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 The Church 
 
 International Peace 
 
 A Series of Papers by the Trustees of 
 THE CHURCH PEACE UNION 
 
 IV 
 
 Europe’s War, America’s 
 
 Warning 
 
 by 
 
 Rev. Charles S. Macfarland, Ph.D. 
 
 THE CHURCH PEACE UNION 
 70 Fifth Avenue 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
The Church and International Peace 
 
 A uniform series of papers by the Trustees of The 
 Church Peace Union, treating the problems of war and 
 peace from the point of view of religion, and especially 
 emphasizing the message the Church should have for the 
 world in this time of war. 
 
 ALREADY PUBLISHED 
 
 1. The Cause of the War, by Rev. Charles E. Jefferson, D.D. 
 
 2. The Midnight Cry, by Rt. Rev. David H. Greer, D.D. 
 
 3. Christ or Napoleon—Which? by Rev. Peter Ainslie, D.D. 
 
 4. Europe’s War, America’s Warning, by Rev. Charles S. Mac- 
 
 farland, Ph.D. 
 
 IN PREPARATION 
 
 1. The Way to Disarm, by Hamilton Holt. 
 
 2. The Breakdown of Civilization, by Rev. William Pierson Mer¬ 
 
 rill, D.D. 
 
 3. After the War—What? by Rev. Francis E. Clark, D.D. 
 
 4. Our Groimds of Hope, by Rt. Rev. William Lawrence, D.D. 
 
 5. The United Church and the Terms of Peace, by Rev. Frederick 
 
 Lynch, D.D. 
 
 6. The Church’s Mission as to War and Peace, by Rev. Jimius B. 
 
 Remensnyder, D.D. 
 
 7. Adequate Armaments, by Prof. William I. HuU. 
 
Europe’s W ar—America’s W arning 
 
 By Rev. Charles S. Macfarland, Ph. D. 
 
 Secretary of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, 
 
 Trustee of the Church Peace Union, Member of the Con¬ 
 tinuation Committee of the World Alliance of the 
 Churches for International Friendship. 
 
 “Two men went up into the temple to pray; the one a Pharisee, 
 and the other a publican. 
 
 “The Pharisee stood and prayed thus with himself, God, I thank 
 thee that I am not as other men are, extortioners, unjust, adulterers, 
 or even this publican. 
 
 “I fast twice in the week; I give tithes of all that I possess. 
 
 “And the publican, standing afar off, would not lift up so much 
 as his eyes unto heaven, but smote upon his breast, saying, God be 
 merciful to me a sinner. 
 
 “I tell you, this man went down to his house justified rather than 
 the other; for every one that exalteth himself shall be abased; and 
 he that humbleth himself shall be exalted.” 
 
 One of the great beauties of nature is her mingling of 
 things unlike each other, each serving the other’s needs. The 
 natural v^orld is not like a scientific showcase or like a 
 library of well-ordered books. This universal order, since the 
 stars sang their morning song together, has been the blending 
 of a multitude of things which, in our human knowledge of 
 them, we have set apart. 
 
 Nature consists thus of unity in diversity. Her divided 
 and subdivided kingdoms exist only in the thought of man. 
 She is not like our human life, marked off into its political 
 states with their boundaries and barriers. Her various 
 systems pervade and penetrate each other. They live upon 
 and by one another. 
 
 In our human order also, when we live its freest and 
 most natural life, we do not gather ourselves together so 
 much upon the basis of similarity as that of unlikeness. The 
 family is the highest type of our mutual life and it is a bring- 
 
 3 
 
ing together of the unlike and opposite. The gentle woman 
 and the strong man, the little child and the great father, the 
 brother and the sister. There are striking likenesses of 
 feature and of temperament, but these are no more marked 
 than the elements of unlikeness. 
 
 When, however, we pass out from this natural social 
 order of God into the realm of our artificial human associa¬ 
 tions, we find that this divine law is everywhere perverted and 
 repressed. In God’s order it is the unity of unlikeness. Man’s 
 disposition is to bring together by similarities. The one com¬ 
 pletes the defect by some compensation and gives a real and 
 final unity. The other takes one small portion, multiplies it 
 by itself and issues in a system of inharmonious exaggera¬ 
 tions, so that to him that hath much more is given, and from 
 him that hath not is taken away even that which he hath. 
 
 Thus it has been the tendency of our human blindness 
 and error to unite the like and to separate the unlike. We 
 have largely ordered the world, not in complementary groups, 
 but by a cold analysis into classes, so that each man, instead 
 of living in the world, lives within his own little class. Here 
 he finds his own ways of doing things repeated; his particular 
 tastes are met, the limited judgments of his little mind are 
 conformed to, and his words stand for wisdom among those 
 who speak like him. 
 
 Thus our human society has been largely formed after 
 the classification of a schoolhouse rather than like the 
 organism of a family. Test this by the population of the 
 city in which we live, by its rigid segregation of race and 
 station. Witness it in our commercial life, with the barons 
 of industry about the hotel table, while the sons of toil meet 
 in their dingy hall. Apply it to the professions, to the call¬ 
 ing of the ministry, and note how we classify men; and to 
 our churches, in which we often say: “Our church does not 
 have that class of people.” 
 
 It is true that this principle is not altogether bad. It 
 would not be bad at all if it were not carried too far. Our 
 
 4 
 
deep mutual sympathies uplift us in common and invigorate 
 the will and purpose. The trouble is that in proceeding along 
 the lines of these classifications we have depreciated the finer 
 graces of human life and have impaired its affections, so 
 that everywhere upon the face of its sympathy is written the 
 commercial title “limited.’^ 
 
 In it there is more of self-will than of pity, more of the 
 law of the survival of the fittest than of Jesus’ larger law 
 by which the strong are to sustain the weak. 
 
 Our tendency has gone all too far to find our equals and 
 to associate with them; the weak with the weak, the strong 
 with the strong, rich with rich, poor with poor, the cultured 
 with the cultured, the uncultured with the uncultured, the 
 wise together with the wise, and the ignorant with the 
 ignorant. 
 
 We not only do this, but with a still lower aim and motive 
 we like to talk with those who think as we do and who applaud 
 our knowledge. We read the books that meet our tastes 
 or justify our opinions and confirm our ideas and conceptions. 
 We go to hear, the preachers who echo our own notions and 
 the tenor of whose words is to confirm us in our self-satisfac¬ 
 tion. We resent those who stand over in contrast to us and 
 again and again we assume the' contemptuous attitude of 
 faithless Scribes, ‘'These people that know not the law which 
 I know are accursed.” 
 
 Thus we fall into a dwarfing egoism. We become, in 
 our self-satisfaction, very near to the classic man who talked 
 to himself, as he said, first because he liked to talk to a 
 sensible man, and second because he liked to hear a sensible 
 man talk. Our little narrow world reflects our little narrow 
 self, or at best the class in which we have been disposed. 
 
 We have thus destroyed the family idea of nature and 
 have substituted for it a well-ordered set of classes with the 
 poor dullards to keep misery company, while the brilliant 
 shine in their mutually reflected splendor and become, 
 unknown to themselves, a society for mutual admiration. 
 The result is that life has fallen largely into the order of the 
 
 5 
 
survival of the fittest; to him that hath is given, from him 
 that hath not is taken away; the weak become weaker and 
 the strong stronger. 
 
 The great commotion in the social order of our day 
 and generation is the effort to change this current which, in 
 national life, takes the form of a self-deceptive patriotism, 
 into the splendid order of democracy. In Europe, the main 
 division is by nations; in America, by classes. 
 
 Each of these nations is fighting, in others, the very sins 
 which it has itself committed. Each is fighting now a foe 
 without, because each failed to fight her foe within. The 
 seeds of this sin have been nurtured many years. 
 
 More than one nation had by newspaper and by its 
 literature, contemplated this holocaust, sometimes with 
 criminal levity. Each was unwilling it should come, but not 
 enough unwilling. Even now it is talked of by more than 
 one, with appalling complacency, as a more or less permanent 
 event. 
 
 All have, in varying degree, either talked or acted an 
 imperialism, and each has constantly increased the suspicions 
 of the other. Men of all these nations had helped it to come 
 by perpetually reminding themselves and the others that it 
 was “bound to come.” The national snobs were not of one 
 nation alone. And in the final judgment, while the guilt for 
 certain immediate acts may rest more heavily on one or two, 
 they will all admit their share of guilt, and on no other 
 assumption can we hope for justice at that judgment. And 
 one thing had been absolutely neglected by each and all, 
 although if anything stands out as the clear verdict of history, 
 it is that no nation was ever killed by guns and powder, but 
 that all who have gone down have died of injuries internal. 
 Our statesmen, some of them, are telling us that Europe’s 
 war is America’s warning; that we must get ready and that 
 our readiness must be very much like that of Europe’s nations; 
 that we must do the very things that they for thirty years 
 have done. They tell us that our chiefest need and our 
 most permanent defense and our lasting security is a battle- 
 
 6 
 
ship, which costs millions of dollars and takes years to build, 
 but which can be blown to the four winds with a little torpedo 
 that can be made in a day or two and costs a few dollars. 
 But I want to approach it from another viewpoint, and 
 put the warning in a different light. They say that we 
 must get more guns and ships and shells. I want to point 
 out a different kind of armament. They are dealing with 
 one set of forces. I will try to deal with another. And 
 one thing I admit, we must have either theirs or mine. Our 
 nation must have forces either material or moral, and the 
 only question is—which shall they be? It is either God or 
 mammon, for no nation can serve two masters. 
 
 The duty of the hour for us is to understand the deeper 
 meaning of the hour’s deeds, to discover how they may be 
 the means of ultimate regeneration, to seek how we may 
 build the new Jerusalem, the holy city, upon the ashes of the 
 old; and most of all to ask ourselves what should be our 
 own state of mind and condition of heart at this moment, 
 when the world has lost its way, and the civilization of 
 centuries seems to be under the very curse of God. Our first 
 duty is not to condemn the world, but to find out how it may 
 come again to life and have it more abundantly than before. 
 
 For let us forget it not, far above this, another battle 
 is being fought, one of whose armies may with right and 
 truth appeal to God. Let us rise out of this conflict into the 
 higher one, which is not against flesh and blood, but against 
 the spiritual hosts of wickedness within the heavenly places 
 of our own souls, the battle of eternal and ultimate realities 
 and ideals. 
 
 Our President’s call for prayer on the fourth of last 
 October is said to have made the deepest moral impression 
 in Europe of anything that has occurred during these past 
 weary months. Had he, however, contented himself with 
 upbraiding the nations of Europe, or had he reproached them 
 for their folly, it would probably have had the opposite effect. 
 Perhaps the moral power of his utterance was in that portion 
 in which he besought us to humble ourselves and confess our 
 
 7 
 
sins, for the great part to be played by the United States of 
 America in the near future would be impossible were we to 
 take a patronizing attitude toward our brethren across the 
 sea, or to express our satisfaction with ourselves. It will, 
 therefore, be wise and well, instead of lamenting the national 
 misdeeds of others, to make this the solemn occasion when 
 we turn our eyes inward and seek in an inviolable solitude of 
 our national personality to stand face to face with the divine 
 reality, and having judged our brothers, if we so must, pro¬ 
 ceed then to judge ourselves. 
 
 We read the utterances of Europe^s university professors, 
 and especially those of representative religious leaders, with 
 unspeakable sadness, because they are filled with bitterness 
 and scorn, with reproach and contempt for those who only 
 a few short weeks ago were their brethren beloved. It shocks 
 our moral sense and we lose, for the moment, our faith in 
 human nature. But we must not forget that these brethren 
 are not expressing themselves to us at this moment. We do 
 not see their real hearts. Their utterances must not be taken 
 at anywhere near their face value. They bespeak little more 
 than nerves overwrought and minds illusioned. And who 
 can tell; might not we ourselves be like them were our situa¬ 
 tion such as theirs? The best thing for us to do is to make 
 this primarily a day of national introspection. 
 
 The blame is universal. We have all assented to a so- 
 called balance of power, equipoised upon a sword, with bullets 
 in the scale for weights. We have all agreed to secret 
 alliances other than for reason and justice. We all share 
 the peril of the sword because we have taken the sword. The 
 differences are in degree and not in principle and kind. 
 
 It is becoming clear to us that with the piling up of 
 armaments which invite conflict, and in which we have shared 
 as well as others, the civilized world to-day has two alterna¬ 
 tives. It is either all war or no war at all. The Atlantic and 
 the Pacific have become very narrow, and we are by no means 
 immune from this alternative. 
 
 8 
 
The conflict in Europe was no mere accident. The 
 ultimate causes of her woe are selfish ambitions, material 
 competition, unfair advantages, suspicions, the doctrine that 
 might makes the only right, the confusion of moral with 
 physical power, the ruthless law of the survival of the fittest; 
 in all which the militarists have been ably supported by the 
 intellectuals and the aristocrats of the old world. It all goes 
 back into history; its causes are remote and ultimate. It 
 arises out of a false philosophy of human life, a false con¬ 
 ception of racial relationships, and a false view of human 
 progress. 
 
 Are we free from the danger of these ultimate causes? 
 Is our inward social order, which corresponds so largely to 
 that of Europe, as a whole permeated by an elevating 
 philosophy of human life? Have we yet solved, by moral 
 processes, the problem of racial relationships? Is our moral 
 progress altogether according to the preaching of Jesus and 
 the prophets? Are we, in our social life, seeking to save life 
 by losing it? Are we dominated by the higher law of the 
 survival of the fittest for the sake of the unfit? Do we throb 
 with the pulses of what Baroness von Suttner has so 
 beautifully called the international heart? 
 
 Even suppose we grant that, because of our newer and 
 fairer opportunity, we are approaching nearer to it than the 
 other nations; let us not forget that the nations of Europe 
 are suffering, not only because of their immediate sins, but 
 because of their past records. Admit, even that some one of 
 these nations is primarily at fault, how about the past con¬ 
 quests of the others? But let us pursue the historical method 
 further. How about our method of the past? All human 
 progress must be construed and interpreted in relative terms, 
 and with our larger opportunity, our more favored conditions, 
 if we were not infinitely better than the other nations we 
 should be infinitely worse. 
 
 The shadow at least of a world conflict is yet upon us. 
 It was only a little far back that we were on the verge of a 
 contest that might perhaps have become an Armageddon. 
 
 9 
 
Have we, as a nation, been free from responsibility for the 
 exploitation of the poor people of Mexico? Have we cause 
 to wonder because they do not trust us and have little con¬ 
 fidence in our good intentions? The peoples of the Far East 
 have had occasion to exercise great patience with us, and 
 they have been very forbearing. We have sent others to 
 them than our missionaries. Our present treatment of Japan 
 is irritating to her national sense of honor, and our inadequate 
 methods for the protection of the aliens who are in our midst, 
 and who have as much right in our midst as did our own 
 fathers, are things to give us pause and cause the native hue 
 of a self-glorying satisfaction to become sickbed o’er with 
 the pale cast of thought. 
 
 Are the militarists of America, at least relatively speak¬ 
 ing, very much better than any other militarists? Ask our 
 President to tell you of the war lobby at his office doors a 
 few short months ago clamoring for an attitude to Mexico 
 that might have wrought incalculable ruin. And would not 
 more than one of them, in the same environment, be readily 
 transformed into a Bernhardi, and are not some of our 
 intellectuals little better than a Treitschke or a Delb ruck? 
 
 Let us turn our eyes inward and deal with ourselves. 
 We have the sad story of that same militarism, only in another 
 form, in Colorado, whose violation of law and order bears 
 sad resemblance to the breaking of international law and order 
 across the sea and which is due to the same inherent cause. 
 
 We are by no means free from a false and boasting 
 patriotism. Our people have by no means caught the splendid 
 spirit of Mazzini’s eighteenth century appeal from the “rights 
 of man” to the “duties of humanity.” What would our 
 people do were the occasions great? God only knows. 
 
 But, above all, witness the resemblance of our internal 
 class consciousness and conceit and contrast it, if it can be 
 really contrasted, with the setting over against each other of 
 race and nation across the Atlantic. Does ours not bear sad 
 witness to the philosophy of a Friedrich Nietzsche? 
 
 Our hearts sink at the failure of one great philosopher 
 
 lO 
 
and teacher of the old world to apply the splendid idealism 
 which he has set before us on the printed page and because 
 he now tells us that the relations between races can only be 
 adjusted by conflict and subjugation, which is another way of 
 telling us that his own idealism was a foolish dream. But 
 have we not any scholars who under the same stress and 
 strain would go astray and would readily limit their idealism 
 within national bounds? 
 
 We are amazed at the recklessness and the mad pre¬ 
 sumption witnessed in the violation of neutral protection, and 
 yet one of our own states is at this moment in danger of 
 seeking the same narrow, false self-interest so that our 
 Federal government, as our Secretary of State regretfully 
 admits, is powerless to insure the inviolability of its own 
 sacred treaties, and that state and its people say they will 
 not wait, because the issue is self-preservation. 
 
 Our saddest thought has been that Christians should be 
 at war, and that they should support so false a patriotism. 
 Is not this animated by the same individual experiences as 
 those of our own Christians selfishly living within their own 
 class limits, expressing their own class consciousness, giving 
 vent, if not to class hatred, at least to class contempt ? Have 
 our Christians in the United States of America ever witnessed 
 clearly Peter's vision that God is no respecter of persons? It 
 is sad indeed to witness in Europe race antagonism and race 
 contempt crushing out Christian sympathy and love, but have 
 we within our borders a brotherhood and sisterhood which 
 constitutes a divine democracy? I think it was a German 
 philosopher who once uttered the beautiful thought that 
 religion was reverence for inferior beings. Have we attained 
 that height of thought in our estimate of other states and 
 races ? 
 
 We clearly recognize that no peace can come to Europe 
 unless it be the peace that comes from justice, but yet within 
 our own land thousands upon thousands of our people live in 
 a continuously armed truce and we have here a social and 
 industrial order still awaiting the peace of justice. 
 
Just as the mills and factories of Europe are turning 
 out weapons of hatred and destruction, so our mills are 
 manufacturing hatred in human hearts and our mines hide 
 deep in the earth, an injustice which is being transformed 
 into ill-suppressed violence. What I am trying to remind 
 myself is this—that the same malevolent forces, the same 
 ultimate causes, the same specious philosophies, the same 
 insane expedients are at work with us as those which on a 
 larger scale are wrecking Europe. 
 
 Perhaps the chief of all causes of every kind of warfare 
 is the desire for mastery, the lust for domination. We have 
 that same thing except that it exists between classes instead 
 of between nations. Across the sea there has been for many 
 years a process of unification of nations with its intensification 
 of prejudice which have now set nation over against nation 
 in deadly array. We have the same phenomenon between 
 classes in our midst, and the bombs beneath the seats of our 
 judges are premonitions of a greater danger to us than any 
 that may await us from without. 
 
 Another cause of the world conflict is the rise of sub¬ 
 merged peoples, and we have here submerged peoples by 
 thousands struggling for air and light and freedom of oppor¬ 
 tunity. If you think this is not so, read a few of the papers 
 and magazines published by our organizations of labor, not 
 to mention some others, and then read the magazines published 
 by our industrial manufacturers. 
 
 We have the sad spectacle of the nations of Europe call¬ 
 ing upon their tribal gods, each nation trying to think of 
 itself in relation to its god. We are not far from that same 
 individualistic class creation of deities. Great masses of our 
 people are looking for their uplifting toward a revolution, 
 and it is largely caused by the way in which our rich flaunt 
 their riches in the face of the poor and emphasize the wide 
 gulf between Dives at his table and Lazarus at the gate. 
 
 The real prophets in Europe have been for many years 
 warning the nations of their mad materialism. We have the 
 same insidious foe of social progress among us, and it exists 
 
 12 
 
not only in high places but also among the lowly, for to 
 worship the Mammon that other men possess is no better than 
 to worship that which we possess ourselves. 
 
 The conflicting, or seemingly conflicting interests over 
 there have engendered and nurtured these hatreds. We have 
 the same supposititious conflict intensifying the same hatreds. 
 Read, if you will, the recent address of the president of the 
 National Manufacturers' Association, or the report just from 
 the press of the president of the great mining company, and 
 then read with them, at the same time, the record of the same 
 events by those who are arrayed in conflict against them. 
 Remember that these are not isolated instances, that these 
 men are the mouthpieces of great classes and masses of man¬ 
 kind upon whose mutual relations our national life depends. 
 
 The over-sea pronouncements about nations crushing each 
 other sound very much as though they might have been made 
 at a dinner of a great association of manufacturers held 
 recently, or at a gathering in some .dingy hall of their open 
 foes in the world of industry. 
 
 We have built up deliberate and powerful organizations, 
 legitimate when limited to the purposes for which they 
 primarily exist, but in fact devoted to the destruction of other 
 movements and bodies of men, equally to be sanctioned in 
 their original intent, upon a class basis, and a class hatred 
 as clear cut as the shameful breach between the striving 
 nations; and then as the issue of this, other great bodies of 
 men and women, so frantic in their sense of despair that 
 they become industrial premillennialists and are agreed that 
 the whole social structure must be destroyed by dynamite 
 and arson. 
 
 These warring classes are as ignorant of each other and 
 each other's inmost thought as any nations divided by a great 
 wall of China. 
 
 It is said that one nation over there is attempting to 
 convey its culture by force, but these utterances, whether or 
 not they represent that nation, do not sound unlike some of 
 those giving expression to our superimposed philanthropy 
 
 13 
 
as a substitute for human freedom and divine justice. It is 
 said that one of these nations proclaims itself as the divine 
 custodian of God’s blessings for the world, and this sounds 
 very much like the familiar phrases of some of our leaders 
 of industry who go farther than to talk about what they 
 call their own business and talk about a benevolent, pater¬ 
 nalistic feudalism which denies the democracy of the Hebrew 
 prophet and the Christian Messiah; and I suppose if any of 
 the preachers in Europe had interposed they would have been 
 told to keep close to their own business of preaching the 
 Gospel. Just as the militarists of Europe declare the pacifists 
 to be mild but dangerous fanatics, so again and again before 
 our face our prophets of God’s new social order are put to 
 shame. 
 
 It seems to me that the same principalities, the same 
 powers, the same rulers of the darkness of this world are 
 at work in one continent as in the other, in one between its 
 nations, in the other between its classes. 
 
 The poor people of Europe have been betrayed, both by 
 their lords and by their own social leaders just as, under the 
 same haggard philosophy, our working men, misguided by 
 feudal protectors, or by their own false leaders, are often, 
 like Jesus, crucified between two thieves. And I am not sure 
 but what the waste and want by war is under the same 
 specious philosophy as the waste of strike and lock-out which 
 are now almost daily occurrences with us. And we have the 
 discouraging attempt of aspiring but misguided creatures, 
 seeking to destroy the social plague by burning down their 
 own houses, because we have not shown them any better way 
 of doing. 
 
 It is clear to men of vision that the old international order 
 of Europe is absolutely broken down, and that a new order 
 must take its place, but this is no clearer than that the 
 governing powers of our internal social life have failed 
 and that a new order must surely be brought about either 
 by the transforming power of a great gospel or else must 
 rise from out the ashes of the old. 
 
 14 
 
And the new order must come, both here and there, by 
 the same great spiritual transformation, the appeal of a higher 
 imaginative pity, the conservation of human heritages, the 
 unwillingness that even one of these little ones should perish 
 and above all by diverting all that is high and holy in the 
 fighting spirit of man by setting before the eyes of men the 
 great moral equivalents of war, so that mankind’s scarlet 
 sins themselves may be as white as snow and their now 
 crimson conflicts shall be as white as wool, as they shall, 
 instead of fighting each other, fight for each other, the moral 
 battles of our humanity against disease, injustice, inhumanity, 
 and every subtle foe of our common human progress. For 
 we have not yet even tested, except in a very timid way, what 
 this newer humanitarianism may do to bring forth heroism, 
 courage and endurance, and the very wrath of man may yet 
 be made by God to praise him; for even now, down in their 
 hearts, as Ruskin declared, men worship the soldier, not 
 because he goes forth to slay, but to be slain. 
 
 We wonder at the powerlessness of the Christian institu¬ 
 tions of Europe, with the helpless Pope and the Protestant 
 church caught up in the maelstrom of a false patriotism, and 
 yet within these past few months, in Colorado and in 
 Michigan, in the cities of Lawrence and Paterson, we have 
 had witness of the same helpless church and synagogue. Just 
 as the church in Europe is futile because it is bound to the 
 state which determines its social institutions, so the church in 
 the United States is fettered to a false and passing social 
 status. As the church in Europe is divided by its racial 
 hatreds, so the church in the United States has as yet failed 
 to demonstrate the reality of any racial brotherhood. As the 
 church in Europe is divided among itself, so in our own land, 
 with our disintegrated religious forces, problems of social 
 justice have been looking to us with beseeching voice, and 
 we have found ourselves obliged to face them, or worse still, 
 to shun them with shame upon our faces and with a bewildered 
 consciousness, our spiritual authority not equal to our human 
 sympathy, because it is so sadly divided. 
 
 15 
 
Remember that I am given the restricted task of pre¬ 
 senting only one side of the picture. Thank God there are 
 great forces for social righteousness; we have the beginnings 
 of a great revival of the church and of religion in new and 
 splendid terms, and the church will dare, so I profoundly 
 believe, to appear as a leader and to express her spiritual 
 authority in our midst. 
 
 But let us not fail to remember that we are to reckon 
 with the same demoniac forces as those which have ruined 
 Europe. Let us profit by the sad example and learn as a 
 nation not to ask God to be on our side, but to pray with 
 Lincoln that we may be found upon the side of God. Let us 
 not forget that we as a nation must purge ourselves in order 
 that we may be ready to take the great part to which God 
 and our age are about to call us. Our age and generation call 
 for a solemn, searching, fearless utterance of solemn, search¬ 
 ing, and fearful truths. 
 
 The prophet is to proclaim the full fatherhood of God, 
 a God who rules His household with the unwavering hand 
 of justice and with a heart of love. Thus the invocation of 
 the Heavens for divine justice and the cry of an Infinite 
 affection meet and mingle with every human cry that rises 
 upward for human justice or of human suffering. A true 
 father will not let his children hurt each other either by malice 
 or neglect, and he does not love the strong child better than 
 he does the weak. 
 
 We need a deeper and more tormenting sense of sin, a 
 profounder consciousness of the eternal truth, that a sin, 
 whether of indifference or intent, against our brother or our 
 sister is an offense against an outraged and righteously 
 indignant God, that social morals and personal religion are 
 one and inseparable, now and forever, that God is not a 
 seller of indulgences at any price. 
 
 The third article of our message is the absolute certitude 
 of judgment. Shall not God avenge those whose cries come 
 up to Him, day and night? Yea, speedily He will avenge 
 them. 
 
 i6 
 
The final message is redemption, the redemption of the 
 individual in the world, and through Him of the world itself, 
 and there is no redemption of either without the redemption 
 of the other. 
 
 The Gospel is emasculated, the pulpit is superfluous, the 
 church of the living God goes out of existence, when the 
 truths of the Gospel, the vocabulary of the preacher, and the 
 constitution of the church no longer contain the words God, 
 Sin, Judgment and Redemption, and they are gigantic and 
 capacious words, belonging to a vocabulary that can interpret 
 the whole universe of right and wrong, both individual and 
 social. They are applicable to every problem in God's world. 
 The greatest prophet of the Old Testament, without one 
 hesitating utterance or deviating line, declared that the pro¬ 
 tection and peace of Israel, in her international relations, 
 were to be secured only when within her own borders 
 oppression ceased and justice found its way to the abode of 
 her children, and not until then could the sword be beaten 
 into the ploughshare. 
 
 Oh, if the nations of Europe had only thought less about 
 their foes without and more about their foes within. We 
 blame them because they are not democratic either in form 
 or in fact, but perhaps there is still greater danger to the 
 nation that has the form without the fact; that raises hopes 
 before its people which it does not enable them to realize, 
 and ideals before the world, which it sadly fails to demonstrate 
 within itself. 
 
 Perhaps it is worse, if with our confessions and our 
 creeds of national brotherhood, denying class and repudiating 
 distinctions of race and color and previous condition, declaring 
 that there be no potentate and no serf, disclaiming rank 
 and title, we content ourselves with form without the living 
 fact. Ours is as yet a bewildered and confused democracy. 
 
 The nations are still suspicious of us. Japan has an 
 attitude of watchful waiting as to whether or not we are a 
 just people. China has her alternate hope and doubt, and is 
 mercurial in her temper toward us. The little nations to the 
 
 17 
 
south are not quite sure of us, and the most hopeful sign of 
 this day and generation was that three of them did try us 
 once and did not find us wanting. 
 
 We need to arm ourselves against them ; yes, but we 
 shall do it best by disarming them of their doubts and their 
 lingering suspicions. Confidence, as every man of business 
 will tell us in the relations of our trade and commerce, is the 
 only ultimate security of the relations between nations. The 
 unselfish return of China’s indemnity was worth at least one 
 battleship to this nation. 
 
 Justice is our noblest armor, but our only pledge for the 
 nations of our justice to them is that of our internal justice 
 between our own peoples. 
 
 The new patriotism will begin to transform the world 
 when one nation makes her own people see that to love one 
 people truly is to love all peoples, and that the loss of a 
 nation’s honor is infinitely worse than the loss of land, and 
 that her service to other nations is the measure of her 
 greatness. 
 
 Mexico is really waiting to see if we shall disclaim and 
 repudiate, and perhaps bring her exploiters to the mind of 
 Zaccheus, and whether we shall send into her midst the 
 messengers of light. And now the eyes of the whole world 
 are on us. It does not yet know whether our democracy is 
 real or specious, and whether the whited sepulchres without 
 are inwardly filled with dead men’s bones. The eyes of God 
 are on us. At this moment the vineyard is in our possession 
 and it is ours to say whether or not, in us, the parable shall 
 be fulfilled. But if our own house only can be set in order, 
 we shall, under the hand of God, become the world’s messiah. 
 By self-discipline alone is moral domination won and the 
 surest way to protect ourselves without is to purify ourselves 
 within. And the Hebrew Scriptures had a word for the 
 saving remnant, the Servant of Jehovah, who were to save 
 Israel and through whom Israel was to save the world, and 
 it was a word which implied humility and meekness. 
 
 The world has not yet fully tested the power of emula- 
 
 i8 
 
tion, and when it has, it has been the emulation of armaments 
 and battleships, the creative powers of death rather than of 
 life. It has been tried a little. Japan has shown at least the 
 possibilities of the response of a nation to examples of moral 
 as well as economic progress. 
 
 And now, when all else has broken down and the dark¬ 
 ness about them is so dense that the light cannot be mistaken, 
 let the nations see in us a national greatness that rests on the 
 power of our ideals, whose domination is that of moral power, 
 which can weld together divergent powers and peoples in her 
 midst by mutual interest and affection, whose people have 
 equal rights and justice because the strong help the weak, 
 whose patriotism is that of duty and service rather than of 
 rights and privilege, a nation that will rather suffer wrong 
 than do a wrong, and they will see the power of moral con¬ 
 quest, then shall they see that they have '‘spent their strength 
 for nought and vanity,^’ that they have been “sold for nought,^' 
 but may be “redeemed without money.’’ 
 
 Thus shall the Lord “make bare his holy arm in the eyes 
 of all the nations and all the ends of the earth shall see the 
 salvation of our God.” Thus shall we enlarge, stretching 
 forth the curtains of our habitations, lengthen our cords and 
 strengthen our stakes, spread abroad on the right hand and 
 on the left, our seed shall possess the nations and make the 
 desolate cities to be inhabited. The nations shall come to 
 our light and kings to the brightness of our rising. 
 
 During these latter days I have been accused of holding 
 a flimsy faltering patriotism and have received some letters 
 full of satire and of scorn. But is it so, is the patriot who 
 wants to love his country because she is the protector of the 
 weak as well as the possessor of her own strength, a home for 
 the oppressed, guardian of the others’ liberties, as well as 
 the protector of her own, is he a weakling or a traitor? 
 
 And so 
 
 “The tumult and the shouting dies. 
 
 The captains and the kings depart; 
 
 Still stands thine ancient sacrifice; 
 
 An humble and a contrite heart.” 
 
 19 
 
But 
 
 "If drunk with sight of power, we loose 
 Wild tongues that have not Thee in awe; 
 
 Such boasting as the Gentiles use, 
 
 Or lesser breeds without the Law; 
 
 Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet. 
 
 Lest we forget—^lest we forget.” 
 
 Thus may we fulfill the prophecy of the Quaker poet: 
 
 "Thy great world-lesson all shall learn, 
 
 The nations in thy school shall sit. 
 
 Earth’s farthest mountain tops shall burn 
 With watch-fires from thy own uplit.” 
 
 Dear friends, let us think well of all our misguided 
 brethren over the sea, led as lambs to the slaughter, for even 
 though we may deem them stricken; smitten and afflicted of 
 God, let us not forget—that they bear our griefs and carry 
 our sorrows, that they are wounded for our transgressions, 
 are bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement of our peace 
 is upon them; and that by their stripes we may be healed. 
 
 The Church Peace Union 
 
 {Founded by Andrew Carnegie) 
 
 TRUSTEES 
 
 Rev. Peter Ainslie, D.D., LL.D., Baltimore, Md. 
 
 Rev. Arthur Judson Brown, D.D., LL.D., New York. 
 
 Rev. Francis E. Clark, D.D., LL.D., Boston, Mass. 
 President W. H. P. Faunce, D.D., LL.D., Providence, R. I. 
 His Eminence, James Cardinal Gibbons, Baltimore, Md. 
 
 Rt. Rev. David H. Greer, D.D., LL.D., New York. 
 
 Rev. Frank O. Hall, D.D., New York 
 
 Bishop E. R. Hendrix, D.D., Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch, LL.D., Chicago, Ill. 
 
 Hamilton Holt. 
 
 Professor William I. Hull, Ph.D., Swarthmore, Pa. 
 
 Rev. Charles E. Jefferson, D.D., LL.D., New York. 
 
 Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones, LL.D., Chicago, Ill. 
 
 Rt. Rev. William Lawrence, D.D., Boston, Mass. 
 
 Rev. Frederick Lynch, D.D., New York. 
 
 Rev. Charles S. Macfarland, Ph.D., New York 
 Marcus M. Marks, New York 
 
 Dean Shailer Mathews, D.D., LL.D., Chicago, Ill. 
 
 Edwin D. Mead, M.A., Boston, Mass. 
 
 Rev. William Pierson Merrill, D.D., LL.D., New York. 
 John R. Mott, LL.D., New York. 
 
 George A. Plimpton, LL.D., New York. 
 
 Rev. Julius B. Remensnyder, D.D., LL.D., New York. 
 Judge Henry Wade Rogers, LL.D., New York. 
 
 Robert E. Speer, D.D., New York. 
 
 Francis Lynde Stetson, New York. 
 
 James J. Walsh, M.D., New York. 
 
 Bishop Luther B. Wilson, D.D., LL.D., New York.