A TRACT FOR THE TIMES. FIRST: fn WAY TO NATIONAL WEALTH AND GREATNESS. SECOND: THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION AND SPECULATIVE AND PRACTICAL REFORMS. THIRD; ECONOMY. THE GREAT IMPENDING DANGER, AND HOW : TO PREPARE FOR IT. BY JOSEPH BARKER. LOINDOW =: PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY BARKER & CO., M‘LEAN’S BUILDINGS, GREAT NEW STREET, FLEET STREEFT, E.C. | 18 3 Price One Penny. f 52 lig man MHG3E THE WAY TO NATIONAL WEALTH AND GREATNESS. Ir things were rightly managed, every healthy man in England would be able to support himself and his family in comfort, and raise himself, in time, to a state of independence. There is no necessity that any working man in this country should suffer either from want or the fear of want. The poverty and wretchedness from which so many suffer, and the anxious fears by which they are so often racked, might all be prevented, and that by a few of the simplest and very easiest reforms imaginable. 1. Suppose a tax were laid on all neglected and unculti- vated lands in the kingdom, a tax rather heavier than that which is laid on lands that are cultivated, this of itself would cause a considerable improvement in the condition of the working classes. The first effect of such a tax would be, to enable the government to remit some other tax that now presses inju- riously on the toiling and trading classes. The second effect would be to induce the land-owners either to cultivate their neglected lands, and so make them yield something to pay the tax, or to sell them to those who would cultivate them. The result would be, that the demand for labourers would be increased. Unemployed workmen would find work. The number of paupers would be diminished. Poor rates would be lighter, and crime would be abated, and the amount of the nation’s wealth would be increased. After a few years, the men on the new lands would pro- duce more food than they would beable to consume. They — would send the surplus to market, and take manufactured goods in return. This would both make food cheaper, and - trade better. Another advantage would be, that much capital that is now invested in the United States of America, and in other NATIONAL WEALTH AND GREATNESS. 3 foreign countries, would find safe and profitable investment at home. Much of the money invested in American lands, American railroads, and other foreign speculations, is lost; and that which is not lost, might prove more useful both to the owners and to the country if invested at home. Now the purchase and cultivation of all our good, neglected or ill- used lands, would find profitable employment for nearly all the spare capital in the country. . Again: we have, in our colonies, millions upon millions of acres of land, as good as any to be found in any part of the earth. Suppose Government should offer to all who might be disposed to emigrate, forty, eighty, or a hundred and sixty acres of this land at a very low rate, or on condi- tion that they should settle on it and keep it in cultivation, the condition of the toiling and trading classes would be still further improved. In the first place, the unemployed labourers in the country, as well as many small capitalists, would go to the colonies, and make themselves farms. ‘The labour market would, in consequence, be still further relieved; and pauperism, poor rates, crime and misery, would be still further diminished. The settlers in the colony would soon have large quantities of surplus produce which they would wish to exchange for manufactured goods, and this would give new life to every useful trade at home. The whole population of the country would soon have employment. Wages would gradually rise. People would be able to purchase larger supplies of the necessaries ,and comforts of life. The increased con- sumption would keep up prices; every class would be bene- fitted, and the wealth of the country generally increased. The New York Tribune, one of the best papers in America, estimates the value of every English emigrant that settles in the United States at two hundred pounds. Many take with them money to that amount; and those who take no money, take money’s worth to that amount in their strength, and skill, and industry. The southern states buy black men for two hundred pounds a head, and white men are supposed to be worth twice as much to tle North. When, therefore, Great Britain sends out 200,000 people a year to America, as she sometimes has done, she makes a yearly present to America of £100,000,000 sterling, a sum suffi- cient, if kept at home, to pay off the national debt in eight years, and so reduce the burden of taxation one half, THE WAY TO nes ve seen how the production of surplus food in the — colonies would enrich the nation, and improve the condition of the toiling and trading classes. But the colonists would supply us with other useful articles besides food. They — would send us large quantities of wool, and make our cloth ‘ manufacturers independent of other lands for the supply of the raw material. ‘They would supply us with any quantity — of hides, and make good leather cheaper and more abundant, They could send unlimited quantities of various kinds of | hair for building and upholstering purposes. They could — supply any amount of hemp and flax for cordage and fine — linen. They could produce any quantity of silk, They could raise sugar, tea, coffee, rice, dates, figs, raisins, prunes, and spices in abundance. They could supply the joiner and carpenter with timber, rosin, and pitch. They could supply the chemist and apothecary with drugs. They could supply the painter with colours, and the manufacturer with dyes. They could supply the nation at large with gold, — silver, copper, lead and iron; for we have mines of all these” metals that are all but inexhaustible. They could supply — the nation with all the cotton it could manufacture, and so make us independent of the slave states of America. This, of itself, would be an incalculable advantage. It is madness, — it is wickedness, to leave so great a portion of our popula- tion dependent for their bread, and the nation dependent for its peace, on the uncertain labour of American slaves. The present dispute between the Northern and Southern states, may any moment give rise to civil war. Civil war — would cause an insurrection of the slaves. The result would — be a fearful destruction of property; and the general cessa- _ tion of productive labour. Lancashire and Yorkshire, and many parts of Scotland would be ruined, and the nation at large embarrassed and distressed. Iam living every day in dread of evil tidings from America. The quarrel between the North and the South may not be carried to the last extremes; but it may. When burning coals are thrown about in a powder magazine, the worst that can be dreade may happen any moment. And this is just what is tal place across the Atlantic. Slavery has made that land vast magazine of the most terrible explosives and ¢ bustibles: and now the enraged inhabitants are brandish their torches, and throwing at each other fire-balls, roe and grenades; and an explosion, and a conflagration of We ha NATIONAL WEALTH AND GREATNESS. 5 most fearful kind, and on the largest scale, may destroy the nation, and startle Europe, at any moment. I say it is wicked for our government or nation to allow millions of our people to depend on such precarious sources for the labour by which they live. England ought to have eul- tivated her territories, and secured a steady supply of cotton from her own free sons, long ago. She ought to be ashamed of her mad and criminal neglect. She ought especially, without a day’s delay, to reform her plan. The colonies should he opened at once, and made as attractive to our surplus labour and capital as possible. And why should we be dependent on others for grain or roots, for fruit or flesh, for spices and perfumes, for wool or flax, for silk or rags, for oil or dyes, for timber or metals? Why not encourage the hardy, the adventurous, and the indefatigable workmen of England to develop the infinite wealth of our colonies, and make themselves and their off- spring, and their countrymen at home, through untold cen- turies, rich, happy, and free? At present our colonies produce but little, while they cost a great deal. The course we recommend would make them produce wealth unbounded, and not cost one farthing. Let our plan be adopted, and the colonies will soon support and protect themselves, and add greatly to the wealth, the strength, and the security of the Empire. The Saturday Review, some time ago, when calling John Bright to task for some remarks on America, contended that the reason why work was more plentiful, and wages higher, in the United States than in England was, that the United States had an unlimited quantity of land. The Saturday Review was wrong. ‘The reason why the working classes in America are better off is not that America possesses large quantities of land, but that she places it at the disposal of the people. We have more land than America. And our lands are as rich, and the climates of many of our territories are as good, as those of the United States. In many cases the climates are better. But our Government has kept the land locked up. It has never placed them at the service of the large body of the people, as the American (xovernment has done. It is doing so to some extent at present, but still it hesitates, and does the thing only by halves, as if it were afraid to allow the people to enrich themselves and their country. 6 THE WAY TO a 7. Sets gett OY wF® = ~~ vo. “ . > _ The fact is, many of our rulers are afraid. The at ist are afraid that if the people of England were madi owners in the colonies, they would compete with They think that large supplies of grain and fruit, of and flax, from the colonies, would lower the price of own produce, lead to a reduction of rents, and a dim in of their incomes. They kept up the corn and provi laws as long as they could, to check the supply of grair fruit and flesh from abroad, and so keep up their incon the expense of the people. And now that foreigners allowed to compete with them, they dread competitior their own people. f Then some of the manufacturers are afraid, that people were drawn to the colonies, they w hard to get workmen, or hard to keep down w Hence the landowners and the manufacturers, who are often at strife with each other, are both at war with toiling classes, and unite their efforts to prevent t peopling of our vast and invaluable territories. > There are many, however, who know that the fears the landowners and manufacturers are not well ground The abolition of the corn and provision laws which w: ruin the English farmers and landowners, has alt increased their wealth. The indirect gain has pr greater than the direct loss. And so it would be with peopling of the colonies. It might, for a time, embai the manufacturers, and lessen the incomes of some 0 aristocracy; but in time it would benefit all. And1 are enlightened enough to know all this. And i people unite to press the measures we suggest, 1e] reason to believe they will succeed, and by their su place wealth and independence within the reach of family in the empire. a pea a Government had acted on the plan Hee, Mee 1e re fifty years, the nation might have pene ne ne 1, and five times as strong as itis at pre ae eee would have died a natural death. — ana Se at home would have been prevented, it is at present oa tn ae been five tines ae mene hee tS a Chinese wars and Indian mut cllanhae nese: prevented. The intellectual and m C whole population micht have been grea! improved, and the state f.Eno e > , ol. tngland, and the state of E NR +} ra OS ee , ‘ ». NATIONAL WEALTH AND GREATNESS. 7 and America, might have been vastly more cheering. It is mournful to think what opportunities of benefitting the nation, and of blessing the world, our Government has thrown away. Is it not time for the people to unite and demand a change? It may be said it is impossible to obtain the desirable change without a reform of Parliament. We think other- wise. We think it would be easier to obtain colonial than Parliamentary reform. But if not, why should we not ask for both at once? Why should we not make use of colonial mismanagement as an argument for Parliamentary reform? And why should we not stimulate people to seek for Parlia- mentary reform, by showing them how much might be done by a better Parliament, towards improving the condition of the toiling classes, and enriching the whole community? THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION AND SPECULATIVE AND PRACTICAL REFORMS. How far we owe our wealth to the English constitution, we donot pretend toknow. The probability is, that we owe it principally to certain peculiarities of character in the more influential portion of Englishmen, and to the action of local or climatic influences on our habits and pursuits. Our constitution, as it is called, or our system of government, is itself the result of the same peculiarities of character, modified by local, physical influences. Our wealth, our power, and our constitution are all, to a great extent, the out- growth of our natural character, the results of those qualities which distinguish influential portions of the English people, from the people of other nations. Constitutions do not make nations: nations make con- stitutions. And when nations make constitutions hastily, in imitation of other nations, they cannot make them work. And when they frame them according to the theory of some speculative thinker or writer, they seldom, perhaps never, answer. The French imported the American constitution, but it would not work. If they were to try the English constitution, if would not answer. The English system of emg fT. es re ore | a 8 THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION AND — government would answer nowhere but im Eng among English people, placed under som pwhat influences. And no constitution would answe 8 England at present, as the one we have. And if 1 new one, we should modify it; we should bring harmony with our habits, our prejudices, ow English character. ee A new constitution would not change us so mucl should change it. If we had a republic, we shoulda aristocratic and monarchical; just as we now mak monarchy and aristocracy democratic. Whatever theo constitution we might have, the government would b the same as at present. a Of course our government changes; but it changes, t fashioned genuine Englishmen change, slowly and 1 antly. It improves, but it does so almost imperceptibl travels like the snail, not like the frog. It takes nog leaps. Even Revolutions in England make no great ch in the working of the government. English people; genuine, influential English people,—cannot bear hurried. And they cannot bear to be forced. 1e act freely, and take their time, or not act at all. must move as their own strong instincts prompt, andr meddlesome counsellors advise or urge. They can: understand, nor believe, nor decide anything ina 2ur on compulsion. 4 Nor do we wish to see it otherwise. We should be to see the essentials of the English character changed. should be glad to see the knowledge of Englishmen in re We should be glad to see the great active powers. English nation under the guidance of political and pl saree: And this, if we live long enough, we shal As eats i oe to see hasty, wholesale exp ri | English people generally are tenn aly are not of the speculative,the kind, but of the common-sense, practical kind. ae is i they believed that no exact or se aera ht oe nation were possible: ai law will Bi Cur philosophic theories of polities Your mathom net’, fit the real, living English natio (earth meas aiiea’ definitions, and your theories of geo? eae suring) will fit the real many-formed ea we live, ‘The islands and continents take let «sea ye 4, SPECULATIVE AND PRACTICAL REFORMS. 9 given them by the internal forces which give them birth, modified slowly, but, in the course of ages, greatly, by the action of air and water, aided by cold and heat. They never assume geometrical forms, or mathematical proportions. They are neither squares nor circles, neither triangles nor parallelograms. The lines are neither straight nor spiral. The surfaces are something more than length and breadth. The solids are neither cubes nor cones, neither pyramids nor spheres, neither prisms nor cylinders. They are all irregular, the product of varied and conflicting forces. And there is no power in nature or in man to make them other- wise. You may take a single block and make it a cube, a sphere, or a pyramid; but you cannot reduce mountains or continents to regular shapes; and if you could, your labour would be useless, or something worse. And so it is with nations, and especially with this great old English nation. No thedry of abstract right, no theory of liberty or equality, no system of pure democracy, no definite constitution, will fit it. You may, when you can select your materials, form a joint stock company, or a benefit society, according to your theories of right or equality; but you can never bring the nation into any such shape. The nation and its government have received their shape from the working of a thousand various and conflict- ing forces hidden in the depths of English humanity, and modified by the action of external agencies, such as the influence of other nations, of imported creeds, of foreign literature, and modern science; and you can no more change their shapes so as to bring them into harmony with any of your abstract theories, than you can change the orbit of the earth. And if you could so change them, it would be folly and sin to try. _ The working of the great moral forces of the English nation may be rendered more beneficent by the increase and spread of science among the people: some of the con- flicting forces may be harmonised; the direction of some of those forces may be changed, and their action rendered vastly more conducive to the general good: but you can _ never put everything right by any wholesale change of plan or theory. It is, nevertheless, true, that as external agencies of air and water, light and electricity, heat and cold, are always modifying the forms of mountains and valleys, ” 10 THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION AND islands and continents, and clothing with beaw filling with life, regions which would otherwise be desolation; so the influence of science and culture o and nations, may so modify laws and gover customs and institutions, as greatly to lessen, pe entirely to destroy, many of the evils of society, make man’s life incalculably more beautiful, and vy: more happy, than it is at present. {ie While therefore we would depreeate attempts at vi and wholesale changes in England, we would favour : labour to promote the diffusion of truer and larger y of human interests and national welfare among all clas and endeavour to have both the machinery and the of government so far changed, as to render them conduci to the wealth, the healtli, the virtue, and the happines all classes, and of all nations. ite It is a fact, that you cannot, at present, bring the of the English people to put themselves about at all obtain great, organic changes in the English constitutic You cannot revive the chartist agitation. You ean hard muster a respectable demonstration in fayour of Lord Jol Russell’s, or, Mr. Bright’s Reform Bill. The people seem to have got it into their heads, that a mere increase in t number of voters would probably not secure for us bett government,—that more depends on the character than « the number of the electors,—that we might have bett meres Li ge our present franchise, if all would do hei een . _ we waht have worse measures with a lowe ee eee e people were more enlightened an - _4he people seem to have got it into their head ee the things to be aimed at are regular work, shor ae eed ree bene provisions, and a better edu tion ae y be obtained by a few simple praetica reforms, which government may be more easily induced to ae aires he can be induced to reorganise itself. ie: erha . ae theorists are wrons, Peoble are right. And perhaps the emigrants and Enoli h ne ir she colonies to Kings ‘ 5 ish capital, th x on land, proportioned, Fa ee ponton. Oa natural capabilities, cultivated,—might, if accom vastly more for the Enclis the law of elections, or a rt 4 4 a panied with personal reform, do h people than any alteration in hy change in the constitution of %y a SPECULATIVE AND PRACTICAL REFORMS. 1l Parliament. The Free Trade measures have done more for England than any other measures of the present century. True, it may be said that we owe Free-trade to the measure of Parliamentary reform, by which it was preceded. And this perhaps is true. But if we could get Free-trade with our present franchise, what needful measures may we not get, if we unite our powers? Besides a loud and general call for colonial reform, might be the very thing to show the necessity of parliamentary reform, if it could not be obtained without such reform. And an earnest and general demand for colonial reform might be the very thing to unite the people in efforts for parliamentary reform, if parliamentary reform were found to be essential to colonial reform. In any case, therefore, it is best to begin with demands for practical reforms. If we get them on demand, all right: if we donot, the demand for parliamentary reform will then be in order, and the people will bein just the proper state to make and urge the demand. In any case, beneficial, practical measures are the end, and theoretical or organic changes only the means. And though you may, at times, rouse people to-action, and fill them with enthusiasm in favour of an abstraction, you will; as a general rule, be unable to interest English people in favour of abstractions or theories except so far as they may seem likely to yield them substan- tial benefit. One of the most important objects of English Reformers should be, to obtain a supply of cotton from our own colonies, and so render ourselves independent of the un- certain politics of America. To rely on so dangerous an institution as American slavery, for the material of one of our principal manufactures, is foolish in the extreme. But is it necessary to have parliamentary reform in order to obtain a supply of cotton from our colonies and dependencies? If so, we ought to unite and demand it, and press ‘the demand in such a way as to ensure compliance with it. But if it be not, why trouble ourselves about it? Why not request or demand instead, the needful opportunities and facilities for obtaining the necessary supply of cotton? Our own impression is that Parliament as at present constituted would make no objection to afford facilities for the production and collection of cotton in the colonies. Another great reform that is needed is, the offer of land in the colonies on reasonable terms to all who may wish, or it es ‘a 12 THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION, | a | for all who may think it advisable, to emigrate. Thi only be an extension of the measure Just consi Would it not be possible to obtain this boon also wi parliamentary reform? We think it would. We can and if we find it cannot, we may then begin our ET} parliamentary reform with abundant reason, and with ey prospect of success. , an If we direct our attention first and chiefly to benefie practical reforms, we shall be likely to unite all the wi and best in our favour. Those who may oppose us will weak in proportion as they prove themselves unreasona unjust, or inhuman. Those parties in the legislature wh set themselves against us will lose their influence, and f who aid our cause will increase their own strength. Th will make it all the easier to obtain parliamentary refor if at length it should be found to be necessary. ee But if we begin with agitating theoretical parliamenta reform, we shall neither unite the better portions ¢ people, nor the better portions of our legislators and men, in our favour. We shall neither have that enthusia among ourselves, nor that sympathy from others, whit are necessary to ensure success. Our friends will gain1 credit or strength in aiding us, nor will our opponer sl much credit or influence by opposing us. We shall q dispirited. Our organisations will fall to pieces, and th members be scattered abroad. The name of Reform wil fall into disrepute, and needful, practical measures wil become less popular. The power of the selfish, interest classes will be increased ; the courage of the corrupt W be revived; and the interests of the sufferine classes sac or damaged for years, i ‘the _ In conclusion, then, let us make it our first endeavour improve, by personal efforts, our own character, and ¢ own condition. Let us make it our second endeavour mote the intellectual and moral improvement of the people large. _ Let us make it our third endeavour, by united e fort to obtain all needful, practical reforms. And let us, lasth , we find it really necessary, try to reform the law of electio and change the constituti ct ution an 4 . isc ommons, d character of the House’ J ragebe j : eae | * ee 1 Ls 13 ECONOMY. ae THE GREAT IMPENDING DANGER, AND HOW TO PREPARE FOR IT. TueneE is danger of bad times, and we had better prepare for them by timely economy. ‘The news may reach us any day of the commencement of civil war in America. Civil war would lead at once to an insurrection of the slaves. An insurrection of the slaves would be accompanied with a fearful destruction of property. Houses, mills, ware- houses, would be burnt down, and plantations destroyed. The production of cotton would cease. It would be two or three years before the evil could be remedied. It might be four or five. The want of cotton would ruin Lancashire -and impeverish Yorkshire, and embarrass every part of the country. Almost every branch of trade would suffer. Hundreds of thousands would be thrown out of work, and hundreds of thousands more would only be partially em- ployed, and the wages of all kinds of labour would come down. And there would be no chance of slipping over to America and getting work and good wages there. Work would be scarcer and wages lower there than here, except perhaps in the powder mills, and in such businesses as were specially concerned with supplying the materials and ma- chinery of war. Even Canada would probably be dis- turbed, and cease to be inviting to emigrants. And New Zealand is in disorder. And Australia is a great way off, and can be reached only at great expense. And a large and sudden influx of people would cause a glut of the labour market and a famine. New places can only provide for new comers gradually, a few ata time. To waste any- thing in such perilous times is the extreme of folly. The difference between economy and extravagance now, may make all the difference between plenty and starvation six months to come. Smoke, drink, and gormandise at present, and you may find yourself unable to get bread or potatoes enough to keep you alive next winter. Run into debt, and 14 | ECONOMY. you may neither have cash nor credit next Christmas Your children may be crying for bread, and you may be asking for out-door relief, or meditating gloomily on su cide Of course, the ruin of America is not absolutely certair The danger may possibly be turned aside by a timely com- promise. But good and sensible people will provide for ie worst. The madman alone will be indifferent to a manifest peril, and trust to a doubtful chance of salvation. aa Besides, if the threatened calamity should notcome, you w y be all the better for alittleeconomy. You are very different from me if alittle money in hand is not vastly more agreeable than an empty purse and a heavy debt at the grocer’s ¢ ad butcher’s. And if the dreaded evil come, twenty or thirty pounds beforehand may be your salvation. And what, at best, do you get by your extravagance? Your pipe and cigars, your béer and wiue, do you no good. They give you no strength. They yield you no increase of enjoy- ment. They diminish your strength. They injure your health. They enfeeble your mind. They lessen your en-— joyment. They may add to your gratification for an hour or two; but your loss, in the long run, is greater than your — gain. You must pay with headache and heartache in the — morning, for your unnatural exhilaration in the evening, — Your foolish indulgences in youth, may entail bitter morti- — fications in age. ‘The temperate man has more enjoyment even at present than the spendthrift, and his lot is incaleu- lably better in the future. There is indulgence which leads to ruin, and self-restraint which ensures salvation. __ Then think of your wife and children. Is there nothing — you can do, by the help of your spare cash, to add to their comfort? Would it not be better to spend your tobacco and — cigar money in buying a few useful books, and giving your ‘ children a superior education? Would not your ale and J wine money prove more useful in the shape of a comfort- _ able freehold house, and a nice little garden? . _ And would you not feel yourself more of a man, if, — instead of spending your evenings and Sundays in inns and — coffee-rooms, you were to spend a fair share of them with your wife and children? Have you so far lost your sense of propriety,—have youso far injured your conscience,—that i jou en ake an vik your go ney, and throw Jou Goloauneea hee Bless go home at ten or eleven ? your wite and children without a blush? rj 7 “5 “ NM ue ECONOMY. 15 Can you so far wrong your family, and not hate and reproach vourself? When I cease to prefer the comfort of my wife and family to the indulgence of my own selfish appetites,— when I can leave them alone and cheerless, and spend my spare hours in the company of the foolish or vicious, let me dic. For an untimely death is less fearful than a base, unnatural life. And even widowhood and orphanage, sad as they are, are lighter torments, than to be mocked, and plagued, and dishonoured by an unnatural husband and father. A good man, when he has done his best for his family, never thinks he has done enough. With what shame, with what horror, with what loathing would the selfish, reckless spendthrift stare at himself, if he could once be brought to see his conduct in its proper light! But what delight the considerate and devoted husband, and the good, kind father experiences, when he finds him- self able, by steady industry and wise self-government, to keep his wife and children cheerful and happy! The smile with which he is greeted by that wife. and the joyous shout with which he is welcomed by his children, when he enters at evening his tidy dwelling, are worth a world of such wretched pleasures as the spendthrift finds in smoke, or wine, or drunken jollity. And even if you have no wife or children, there are better ways of spending your spare time and money than wasting them on smoke and drink. There is nothing pecu- liarly great or noble in puffing a cigar or drinking beer. The meanest vagabond on earth, the basest villain, the filthiest profligate, the most stupid dunce and the most un- mitigated scoundrel, can guzzle beer and smoke cigars. And smoking and drinking seem the fit accompaniments of the stupid and the bad. I should like to have something better for my spare cash and time,—something that would -make me more of a man. Give me a supply of useful books, and a heart to read them. Give mea stock of know- ledge, and a disposition to spread it abroad for the good of my fellow-men. Give me the virtuesand the accomplishments which will secure me the respect of the wise and good, and the confidence of all who know me. Give me an acquaint- ance with the wonders of nature, and with the mysteries of my own existence. Let me delight myself in communion with the great and good, and let me please myself, if reason will allow me, with the hope that I may one day be of their Bg me? ine 16 ECONOMY. number. If I cannot expect to be a philosopher, I may hope to be a MAN. In any case, whether America rush headlong to destruction, and involve our country in loss and trouble or not, it is best, it is safest, it is noblest, it is happiest, to spend what time and money we may have to spare in cultivating our minds, in improving our characters, in adding to the comfort of our wives and children, and in making some provision for the uncertain future. BARKER ia ,. LONDON : & 00., PRINTERS, M‘LEAN’S BUILDINGS, GREAT NEW STREET, FLEET STREET. S ; ,