to help break up and make 
 over the various continents in 
 order to further it. No doubt we 
 understand and like the English 
 civilization better than the Ger- 
 man because it is based in demo- 
 cracy and is more like our own, 
 but we are not finally committed 
 to the idea that the English are the 
 
GERMANY AND COLONIES 197 
 
 Chosen People and ought for the 
 world *s good to inherit the earth. 
 We should be glad to have the 
 Germans have greater territorial 
 possessions if it could be accom- 
 plished without intolerable disturb- 
 ance and if the Germans showed 
 any considerable qualifications 
 for successful colonization. But 
 nobody seems able to endure Ger- 
 man rule but Germans. They can 
 stand the German method when 
 they have to. Other peoples hate 
 it, and even Germans, once they 
 have escaped it, stay away. 
 
 It is related that when Dean 
 Richmond was president of the 
 New York Central Railroad some 
 one said to him: "I see all your 
 conductors have gold watches and 
 
198 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 diamond pins. Those men must 
 be knocking down fares. I should 
 think you'd discharge them." 
 But Mr. Richmond said: "These 
 present conductors have already 
 provided themselves with dia- 
 mond pins and gold watches. Do 
 you really think we would do well 
 to substitute for them a lot of new 
 men with diamonds and watches 
 still to get?" 
 
 So, in spite of our sympathy 
 with German desires, the profit to 
 the world of having Germany 
 supersede England as a colonial 
 power seems very dubious. Eng- 
 land has been greedy and is now 
 pretty well glutted; she has been 
 harsh and has grown almost gen- 
 tle; her manners have been bad. 
 
GERMANY AND COLONIES 199 
 
 but they have improved. In so 
 far as she niles colonies now, she 
 does it chiefly by persuasion. The 
 thought of having Germany, the 
 new broom, sweep through the 
 continents, excites far more dis- 
 may than enthusiasm. 
 
 No doubt there should be organ- 
 ized a great holding company to 
 take title to the outlying portions 
 of the earth, and give deserving 
 peoples privileges of residence and 
 exploitation in spare lands that 
 would suit them. If there were 
 such a holding company it may be 
 that Germany would get good 
 openings, for there are vast regions 
 which her widely advertised 
 Kultur might very much improve. 
 
2O0 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 Instead of which wc see it now 
 devoted to an appalling destruc- 
 tion: sacrificing by the hundred 
 thousand the lives of its own young 
 men — very good young men, most 
 of them — killing also by the hun- 
 dred thousand the valuable and 
 rather scarce young men of 
 France and Belgium and England, 
 and wasting in like manner the 
 youth of illimitable Russia, who 
 has room for them all, and involv- 
 ing Austria and, one after another, 
 the other outlying nations, in 
 corresponding sacrifice and de- 
 struction. 
 
 It is bad, bad, bad ; and all grows 
 out of the vice of nationality, 
 which is so nearly a virtue and 
 yet raises such particular hob. 
 
GERMANY AND COLONIES 201 
 
 And here in these States all we 
 seem able to do about it is to say 
 how dreadful it is, and moan, and 
 give something to a fund, and go 
 home to dinner. How are we go- 
 ing to get our medicine? How 
 shall this enormous discipline the 
 world is undergoing be brought 
 home to us to our spiritual profit? 
 
 Of course we have been pinched 
 in the general squeeze. A great 
 deal of our business has had and is 
 having a hard scramble to get 
 along. The collapse of the cotton 
 market is only one of many troubles 
 growing out of the war which put 
 people out of their habits of living, 
 and involve loss of employment, 
 and distress. The war does reach 
 
202 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 us and may yet pinch us hard 
 enough to compel great co-oper- 
 ative and perhaps governmental 
 measures for relief at home as well 
 as abroad. But it might, and 
 may, go further than that as a 
 disciplinary experience and yet 
 not exceed our national needs. 
 The seeds of it seem to be very 
 deep. It is the culmination of 
 a world-wide unrest, due to some- 
 thing more than armament and 
 the jealousies of nations, and felt 
 in this country and China as 
 distinctly as in the countries that 
 are fighting. We of the United 
 States have by no means escaped 
 this general infection. We have 
 had the suffrage agitation, the 
 Progressive movement, such queer 
 
GERMANY AND COLONIES 203 
 
 signs of uneasiness as last year's 
 fashions and the tango, and an 
 anti-capitaHst revolution with in- 
 dictments and a fight against the 
 railroads and the trusts. England 
 has like disquietudes or worse. 
 France had its excitements, like 
 the Caillaux case and a political 
 deadlock. Conditions peculiar to 
 Europe have made the disturbance 
 over there culminate in this huge 
 and deadly conflict of nations, out 
 of which the survivors may hope to 
 emerge cured of their insanities. 
 But how are we to be cured of ours? 
 Will the treatment we have had, 
 joined to what we are getting as 
 we sit here on the edge of the hurri- 
 cane, be enough? Is there dis- 
 cipline enough coming, joined to 
 
204 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 what we have had, to knock the 
 nonsense out of us, too, and jolt 
 us back into just relations with 
 the realities of life? 
 
 That is the nature of the ques- 
 tion which many minds must be 
 cogitating as we read of the Ger- 
 mans crossing and recrossing the 
 Yser on the bodies of their fellows. 
 Tolstoi, in his curious forecast of 
 world troubles at this time, saw 
 them all proceed out of the "eternal 
 courtesan, CommerciaHsm. " But 
 that means the whole world- 
 structure of money-making busi- 
 ness, with its vast machinery of 
 machines, factories, shops, banks; 
 the whole apparatus of industrial- 
 ism and finance. Against that 
 
GERMANY AND COLONIES 205 
 
 there has been proceeding in this 
 country a fight for fifteen years 
 which has come to a point where 
 the whole money-caste (so to 
 speak) has been dislodged from 
 political control, leaving the admin- 
 istration of government for the 
 most part in the hands of men who 
 can prove an alibi when accused of 
 being seen in the company of a 
 dollar. As a result, a very large 
 proportion of the experience, 
 ability, and leadership of the 
 country has become unavailable 
 for the public service, and the 
 difficulty and expense of command- 
 ing a sufficient advertisement to 
 capture the public fancy has made 
 it hard to bring forward the best 
 men from the residue. Neverthe- 
 
206 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 less, we get some of them — perhaps 
 enough; and under Mr. Wilson's 
 leadership we are getting along 
 pretty well. But the great war 
 has caught us in the middle of a 
 big experiment, and if, as seems 
 possible, we are called upon to be 
 an example to the world and a life- 
 preserver to the perishing, we 
 shall have to make a monumental 
 scramble to discharge the con- 
 spicuous duties thrust upon us 
 with the requisite energy and skill. 
 The world seems to be getting into 
 a condition which somebody will 
 have to rise to, and nobody else 
 appears of the requisite size to do 
 it but ourselves. But size will not 
 be enough unless we have also 
 quality and to manifest that will 
 
GERMANY AND COLONIES 207 
 
 call for a greater co-operation of 
 the intelligence and vigor of the 
 country than our political affairs 
 have seen for a good while past. 
 There is likely to be more for this 
 country to do than to trade on the 
 misfortunes of Europe, or even 
 spend what it can spare in retail 
 succoring. A huge effort to help 
 may be required of us which will 
 lift us out of the trough of selfish- 
 ness as war is lifting the nations of 
 Europe, and will compel such a use 
 of all our resources and such a 
 co-operation of all our abilities as 
 shall really teach us what we are 
 and can do if we have to try. 
 
 Our immediate opportunity is to 
 succor the distressed Bulgarians. 
 No one is in a position to do that 
 
2o8 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 but ourselves. What we have 
 done so far is but a drop in the 
 bucket. The people at large have 
 not yet got into this work, and 
 until they do it will not be done 
 in the measure that the emergency 
 calls for. 
 
THE GERMAN IDEAL 
 
 PROFESSOR Kuno Francke 
 of Harvard is one of the 
 more successful German 
 apologists because he is intelligent 
 and not overbearing. He comes, 
 not from Prussia, like Dr. Miinster- 
 berg, but from Schleswig-Hol- 
 stein, and has apparently inherited 
 amenities with his Danish deri- 
 vation. In a recent speech in 
 Boston he explains that while there 
 is still work for freedom to do in 
 Germany, "it cannot be said that 
 freedom during the last generation 
 14 209 
 
210 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 has been the great national need of 
 Germany, or that it is any longer 
 the ideal that inspires Germany's 
 best men." It has not, he says, 
 been replaced by militarism, nor 
 is world-dominion the ideal of re- 
 sponsible Germans. Their ideal is 
 of national self -improvement and 
 national efficiency. "To the Ger- 
 man the State is a spiritual, col- 
 lective personality leading a life 
 of its own beyond the lives of 
 individuals, and its aim is not the 
 protection of the happiness of 
 individuals, but the making of a 
 nobler type of man and the achieve- 
 ment of high excellence in all the 
 departments of life." This is the 
 Kaiser's ideal, too, and his glori- 
 fication of his office "makes him 
 
THE GERMAN IDEAL 211 
 
 the incarnation of the active and 
 disciplined Germany." 
 
 We are all trying hard just now 
 to understand the Germans, and 
 these words of Dr. Francke are 
 adapted to help us. Just now this 
 German ideal has to be taken in 
 association with about five million 
 highly competent soldiers, all 
 practicing to spread it, and a large 
 supply of exceptionally efficient 
 Krupp guns exploding to the same 
 end. The association is a little 
 trying to the ideal. Is that a mere 
 misfortune, or do the Army and 
 the ideal belong together? Is this 
 German ideal necessarily tied up to 
 militarism because it is necessarily 
 hostile to the ideal of individual 
 freedom that belongs to such 
 
212 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 nations as France, England, Bel- 
 gium, and the United States? 
 
 Nobody outside of Germany 
 would object, it would seem, to 
 Dr. Francke*s German ideal unless 
 there is something in it that threat- 
 ens the security of other nations. 
 
 Is there something? 
 
 Our ideal of individual freedom 
 is vague, vulnerable, impracticable 
 often, outrageous sometimes. A 
 lot of bad government usually gets 
 in with it. 
 
 This German ideal is smooth, 
 efficient, steady, powerful — until 
 it blows up. 
 
 Must it blow up? Does it carry 
 in it the germs of certain destruc- 
 tion? 
 
 There is so much about it that 
 
THE GERMAN IDEAL 213 
 
 is strange, almost incredible, to us. 
 It is so old-time- Jewish in some 
 things. The Kaiser seems to be 
 to the Germans what Moses was 
 to the Israelites — a go-between 
 between them and God; a leader, a 
 master. All peoples, it seems, must 
 start that way, gathering around a 
 master whose will protects and 
 directs them, but it is hard to think 
 of the Germans as beginners. But 
 as a great modern power they are 
 beginners, and this system that 
 they have endured has brought 
 them along, in material things at 
 least, very wonderfully. 
 
 But has it been doing what Dr. 
 Francke says its ideal calls for? 
 Has it been making a nobler type 
 of man? It has certainly achieved 
 
214 ?^^^£ ^^^^. WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 high excellence in many of the 
 departments of life. But in all? 
 No. Not in all. It is good in 
 Krupps and chemistry, in manu- 
 factures, in trade, in civic gov- 
 ernment, in the regulation of life 
 for the promotion of average com- 
 fort. It is bad in art. It is not 
 notable in the higher forms of 
 literature. And as to the great 
 point of making nobler types of 
 men — has it done it? The Ger- 
 mans are notably efficient, but are 
 they creative, are they inventive, 
 and are they nobler than other 
 men? They have told us that 
 democratic France was decadent; 
 that democratic England was a 
 pretense and an empty shell; that 
 Russia was barbarous. They said 
 
THE GERMAN IDEAL 215 
 
 nothing about Belgium. There 
 ought to be a Nobel prize for 
 nobility. If there were, would it 
 go to Germany? One sees in 
 Germany immense efficiency, cour- 
 age, aggressiveness, capacity to 
 suffer, but where, so far, has she 
 been noble? 
 
 In Belgium? At Louvain? At 
 Rheims? 
 
 Her speciality is fighting, but 
 man for man she can't handle the 
 Belgians or the new. French, and 
 her superiority to the Russians is 
 dubious, while as for the English, 
 they are but a handful so far in 
 this war, but it has been a handful 
 for Germany. 
 
 No; get them out of their shops 
 and laboratories and the current 
 
2i6 THE WAR, WEEK BY WEEK 
 
 Germans don't seem to be of an 
 egregious nobility. The Belgians 
 can give them odds in it, and they 
 seem to have nothing on the lately 
 decadent French. They must be 
 learning a wonderful lot about 
 the qualities of other people, and 
 perhaps they are revising their self- 
 esteem. 
 
 Arthur Withington, of New- 
 buryport, who writes a letter to 
 the Springfield Repuhlicanj says: 
 
 *' Efficiency and the acceptance 
 of arbitrary authority by the sacri- 
 fice of liberty is admitted as a 
 Socialistic end. In other words, 
 Socialism is in being in Germany 
 to-day. The Kaiser is fighting its 
 fight and German culture is Social- 
 ism. 
 
THE GERMAN IDEAL 217 
 
 What is there in Dr. Francke's 
 exposition of the German ideal 
 that conflicts with this opinion? 
 
 Mr. Withington says further: 
 
 ^*When this war is over, Social- 
 ism, Prohibition, the Kaiser's 
 mailed fist, Lord Kitchener's mili- 
 tary rule, and all other manifes- 
 tations of the gospel of force and 
 the Anti- Christian movement will 
 have less blind followers than dur- 
 ing the last quarter of a century. 
 There will be a return to the simple 
 faith of the fathers that govern- 
 ment is a necessary evil." 
 
 Shouldn't wonder; shouldn't 
 wonder at all. And not the least 
 of the wonders to come will be the 
 adjustment of the German ideal 
 to the change in faith. 
 
"^ This book is due two weeks from the last date 
 stamped below, and if n'>t returned or renewed at or 
 before that time a fine of five cents a day will be incurred. 
 
 
 
 - — y 
 
 nx J' 
 
 JNI2tt97 
 
 
 'M i 6 1997 
 
 
 APR 17 
 
 2001 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES