HX00014125 j.-^^;::|£g^:; |%r-'5ir-.pjv-C;^ii-*fr?"ir^j:"^f^' :h^-^^^ '':i:J«ii?cSf^?P^;i ^ Columbia ®nibersiitp\'^o'^ mtf)eCitpofi^etD|9orfe COLLEGE OF PHYSICLA.NS AND SURGEONS Reference Library Given by AIE, FOOD AND EXEHCISES. AIR, FOOD AND EXERCISES AN ESSAY ON THE PEBDISPOSING CAUSES OF DISEASE. BY A. RABAGLIATI, M.A., M.D., F.E.C.S., Edin., HONORARY GYNECOLOGIST, AND LATE SENIOR HONORARY SURGEON, BRADFORD ROYAL INFIRMARY ; CONSULTING SURGEON TO BINGLEY HOSPITAL, TO BRADFORD CHILDREN'S HOSPITAL, AND TO THE BRADFORD HOME FOR CANCER AND INCURABLES. THIRD EDITION, GEBATLY ENLAEGED AND ALMOST ENTIRELY EB-WEITTEN. NEW TOEK: WILLIAM WOOD AND COMPANY MGMIV. Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive in 2010 witii funding from Open Knowledge Commons http://www.archive.org/details/airfoodexercisesOOraba PREFACE. T HOPE that the chief proposition of this essay has been made so plain that I need say but httle in the way of preface. A critic of the first edition said that it was written for the public, as distinguished from the medical profession. I thought I detected a certain (or uncertain) air of reproach in his tone, as if he meant distantly to insinuate a suggestion of unprofessionalism in the behaviour of a doctor who should write for the public. As a fact, the first edition was written, so far as I know, for the medical profession. It appeared as a series of articles in the Scalpel, a journal read only by the medical profession. No doubt after its separate publication, the public read the essay eagerly, the first edition being exhausted before a single medical criticism had appeared. The second edition was as rapidly cleared out ; and no doubt another edition or two might have been disposed of. But I was not quite satisfied to go on with the work in the form which it had in 1896. In the original preface I had suggested that I might amplify my observations if the essay was received favourably. But in the intermediate vi. PREFACE, period between the publication of the second edition and any new one, I thought I ought to appeal to the medical profession directly and solely, before appealing to the public in a matter in which both the profession and the public are most deeply interested, and which seems to me indeed to be of the most vital importance to both. Accordingly I wrote in 1901 a book entitled "Aphorisms, Definitions, Reflections and Paradoxes : Medical, Surgical, and Dietetic." This being sent to various medical journals, elicited a few reviews, some depreciatory, and some highly laudatory ; but on the whole the book fell flat, some critics even hinting that the language was too technical, a rather curious criticism of a book addressed and dedicated to a learned profession. This being so, I had to consider what I should do. It is rather a fine point to say what a medical man ought to do when he is not attached to a medical school, and yet feels that he has something very important to say on professional subjects. The direct appeal that I made to the medical profession fell on deaf ears. A few private letters of a more or less appreciative kind did not seem to me a sufficient answer to the question I addressed to my colleagues — How is it that when we know as physiologists that there is twice or thrice as much lymph in the body as there is of blood, no use whatever is made of this fact in medical practice ? This overplus of lymph collected in the connective tissue of the body appears to me to be the basis on which the PBEFACE. vii. great mass of disease is built. It appears to me to be of the very utmost consequence as regards the causation, the treatment, and the prevention of disease. And my colleagues having as a body ignored the question (although a few of them seem to have been greatly and effectively interested in it) I have felt myself compelled, in view of the shortness of life and of the probability that I cannot in the nature of things expect to have many more opportunities of addressing either my colleagues or the public, to appeal at once to as wide an audience as I can. This book is, then, written frankly for the public, in the hope that its perusal may simplify and clarify their ideas upon the subject of disease, and that, by having their attention directed to its chief cause, as I conceive it, they may be enabled to considerably increase the length of efficient and healthy life, as also to obtain some amount of relief from the calamities which, in spite of all the advances of medicine and surgery, they still are called upon to endure. A. K Bbadfoed, December, 1903. TABLE OF CONTENTS. "^AGE 1 : Inteodugtion. Meaning of the word Medicine. *-» Prevention of Disease. Cure. Prevention implies know- ledge of causes ; cure not. P. 2 : Treatment implies three things usually — rest, medicine, alteration of food. P. 3 : Prevention at present applied only to fevers, but applicable to all diseases. Do fevers depend on wrong feeding or bad air ? Opinion of Moses. Means for prevention dependent on the opinions we hold. P. 4 : Is feeding or respiration the more important physiologically ? P. 6 : Medicine a difficult pursuit ; proved by differences in view among experts. Pp. 7-9 : As in other departments of knowledge, better medical theories will replace worse ones. P. 9 : When medical experts differ, reason and judgment must decide. But other experts differ from their colleagues as much or more than doctors. P. 10 : A difficulty in medicine is caused by the large number of diBcases with which she has to deal. P. 11 : Why one part is affected rather than another. Least resistance. Pp. 12, 13 : Scientific explanations unsatisfactory, and often may involve circular reasoning. Medicine deals with states of the organism ; another reason for her obscurity. P. 14 : Order and light in medicine to be obtained by study of circulation of blood and lymph. P. 15 : Eegions of science in which medicine has advanced. Difficulty from the personal equation. P. 16 : Difficulty from unwillingness of men to exercise self-restraint. P. 17 : And from fear on the part of doctors to say unpleasant things. Pp. 18-20 : Can we define health ? Attempts at definition. Pages 21-52 : Chaptee I., Present State and Past Progress. of Medicine. Pp. 21-3 : Too much surgery ; unscientific and X. TABLE OF CONTENTS. iiaphysiological and arrogant mental attitude of some surgeons. Removal of the appendix vermiformis. P. 23 : Must attend to causes if we wish to prevent, e.g., return of tumours after removal. P. 24 : Causes of simple tumour and of cancer the same. P. 25 : Surgery, though more successful than formerly, has done very little to lengthen general duration of life. Medicine (including hygiene') has done much more. Pp. 26-8 : Gains to life effected by medicine. Pp. 28-31 : Special gains in reduction of fever and consumption. Pp. 32-6 : Analysis of gains in duration of life, effected chiefly by attention to air supply. P. 37 : In writer's opinion, effects of food greater than effects of air. Pp. 37-41 : Contributory causes of gains by medicine. Diminution of the birth-rate. Going on in all European countries, and probably also in America. How it -acts. Pp. 42-4 : Analysis of effects of low birth-rate. Facts relating thereto. Differences between birth-rates in towns quite near to one another. P. 44 : Low birth-rate lowers death-rate. P. 45 : Great mortality among infants and children. Opinions of medical officers of health as to causes of this. Wrong feeding a potent cause. P. 47 : How a low birth-rate lowers the death-rate. A low birth-rate also lowers fever mortality. How. P. 48 : Mortality of infants under one year old has not improved in recent years. P. 49 : If children survive five years of age, why should they not live to old age ? P. 50 : Deaths from accident not more numerous than they were. Pp. 51-2: Summary of gains; fevers and consumption have been reduced about a half ; and a consider- able increase has been made to life, particularly, however, at the two extremes of infancy and old age. Pages 53-68 : Chapter II., Principal Causes of Mortality. P. 53 : Bronchitis the commonest cause of death. Pneumonia the next commonest. Proportional numbers. P. 54 : Causes of. Attributed to cold. General effect of alimentation. Heat as a cause of disease. Predisposition to disease ; what it means. Pp. 55-7 : Predisposition to disease greatly alterable, •especially by dietetic measures. P. 57 : Proportional number TABLE OF CONTENTS. xi. of Phthisis and tubercular diseases. P. 58 : Diseases of circulation, including apoplexy. "Old age" as a cause of mortality. P. 59 : Cancer as a cause. Cancer a disease of over feeding. P. 61 : Mortality from diarrhoea and dysentery ; essentially diseases of wrong feeding. Convulsions ; alse due to wrong feeding. Pp. 62-4 : Influenza and the zymotic diseases ; facts regarding ; mortality from ; causes. Pp. 64-5 : Mortality from digestive diseases; probably stated much too low. Pp. 65-7 : Diseases of the nervous system. Dr. Dewey on physiology of nervous system in fasting. P. 68 ; Suggestion that all these diseases may be in great part caused by wrong alimentation. Pages 69-81 : Chapteb III. , Causes of Mortality betweeii Five and Sixty-five Years. P. 69 : From 32 to 40 per cent, of all mortality under five years of age. P. 70 : Opinion of medical officers of health that much of this mortality is due to improper feeding ; and the probability that this cause also acts at later ages. Pp. 70-1 : From 22 to 24 per cent, of all mortality over 65 years of age. Therefore about 40 per cent, of the total mortality occurs between five and 65 years of age, or the active ages of life. Pp. 71-2 : Tuberculosis and cancer the most potent causes of death at these ages. Eheumatism and gout important indirect causes of death. P. 72 : Diseases of circulation with apoplexy the next most numerous cause of death. Nextly, diseases of respiration. P. 73 : Fourthly, deaths from old age. But "old age" before 60 or 65 a misnomer. Fifthly, zymotic diseases. P. 74 ; Sixthly and seventhly, diseases of digestion and nervous diseases. Dietetic diseases, in Eegistrar- General's terminology, a trifling cause of death. But it includes alcoholism, which is evidently stated much too low, deaths from alcohol being frequently set down to diseases of the various organs which alcohol has affected. P. 75 : But alcoholism, though an important cause of death, is not nearly so important as wrong feeding. Teetotallers well-meaning, but wrong in attributing many diseases to alcoholism which are not due to it, but frequently occur among xii. TABLE OF CONTENTS. teetotallers. P. 76 : "What the teetotallers have proved. P. 77 : Constipation far oftener caused by bad food habits than by alcohol. Pp. 77-8 : Modus operandi in which this cause acts. Hov? to cure constipation. P. 78 : Skin diseases frequently caused by wrong food habits. P. 79 : Many teetotallers die too early from taking too many meals. Pp. 80-1 : Account of two brothers, one a teetotaller and the other a drunkard, who yet lived the longer of the two. Pages 82-125: Chapter IV., The Causes of Disease. Three : The Proximate (swelling and shrinking), the Exciting, and the Predisposing Causes. Pp. 82-83 : Organised bodies occupy always probably about the same amount of space, this being probably due to the large quantity of water they contain. P. 84 : The proximate causes are not so much causes as states. Swelling and shrinking always precede and follow one another ; yet do not cause one another. Difference between causation and invariable succession. P. 85 : Con- traction of longitudinal elements causes contraction of transverse and vice versa. P. 86 : This causes the confusion of supposing that contraction causes dilatation, and dilatation, contraction, and has led to opposition in the practice of doctors. P. 87 : The exciting causes. P. 88 : Difficult to separate the exciting from the predisp'^sing causes. Attempt to do so by the writer. P. 88 : Predisposing causes are mostly the relations of the body to air, food, exercises, heredity, and anxiety. Influence of heredity in disease greatly exaggerated. Organisation generally inherited ; disease rarely. The relations of the body to food far the most important predisposing cause of disease. This the main thesis of present essay. Pp. 88-9 : Analysis of this thesis. Ancient divisions of treatment of disease. P. 90 : How greatly improper food habits pre- ponderate over other causes of disease. Pp. 91-100 : Discussion of terms acute, chronic, long, short, sub-acute, and mild, as applied to diseases. Acute and chronic are not logical opposites. Acute the opposite of mild, not of chronic. Pp. 92-3 : Retrograde proposal of Asclepiades of Prusa. TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii. Position and views of Hippocrates. P. 93 : Definition of chronic. P. 94 : Eemittent and intermittent. Pp. 95-6 : Cause of intermission and alternation in disease connected with the manner of the earth's rotation and behaviour to the sun. P. 97 : Life may behave differently on other planets behaving differently to the sun. Pp. 97-100 : Definitions of short diseases, of rather short, of very short, acute, per-acute, sub-acute. P. 98 : Possible anticipation of germ theory of disease by Asclepiades of Prusa. Pp. 99-100 : Views of Hippocrates. P. 101 : Evidence to be adduced for view that wrong feeding is the chief cause of disease : threefold, (1) Disease best treated by alteration of diet ; (2) Health endures so long (chiefly) as proper feeding resorted to ; and (3) Return to wrong feeding re-induces disease. P. 102 : Even the fevers offer no exception to this statement, but more difficult to prove the thesis, because fevers usually occur but once in hfe. Definition of fever and inflammation, and, p. 103 : Specific inflammation. Simple inflammations may in the future be shewn to be associated with growth of micro-organisms in blood and tissues. P. 104 : Why so difficult to prove that recurrence to wrong food habits re-induces fever. But influenza, though a fever, frequently recurs. Pp. 104-5 : Cure and prevention of colds, and recurring influenza in a man 38 years of age. Pp. 106-7 : Cure and prevention of recurring colds, and malaria lasting 30 years, by alteration in diet. Failure of quinine to cure malaria. P. 108 : Law of constant causes inducing periodic or intermittent effects. Pp. 109-10 : Purther remarks on the case shewing that wrong feeding was the chief cause of the illness, which was nevertheless attributed to residence in the tropical climate. P. 110 : Although the same fever does not generally recur, another one not infi-equently occurs from the same predisposing causes. Pp. 111-3 : Incidence and causation of fevers. Fevers have increased slightly La last ten years in spite of "sanitation." Total reduction ia fifty years only 50 per cent. Influenza has come to stay, at least for a time. We infer, therefore, that a main iiv- TABLE OF CONTENTS. part of the causation of fevers has been overlooked, and suggest that it is improper food habits, and in particular too many meals. P. 114 : Even paupers in workhouses are fed too often. Changes of doubtful health value made in the fare of the men of the Eoyal Navy. P. 115: Experience of soldiers in Boer War, eating (practically) once a day. De Quincey's statement about Eoman soldiers. Food customs of imperial Eome in second century: Celsus on. Pp. 116-7: Alterations in food customs according to Athenaeus, increase from one or two to four or five meals. Recommendation of no breakfast plan 2350 years ago. Pp. 117-20: Spread of luxury foreruns decay. Comparison between imperial Rome and modern London. Pp. 120-5 : Fevers alleged to be due to famine. Often occasioTied no doubt by famine, but really caused by previous over-feeding. Famine ought to cause simple attenuation without fever. When crops fail in famine, however, they are both short and bad. Diseased potato and diseased rice cause respectively famine fever and plague. P. 123 : Comparison between alcoholic and over-fed person. Pp. 124-5 : Fevers, falling chiefly on young lives which do not take alcohol, are not generally caused by alcohol, although in more advanced hfe they sometimes are. Pages 126-76 : Chapteb V., The Circulation of the Blood and of the Lymph. P. 126: Less change than is generally supposed has been introduced into medical practice by the discovery of the circulation of the blood. The circulation of the lymph has hardly been made use of at all. P. 127 : Ancients thought arteries contained air. The wind pipe they called arteria aspera. It divides like an artery. The best ancient physicians had a good general grasp of the subject of medicine. Pp. 128-9: Local diseases are mostly local expressions of general states, and are therefore generally best treated by treating the whole organism. P. 130 : If this is not done, other and worse diseases may follow. Pp. 130-1 : Ancient physicians felt the pulse, although they did not understand the circulation of the blood. Pp. 131-3 : Views TABLE OF CONTENTS. xv. of the medi£eval philosophers on this subject. MultipHcation of spirits. Pp. 133-6 : Different views of the relations between structure and function. The assumption by modern science that structure determines function by no means proved. Pp. 136-8 : Effects of the state of the blood on the state of parts of the body. Affection of two organs may be accounted for by the state of the blood, which is common to both, as well as by the influence of one organ on another. The influence of this view on the position of specialists. P. 139 : Influence of the discovery of the circulation of the blood on blood-letting. But blood-letting was given up for reasons independent of the discovery. Pp. 140-2 : Three great facts known to the ancient physicians, hundreds of years before modern science had been evolved. P. 142 : Analogy between study of a machine and of human organism. If we under- stand the machine it is unimportant where we commence to study it; but more convenient to do so in some ways than others. P. 141 •- The most convenient way to study the human machine is to begin with the digestive processes, because these make the blood. Mastication and insalivation. Pp. 144-5 : Four or five divisions of food stuffs suggested by Liebig. P. 145 : Insalivation converts starch into glucose or grape sugar. Pp. 146-7 : Function of gastric juice or gastric acid to digest nitrogenous foods. Why we should not eat to satiety. Futility of taking half an hour's rest after food. If three or four hours' rest is required, we have eaten too much. Why we should eat slowly. P. 148 : Chymification. P. 149-51 : Action of pancreatic and biliary secretions. Lacteals and thoracic duct. Effects of respiration when digestion is healthy and when it is unhealthy. Connection of respiratory diseases with digestion. Pp. 151-3: Connection between unhealthy digestion and the occurrence of local diseases. Pp. 153-5 : Portal circulation and importance of the liver in the digestive processes. The liver the largest digestive viscus. In the rabbit it contains 30 per cent, of the blood. Liver has a very free blood supply, and differs very much in its weight xvi. TABLE OF CONTENTS. and size at some times from what it does at others. P. 155-62: Facts regarding the distribution of blood in the body of a rabbit and (perhaps) also of man. About 30 per cent, of blood in muscles. Significance of this. Much blood required for muscular work, and therefore much food. Only about 22 per cent, of blood in the organs of the circulation and respiration (heart, blood-vessels, and lungs) together. Therefore less in these than in the muscles, or even the liver. Only a comparatively small amount of blood in the brain Significance of this. Brain must not be overcharged with blood. Therefore, brain- workers {i.e,, townsmen) do not require a large amount of food. Circulation in the brain, synchronous, not with pulsation of heart, but with respiration. Termination of brain arteries in end arteries, not by anastomosis. Significance of this. Connection between "plain living and high thinking." The brain seems to act rather through its lymph circulation than through its blood circulation. But brain-lymph or fluid of ventricles (and in nerve sheaths) probably secreted from blood vessels in choroid plexuses. Animal spirits a physical fluid, not a metaphysical conception, originally. Pp. 162-6 : The animal spirits or fluid of the ventricles belongs to the same class as the lymph, which is secreted to the extent of 30 or 40 pints (it is believed) from the blood. The lymph is the watery part of the blood, with fine particles ; and the animal spirits are a finer, subtler form of lymph. Lymph is separated from the blood in the lymph spaces in the connective tissue, and is collected and elaborated in lymph vessels and lymph glands. The capillary vessels lie between arteries and veins. Definition of arteries and veins. No lymph circulation in the invertebrata. The lymph circulation is an economical provision by which the blood parts to the tissues with any nutrient materials not used up by previous circulation in the tissues. Lymph comes from the blood and goes back again into it, along ynth the chyle from the digestive tract. Its purpose, therefore, is obviously nutritional. Connective tissues are in layers, which separate TABLE OF CONTENTS. xvii. from one another when the mterspaces are filled with lymph. Pp. 166-170 : Effects of too frequent feeding on lymph formation. Too much blood formed and too much lymph secreted. Lymph spaces, lymph ducts, and lymph glands over filled. The consequences are, tired because overloaded muscle sheaths, nerve sheaths and bone coverings, and also engorgement of lymph glands, and even suppuration of them, knovni as strumous or scrophulous glands, often seen in the necks of children and young persons. Or pleurisy, or white swellings of joints. P. 170 : These suppurations generally associated with growth of tubercle bacilli. P. 171 : But this means rather engorgement with lymph from engorgement with blood, from excess of food, than deUcacy of constitution. No doubt the digestive powers have been exceeded. This process may not indeed create the bacillus, but it attracts it. P. 172 : The tubercle bacillus may be lying dormant in the body, or it may be ingested with the food immediately or more remotely. P. 172-5 : Analogy from manuring ground in agriculture to make crops grow which either did not grow before or did not thrive before, although the manure did not contain the seed which springs up. Relation between organism and environ- ment, plain and obvious, although it may not be possible for us to say which was first. Pages 176-219 : Chapter VI., The Paradoxes of Medicine. Pp. 176-7 : Are there any pathognomic signs of under- feeding ? A much more difficult question than might have been supposed, because thinness and wasting and inactivity of function may be, and often are, marks of over-feeding as well as of underfeeding. P. 177 : Mark Twain's description of functions of starving men. They were constipated and sleep- less. Pp. 177-8 : But constipation and sleeplessness are oftener caused by over-feeding than by under-feeding. P. 179 : "Why we should not treat constipation by purgatives. P. 180 : No cure by this means. P. 181 : A much constipated person cures his malady in a year by restricting his diet to two meals a day. Pp. 181-2 : How constipation may lead xviil TABLE OF CONTENTS. to obstruction of the bowels and even to cancer. P. 183 : The law of hereditary transmission of disease. A common fallacy in discussion of. Pp. 184-6 : Probable and experi- mental evidence. P. 186 : All functions diminished by too much stimulus, especially by stimulus of too much food. P. 187 : State of the brain-vessels in sleep. Pp. 187-9 : Proportion between nutrition of longitudinal and transverse elements of vessels and other parts. P. 189 : How to cure sleeplessness. P. 190 : Why sleeplessness ought not to be treated by hypnotics ; nor any long-continued condition by drugs calculated to induce the opposite condition. P. 191 : Why blood-letting fails to cure, and has been on the whole given up. P. 192 : Diseases and remedies, dry and moist, hot and cold, &c. P. 193 : These divisions fanciful, and yet founded on substantial physiological facts. Pp. 193-4 : Second paradox; that the same causes induce opposite states. P. 195 : How Surrey fowls are fattened for market. Dr. King Chambers and starvation of over-repletion. Pp. 195-6 : Wasting treated by restriction of the diet. Pp. 196-201 : Diet of over-feeding. For first fortnight is a diet of great restriction. P. 197 : Calorie value of. P. 198 : A misnomer to call it in the first fortnight a diet of over - feeding. P. 199 : Diet of over-feeding after first fortnight. Calorie value of. Pp. 200-2 : May lay foundation for subsequent diseases. Pp. 202-3 : Specific gravity of urine in general debility. Pp. 204-5 : How patients sometimes gain weight by restricting their diet. A case. P. 207 : The question, although disputatious, cannot be escaped. Pp. 207-8 : A great law in physiology and in medicine. Views of Greeks and Latins on, and names used by them, for contraction and dilatation. P. 208 : Confusion by ancients of property and function. Confusion of Latins in use of term solutio. P. 209 : Eelation of longitudinal and transverse elements of body. Contraction of longitudinal is dilatation of transverse, and vice versa. Strictum et laxum and absoiytio et solutio. P. 210 : Confusion shewn by use of TABLE OF CONTENTS. xix. phrase — Strictures et solutionis complexio, instead of strictures et solutionis alternatio. How one doctor sometimes advises treatment exactly the reverse of that recommended by his 'Colleague. P. 211 : How cold, judiciously appHed, may counteract the effects of exposure to excessive cold. Double action of tonics and relaxants. Actions of cold and of alcohol. Pp. 211-12 : Physiological reasons for existence of rival schools in medicine. Pp. 212-13 : Effects of exposure to cold combated by appUcation of cold in acute illness. P. 213 : Effect of long-continued exposure to moderate cold; and of exposure to long-continued and moderate over-feeding. P. 214 : The reactionary effects cause only sub-acute or even mild (but long) illnesses, P. 215 : Deficiency of function, excess of function, and irregularity of function, all induced by long-continued irritation. Pp. 215-16 : Canon of treatment in. Excess of food far the commonest irritation ; nextly, improper relations to air ; then, to exercises ; then, anxiety. Pp. 216-19 : Analogy of action of irritation of too much desire for food acting on the body physiological, to irritation of too much desire for gain acting on the body commercial. The one causes feverishness and depression ; the other booms and panics. Pages 220-264: Chapter YII., The Two Medical Paradoxes {continued). Pp. 220-1 : Meaning of the term disease. P. 222 : Difference between functional alteration and organic disease. They shade off into one another insensibly. P. 223 : So do sanity and insanity. P. 224 : On the whole, disease characterised by presence of exudation. In functional alteration, no exudation. P. 225 : Changes of function, however, probably imply slight changes of structure even if undiscoverable. P. 226 : Disease usually springs fiom mal- nutrition, which is generally due to excess of food. The chief form it takes is congestion of connective tissue. Pp. 227-8 : Meaning of termination His. Bodily organs consist of three parts — the parenchyma, and the inner and outer coverings or ilemmata. P. 229 ; Connection between stimulus and XX. TABLE OF CONTENTS. function. Propositions concerning. P. 230 : Duration of life when deprived of food and drink, and of air. P. 231 : Proof of proposition that food-supply is the chief cause of illness. Pp. 232-5 : As affecting circulation ; nutrition ; respiration ; renal action ; temperature of body ; cerebration ; skin function. P. 236 : Three propositions regarding the relation of food to function. P. 237-41 : Efifects of poverty. Even the poor eat too much and too often. Effects of too much food mistaken for those of too little. The charwoman ; the beggar's baby. Dr. King Chambers and starvation of over-repletion. Direct and indirect starvation. P. 241 : Mr. Seebohm Eowntree and poverty. Poor in York take too many meals. Pp. 241-2 : Excess of function generally treated by restriction of diet. Pp. 242-5 : Cases of diabetes, or excess of renal functiou. Pp. 245-9 : Too great mentalisation is often insanity. Cases treated by restriction of the diet. Dr. Dewey's case where an insane lady fasted for 45 days and became sane. P. 247 : A case known to the writer in which insanity was caused by an inordinate love of sweets. P. 248 : "What taking six pints of milk a day means. P. 249 : Defect of function also to be treated by restriction of diet. Pp. 250-4 : Slowness of circulation. Cases of. Pp. 253-4 : Medical experts differ in opinion from one another. Pp. 254-6 : Attenuation treated by restriction of diet. Explana- tion of the treatment. How it acts. Pp. 256-8 : Slow respiration treated by restriction. Pp. 258-9 : Defect of renal function : Pp. 259-262 : Subnormal temperature treated by restriction of diet. Unwillingness to submit to treatment; yet temperature raised after fasting. Pp. 262-4 : Defective cerebration treated by restriction of the diet. Eelation of heredity to mental disturbance. Pp. 262-4 : Effects of anxiety. Pages 265-326 : Chapter VIII., The Quantity of Food and the Number of Meals required by Man. P. 265 : How much food is required to make and enrich the blood ? P. 266 : Bodily functions must be neither checked nor clogged. TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxi. P. 257 : The no breakfast plan suggested by Hippocrates, the very expression, " avapL(rTO 37-0 1883 ... 32-0 33 -.5 32-8 23-5 3T8 30-9 28-9 38-2 44-8 28-8 36-6 37-1 34-3 30.5 24-8 9 37-1 1884 ... 32-2 33-6 33-7 23-9 33-4 31-0 30-0 38-7 45-6 28-5 37-2 37-6 34-9 30-5 34-7 V 38-9 1885 ... .SI -6 ,S2.9 32-7 23-5 32-6 31-3 29-4 37-6 44-8 28-0 37-0 37-7 .34-4 29-9 24-3 9 38-4 1886 ... 31-5 32-8 32-9 23-2 32-6 30-9 29-8 38-0 45-6 28-0 37-0 37-7 34-6 29-6 23-9 ? 36-8 1887 .. 30-7 31-9 31-7 23-1 32-0 30-8 29-7 38-2 44-2 28-0 36-9 37-7 33-7 29-4 23-5 9 38-8 1888 ... 30-1 31-2 .3T3 22-8 3T7 30-8 28-8 37-9 43-8 27-8 36-6 37-4 33-7 29-1 23-1 36-6 37-4 1889 ... 30.0 ,Sl-2 30-9 22-7 3T3 29-7 27-7 37-9 42-7 27-6 36-4 37-1 33-2 29.6 23-0 3fi-7 38-1 1890 ... 29-2 30-2 30-4 22-3 30-6 30-3 28-0 36-7 40-3 26-4 35-7 36-6 32-9 28-7 21-8 34-8 35-7 1891 ... 30-4 3T4 3T2 23-1 30-9 30-9 28-3 37-0 42-3 27-8 .37-0 37-7 33-7 29-6 22-6 35-8 37-0 1892 ... 29-5 30-4 30-7 22-5 29-5 29-6 27-0 36-2 40-4 27-4 35-7 36-3 32-0 28-9 22-3 36-4 36-1 1893 ... 29-8 30-7 30-8 23-0 30-5 30-7 27-4 37-9 42-6 27-7 36-8 37-5 33-8 29-5 22-3 36-1 36-4 1894 ... 28-8 29-6 29-9 22-9 30-1 29-8 27-1 36-7 41-5 27-1 35-9 .36-6 32-7 29-0 22-3 .35-3 35-4 1895 ... 29-4 30-2 30-0 23-2 30-0 30-6 27-5 38-1 41-9 27-1 36-1 36-9 32-8 28-5 21-7 35-4 34-7 1896 ... 29-0 29-6 30-4 23-6 30-3 30-4 27-2 38-0 40-5 27-9 36-3 36-9 32-7 29-0 22-5 .36-3 34-7 1897 ... 28-9 29-5 30-0 23-5 29-7 30-0 26-7 37-5 40-3 28-1 36-0 .36-5 .32-5 29-0 22-3 34-6 34-6 1898 ... 28-7 29-3 30-1 23-2 30-2 30-3 27-1 36-2 37-7 38-4 36-1 36-7 31-9 28-6 21-8 33-8 33-4 1899 ... 28-5 29-1 29-8 22-9 29-8 30-9 26-4 37-1 39-3 28-9 35-8 36-3 32-0 28-8 21-9 ,34-8 33-8 1900 ... 28-2 28-7 29-6 22-7 29-8 30-1 26-9 39-3 28-6 35-6 36-1 31-5 28-9 21-4 34-4 32-9 Average Deaths pe R 1000 LiVIN . in the 25 years 1875-99 19-1 22-1 19-3 19-4 18-1 18-6 16-7 17-1 20-3 28-8 32-7 20-8 24-4 23-9 26-6 20-6 20-3 22-0 30-4* 26-7 1875 ... 22-7 23-3 18-5 21-0 18-8 30-0 .37-0 24-2 27-6 25-6 22-7 23-0 9 .30-7 1876 ... 20-4 20-9 20-9 17-3 19-7 18-0 19-6 29-8 .35-9 24-3 26-3 25-4 23-5 21-9 22-6 ? 28-8 1877 ... 19-9 20-3 20-6 17-5 18-7 16-9 18-7 31-6 36-6 23-6 26-4 25-6 22-2 21-1 2T6 9 28-3 1878 ... 21-1 21-6 21-2 18-6 18-5 15-8 18-1 31-6 37-4 23-5 ?.6-2 25-8 23-0 21-5 22-5 9 29-1 1879 ... 20-5 20-7 20-0 19-6 19-8 15-0 16-9 29-9 .35-7 22-7 2.') -6 24-7 22-5 21-9 22-5 ? 29-8 1880 ... au-4 20-5 20-6 19-8 20-4 15-9 18-1 29-8 37-2 22-0 26-0 25-5 23-5 22-3 22-9 9 30-8 1881 ... 18-7 18-9 19-3 17-5 18-3 16-8 17-7 30-6 34-4 22-6 25-5 24-9 21-5 20-9 22-0 9 27-6 1882 ... 19-3 19-6 19-4 17-3 19-3 18-4 17-4 30-8 35-3 22-2 25-7 25-4 20-7 20-2 22.2 9 27-5 1883 ... 19-6 19-6 20-2 19-2 18-4 17-1 17-3 ,30-1 32-2 20.6 25-9 25-6 21 -8 20-8 22-2 ? 27-5 1884 ... 19-4 19-7 19-6 i7-5 18-4 16-4 17-5 29-4 .31-0 20-4 26-0 25-7 22-2 20-9 22-6 9 26-8 1885 ... 19-1 19-2 19-3 18-4 17-9 16-5 17-8 .30-1 .3T8 21-4 25-7 25-4 2T0 20-1 22-0 ? 26-9 1886 ... 19-2 19-5 18-9 17-8 18-2 16-1 16-6 29-4 .3T7 20-8 26-2 26-1 21-8 21 1 22-5 ? 28-6 1887 ... 19-0 19-1 19-0 18-2 18.3 16-0 16-1 28-9 ,33-8 20-3 24-2 23-8 19-7 19-3 22-0 ? 27-9 1888 ... 18-1 18-1 18-0 17-9 19-7 16-9 16-0 29-2 32-0 20-0 23-7 22-8 20-4 20-1 21-9 30-3 27-4 1889 ... 18-1 18-2 18-4 17-4 18-6 17-4 16-0 27-3 29-9 20-0 23-7 23 '2 20-1 19-1 20-7 30-9 25-5 1890 ... 19-4 19-5 19-7 18-2 19-0 17-9 17-1 29-4 32-4 20-8 24-4 24-0 20-5 20-6 22-8 .32-7 26-2 1891 ... 20-0 20-2 20-7 ]8-4 20-0 17-5 16-8 28-2 33-1 20-4 23-4 22-9 20-7 21-0 22-9 .32-0 26-0 1892 ... 19-0 19-0 18-5 19-4 19-4 17-8 17-9 28-8 35-1 18-8 24-1 23-4 21-0 21-8 22-8 31 -3 26-1 1893 ... 19-0 19-1 19-3 17-9 18-8 16-3 16-8 27-2 31-2 19-9 24-6 24-2 19-2 20-3 22-5 30-3 25-1 1894 ... 16-8 16-6 IV -1 18-2 17-4 16-9 l(J-4 27-8 30-5 19-9 22-3 21-8 18-5 18-6 2T2 ,31-1 24-9 1895 ... 18 -V 18 -V 19-4 18-4 16-8 15-7 15-2 27-7 29-7 19-] 22-1 21-8 18-6 19-5 22-2 29-4 25-0 1896 ... 17-0 IV -0 16-6 16-6 15-6 15-2 15-6 26-4 2,S-9 17-7 20-8 20-7 17-2 17-5 20-0 29-9 24 1897 ... 17-6 IV -4 18-4 18-4 16-5 15-3 15-4 25-6 28-5 17-6 2T3 20-9 16-9 17-2 19-6 28-8 21-9 1898 ... IV -6 17-5 18-0 18-1 15-5 15-3 15-1 24-9 28-0 182 20-5 20-0 17-0 17-6 20-9 28-6 22-9 1899 ... 18-2 18-2 18-1 17-6 17-3 16-9 17-7 25-4 27-2 17-6 2Tfi 21-4 17-1 18-8 21-1 29-3 21-8 1900 ... 18-4 18-2 18-5 19-6 16-9 15-8 16-8 — 26-9 19-3 22-1 21-8 17-8 19-3 21-9 29-4 28-7 '■ Average of 12 years— 1888-! wmm ^MHaWdHaUlin 42 There is one great fact, however, brought out prominently by a study, however brief, of this table. High birth-rates as a rule accompany high death-rates, and low birth-rates low death-rates ; and to a large extent these are cause and effect of one another. In Austria and Hungary the birth- rates, though falling, are still higher than in any other European country (37 and 39 per 1000), and their death-rates are also the highest (25*4 and 27'2 in 1899). The statistics of Spain form an exception, but apparently the figures are not so full or accurate as for other European countries. And the reason why birth-rates and death-rates are not only casually, but also causally connected, is this. There is unfortunately a very large mortality pro- portionately at the early ages of life. Of 1,000,000 male children born over the average of the ten years 1881-90, only 760,167 would be found sur- viving at the end of five years or under five years of age. For females the number sm^viving would be 791,973. Boughly speaking, about one-fourth of the children born die in the fii'st five years of life. In the first year of life, out of 1,000,000 males born 161,036, or 161 per 1000, died over the average of the ten years 1881-90. For female children the corresponding number was found to be 131,126, or 131 per 1000. Now a lowered and a lowering birth-rate, such as we see to have been going on over a number of years past, means that a smaller proportion of the population are alive at the more fatal ages than when the birth-rate was higher. 43 And this being so, a lowered birth-rate implies a lowered death-rate, even if no sanitary improve- ments take place in the condition of the people. When, therefore, we compare, as we often have occasion to do, the hygienic and sanitary conditions of one set of people with another, or, say, the health conditions of one town with another, we shall be omitting a very important factor if we do not take account of differences in the birth-rate of the towns. For the curious thing is that there often exist such differences even in towns quite near to one another. The fall in the birth-rate has been, as we have seen, continuous in England and Wales for many years past. But this fall, though applying generally to the country and to the United Kingdom, is much more accentuated in some places and in some parts of the country, and notably in some of the boroughs, than others. This is more marked in the West Riding of Yorkshire, e. g. , than in London. In Bradford the birth-rate is the lowest, and that by a good deal, of all the large towns (with popula- tions of 200,000 and over) in the United Kingdom ; and its birth-rate has been persistently falling for a long time. Thus in 1881 it was 33 per 1000; in 1885 it was 29; in 1891 it was 28'6; in 1895 it was 26 '6 ; in 1900 it was 24*6 ; and in 1901 it was 28 "1. In Leeds, only nine miles away, the birth-rate in 1901 was 30 per 1000; in Sheffield, 33-1; in Hull, 33*3 ; and in Newcastle, 32-1. All these towns have populations of over 200,000, and Bradford's birth-rate is considerably lower than that of any 44 of them. Only in Halifax and Huddersfield, of Yorkshire towns, each with populations of about 100,000, is the birth-rate lower than in Bradford, being 22*5 and 22*7 in 1901 respectively. In London in the same year it was 29, while the average of thirty-two provincial English towns was 29 "8. The low birth-rates of some of the West Riding of Yorkshire manufacturing towns of late years is a curious and interesting fact. A low birth-rate implies a low death-rate, and a high birth-rate implies a high death-rate. It might be argued, and probably with truth, that more care would have prevented a large proportion of the deaths that occur among infants and young children. Even with a low birth-rate, in some places the infant mortality is high. In Bradford in the ten years ending in 1900 the death-rate of infants under one year of age averaged 171 out of every 1000 born, and, as we have seen, the birth- rate is very low. Whatever the causes of this may be, wheresoever a low birth-rate and a high infantile mortality rate coincide, that portion of the population has laid on it the burden of accounting for the coincidence, and of shewing that it is not due to negligence. It is quite compatible with the view taken by the writer of this essay that the most important cause of mortality in general is wrong feeding, to note what Dr. Arnold Evans, the Medical Officer of Health for Bradford, says regarding the high infantile mortality in that city. "The high infantile mortality," he says in his report 45 for 1901, "is not to any great extent the result of the employment of women in factory work, but I am sure it is largely contributed to by a wide-spread ignorance of the management and feeding of infants among the working classes. In the returns pre- pared by the Inspector, such expressions as ' fed by breast for two months, and afterwards on Quaker Oats and lime water,' or ' pobbies,' are not uncom- mon ; some infants were fed on all kinds of malted food, and one infant, which died at the age of ten months, and commenced life on humanised milk, was afterwards fed on ' Marshall's Malted Food, Scott's Emulsion, and brandy and cream,' and towards its end on 'veal and tea.'" In order to meet this deplorable state of things he recommends the establishment of " municipal milk depots, where humanised milk may be obtained in amounts suit- able for infants of various ages, and as cheaply as it can be produced." Information as to the proper methods of feeding infants, and the quantities and times for administration of their food, would also be greatly for the benefit of the public health, since even suitable food may be administered too often or too seldom. As a rule, however, it must be admitted, when all has been done, that the rearing of young children, like the rearing of young animals of all sorts, is a task accompanied by many difficulties, and even when much and continuous care has been exercised, some amount of failure is apt to be experienced. No doubt, many sensible and careful and well advised mothers rear all their 46 children, but we are struck with the reflection that some or many others must be careless, ignorant or incapable, or through economic or other causes may find the task beyond them, when we realise that about a quarter of all the children born in this country die before they are five years of age. In England and Wales in 1900, 209,960 deaths out of a total of 587,830 occurred among children under five years of age. That was about 36 per cent. In many years two-fifths or 40 per cent, of the total mortality has been returned as occurring among children under five years of age. In 1893, for instance, 569,958 deaths occurred in England and Wales, and of these 216,833, or very nearly two- fifths or 40 per cent., occurred among children under five years of age. As in many of the towns the proportion is the same, we can see how important an influence such a fact must exert on the general mortality returns. But about 25 per cent, of all the children born die before they are five years of age. If, therefore, a smaller number of children are born into the world than formerly (and that is the meaning of a low birth-rate), obviously there will be a smaller number of the population living to afibrd so high a mortality, and, therefore, the general mortality rate will prove lower, not only because of general improvement in the public health, but also because a smaller proportion of the population are living at what may be termed the very fatal ages. An illustration will make this clear. Suppose a town of 200,000 inhabitants has 47 a birth-rate of 30 per 1000, whereas formerly it had a birth-rate of 35. Obviously 6000 children will be born where 7000 used to be ; that is, 1000 fewer children will be living in that town under the new birth-rate than under the old one during a given year. Now suppose that one-fifth of the children born died under one year old (which rate, I regret to say, is not only reached but even occasionally exceeded in some of our large towns), then 1200 children would die, as against 1400, had the former birth-rate been maintained. This would reduce the deaths by 200 in a year, or 1 per 1000 per annum in a population of 200,000, a diminution quite sufficiently marked to seem to justify the statement that that town was at a higher level of health than others. Another point should not be lost sight of A large proportion of all the cases of fever that occur, a large proportion of the zymotic diseases as they are called, happen among children under five years of age — a large number of cases of measles, scarlatina, diphtheria, diarrhoea, &c. Now, as under a lower birth-rate a smaller number of persons specially susceptible to these ailments are living at a given time, it follows that fewer of these cases will occur, and therefore that a lowered birth- rate lowers not only the general mortality as we have seen, but that it lowers also the zymotic or fever mortality. But the lowering of the zymotic mortality is almost by every writer pointed to as marking the general sanitary advance of the 48 country. From the considerations advanced, how- ever, it is apparent that this is not necessarily so, that a mere diminution of mortahty is not in itself necessarily a mark of improvement in the public health, that a mere diminution even in the mortality from fever may be capable of other explanation, and that many corrections may have to be made before we are in a position to estimate justly the state of the public health as shewn in the mortality returns of the Registrar-General or in those of local Medical Officers of Health. For some reason, not apparent on the surface, the mortality among infants under one year of age has not improved as compared with the mortality at other ages in recent years. Comparing the ten years 1881-90 with 1871-80, we find the mortality for male infants under one year was 161,036 per million, or 161 per 1000, in 1881-90, as compared with 158 per 1000 in 1871-80. For females the corresponding numbers were 131 in 1881-90, as against 129 in 1871-80. For 1900 the infant mortality in England and Wales for both sexes was 154 per 1000. Various suggestions occur to account for this somewhat remarkable fact. Under five years of age, on the other hand, the improve- ment has been considerable, whether we compare 1881-90 with 1871-80 or with the average of the years 1838-54. For females the mortality under five years of age was :— For 1881-90, 208 per 1000 ; for 1871-80, 224 ; and for 1838-54, 236. For males the rates were 240, 253 and 263 respectively, 49 shewing a progressive diminution of mortality since registration began in England and Wales. We have seen that 209,960 out of 587,830, or about 36 per cent., of the deaths which occurred in England and Wales in 1900, were of children under five years of age. On the other hand, 142,496 deaths, or about 24 per cent., occurred among persons over 65 years of age. That leaves 235,374 deaths, or about 40 per cent., as the number and proportion of deaths which occurred between five and 65 years of age. I take this number as it gives the proportion of deaths which occurred at ■what may be considered the active or working period of hfe. The nuiiiber of the active popula- tion is indeed not so large as this, for before 15-20 years we can scarcely reckon school children among the active working members of the community. But from five to fifteen years of age mortality is very low, and so I have for convenience taken the 40 per cent, of mortality which occurs between five and 65 years of age into consideration as a whole. Of what did these 235,374 persons die ? Of course a preliminary question is why did they die at all ? If children pass through the dangers which beset them under five years of age, why should they not reach old age ? Why at least should they not over- pass 65 years, if it is too much to hope that they should reach the three score years and ten usually considered as the term of human life ? It is for medicine to say why. Of course some accidents must be expected to occur. We cannot hope that D 60 the whole population over five years of age should reach old age or even 65 years of age, although to take 65 years instead of 70 is to make easier the problem of medicine by five years of life. Let us assume that for various reasons, delicacy, for example, accident, and, in one word, unsuitability of environment, 20 per cent, or one-fifth of these 235,274 persons should fail to reach the age even of 65 years. That would still leave 188,300 deaths as occurring in England and Wales in 1900 between five and 65 years of age, who might reasonably have been expected to reach it. As to accident itself as a cause of mortality we do not find that it is an increasing factor. Legislation has been active in this direction as well as in others in defence of public health ; and in compulsory fencing of machinery, defence from dangerous places, com- pensation for injury sustained in the prosecution of daily occupations, and in other ways, has taken what steps it could in the way of preventing death from accident and violence. I do not know that much stress need be laid on the figures, and there is no need to do so ; but so far as can be made out there is no increase of mortality under the heading of accident among the people of England. Thus the deaths returned as from accident in 1868 were in the proportion of 30,867 to 1,000,000 deaths from all causes, while in 1893, a quarter of a century afterwards, they were at the rate of 29,615 to 1,000,000 deaths from all causes. In 1900 the proportion was 30,567. There is no increase of 51 mortalitv from this cause. From 1866-70 the deaths from accident or neghgence were at the rate of 677"8 per miUion Hving ; in 1876-80 the rate was 630-4; in 1886-90 it was 543-8; and in 1896-1900 it was 557 "8. Still, if death from accident and violence is not increasing, but if anything diminish- ing in the country (and after all accident is a comparatively small cause of mortality), it will be interesting to inquire what are the principal causes of mortality in the population, especially at the middle or active portion of life. This I propose to do in the next chapter. Meantime, if we attempt to sum up the results of improved medicine and surgery since the year 1838, when the Registrar- General began to compile the figures for England and Wales, they appear to be the following. The fevers or zymotic diseases have fallen to about one half, and consumption by more than one half in their incidence and mortality during that time. These two great and very satisfactory results are aided, however, by a considerable fall in the birth- rate, and the three factors account for a diminution in the general death-rate of about 20 per cent, since 1838. The expectation of life has risen in the case of males from 39*91 years to 43*66 years, and in the case of females from 41*85 years to no less than 47*18 years, and an immense number of years of life amounting to many millions have been added to the population in each generation. The addition, however, has been made rather at the two extremes of Ufe, children under 20, and old persons over 65, D2 52 having benefitted much more than those Hving between 25 and 65 years of age. The expectation of Ufe has been raised in the case of females at all ages except from about 65-75, and for males except from 45 to 75 years of age ; rather important exceptions, however. Keeping these changes and improvements in our minds, we shall be better able to estimate their causes, after examining the causes of mortality from five to 65 years of age, as is now to be done. 63 CHAPTEE II. The Principal Causes of Mortality in England and Wales. TN 1900, in England and Wales, the most frequent cause of death, taking the whole population at all ages, was bronchitis. It accounted for 54,580 deaths out of the 587,830 occurring in that year. This is no unusual proportion, as, year after year, bronchitis heads the list among the causes of mortality. In 1899 bronchitis accounted for 51,206 deaths; in 1898, for 46,261; and so on. If we calculate the proportion of deaths occurring from this cause to a million deaths from all causes, we shall find that in 1900 bronchitis accounted for mortality in the proportion of 92,850 deaths out of each million that occurred. This is usually called the proportional number, and it may be well to make use of this expression. The next commonest cause of death is pneumonia or inflammation of the lungs ; single pneumonia when only one lung is inflamed, double when both are affected. The number of deaths that occurred from pneumonia in England and Wales in 1900 was 44,300, and the proportional number was 75,362. Between them, these two diseases accounted for at the rate of 54 168,212 deaths out of every million of deaths that occurred. These diseases are generally said to be due to cold. No doubt exposure to cold is very often the immediate exciting cause of them. But there is very strong reason to believe — and I hope to be able to adduce probable if not even demon- strative evidence to this effect — that not only these diseases, but many others also, have their predisposing causes in errors of diet. " How few diseases," says Professor Stewart in his Manual of Physiology, " are not in some degree alimentary." As to the opinion, however, that bronchitis and pneumonia are due to exposure of the body to cold, it must be said that these affections are not by any means experienced only in cold weather. Patients often suffer from severe attacks of them also in summer. The true statement regarding the effects of heat and cold in inducing these diseases would be, I suppose, that, in those predisposed to them, cold is often the exciting cause, and so is heat, but that without the predisposition neither cold nor heat, at least in the moderate amounts of them experienced in ordinary life in England, would induce them. Humanity is intended and fitted to endure without damage moderate changes both in heat and cold. And predisposition to disease — - what is that ? Predisposition is inverse resistance ; it is weakness ; and it can, I think, in the large majority of cases, be defined in terms of the influence on the economy of air, food, and exercises or movements. What is meant bv that statement 55 is this. If the economy is treated by a proper amount of food, neither too Httle nor too much ; if the air suppHed to it is moderately pure and abundant ; and if exercises or movements of the body are properly followed, neither over-exercise nor under-exercise being indulged in, then the predis- position of the body to disease will be found to be greatly lessened, or otherwise the resistance to disease will be greatly increased. If, on the other hand, the body has either too much food or too little ; if the air breathed is impure and in excess or deficiency ; and if the muscular movements used are too few or too many, then the predisposition of the body to disease will be found to be greatly increased, or otherwise its resistance will be greatly diminished. Predisposition is inverse resistance ; the greater the predisposition the less the resistance, and the less the predisposition the greater the resistance to outside influences. Heat and cold are of course relative terms. If heat is assumed to be the positive condition, then cold is only a less amount of heat, so that exposure to heat and cold only means, when we think about it, exposure to more heat or to less heat. It might be thought that " cold " might be defined as a degree of heat less than the normal temperature of the body ; but if this were so, then we should be obliged to say that, in the English climate at all events, the weather is almost always cold, because the tempera- ture of the air is very rarely indeed so high as 98*4°F. In hydropathic establishments, and in some 56 of the literature appertaining thereto, the term " cold " is applied to water of a temperature of 60°¥. or less. We are quite unable to alter our climate ; we may have a change of climate, indeed, that is a few of us can, very few comparatively ; but we are sometimes well, and, on the other hand, sometimes ill, in all kinds of weather, so that it is not the weather only which affects us, a more important factor being the state we are in, or the predisposition of the body to disease. But to say that a man was specially predisposed to any disease, to bronchitis, for example, or pneumonia, is equivalent to saying that his resistance was so low that an amount of exposure less than would have been necessary in the case of another man sufficed to induce in him an attack of bronchitis or of pneumonia. But in reference to this, the important point to get into our minds, and to keep there, is that predisposition can be altered by changes effected between the organism and its environment, and particularly by alterations in the food habits. No doubt alterations of the environment in other particulars also have their influence. It is well- known that through accustoming oneself to cool baths, to open windows, and to moderate and well regulated exercises, the resistance of the body to disease can be greatly increased, or, in other words, that its predisposition to disease can be greatly lessened. But while this is so, no doubt, the chief means by which predisposition to disease can be lessened seems to consist in a proper 57 arrangement of the dietary, so that neither too much nor too Httle is taken. How much that is, and how often it ought to be administered, attempts will be made to state later. Meantime, it should be stated that, as has been said long ago, the quantity and kinds of food, and the proper times for taking it, cannot be stated to a nicety (ets oLKpL^etrjv, to use the expression of Hippocrates), and the quantity proper to be taken depends on several qualifying circumstances. After bronchitis and pneumonia, the cause of mortality shewing the next highest proportional number is phthisis or consumption of the lungs, whose proportional number is 73,128 for the year 1900. It may be contended that to this ought to be added the proportional numbers of other forms of tubercular disease, so that we may realise the full importance of this cause of mortality. If this were done, and if the proportional number of tabes mesenterica, or consumption of the bowels (10,166), and of tubercular meningitis, or consump- tion of the brain, as it is often popularly called (10,879), and also the proportional number of what the Registrar- General calls " other forms of tuberculosis" (10,112), were added, the proportional number of tuberculosis in general would stand at the very high figure of 104,285, or over one-tenth of the total mortality. Of course, if this were done, it would be necessary to take the proportional number, say, of the whole of the respiratory diseases in order to have a fair comparison 58 of the mortality due respectively to tubercular and to simple respiratory diseases. In this case, tuberculosis, accounting for 104,285 deaths out of a million from all causes, would be compared with 182,355 caused by respiratory diseases. Diseases of the circulation again account for 93,857 deaths out of every million that happen. To this, however, I think the proportional number of apoplexy ought to be added, because, although apoplexy shews itself chiefly in nervous phenomena such as paralysis and coma, still it is essentially dependent on degenera- tion and rupture of vessels, changes in whose condition really belong to diseases of the circulatory apparatus. This number, 32,509, if added to, the proportional number of diseases of the circulation, would raise the latter to 126,366, a very high figure indeed. Of " old age " as a cause of mortality, the proportional number (next highest on the list) is 54,056 for the year 1900. In a community quite healthy, or even approximating to that condition, this cause of mortality ought to be very much higher. It is, in fact, a task for medicine to explain why only about 5^ per cent, of the total mortality is due to old age. We ought to have a very much higher proportion. As to the influences of food and feeding on the attainment of old age, a considerable amount of evidence ought to be available. If, at least, we can connect the causation of some of the diseases already named, and which often prevent the onset of " old age " — if we can connect those 59 diseases or any of them with improper feeding, we shall incidentally shew the connection between proper feeding and the attainment of old age. Respiratory diseases, it appears to me, diseases of the circulation, and tubercular diseases, all seem directly connected with mal-nutrition ; and I hope to adduce evidence in support of this view in the sequel. Next after old age, as a cause of mortaUty, comes cancer, whose proportional number is 45,457 for 1900 in England and Wales. I dwell at some length on cancer in a later part of this essay, and therefore need not do more here than say what I have no doubt at all is the simple truth, viz., that from first to last, from its commencement in indigestion, loss of teeth, anaemia (triphthsemia, or catatribsemia rather), pallour, fatigue, rheumatism, and constipation, to its later manifestations in epithelial and connective tissue overgrowth with its limited molecular caries, or more general necrosis, or molecular or general death of larger parts of the body and their elimination or exfoliation with offensive putrefying odour into the outer world, and finally to its culmination in hsemorrhage or the effusion of inamense quantities of usually bloody serum into the body with or without the development of micro- organisms ; from first to last cancer is a disease of mal-assimilation of food, and that mal-assimilation is caused not by too little but by too much food, and particularly by too frequent feeding. When this process has gone on for many years, it is, as a rule, 60 impossible that cure can be effected. We might as well ask that the effects of a devastation should be undone, that the drowned in a flood should be brought to life again, or the victims of La Souffrifere or Mont Pelee should be requickened. Prevention might have been easy and simple had steps been taken at the proper time, but when that time has been allowed to go by, cure is impossible. The medical profession cannot, nor can any body of men, clerical or lay, accept the role which the public are too apt by implication or avowal to present to them, viz., to relieve humanity from the effects of their action without altering their habits. Not in this way is power over nature attained ; and if we refuse to put some necessary restraint on ourselves when we have still the power and opportunity to do so, we shall certainly find it vain to stretch out hands too late in mute appeal to surgery or medicine, demanding that they should cure the incurable or re- vivify the dead. This explanation may not perhaps account for all the cases of this sort that are met with in the practice of medicine ; a certain small proportion will still perhaps be inexplicable, are there always must be anomalies and exceptions to every rule ; but if nine-tenths of the cases, or nineteen-twentieths of them, are so accounted for, and if an alteration in our habits should enable us to prevent so large a proportion of incurable diseases, we might reason- ably say that we had solved the dreadful problem of the prevention of cancer. That this is within our reach I have no doubt. Cure may be practically 61 impossible (for what is the good of talking of cure when the most we can do is to save say one, two or three per cent, of the cases?), but prevention is easy and simple. Diarrhoea and dysentery, whose proportional number for 1900 in England and Wales was 38,984, are next on the list of the causes of mortality. These are diseases markedly dependent on improper feeding. I should take it that this is a case in which there will be little or no difference of opinion among experts, not, of course, to the view that improper feeding is the only cause of the incidence of and the mortality from those affections, but certainly that it is much the most important one. Diarrhoea is a large cause of mortality among infants. In 1900, of the 22,916 deaths attributed in England and Wales to diarrhoea and dysentery, 20,542, or about ten- elevenths, or, say 90 per cent., occurred among children under five years of age ; and it is the opinion of medical officers of health that a very large proportion of mfant mortality is due to improper feeding. I think I need hardly quote authorities to prove a statement regarding the truth of a view so generally held as this. Convulsions, whose proportional number for 1900 is 31,475, comes next on the list. This affection occurs almost entirely among infants. Of 18,502 deaths attributed to this cause in the year mentioned, 18,344, practically all of them, occurred among children under jSve years of age. By common consent these diseases are often attributed 62 to errors of diet. Convulsions often appear in the course of an attack of diarrhcea or of some other acute illness, and many of them can be connected with errors of diet. We next come on influenza with a proportional number of 27,636 deaths to a million from all causes, measles with 21,622, whooping cough 19,507, and diphtheria 15,897. These all belong to the group of zymotic diseases, whose proportional number (exclusive of cholera, diarrhoea, &c.) amounted to 101,600 in 1900, one of the very largest groups of causes of mortality. Further on in this essay I adduce (Chap. IV. ) what seems reasonable evidence to shew that these diseases are probably also somewhat dependent on wrong feeding, although it is customary to attribute them almost wholly to vitiated air. I do not deny, however, that the latter is also an important cause of the fevers. I also shew that for ten years past the fevers or zymotic diseases have not diminished in England and Wales, although we certainly have not intermitted our efibrts towards the obtaining of better sanitation in the restricted sense of that term. For the three years 1890, 1891 and 1892, the proportional numbers of the zymotic diseases in England and Wales were 130,200, 133,960, and 146,579 respectively. In 1897 the proportional number was 148,908. In 1898 it was 158,343, and in 1899 it was 154,450. The pro- portional numbers are higher at the end of the ten years than they were in the beginning of the period. It appears either that we are in course of exhausting 63 the benefit which we may expect to receive from sanitation in the restricted form in which alone it is customary, unfortunately, to use the term, or that we have overlooked a main or important part of the cause of the z3niiotic diseases. I beheve myself that weight must be attached to both of these suggestions. It is certainly strange that if fevers are dependent on bad air and overcrowding, &c., they should not only not continue to fall in frequency in response to our continuous efforts to improve conditions in these respects, but that their proportional number should actually increase. I have little doubt that an important factor in their causation has been overlooked, and I have equally little doubt that that factor is the food habits of the people, the too frequent and too abundant meals which they habitually ingest both into themselves and their children. When Sydenham suggested, at the time of the English revolution, that fevers came e mscerihus terrarum^ out of the bowels of the earth, it might have been suggested to him that perhaps a main part of the cause arose e visceribus hominum, out of the over-loaded diges- tion of men. The idea is not so unlikely as might have been thought. It is not even new. The sanitary genius of Moses was not bound down by the notion that plague depended upon bad aii% for, as we have seen, he attributed the attack that his people sustained from that zymotic disease, to the quails which they stood up and gathered during a whole day and a night and all the next day, and which no doubt 64 they ate in great excess. But after burying his dead at Kibroth-hattaavah, and apparently beUeving that the ground and the air were infected with the pestilence, he moved his camp also to Hazeroth, so taking steps to get rid of the double cause of improper feeding and infection of land and air. If modern sanitarians would follow this sagacious and broad-minded example, they would no doubt find that instead of the zymotic diseases gaining on them in spite of their efforts, they would have the satisfaction of seeing that their sanitary efforts were prevailing against the zymotic diseases. And, I think, if they were dealing with the whole of their causation, and not with a part of it only, they would find that they could so advise the people as that they might get rid not of the half only of the number and mcidence of these diseases, but of a proportion somewhere between three-quarters and nine-tenths. Under specious phrases like the progress of science and the like, we seem far too ready complacently to assume that we know everything while the people who went before us knew nothing ; but the assump- tion is not always true in either direction. To diseases of the digestive system, more par- ticularly diseases of the mouth, stomach, intestines, liver, spleen, lymphatics, &c., the proportional number of some 61,801 deaths were attributed in 1900 in England and Wales ; and if to these the proportional number of deaths due to diseases of the kidneys and to Bright's disease — some 21,200 — be added, we reach the large proportional number of 65 83,000 as that of the diseases of the digestive system. If we take a wider view of things, no doubt — and this is in one word the thesis of the present essay — diseases directly or indirectly attributable to the digestive system are very much more numerous than this ; but this is the proportional number given by the Registrar general as applying to England and Wales for the year 1900 ; and it forms about a twelfth of the total mortality. The only remaining important group of diseases to which mortality is attributable is diseases of the nervous system. It is a little difficult to gauge its value or to state its proportional number for various reasons. Its proportional number includes apoplexy, for instance, in the Registrar-General's return, but I have already said that I think apoplexy (accounting for a proportional number of 32,509 deaths in 1900) would be better classified under diseases of the vessels, since it is rupture of the arteries which is the main cause of apoplexy; and the brain softening and degeneration following are consequences of this and of the softening changes which occur in the blood-clot effused on to the surface or into the substance of the brain or other parts of the nervous system. The nervous system, in fact, being the organ of the controlling power in the body, has a very high measure of vitality, as if it were the intention of nature to preserve it to the last extremity. In death from direct starvation, for example, while other parts of E 66 the economy lose great parts of their weight, the nervous system scarcely wastes at all. The significance of this, though not the existence of it, has been in a manner discovered by Dr. Dewey, of Meadville, Pennsylvania, who quotes from Dr. Burney Yeo statements, which he has entitled "Nature's Bill of Fare for the Sick." Besides quoting it in the text of his book, " The True Science of Living," Dr. Dewey places it in capital letters in the frontispiece of his book. He shews that in illness, when we are using up the materials accumulated in our bodies (and the same is true in death due to direct starvation, as when sailors, e.g., are confined in a boat without food) we may use as much as 91 per cent, of our fat (practically all of it), that of muscle we may use as much as 30 per cent., that the spleen, a blood-making gland, may waste to the extent of 63 per cent., the liver as much as 56 per cent., and the blood itself be absorbed to the extent of 17 per cent, of its total amount. That in these circumstances the brain and nerve centres scarcely waste at all is surely a most significant fact, and is closely related to another of scarcely less importance, viz., that the nervous system is not particularly liable to suffer from direct disease of its proper substance. It is its vessels which become diseased, and, by their rupture, indirectly destroy its controlling power ; or it is its fibrous coverings which become infiltrated with gouty or rheumatic exadation, and so lead to defect of its functions, to excess of its 67 functions, or to such irregularity of its ftinctional power as compels us often to send persons to asylums where they can receive more care than it is possible for them to obtain at home. Considerations of the same kind incline me to think that even " hemiplegia and brain paralysis," to which the Registrar- General attributes a pro- portional number of mortality in 1900 of 10,384, ought to be also relegated to the diseases of the vessels of the brain, that is, to diseases of the circulation. However, I have still retained it among diseases of the nervous system, and I find that in this case, but deducting the proportional number of apoplexy (32,509), of convulsions, which is mostly a disease of infancy due to improper feeding (31,475), and of laryngismus stridulus, also a disease of infancy and early childhood, and mostly, I think, catarrhal, and due also to wrong feeding (742), there remains 47,917 as the proportional number of the mortality attributed by the Registrar- General to diseases of the nervous system for England and Wales for the year 1900. The causes enumerated, then, bronchitis, pneumonia and respiratory diseases in general, consumption of the lungs and other forms of tuberculosis, diseases of the circulation, cancer, convulsions, the zymotic diseases, diseases of the digestive system, including diseases of the kidneys and Bright's disease, and diseases of the brain and nervous system, account for the bulk of the causes of mortality among the population of England at all ages. If it can be E2 68 shewn, or if good reason can be advanced for the opinion, that these causes of mortality and disease are more aggravated by improper food habits than by any other means, and if, therefore, more improvement can be effected in the incidence of these diseases on humanity by alteration of the food habits of the people than in any other way, or even if it can be shewn to be probable that such alterations in food habits would be likely to diminish the virulence and power of these causes of disease and mortality, the task which I have set before myself in this essay will have been accomplished. For then it will have been incidentally shewn that a great part of the causes of the evils from which we suffer is diminishable by our own exertions, and can be reduced by better management of ourselves. We have not yet, however, received the answer to our question — what are the chief causes of mortality among the active portion of the population living between the ages of 5 and 65 years ? I am sorry to have to beg the reader's attention still to what he may consider details of dry arithmetic, but if I do so for yet a little while, it is because I am afraid I cannot put the problem before him in any easier or simpler way. Happily the study already given to the causes of mortality in general among the English population has rendered examination of the causes of mortality between ages 5 and 65 years by so much easier, and our next chapter, therefore, will be a short one. 69 CHAPTEE III. The Principal Causes of Mortality in England and Wales between the Ages of Five and Sixty-five Years. FN the year 1900 there were in England and Wales, as has already been said, 587,830 deaths, and of these 209,960, or over 35 per cent, occurred among children under five years of age. This is a large proportion of the mortality, but it is not at all an unusual one. If anything, indeed, it is lower than usual. In 1893, for instance, there occurred in England and Wales 569,958 deaths, and of these 216,833, or about 40 per cent., took place among children under five years of age. Year after year it is the same, from one third to two fifths of all the deaths that occur in the country happening under five years of age. In our towns it is the same. In 1901 4,701 deaths were registered in Bradford, and of these 1,512, or 32 per cent., occurred among children under five years of age. There being thus about 32 to 40 per cent, of the total mortality under five years of age, that proportion of the mortality may be left out of account. As to the causes of that mortality, 70 however, my general argument is not weakened but strengthened, it being the opinion of medical officers of health that a great part of its cause is improper feeding. If this is so under five years of age, and as no noticeable break or gap occurs between the modes of management of children under five years of age and those over that age, or at subsequent ages, it is probable that mortality is induced by the action of similar causes at all ages, and therefore that the view which attributes a large proportion of the mortality at more advanced ages to wrong feeding is prima facie at least not improbable. Let us now look at the mortality at the other extreme of life. I have taken 65 years and not 70 as the point from which to examine the mortality because it is an easier problem for medicine to prolong life to 65 than 70, although I do not for a moment suggest that we ought to let 65 years of age form the limit of our ambition. If medicine succeeded in raising the age at death to 65 years, her ambitions would very soon rise to 70 and beyond. Meantime it seems hopeless to talk about such a thing, so very little has yet been done towards increasing life at the active and useful ages. In 1900, then, there died in England and Wales 142,496 persons over 65 years of age out of the 587,830 deaths occurring that year. That was about 24 per cent., and this forms year after year about the proportion of the population who reach not 70 years of age, but 65. In the towns again it is the same. In 1901, out of 71 the 4,701 deaths registered in Bradford, 1,038, or 22 per cent., attained the age of 65 years or upwards. On the assumption that life is worth hving, this does not seem to me a satisfactory- result. Further, if life could be prolonged in health and activity and interest, the objection frequently felt by persons who hve long, to the solitude experienced by them in the loss of their friends would not count for so much, since the same causes which might lead to the prolongation of their life would lead to the longevity of their friends. Deducting, then, the 209,960 deaths under five years along with the 142,496 which occurred over 65, there remain 235,374 deaths to be accounted for between five and 65 years of age — which we may term the deaths at the active stages of life. From what causes did these deaths occur ? In the order of their frequency, and therefore of their importance, we gather from the Registrar-General that they are the following : — 1. The most numerous group is that attributed by the Registrar- General to con- stitutional diseases which includes consumption of the lungs and other forms of tuberculosis, cancer, and rheumatism. This group accounts for 71,004 deaths out of the 235,374 to be accounted for. Practically it is tuberculosis and cancer which are to be considered, for the former accounted for 48,931 deaths between five and 65 years of age, and the latter for 17,026. Rheumatism and gout were not directly large causes of mortality, 72 although it would be very unwise to infer from this that these are unimportant diseases. Both rheumatism and gout are very important and very dangerous conditions of body indeed, but they are so far more in relation to what they mean and to the evils which they portend as about to ensue in the body, than in themselves. This quality is shewed by other diseases besides rheumatism and gout, and is, indeed, a characteristic of many of the minor ailments, especially, for instance, indigestion, in which nearly all, or at least a very large proportion of diseases have their origin. 2. The next most important cause of death between five and 65 years of age is diseases of the circulation, I ought to say that I have added the deaths caused by apoplexy to those attributed by the Registrar- General to diseases of the circulation for reasons mentioned in the previous chapter, and have therefore removed the deaths due to apoplexy from those attributed to diseases of the nervous system. Diseases of the circulation, then, and apoplexy account for 40,332 deaths out of the 285,374 in question. Apoplexy alone accounted for 19,110 of these deaths, so important a cause of mortality is it. 3. The next largest cause of mortality at these active ages of life is diseases of the respiration, which account for 36,321 deaths. Of these bronchitis and pneumonia together accounted for 31,383 deaths, so that the deaths due to other diseases of the respiratory system are comparatively 73 unimportant. Diseases of the respiration are, among persons living at the active ages of Hfe, as well as among the population in general at all ages, a very important cause of mortality. 4. The next most important cause of death, according to the Registrar- General, is " old age," which accounts for 31,146 deaths under 65 years of age. I have already said that all would like to see this cause of death greatly increased, and to see life lived as it ought to be, till it determined in decay of nature rather than in succumbing to disease. " Old age," in fact, under 65 years of age, and particularly under 60 or less, would appear to be a misnomer. If persons succumb to ' ' old age" at such ages, it is likely, on the face of it, that they have in some way mismanaged themselves, so as to make themselves old before their time, and it will be well before making any other inquiry to try to see whether a main cause of this is not over- filling of the body with food and drink, so clogging its actions and bringing its powers to a stand- still. 5. The cause next in importance of mortality between five and 65 years of age in England in 1900 was the zymotic diseases. We saw how very important a cause of death this set of diseases is among the whole population at all ages ; and now we find that between five and 65 years of age it accounts for 29,766 deaths out of the 235,374 to be accounted for. This would give a pro- portional number of 126,000 out of a million deaths 74 from all causes, or about an eighth of the total mortality. 6. The next most important cause of death between five and 65 years of age is the diseases of the digestive system, which in 1900 accounted for 14,638 deaths out of the 235,374 which occurred in England and Wales in that year. This is still a large proportion, although if the arguments on which I have relied are sound, this number, large as it is, by no means represents the number of deaths due to disorders of the digestion. As it is, however, it represents a proportional number of 62,000 out of a million deaths from all causes. 7. Lastly, deducting apoplexy (a very im- portant cause of death, as has been shewn), diseases of the nervous system accounted for 8503 deaths out of the 235,374 between five and 65 years in England in 1900. From these seven causes of death, we find that 231,710 deaths are accounted for, out of the 235,374 in question in England and Wales in 1900, so that the remainder, due to parasitic diseases, dietetic diseases, &c., is very trifling. The class of dietetic diseases, I may say, however, includes the deaths from chronic alcoholism and delirium tremens, and is put at the too low figure of 3638 at all ages for Ensfland in 1900. As chronic alcoholism causes disease in various organs, as the liver, kidneys, lungs, heart, brain, and, in fact, in almost all organs, deaths that ought to be set down to alcoholism are far more frequently referred to diseases of those organs, so 75 that the Registrar- General's returns are no guide, and do not even offer an approximation to the number or proportion of deaths due to this cause. It is quite natural, of course, that relatives should not like to have the deaths of their friends put down to alcoholism, but their unwillingness to let this be done must not be allowed to blind us to the real facts of the case. Chronic alcoholism no doubt accounts for a frightful amount of mortality in England if the truth could be known ; and no doubt also it is a most shocking cause of death, since no other cause equally lowers the power of the intellect in the government of men and women, sears their conscience and blunts their sense of refinement, or shuts their heart to the claims of those dependent on them. Bad as alcoholism is in these respects, however, and terrible in so many ways, it is not by a long way so potent a cause of mortality or of disease as improper feeding ; and I cannot help thinking that if the teetotallers, instead of confining their attention to the evil effects of alcoholic drink alone, had widened the scope of their inquiries and extended them to the effects of intemperance in the use of food also, they would have effected much more good than they have yet succeeded in doing. There are passages in the writings of well-known medical writers on the evil effects of alcohol, referring a long succession of bodily evils to the effects of alcoholism, every one of which I have seen, and that not once, but over and over again, occurring in the life history of 76 teetotallers who were perfectly sincere in their state- ment that they abstained entirely from alcoholic drink. I am very sorry to say this, because I recognise to the full the good intentions of teetotallers and their sincere desire to benefit their kind in the best and highest ways, by inculcating on them the need for self control, and by shewing them how to achieve it. And I have endorsed the practice of the teetotallers by being one myself for years, so that I know of what I speak. No doubt they have shewn that alcohol is not necessary to persons in health, and that long and active and useful life is attainable without its use, while I think they have shewn also that childhood and youth are better without it. But nothing is gained by exaggeration, or by attributing to one cause what is often due to another, as, for instance, in the following passage, in which a distinguished physician said that "it is the prevalence of beer and spirit drinking, and consequent liver-clogging, which accounts for the widespread use and countless forms of patent pills such as Cockle's, Morison's, Holloway's, and others. These are taken by millions every week, and people find that if they do not take them they become bilious and unwell." And then he goes on to suggest that the chief reason for all this constipation and clogging, so very deleterious to the system, I freely admit, is caused by " gin-drinker's liver." But while this is some- times a cause of the constipation which drives people foolishly to take aperients, by which, 77 nevertheless, they cannot cure it, surely it is not the only cause or the chief cause. It is impossible that constipation, so prevalent a condition in young and old and in middle-aged, and in all sorts and conditions of men and women, can be due to alcohol as its commonest cause' It is not compatible with common experience to say so. Thousands of the young women, for example, suffering in this way never take alcohol at all ; and what it is due to far more than to anything else is excess not in alcohol but in food, and particularly to the widespread habit of taking too many meals. The modus operandi also of this habit and its consequences are quite plain. Too much chyle gets into the blood through over-feeding. The excess of nutritive material so introduced must be used somehow, and by means of it the muscular fibres of the bowel, and particularly the transverse or circular fibres, become overgrown or hypertrophied. The effect of this is to make these overgrown fibres contract too tightly, especially as the stimulus of too much nutritive material in the blood is still kept up by over-feeding. In this way the firm contraction of these fibres narrows the lumen or channel of the bowel, and prevents its contents from passing; or otherwise, we may say, causes constipation, and when some sort of action does occur, it causes the evacuation of those small knotty motions so common in this condition. Let the constipated young person, who is constantly taking sugar and spice and chocolates between her meals, give up 78 this pernicious habit ; let her or him who is in the habit of taking four daily meals, try the effect of three for three months, and the probability is that he will be somewhat less constipated. If this does not cure him, however, let him take two daily meals for six months, and he will probably become regular, especially if he will take frumitty and cooked fruit at one of his meals, and the well boiled onion or fresh lettuce, tomatoes, &c., at the other. But if this is insufficient to put him right (but it will fail very seldom indeed) he will almost certainly become so on one daily meal. Alcohol is sometimes, no doubt, a cause of constipation, but sometimes, on the other hand, a little beer has the opposite effect — not that I recommend its use for that purpose, because I think the purpose can be better effected in the way suggested — but far the commonest cause of constipation is not alcohol but too much food. The same statements are true, the necessary name-changes being made, as regards skin eruptions, which another medical authority attributes to alcohol. I do not deny that alcohol may cause acne and eczsema, for instance, that is, that beer may cause and that it often does cause spots and redness of the face and nose ; but the large majority of the cases I have seen, occurring as they do in young women, who are greatly distressed by them, or in middle-aged women, many of whom do not touch beer or stout at all, much less brandy or other spirits, have been caused not by alcohol but by too 79 much starch and sugar in the diet, and these skin affections are really very easily treated by diminish- ing the number of meals taken and by restricting the use of these articles of food. I have seen many teetotallers die early, say between 50 and 60 years of age, not from their teetotalism at all, certainly not, but from wrong dieting of themselves, and particularly from taking too many meals. In fact, my experience leads me to say that teetotallers, as a rule, err in this way more than moderate drinkers, and having been deeply impressed by the truly shocking and degrading and demoralising effects of alcoholic drinking (let no one say I minimise these in the least, for I do not) have exaggerated its importance and extent, and so have attributed to alcohol many effects which are not due to it at all but to wrong feeding. Will any doctor seriously contend that say one glass of sherry or Madeira, taken at lunch, and one small whiskey taken at bed-time, in those cases where it suits — will any doctor seriously contend that such an amount of alcohol taken daily will shorten the life of the average man by a day ? I do not believe it will, although at the same time I fully admit that it is not necessary to life or health, and although for my own part I quite expect to hve to term without it. The moral and social grounds for abstinence from alcohol may lead persons justly to become teetotal themselves, and to inculcate total abstinence on other people — this style of argumentation attracts me very much, I must say — but we must be careful 80 not to transcend the bounds of truth and evidence even for a good cause, and we must also sanely attempt to attribute the effects of excess in all directions to their true causes, and to consider judicially the effects of too much food as well as of too much alcoholic drink. Many strange things happen in life in the observation of those who notice what they see. I knew, for example, two brothers, one of whom lived to 75 years of age, the other attaining the age of 84. The former was a sober, righteous, and godly man, the centre of a numerous family of nephews and nieces, who looked to him as to a pattern for the help which young people so often need, and which he was able and willing to give. He died of a dilated, flabby, weak heart, brought on, I believe, partly by anxiety, but chiefly because he did not understand digestion, and because he ingested into his blood, habitually, more food than he required. The brother was such a rascal, and had so little command over himself that for 40 years he never went to bed sober, if he could go drunk. He was a pleasant, smiling, agreeable man to strangers, and when I saw him, at 83 years of age, he was as straight as a dart, and as nimble as a lamplighter. Yet, when he died the next year, so awful had been his family's experience of his vagaries, and so great the shame he had put them to, that his own daughter went down on her knees to thank God when she heard of his death. This was an exceptional case, no doubt. I may mention that 81 the longer lived brother, although he drank so hard, was a very spare eater. But how wrong it would be of me if I were to advise people, because this man lived in spite of his habits, that they should go and do likewise. And yet, would it be any more untrue to nature, or any less dis- proportionate to reality, than was, for example, the language of a compeer of my own, a medical man, who practised his profession for over 30 years, and who, all through his professional life, spoke of alcohol as " the accursed thing," advising all to abstain totally from it under peril of eternal loss ? Or, to take another example. Many medical men believe that much damage is done, and many fatal illnesses are brought on by an excess of starch and sugar in the diet. But do we value their judgment if they advise total abstinence from these articles of food ? Or at least is it not more rational of them if they advise, not complete abstinence, but such moderation as conduces to life, and health, and usefulness ? The effects of the use and abuse of alcohol and of foods (and, I may add, of other things), may differ greatly in detail, but our attitude in respect of them must, it seems to me, be in principle always to remember that moderation is the only rule which never fails us. ':>'^^^^?5<5^ 82 CHAPTER IV. The Causes of Disease or the Causes of the Causes of Death. Preliminary. rnOETALITY, being attributed to the diseases already named, or death being caused by them, an inquiry into the causes of these diseases may be otherwise considered as an inquiry into the causes of the causes of death. Death is, of course, the natural termination of life, but death ought to oc(iur by a slow wearing out of the natural powers of the body. It very rarely does so ; it occurs not from old age but from disease, for the most part. Now the causes of disease are usually considered under three divisions, termed respectively the predisposing, the exciting, and the proximate causes. The proximate causes of disease are two, and two only, viz. : shrinking and swelling, or contraction and dilatation. Organised bodies, like unorganised, have the power or quality of contracting or shrinking, and also of dilating, or swelling, or expanding, under the action of certain stimuli, but there is probably this difference between them, that unorganised bodies may actually shrink into smaller compass, so as to occupy less space at some times than others, under 83 the contracting action ; while organised bodies, if they contract or shrink in one direction, usually expand or swell in another, so that it is doubtful if they occupy less space at one moment than at another. (Of course organised bodies grow and develope, and again shrink and become attenuated and old, so that at different periods of their lives they occupy very different amounts of space ; but the question at present is whether they occupy more or less space under the actions of contraction and dilatation, respectively, at very short intervals of time, as, e.g. , iron does under the action of heat and cold). Usually, when an organised body, as the earth-worm, for example, shrinks in one direction, say its longitudinal direction, or in its length, it swells or expands or dilates in another direction, in its width, for instance ; so that the space it occupies at any two shortly separated intervals of time is nearly if not quite the same. This property it probably owes to the water which always forms a large proportion of the structure of organised bodies, water being for practical purposes incom- pressible. A fact of this kind seems to have greatly impressed early inquirers into the constitution of nature, one of them, as is well known, having held that water (or moisture as we now term it), is the ultimate element from which all things are formed and to which they all return. Certainly without moisture life, as we know it, does not occur. The proximate causes, then, being swelling and shrinking (and the ancients knew F2 84 them under a great many different names, especially the Greeks, see Chap. VI. — the Latins called them strictum et laxum), it appears that these so-called causes are not really causes so much as states. These two causes or states have this peculiarity when manifested in organised bodies, that, whichever of them appears first in the animal economy, is always followed by its opposite ; shrinking by swelling and swelling by shrinking, contraction by dilatation and dilatation by con- traction. If a muscular fibre, for instance, contracts, it in course of time expands, and, after expanding, it again contracts. These properties depend on the constitution of the organised body, or on the constitution of the part of it undei* consideration ; but we shall not be betrayed into the fallacy of supposing that contraction is the cause of swelling, although it always precedes it, nor yet that swelling in turn is the cause of contraction for the same reason, if we remember that day always precedes night and night day, although day is not the cause of night nor night the cause of day. These offer also a good instance of the fact that invariable succession is not the same thing as causation. Nevertheless, when we find one thing invariably preceding another, we may assume that there is some causal nexus, although it almost always takes the form that the two phenomena are successive effects of a common cause, although they are not cause and effect of one another. Day and night, for example, although 85 they are not cause and effect of one another, are successive effects of a common cause, namely, the rotation of the earth on its axis, and its behaviour to the sun. So the succession of swelling on shrinking and vice versa, may be considered best as successive effects of a common cause, namely, the constitution of the tissues of organised bodies. There is another phase of the relation between swelling and shrinking which should not be overlooked, for failure to appreciate its significance has led to the greatest confusion in medicine, and is probably doing so to-day, notwithstanding all the advance which is alleged to have been made in the art. It is this. The structure of many parts of organised bodies, of the arteries, for example, which generally convey the aerated or arterial blood ; of the intestines and of other parts ; is in two layers of contractile structures, one of which goes along the length of the structure, and the other across its width. These are called respectively the longitudinal and the transverse fibres (or circular, sometimes). Now it is evident that contraction of the longitudinal fibres must cause dilatation of the transverse fibres, and that, on the other hand, contraction of the transverse fibres must cause dilatation of the longitudinal. In other words, contraction in the length of a vessel, or shortening it, widens its width, while contraction or narrowing of its width lengthens its length. When it is added that these two sets of fibres may be under the control of two different sets of nerves, and that 86 not infrequently the one set of nerves stimulates its fibres to contraction immediately after the other set has ceased to stimulate its own, it is evident how complicated may be the actions resulting from the successive action of two sets of structures acting in the body. Shortly, the complication is apt to create this amount of confusion in the observations of an inquirer that (1) contraction appears to cause dilatation and dilatation appears to cause contraction, and (2) that stimulation of one set of nerves appears to have the same effect as absence of stimulation or loss of control by another. That is to say, in both of these directions, actions may appear to produce effects exactly the opposite of those which they do exert. It is a little away from our subject at the present moment, but perhaps an example may illustrate better than a statement what is wished to be conveyed ; and I may say, therefore, that contraction of fibres may either contract or dilate the pupil of the eye, and that parahsis of one of its nerves of supply may cause the same dilatation as is produced by stimulation of another. This complication and difficulty also arises in the attempt to understand the actions of many other parts of the body, and may lead us astray in studying respiration, cardiac action, intestinal action, sleep, thinking, and possibly, indeed, any and all functions. Even a poor imagination may perceive how entirely opposite must be recommendations as to treatment according to the mode in which 87 various changes in function are produced, or (and this is where the difficulty comes in, in practice), according to the possibly differing views of different advisers as to their mode of production, Evidently if a condition is caused by paralysis or loss of power in one set of nerves, its treatment mu^ be by attempting to strengthen the same ; but if, on the other hand, it is caused by over- stimulation of another set, equally clear is it that the object of treatment ought to be to remove some of the excess of action. On the former view the action must be tonic, bracing, strengthening ; on the latter it must be lowering, relaxing, weakening. There can be no doubt that much difficulty enters here into medical practice, but I should like to add that the difficulty is by no means confined to medicine ; commercial, social and ethical relations presenting frequently the same difficulties. Simple as they are, the discussion of the proximate causes or states has led us further than we expected, and has opened up a field much wider and more difficult than we supposed. The exciting causes will hardly detain us long. These are such influences as heat, wetness, dryness, calm, wind, storm, and so on ; also organic micro-organisms, spores, germs and organic particles ; and, lastly, violence of various kinds. The effects of the last are dealt with by the surgeon ; those of the others by the physician for the most part. It is very difficult to differentiate by exclusive characteristics the exciting causes from the predisposing, with 88 which I must deal directly ; but probably as good a means of differentiation as any would be to say that while the exciting causes act once or seldom, the predisposing act often or for a long period of time. An attempt to distinguish the one set of causes from the other shews that causes which are considered to be exciting from one point of view may become predisposing from another. For instance, getting one's feet wet on a given occasion, or being in a wind, may be the exciting cause of an attack of inflammation of the lungs or of bronchitis ; but being more or less continually exposed to the effects of damp or draughts may act as a predisposing cause to some long-continued illness. The predisposing causes of disease are for the most part the relations of the body to air, to food, and to exercises, with perhaps the influences of anxiety and of heredity added. I shall hope to say something about the last later, and shall dismiss it for the present with the remark that as a cause of disease (though not of organisation, which is greatly determined by it) I believe its influence has been greatly exaggerated both by medical men and by the general public. And I go on to say that of the other predisposing causes of disease by far the most important is the relations of the body to food. This statement is really the main thesis of this essay. This thesis may be analysed into the following statements. First, if human beings were to arrange properly the quantity and quality of the food which they take, and also the times at which 89 they take it, they would suffer much less from disease and illness than they do now. Second, even after disease has occurred or has broken out, the best means to combat it and to restore the body to health is by an alteration in the diet. From which it follows, thirdly, that the best and most important means to keep a man in the health which by the supposition he has re-attained, is to prescribe for him a proper amount and quality of food, and suitable times of taking it for the future. A great Latin medical writer, it is well known, divided methods of treatment into three divisions, treatment by diet {victus), by medicines {medica- menta), and by surgery (manus). And he might have added, I venture to suggest, that, with the exception of a few diseased conditions which mtist be treated by surgery, those diseases which cannot be treated by diet or by diet combined with exercises, which for the moment he forgot, ca.n hardly be ejB&ciently treated at all. These positions must not be understood. It is not contended that the relations of the body to food are the only causes of disease. It is most freely admitted that there are other causes. No sensible man would deny or would wish to deny that the relation of the body to air or respiration is a very important cause of health on the one hand, and of disease on the other. Nor would he fail to attribute an important influence to the effects of exercise on the body. Among the exciting causes of disease, again, long exposure to cold or to heat. 90 or to fatigue, or to anxiety, as to many of* the other exciting causes, must and does exert a very powerful influence for good or evil on health or disease. But after all these admissions are made, and due allowance made for the undoubted effect of these other causes in affecting the body for good and ill, the statement still seems to the writer to hold good that by far the most potent cause of disease, the cause compared with which all the rest pale into insignificance, is the predisposing cause of improper food supply, either as to quality or quantity, or both. How greatly this cause pre- ponderates it is difficult to say, but the writer is of opinion, for reasons which will appear abundantly in the sequel, that it would probably be no exaggeration to say that proper or improper relations between the body and food are as great and important causes of health and disease as all other causes put together. The precise proportion, however, by which this cause preponderates over the others is immaterial to the argument, which alleges, on the other hand, that it is by far the most important cause, but by no means that it is the only one. A man may undoubtedly be worried to death, may be broken down by sorrow and anxiety, and his life and spirit worn down by this cause, however properly he may manage his digestion and food arrangements. And, on the other hand, so may he be chilled or destroyed by excessive and long continued cold or heat, or exposure, or overwork. 91 This will probably be the best place in which to introduce some ideas which we must consider sooner or later, regarding the division of diseases into acute and chronic. Under the action of such an exciting cause as exposure to cold, or wetness, or wind, a person is very apt to have a feverish attack, or an attack of inflammation, as it is called, in some organ or part. When this happens the temperature usually is found to rise above the normal standard of 98*4° F. (37° C), and the pulse is generally found beating at a higher rate than the 60-90 beats a minute, which we laid down as the usual limits of health. The increase of the pulse- rate, and the elevation of the temperature are the signs, or some of them, by which nowadays we measure the acuteness or severity of an illness. Formerly it was not so. The ancient physicians did not measure temperature, although they put their hands on patients' bodies to feel if they were hot ; nor do they seem to have counted the pulse, although they examined the pulse carefully, and attached great importance to its changes, and this notwithstanding that they did not realise or under- stand the circulation of the blood and lymph. The severity or acuteness of a disease seems to depend on two things ; first, the amount or quantity of the exciting cause, the amount of the cold, or wind, or wetness, etc, , to which a person may be exposed ; and second, the strength or weakness of the patient. We should now say that the severity of an illness or its acuteness, as well as the length of 92 its duration, are proportional to the quantity of the cause in action, and that it is inversely as the resistance of the person acted upon, or (what comes to the same thing) proportional to his weakness or his predisposition to disease. An acute disease is generally a rather short-lived one, while milder diseases are generally longer in duration ; and hence it is customary to classify diseases into acute or severe on the one hand, and into chronic on the other. It is, however, many years since I have been attempting to draw attention to the fact which I must emphasize again, that acute and chronic are not logical opposites. Acute, in fact, is opposed, not to chronic, but to mild ; and between acute and mild there may be, and often is, inserted an intermediate group or class of diseases, viz., the sub-acute', while beyond the acute diseases it is not infrequently necessary to distinguish those which are extremely severe, or per-acute* as they have been termed. Chronic, on the other hand, is the opposite, not of acute, but of short. The division of diseases into acute and chronic was introduced by Asclepiades of Prusa, who, after he went to Rome, became the medical adviser of Cicero. He was not a doctor, properly speaking, at all (of the rank, for instance, of Celsus or Galen) but a philosopher or dialectician. His contribution to medicine, of this very division of diseases into acute and chronic, as also his distinction between * The term ultra-acute, suggested recently, seems to have been proposed in ignorance of the existence of the much better and time-honoured term per-acute . 93 category and prosagory, as well as his ideas regarding the oyKoi (Latin, Unci) or hooked atoms, a possible anticipation of the modern doctrine of microbes, and of the part they may be supposed to play in the causation of disease, all bear the impress rather of the philosopher than the practical physician. His division of diseases into acute and chronic, however, has been most unfortunate, and offers one of the most interesting instances of an alleged reform being really a retrogression, because it can be shewn that Hippocrates, hundreds of years before, had spoken of diseases as being mild {rrpaeis) and severe or acute (o^et?) and had also spoken of diseases as being short {/Spaxel'? or 6XLyo-)(p6vLOL) and /ong (ttoXv^ovlol or yjpovioi or [MaKpol), so keeping things which were distinct in fact, clear and distinct in his mind and in language. And yet the so-called reform of Asclepiades has held its own ever since his time, displacing the more logical ideas of Hippocrates in this particular. In Latin the word lentus is often used of the chronic diseases. As lentus means tenacious, hence slow, sluggish, hence lasting, and as long diseases are generally somewhat mild, there has been no relief to the ambiguity, derived from the use of Latin terminology, such e.g., as the use of the word mitis for mild or slight would have given us. Chronic means long continued, and the term has been applied to any diseased state of the organism lasting for twenty-eight days or longer. To lengthen its application or definition to diseases 94 lasting three months would, I think, be better, because a few cases of what is called acute disease last as long as three months (some even more), e.g., some cases of typhoid fever, which certainly go on occasionally for six, nine, or twelve weeks, or longer ; or cases of rheumatic fever. No doubt chronic diseases are generally mild, but frequently they are not so, being sub-acute or acute, or even per-acute (in accordance with the definitions immediately to be given to these terms), while more often they are alternately mild at some periods of their course, and acute or sub-acute, or per-acute at others. Or they may be intermittent or recurrent ; that is, they may cease entirely for a time, during which the patient gets quite well, and then they may recur. Again, disease, without entirely ceasing, may improve considerably, becoming milder for a time, and then become more severe again ; in which case it is termed remittent rather than intermittent. But when disease settles down on a patient, or, as it may be better expressed, when the patient is always ill, for as long (I propose) as not less than three months at a time, then his disease is termed chronic. Even in this last case, however, when patients are always ill, they are not equally ill at all times, for, if the case is watched closely, it will always be found that the patient is worse at some times and not so ill again at others. We may otherwise express this state by saying that a patient is recurrently or intermittently ill, and, by and bye, that he is remittently ill, before he becomes 95 chronically ill. The cause of this alternation between being better and worse or between being ill and again not so ill, is a very interesting one. I believe it depends on the manner of the rotation of the earth on which we live, and its behaviour to the sun ; for that arrangement implies that our earth, in revolving on its axis, projects now this side and then that to the sun, so that in the former case it is day on one part of the planet and night on the other, and in the course of twelve hours or so these relations are reversed. Now, when it is day, on a certain part of the planet, all organic things on that part are shrunk and ready for action like a spring compressed which is ready to uncoil as the day goes on ; till, when night comes on, they are swollen like an uncoiled spring and go to sleep, during which time the spring becomes shrunk again, or compressed, as it were, and is ready on another day to translate its uncoiling into the doing of physical and mental work. The effect of this arrangement is to produce the intermittent work or action as distinguished from constant or continuous action, which is so characteristic of everything that occurs on this planet, that all action is intermittent and even what seems to be continuous action, translates itself always into a rapid succession of intermittent actions. Hence the alterations of pulse-rate and temperature which we observe, not only in disease but even in health to some extent ; and hence also those alternations which invariably occur in all the 96 relations of man to his environment, traceable, as they are, in politics, commerce, and philosophy, and which determine the behaviour even of the ultimate elements of protoplasm, so that they are seen, whether by the naked eye or under the microscope, to be in constant alternation of swelling on the one hand and shrinking on the other. Even inorganic phenomena manifest this characteristic, and the very tide rises and falls in an intermittent and not in a continuous way, alternately rising and falling as it flows, and falling and rising as it ebbs. It is an interesting speculation, and one not wholly unpractical, to inquii'e what would be the effect on life and on phenomena on a planet which should behave differently to the sun, as the moon, for instance, behaves to the earth, rotating on its axis, indeed, but in such a way as to keep always the same face to the sun. Obviously there would be everlasting day on one side of such a planet, and everlasting night on the opposite one ; and the effect on Hfe and on every action occurring on that planet would probably be very different indeed from what occurs on our earth. It seems as if the diagrammatic representation of life in this latter case would be, not as with us, a zig-zag line repre- senting a rise and fall, thus — but would be, on the contrary, represented by a 97 point which widens into a line, the hne widening to its broadest place, after which it would begin to become narrower and narrower till it ended in a point again, thus — and probably^ the action of life on such a planet would be continuous, and not intermittent as on ours, beginning with slight actions, which would become stronger and stronger, till they culminated at the central point in the double cone, after which they would generally diminish, but still in a con- tinuously lessening manner, till they finally ended in a point as they began. But however this may be, and to return to our consideration of acute and chronic, when we reflect that chronic diseases are severe enough, or acute enough to kill patients, we seem to realise better the confusion which exists in our minds in thinking about them. Chronic being, then, the opposite, not of acute, but of short or brief, we can define a short, or brief, or brachy-chronic disease {vov(To or morbus brevis), as one lasting, I would suggest, not longer than three months. If it lasted longer than this, it would be chronic (vovcros ^6vL0ovL(oTepa, or morbus brevior) would be defined as one lasting 14 days or so ; while a very 98 short disease {vov(ro<; ^paxyxpovLtoTara, or morbus brevissimus), would be one which lasted from two to seven days. A disease lasting one day has often been termed ephemeral (j/ovcro? i^rjixepios, or morbus dturnus). Diseases which recurred, on the other hand, at daily intervals, or at intervals of two or of three days, were called, respectively, quotidian, tertian, and quartan diseases. In the opinion of Asclepiades of Prusa, the differences in the length of the duration of these last diseases were determined by differences in the sizes of the oy/cot, or unci, or hooked atoms co-existing with them, a doctrine which, as has been said, may be considered anticipa- tory 1800 years ago, of the germ theory of disease, of which we have heard so much of late years. Acute or severe diseases {vovaoi 6^el, = I leaven or make to ferment), or of the fevers (ferveo — I burn) is that they are febrile diseases known or believed to be associated with the presence and growth of micro-organisms in the blood or tissues of the body. Inflammations, on the other hand (flamma — a flame), might be defined as febrile diseases not known to be associated with the presence and growth of such micro- organisms. Some inflammations, it is true, are believed to be associated, or are suspected to be associated, with the presence and growth of micro- organisms in the body. Some forms of pneumonia, for instance, or inflammation of the lungs, are 103 now known to be so associated ; while lately, as regards acute rheumatism, or rheumatic fever, as it is more frequently called, the same suggestion has been made, or the same suspicion entertained. Such inflammations are often termed specific inflammations, and of them it may be said that medical opinion is tending towards including and classifying them among the fevers. But at present we may say that the specific inflammations form a group of diseases between the fevers and the simple inflammations. As regards these last diseases, indeed, the simple inflammations, I should not be greatly surprised if it should be found before long, as the knowledge of the life history of the numerous micro-organisms becomes more thoroughly known, that more and more of the inflammations will be found to be associated with the growth in the body of some forms of micro-organisms. In this case the distinction between the fevers and the inflammations would tend to become obHterated. Up to the present time, however, this association of the growth of micro-organisms has not been shewn in the case of the simple inflammations, such, for instance, as bronchitis, simple broncho-pneumonia, or in such afiections as inflammation of the heart, stomach, liver or kidneys, and, therefore, the distinction between the fevers and the inflamma- tions still holds good. And further, the clinical distinction between the fevers and the inflammations, that the former appear only once in life while the latter may and often do occur again and again, 104 holds true in the main. It is, therefore, very diflficult to prove the third part of our argument in the case of the fevers, viz., that a recurrence to those modes of feeding which induced them at first will re-induce them. In the case of influenza, however, this difficulty does not occur. Influenza belongs to the fevers, because the micro-organism associated with its occurrence in the body, has been cultivated and developed again and again. I have no doubt at all that the chief predisposing cause of influenza is wrong feeding and too frequent feeding ; and the kind of evidence which I ofier for the holding of this opinion is represented by cases like the following. A man about 38 years of age consulted me for frequently recurring attacks of broncho-pneumonia, or severe feverish colds, as they are popularly termed, and mentioned also that he had had influenza in three consecutive years. He ofiered to go to South Africa or anywhere where I might think he would have a better chance of living a healthy life, if only he could be rid of his crippling attacks of illness. I told him that he might go to South Africa if he liked, but that, in my opinion, he could get well in Bradford if he would take a little trouble. Further, I said that if he did go to South Africa, and if he got rid of his severe and recurring colds there, and if he did not in the meantime alter his ways, and particularly his food habits (there was no suggestion of alcoholism in the case, the man being, if not a teetotaller, very temperate), the colds would infallibly be replaced 105 by some other form of illness, rheumatism, e.g.^ or gout, or perhaps by the onset of some disease generally attributed to the South African climate. In short, I told him that it mattered far less where he lived than hoiso. I advised him to cut down his food, which he evidently was not assimilatiug, and in particular to take two meals daily in place of three, and I suggested that he should diminish his bread. The effect of these changes has been most beneficial. After one other broncho - pneumonic attack, whose effect was most salutary to him, as it helped to rid his body of the accumulation of effete and unassimilated stuff which was stored up within it, he has remained now free of his old ' ' colds " for about four years ; and he has not had influenza since. As these advantages were confidently pre- dicted to him as consequences which would ensue on the alteration of his food habits, and as they have accrued to him accordingly on his effecting that alteration, I have no doubt that his colds and his influenzas were dependent on the wrong feeding to which he used to be subject. If this is so, we have a recurring inflammation, and also a fever, put an end to by alteration of the diet, and particularly by restriction of the diet. If the man has any doubt of the sequence of cause and effect in the case, he has only to return to his former way of living ; which, if he did, I have no doubt that in a few weeks he would get another attack of broncho- pneumonia, and, no doubt, after some time longer, would again find himself suffering from influenza. 106 But I do not recommend that this experiment should be made, although I have no doubt (neither has my patient, to whom the whole matter has been a great surprise) what the result would be if it were. The same experience occurred to me in treating a patient who had suffered for many years from a succession of bronchitic and asthmatic attacks. He had lived in the West Indies for some years, some thirty years before the time to which I am now referring. While there he had suffered greatly from malarial fever, ' ' fever and ague, " as it was termed there, and so profoundly had his organism become modified that he never took one of his many and continually recurring colds without suffering also from an attack of ague. Being advised to restrict his diet in order to get rid of his bronchitis and asthma, and having done as he was advised, he made a complete recovery, not only from the bronchitis and asthma, but also from chronic rheumatism, from which he used to suffer, as well as recurring attacks of herpes, or watery blisters, on his lips, mouth and tongue. And, still further, to the surprise both of the doctor and of the patient, he has not now had an attack of ague for over ten years. It really does seem marvellous that so marked and so gratifying a result as this could occur after about fifty years of age, and after the body had suffered for so long a time as thirty years ; but so it was. That patient would be very ill-advised if he were to carry scepticism as to whether his recovery depended on the treatment, so 107 far as to have recourse again to the mode of feeding which made him so ill before. Nevertheless, if he were to do so, I have no doubt that he would soon again begin to suffer from herpes of the lips, from rheumatism, from bronchitis and asthma, and, by and bye, even from recurring ague. But as malarial fever and ague is technically a fever, here is another case in which an alteration of the food habits and restriction of the diet have cured and prevented the recurrence both of inflammations and of fever. I can imagine some reader here saying to himself, why was not quinine administered to this patient "to break the periodicity of his attacks ? " It is well known, I hear him mentally adding, that quinine is specific, and a sovereign remedy in intermittent fever. Alas for the suggestion — quinine was administered, and that in large doses. Often had he been cinchonised while in the West Indies by the quinine which he took. On one occasion he took 120 grains of quinine in three weeks, but without any noticeable effect on his intermittent fever. Then he was recommended to take arsenic, which did him good for a time, but the attacks recurred, because the causes of the attacks, viz., improper feeding, continued to act. It is easy to see this now, but no one had the ghost of an idea of it then. It had never occurred to anyone interested in the case that food had anything to do with it, and the illness was attributed wholly to the West Indian climate. Nevertheless, it is plain now, on looking back, that 108 it had everything to do with it, and that a cause acting constantly, or at least at very short intervals of time (three or four or more times a day), shewed its effects in intermittent or periodic attacks of ague, separated from one another by longer intervals of time. This is in perfect accordance with the law elsewhere stated that constant causes acting on the economy shew their influence, not in constant, but in periodic effects. If the reader is interested in this case, I will mention one or two other incidents in it. After quinine had failed to improve the patient at all, and when, notwithstanding the administration of arsenic, the attacks still recurred, much benefit was obtained by an early morning shower-bath, given in the primitive way of emptying a large calabash full of water, left in the open air all night, over the head and shoulders and back of the patient. It was guilelessly believed that the water was more efficacious for having been left out all night ; but obviously it was the cold shower bath which did the good, and a bath fitted up in the house, if there had been a bath-room in the house, would have had the same or more effect. By and bye, however, this also lost its effect, and the malarial attacks returned, no noticeable and permanent improvement being apparent until the patient left the tropical country for a temperate one. Even then, however, and for 30 years afterwards, an attack of ague came on again with every cold. The only question remaining on one's mind now in respect of this case is the following : — 109 Would, it may be asked, a change of diet in the tropical country itself, given moderately sanitary conditions present, would such a change of diet, say two meals a day, to an extent of not more than 12 ozs. a day, without a change of climate, have cured the patient ? For my part, I believe it would. Opinions will differ about this. It is a hypothetical question which can never be translated into terms of actual experiment for the given case, although there are no doubt now many thousands of similar cases going on among Europeans living in tropical countries, to whom such a narrative may be of the very greatest interest. If my opinion is sound, they might save themselves much suffering, much trouble, and much money. The development of rheumatism, bronchitis, and asthma, in the temperate climate, shewed how superficial was the change that relieved the patient (though it did not cure him) of the recurring malarial attacks, and shews also, to all who wish to see it, that the chief cause of all the ailments, tropical and temperate, was improper feeding. I, at least, have no doubt that this man ate his diseases, that he ate his malaria, his rheumatism, his bronchitis, and his asthma, of all of which, even after 50 years of age (that is the surprising thing) he was able to get rid on changing his diet. No doubt he was bitten by mosquitoes, but the question is, would their bites have done him much harm if he had been properly fed ? And at any rate they did not bite him for the 30 years after he left the tropics, and yet he 110 continued to have malaria for that length of time, and I do not doubt would have gone on having it still (if he had lived) if he had not altered his diet. Neither have I the slightest doubt that the other patient got rid of his broncho-pneumonias and his influenzas by the same means. In the usual case, when one of the continued fevers is taken, scarlet fever, for instance, which does not as a rule occur more than once in life, it is difficult, as I have said, to see the effects of the continuance of long acting causes, like prolonged improper feeding. What usually happens is, either that some inflammation, or an attack of some other fever, follows as the effect of long acting or of the frequently repeated causes. The person who has had scarlet fever before does not, as a rule, take scarlet fever again (he does so sometimes, however), but he has, say, an attack of diphtheria, or of measles, perhaps, or typhoid fever, or perhaps a severe " feverish cold " ; and so the causal nexus is not seen. As the disease is called by a difierent name in each case, and as, further, it is attributed to such exciting causes as infection, exposure to cold, damp, fatigue, &c., the connection of each attack with the predisposing cause of improper feeding, and with the bad, unresisting state of body so induced, is not seen, or is overlooked. Yet all the while, the occurrence of the severe feverish cold, or of the measles, or of the broncho-pneumonia, was, or might have been, as much the efiect of long-continued improper feeding, as the original Ill attack of scarlatina, or other so-called infectious fever was. As was said in the last chapter, it is commonly beHeved that the fevers are caused, not by improper feeding, but by breathing bad or vitiated air ; and on this doctrine the whole of the modern practice regarding the prevention of the fevers has been based. Having suggested before that I was not altogether satisfied with the truth of this doctrine, I now proceed to give some more of the reasons which lead me to disbelieve in its correctness. Attention to air and to supplying an abundance of pure air is an excellent measure, and has had a great influence in preventing the incidence of fevers, as it has had also in limiting their spread. In point of fact, it has diminished fevers by from 40 to 50 per cent, in the last forty or fifty years. But if bad air had been the whole of the cause, or the main part of the cause, of fevers, supplying good air would probably have diminished fevers by more than 40 or 50 per cent. When, for instance, the chief cause of bronchitis is known and is eliminated (except, of course, in those cases where organic change has gone so far as to have rendered recovery impossible), not only is the bronchitis cured, but its recurrence is prevented. If we had been acting on the whole of the cause of fevers we ought to have diminished them by 80 or 90 per cent. Besides this, under a free supply of good air, influenza (which is a fever, for the micro-organism associated with it is known and cultivated) has come 112 among the English people, and has annually attacked them since 1890 or so. It is plain, therefore, that bad air is not the main cause of influenza, although it may be a contributory cause, and that of an important character. Another reason for thinking that bad air has had too much importance attached to it as a cause of fevers is that during the past ten years no appreciable diminution in the incidence or mortality from fevers has been effected in England and Wales. This statement may appear ex- travagant to those who have had in their minds only the great reduction which has taken place in the incidence and mortality from the infectious fevers or the zymotic diseases during the last two generations. The following facts, therefore, on which this statement is made, will be of interest. In the five years, 1876-80, the death rate from zymotic disease in England and Wales was 3*823 per 1000; in 1881-5 it was 2*804 per 1000; in 1886-90 it was 2*502 per 1000 ; in 1891-5 it was 2*747 per 1000 ; and in 1896-99 it was 2*678 per 1000. It will be seen that the zymotic mortality was less in 1886-90, before influenza appeared, than it was in 1891-5 or 1896-99. About the time of the Crimean War, the death rate from the zymotic diseases was about 5*240 per 1000 per annum. Since that time the fall has been very marked ; but in the last ten years there has been a slight increase instead of a diminution. It seems as if we had exhausted the benefit in this respect which we are likely to get from improved sanitation, so far, 113 that is, as improved air is concerned. In 1890 influenza caused 4523 deaths in England and Wales; in 1891, 16,686; and in 1895, 12,880 deaths. In 1896-7-8-9 and 1900 the numbers were 3753, 6088, 10,405, 12,417, and 16,245, respectively. In attempting, therefore, to come to a con- clusion regarding the causes of the fevers or zymotic diseases, these three reasons make us hesitate to accept the prevailing opinion that breathing bad or vitiated air is the most important. (1) The reduction of fever has only been from about 40 to 50 per cent, in about 50 years ; (2) during the last ten years there has been no reduction in the mortality from fevers at all ; and (3) during the last ten years influenza has come, apparently to stay. No intermission has taken place in our sanitary efforts during that period. On the contrary, our sanitary authorities are carrying out, with the loyal co-operation of the people, and even, it may be said, under instruc- tions from them, vast sanitary works, whose total cost must be little, if at all, short of the amount of the National Debt of this country. The results are not satisfactory — certainly not so satisfactory as they ought to be ; and my suggestion is, Has not a main part of the cause of these epidemic diseases been overlooked ? I suggest that this is so, and that what has been overlooked is the increased frequency of meals, which is so character- istic of our time. The three meals a day which used to be sufficient for us are no longer so. Even H 114 our paupers, breakfasting at 8-0 or 8-30, have a lunch of bread and cheese, men and women aUke, at 10-30 or 11 a.m., and dine at 12-30. It is quite impossible that the food taken at 8-0 a.m. can be digested at 10-30 or 11-0; and it is equally impossible that that taken at 10-30 can be digested at 12-30 or 1-0 p.m. There is no time for it. Even when breakfast is taken at 8-0, digestion is so slow in many cases that the food is not digested — frequently it has not left the stomach — at 12-30 or 1-0. But even if this is not very frequently the case, and if, therefore, it is reasonable to take a second meal four or four-and-a-half hours after the first, it is quite certain that food taken at 10-30 is not digested at 12-30 or 1-0. There is no time for it to be so. Nothing, therefore, could be less wise, physiologically, than the interpolation of this super- numerary meal, and the interpolation is a very striking instance of carrying out into practice the unsound doctrines which are current on this subject at the present time. One wonders where the physiological advisers of the Local Government Board were, or what they were thinking about, when this course was adopted at the public expense. The same course in principle has been followed in arranging the diet of our sailors in the Navy, although there is no proof that they were under-fed or too seldom fed before. One must only hope that their fighting powers will not be impaired by the new regime, and that there will be no more sickness among them than before. The experience of the 115 Boer War in South Africa was to the effect that our men, after having a cup of coffee and a biscuit about four in the morning, marched or rode there- after till about four in the afternoon, when they halted and had a meal, that completing the tale of their food for 24 hours, and that on this diet they were active and well. These men were in the early flush of life and activity, and were also doing active work. If they could thrive on these food arrangements, how unnecessary must it be con- sidered to allow more numerous meals to paupers leading for the most part an inactive or little active life. It is no reproach to the paupers that they should be inactive at the age which many of them have reached, but still it must be remembered that in inactivity less food is required than when persons are younger and performing more active duties. The experience of the Boman soldiers, who were called upon to do anything and to go anywhere, was very similar to that of our men in South Africa, for de Quincey tells us that they ate once a day. The habit of taking food once a day must have been a recognised one among some of the population of imperial Home, for we find Celsus recommending, in the second century of the Christian era, the taking of two meals rather than one. '^ Bis die potius/' he says, " quam seniel cihum caper e." Still we should hardly be justified in inferring that it was anything like a universal custom in imperial Rome to eat once a day, or even twice, for we find from Athenaeus, perhaps 50-100 years after the time H2 116 of Celsus, that the custom had quietly altered, aud that it had become usual to take, as we are doing now, four or five meals a day. These were named oLKpaTia-fia (early breakfast), apicrrov (perhaps similar to what we call lunch, although the term is often applied to breakfast), icnrepLa-fxa (an afternoon meal), and SeuTrvov (supper). Under the influence of the spread of wealth, just as is happening in this country now (it is not, it seems to me, the poverty of England, it is its wealth which is our danger — it is, I mean, the foolish use we are making of our wealth and its bad distribution), food customs gradually altered in the ancient world. The time had long gone by, and, more important still, the human outlook had greatly altered since the time when, about 500 years before Christ, Hippocrates describes the practice of what was then the Ancient Medicine, and in reference to which he gives his own personal opinion that it is immaterial whether a man eats once a day or twice. We seem to have it suggested to us that at that time it was a common custom to do either one or the other. In other places in his writings, it is true, Hippocrates refers to customs involving the taking of more frequent meals, so that there was evidently no fixed rule among the Greek peoples among whom he practised. It is, however, interesting to note that those among ourselves who have been so profoundly shocked by the suggestion recently resuscitated among us, that it is often wise to abstain from the meal called breakfast (or rather postpone it, for that 117 is the meaning of taking the first meal at 12 or one o'clock — it is a postponement, not an omission of the breaking-of-the-fast), might, if they chose to think or to read a little, find that many thousands of the inhabitants of this planet have lived long and happily and usefully on even one meal a day, as well as on two. A piece of advice offered by Hippocrates to his countrymen, some time before they successfully opposed the Persian invasion of Greece by Xerxes, was to the effect that, if a man found himself not very well, he should abstain from breakfast, at least if the weather was hot. At this season, the physiological instinct of the physician told him from his clinical experience, although he had no chemical ideas to guide him, chemistry up to that time being only an alchemist's dream, that a man required less food then than he did in cold weather. Let the man, says Hippocrates, go without his breakfast (dvaptaTos fikv Stayero)), if it is summer time. It is no part of the physician's duty to trench on the sphere of the moralist or spiritual adviser; but if a proper view of the processes of nature is taken by each in his own sphere, it is remarkable how similar is its course seen to be in all departments ; and it is impossible to avoid being struck by the observation that, as great and numerous banquets and other forms of sensuous indulgence have become prominent, so have the nations pursuing that course of conduct decayed. What has happened before will certainly 118 occur again ; and any nation which pursues pleasure, wealth, and sensual gratification too keenly, will certainly begin to decay and perish. In this respect, as in every other, moderation is the only fixed and the only unfailing rule. If the Roman habit came to be to take jeiitaculum, prandium, and coenam, breakfast, dinner, and supper, as we now call them, we know that at former times, as Celsus hints to us, the Komans lived on fewer meals than three ; and, unfortunately, we also know that, as wealth increased among them, so did luxury, and that luxury translated itself among them as one of its forms into the taking of more and more meals, of a more and more elaborate sort, and that the habits accompanying this mode of living coincided in the most marked manner with national decay. It has often seemed as if a very striking parallel might be drawn between the Rome of, say, 200 to 350 A.D., and the London of to-day. " Rome," says Athenaeus, writing prob- ably about 250 A.D., "may fairly be called the nation of the world. And he will not be far out who pronounces the city of the Romans an epitome of the whole earth ; for in it you may see every other city arranged collectively, and many also separately; for instance, there you may see the golden city of the Alexandrians, the beautiful metropolis of Antioch, the surpassing beauty of Nicomadia, and besides all these, that most glorious of all the cities which Jupiter has ever displayed, I mean Athens. And not only one 119 day, but all the days in an entire year, would be too short for a man who should attempt to enumerate all the cities which might be enumerated as discernible in that uranopolis of the Bomans, the city of Rome, so numerous are they. For, indeed, some entire nations are settled there, as the Cappadocians, the Scythians, the people of Pontus, and many others." How can one fail to be struck by the similarity between the state of things here described as obtaining in Bome at that time, and that obtaining in London to-day ? Substitute modern cities arranged collectively and separately for the ancient ones named by Athenaeus ; substitute the thousands of Frenchmen in London from gay and volatile Paris, the thousands of Italians from ancient and stately Bome, the thousands of Germans, harsh of speech and full of enterprise, from our neighbouring Teutonic land, and we have a picture of the uranopolis of London very like the uranopolis of ancient Bome. And if we add to the picture the Jews in England, probably not less numerous than the whole of the race resident in Palestine in her most palmy days, and picture, besides, the representatives of Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, the refined and subtle Indian, and the patient and artistic Chinese, not to speak of representatives of the still uncivilised South African peoples, our imagination must be poor and unmovable indeed if we do not see a likeness between ancient Bome and the modern commercial 120 capital of the world. And if, in spite of ourselves, we proceed to inquire whether the causes that subverted the one are not again in action, tending to dethrone the other, and if we feel ourselves compelled to reflect that even in despite of Christianity, the absence of slavery, at least in name, and the existence of free political institutions ; the spread of luxury and the unrestrained worship of wealth and pleasure are becoming very apparent in the London of to-day, we are compelled to pause and consider. There is no doubt plenty of grit in England yet — there are more than seven thousand men who have not bowed the knee to Baal in this matter — but the general tendency towards ex- travagance and luxury, who can fail to be struck by it, or who can refrain from asking to what it may lead ? Panem et Circenses, said the Roman proletariat ; food and amusement for nothing. Are not these parallelled, if faintly, by heavy receipts of gate money at sports, by demands for houses without payment or equivalent contributions in labour, by demands for old age pensions towards which no contributions are to be made by the recipients, the while that charities are languishing for lack of support, while art and literature are being neglected, and education can be recommended and defended only for the commercial advantages which it is expected to bring ? The reader may here say to himself: well, but are not visitations of epidemic disease also well known sometimes to be due, not to over-feeding. 121 but to under-feeding? Not to plethora, but to starvation ? Was not the relapsing fever epidemic in Ireland, in 1848, and the typhus fever that accompanied it, as also the Indian recent epidemic of plague, due to the failure of the potato crop in Ireland, and to the failure of the rice crop in India ? Yes, I admit that they were, but I think that one or two qualifications ought to be made, which I will proceed to do directly. First of all, however, let us note this. I say that moderation is the only fixed and the only unfailing rule of living ; and in the case of food supply to people living in towns, I attempt to more or less define moderation (an indefinable and indefinite thing, of course), as lying between 12 and 24 ozs. of ordinary diet of wholesome quality a day, taken preferably at two meals, eight hours or so apart from one another. I do not consider starvation as moderation. Starvation is as much below moderation as plethora and too frequent eating is above it. Neither is good. Neither, secondly, do I say that starvation cannot cause fever. I think it can, especially if people have been too well fed before. This is the first qualification which I think ought to be made when I admit that starvation also may cause fever. Because, if people were in a quite healthy state before, that is, if they had been moderately fed, neither by too much nor by too little, I believe that the efiects of starvation would be not to cause fever, nor the feverish state, but to slowly wear them down with a slowly progressive diminution of 122 strength. Fever and feverishness are, I believe, re-actions from this condition, and are due, not so much to the starvation, as to the fact that for a long time previously their bodies and blood had been loaded with waste unassimilated materials derived from an excess of (even wholesome) food. The fever and feverishness are occasioned no doubt by the fasting, but not caused by it. This means, of course, when we come to analyse it, as has been before said, that the starvation is part of the cause of the fever, but that the chief part of the cause is the state that our bodies are in when the fast is compulsorily forced on us. So that I have come to accept the conclusion (I do so for myself, at least, which, if it does not prove my wisdom, proves, at least, my good faith), that if we cannot fast without fever, it is because we have been previously improperly fed ; and in my own case I should accept the verdict, unquestioningly, that it was because for some considerable time previously I had been over -fed. But although admitting in this qualified sense that starvation may cause a visitation even of epidemic disease, this admission does not hinder me from asserting that, as a rule, epidemics are in fact caused far more frequently by over-feeding than by starvation. There is, however, another and a more important qualification which I would make regarding the admission that starvation may cause epidemic disease, and that is this. It seems to me to have been too much overlooked. When crops 123 fail, so as to cause famine, they seldom fail utterly, but they are short and had. The potato in Ireland, and the rice in India, were not only short, but they were also diseased. I think that shortage and badness of crops may well be admitted to account for the presence of epidemic disease among a people said or thought to be suffering from starvation pure and simple, when mere shortage might not have been sufficient to account for it. These are in brief the reasons, or some of them, why I cannot accept or feel satisfied with the prevaihng opinion that bad air is the chief cause of the fevers. I might corroborate this opinion by other well known facts. When a person who is taking too much alcohol makes up his mind to pull up and cease taking it, he frequently suffers very much at first, and for several weeks, after getting on to a better way of living. He institutes a fast from alcohol, and it distresses him greatly. Obviously, his distress is occasioned by his abstinence from alcohol, that is, his abstinence is a part of the cause of his distress, but the chief part of the cause is not the abstinence, but the fact that for a long time previously he was in the habit of taking too much. And if, on account of his distress, which is no doubt real enough, and not at all imaginary, he should throw up his good resolutions, and say that total abstinence did not suit him, he would not only be very unwise, and very unreasonable, but he would in addition be in the perilous way of running the risk of forfeiting 124 whatever chance he might have had of recovering his health, and of overcoming his bad habits. And so with the person who finds himself sufiering from a fever, due, as he may suppose, to too little food. It is not the fast, but the previous over-feeding, from which he is really suffering, and which is the most potent cause of his attack. The reference to alcohol may perhaps justify my going on to say that while alcohol, in those who take too much of it, may be a cause, and a potent one, of epidemic disease, it seldom accounts for the onset of the Fevers in this country. These affections, measles, scarlatina, diphtheria, chicken pox, &c,, are mainly rife among children, who, as a rule, take no alcohol at all. No doubt, however, epidemics, like influenza, typhus, small pox, &c., which are apt to attack older people, may to some extent be caused by the excess of alcohol in which too many of our grown people indulge. And perhaps I may be pardoned if I add that persons who are advised to restrict their diet in order that they may get rid of ailments from which they may have long suffered, either mild and long - continued ailments, or recurring attacks of a more severe or acute character, not infrequently suffer severely at first, and even for a long time after commencing a better way of living. Their bodies at once begin to eliminate the unassimilated stuff that is in them, a process which is as trying in its way, and brought about quite in the same way as the distress of the alcoholic who becomes a total abstainer. The 125 over-eater who adopts restriction (a class to which I fear most of us belong, though we do not hke to admit it), finds himself greatly distressed by his new mode of life ; but how very unwise it is of him or her, if, as so many unfortunately do, he makes up his mind that this plan will not suit him, and if, because, for example, he does not sleep for a night or two, or otherwise feels a disagreeable aching void, he throws the whole thing up, and returns to his three-hourly meals, and to heavy and late suppers. We see the folly of this clearly enough in the case of the alcoholic, but the folly of the other person, though quite as great, does not, un- fortunately, strike us so strongly. 126 CHAPTER V. Some observations on the Circulation of the Blood and of the Lymph, as bearing particularly on the question of Food Supply to the body. TT7HE circulation of the blood, although so much has been heard of it since it was discovered by Harvey, the physician to King Charles the First (1578-1657), does not appear to me to have received the amount of attention, or, perhaps I should rather say, the sort of attention which it deserves. One's first impulse, no doubt, is to say, offhand, that it has revolutionised the practice of medicine and surgery ; but I do not know that this statement can be truthfully made. Some mechanical improve- ments have no doubt been introduced into surgery, as, eg. J the tying of arteries in various places to cure diseases in the course of these vessels, or the removal or obliteration of veins for diseases of their coats, since the general course of the circulation of the blood has become known ; but the general practice of medicine has scarcely been altered at all, and any changes in it which have been effected have been introduced through considerations independent of our views upon the circulation of 127 the blood and lymph. It may help us to realise this better if we reflect that hundreds of years before the circulation of the blood and lymph became recognised as an established fact (yes, hundreds of years before — I had almost said thousands of years before — 1400 years, at least), physicians were in the habit of feeling the pulse when they visited their patients. They thought, no doubt, that they were feeling the vein and not the artery, which last they believed to contain air and not blood (although in one passage Galen, who died A.D. 200, seems to say that the artery con- tained blood and not air). The very name artery means air-container {^aer = air), and the ancients believed, so far as their somewhat vague notions can be made out, that the arteries were somehow the finer divisions of the wind-pipe, which they knew to contain air, and which they called arteria aspera, or the rough, hard air-container, so contra- distinguishing it from the ordinary or softer vessels, which they, named veins. This was an easy mistake to make, or, at least, not so unlikely as we might have supposed, because, if we trace the wind-pipe into the lungs, we find it breaking up into branches which we now call bronchi^ and these again into finer and finer ones, which we call bronchia ; and we also find the same division and breaking up characterise the behaviour of the pulmonary artery as it finds its way into the lung-tissue, the finest branches of it accompanying and being somewhat easily mistaken for the finest divisions of the 128 trachea, bronchi, and bronchia. But although the ancient physicians of Greece and Kome could not be said to know much about the circulation of the blood, that ignorance cannot be said to have mihtated much against their success as practitioners in the treatment of the sick. If we were to ask, indeed, in what respects they were worse practi- tioners than we are to-day, it would be difl&cult to reply satisfactorily. They had, or, at least, the best of them had, a general grasp of their subject, of its theory, and of the consequent art of medicine, which, with all our science, it were much to be wished many of us possessed now. The best of them knew, for instance, and were greatly impressed by the fact, that the body was one organic whole, and that, therefore, its diseases were one ; that they were departures from normal conditions ; that, therefore, it was more or less accidental whether this, that or the other member or part of the body suffered, since its sufferings were almost always local marks of general disorder, or, as we might say now (and as in fact some do say), most local diseases are the local expression of general states ; and that, for their successful treatment, therefore, it is not and cannot be enough to confine our attention and efforts to the organ or part affected, but that if any real or permanent benefit is to be achieved, we must treat the organism as a whole. We may note in this connection what Coelius Aurelianus, writing in the earlier part of the Christian era, said, in discussing what part of the body was at fault when 129 phrenitis, as he called it, was present. After saying that some said it was the head, others that it was the brain, and others that it was the membranes of the brain, he delivers himself of this reflection, profoundly philosophical as it seems to me, and exemplifying a point of view and a grasp too seldom attained to-day by our too highly scientific practitioners : Nos igitur commtmiter totum corpus pati accipimus sedplus pati dicimus caput. " I therefore am of opinion that all the parts of the body suffer in common, but that the head suffers most of all." As if he had said, what is profoundly true : ' ' Most local ailments are only local expressions of general states." The specialist is by implication here relegated to his proper place, and is informed, if he has wit enough to read the lesson presented to him, that it is not sufficient to remove an ovarian tumour, e.g., and that if nothing is said at the same time or subsequently as to the causes which induced it, a positive damage may be done to the woman, who may, therefore, while considering herself cured, proceed to manufacture one on the other side, or may find herself in a few years suffering from cancer in the stump of the previous one. Or the child who has tonsils removed, and adenoids cleared away, may and certainly will subsequently suffer from colds, bronchitis, broncho-pneumonia, and the like, and by and bye probably from rheumatism or rheumatic fever, &c., unless at the same time or subsequently to the operation, his mother is advised to treat him differently from the way in which she 130 treated him before. For, if she does not, a worse thing may happen to him in the future, and so the operation which was intended to benefit may eventuate in damage and not in good. Evidently the same causes which enlarged the tonsils and caused the adenoid growths on the soft palate and nose will, if they are allowed to go on, tend to make the child ill again either in the same or in some other way. Or the middle-aged woman, who has a chronic discharge from her nose, may get it stopped, indeed, by having her nose cauterised by a platinum wire made white hot by the electric current, only to find herself in a few months suffering from cancer of the breast, which, being in turn removed, eventuates in cancer of the liver, for which there is no relief These illustrations are, I may say, by no means imaginary, but are drawn from experience of cases in practice. To return now to the question of the cir- culation of the blood, and the influence which its discovery has had on practice, let us listen to this statement of Celsus, the great Latin physician, who wrote and practised in the second century of the Christian era. In his De medicina he makes the following interesting observations. " On the other hand, very often the sun, a bath, exercise, fear, anger, or any other emotion of the mind, accelerates the pulsations {concitat venas\ so that when a physician first comes in, the solicitude of the patient, doubtful and apprehensive respecting what opinion the physician may have of his case, is 131 of itself sufficient cause to excite the pulse. For this reason it is the part of a skilful physician, not to seize the patient's arm immediately as he enters the chamber, but let him sit down first, with a cheerful countenance, and enquire how he finds himself, and if he seems alarmed, soothe him with some plausible observations ; then he may apply his hand to the body" (feel the pulse). "But how easily might a thousand other incidents excite the veins " (heart's action and pulse) ' ' as well as the sight of a physician ! " (Celsus III., 6). This passage is very interesting, and has long been held to be so. It shews us how practically useful a physician might be, even although he did not know the course of the circulation of the blood, and had no proper appreciation of its facts and of its meanings ; and it brings conspicuously before us the fact that the ancient physician, hundreds of years before the discovery of the circulation of blood, still felt his patient's pulse in order to judge of the condition he was in, and knew, further, that the state of the pulse might be affected by many things and circumstances, for which, therefore, due allowance had to be made, if he wished to properly appreciate his patient's state. Galen's views on the pulse are also well known. The mediaeval physician, as well as the ancient one, also felt the patient's pulse, but on the whole a more metaphysical attitude of mind characterised him than that found in his more ancient predecessor. The reader may perhaps pardon a 12 132 short digression, although I have no wish to make this a historical essay on medicine. But by intro- ducing a few words regarding Dante's physiological ideas, we can, I think, perceive both the strength and the weakness of the mediaeval mind. In the Vita nuova the following interesting passage occurs. When at about the end of his ninth year Dante first saw his Beatrice, at about the beginning of her ninth year, after describing her dress, which was of a most noble colour, a subdued and goodly crimson, he goes on to say — and this shews us by implication and also in fact, the physiology of the fourteenth century of the Christian era — " At that moment, I say most truly, that the spirit of life, which hath its dwelling in the secretest chamber of the heart, began to tremble so violently, the least pulses of my body shook therewith ; and in trembling it said these words : Ecce deus fortior me qui veniens dominahitur mihi} At that moment the animate spirit, which dwelleth in the lofty chamber whither all the senses carry their perceptions, was filled with wonder, and, speaking more especially unto the spirits of the eyes, said these words : Apparuit jam beatitudo vestra} At that moment the natural spirit, which dweUeth there where our nourishment is administered, began to weep, and, in weeping, said these words : Hen 7niser ! quia frequenter impeditus ero deinceps. "^ 1. Here is a deity stronger than I ; who, coming, shall rule over me. 2. Your beatitude hath now been made manifest unto you. 3. Woe is me ! for that often I shall be disturbed from this time forth. 133 Now these three spirits, the spirit of life associated with the circulation ; the spirit of the anima, or the animate spirit, associated with the brain and nervous system; and the natural (or regetative or animal) spirit, associated with the digestive system — these three spirits formed one threefold chain among many threefold chains to be found in Dante's poems ; and what perhaps strikes us most forcibly about them to-day is that they were metaphysical or philosophical in character, rather than scientific, although in this last connection each different spirit was associated with a different physical part and structure in the body. And we are also, I think, struck by the reflection that there seems to be an unnecessary number or multiplication of them. But let not the modern thinker too hastily imagine that he has advanced so very far in comparison with Dante's conception; for although to a great extent he has chosen to give these mediaeval notions the go-bye, or to ignore them, he has not got rid of, and he cannot get rid of the fundamental conceptions underlying them, seeing that he, too, speaks of life, and vitality, and vital principle, and digestive power, and of mind and soul. Without espousing any view, or doing more than indicating the one which appears to me to be the most reasonable and the most comprehensive, I should just like to set down here once for all, and shortly, the three or four lines of thought which the human mind tends to pursue in dealing with structure and function. Plainly they 134 vary together. When structure is sound, function is healthy, and when unsound, unhealthy. Hence the view generally adopted by modern science that structure determines function, that, for example, the structure of the liver determines the secretion of bile. From this to the view that environment determines organisation, and even that matter determines mind, that the thing determines the thought, there is no long step. But, obviously, there is no more warrant for this view than there is for the other one that function determines structure, that organisation determines environment, that mind determines matter, and that the thought determines the thing. This is the second view, held by some philosophers, who find themselves in disagreement, not, indeed, with the material results of science, but with her logic. Obviously, as function and structure vary simultaneously, and co-ordinately, it does not matter, as far as physical results are concerned, which view we adopt. Then there is a third view, that the thought is the thing. And indeed there is more to be said for this view than perhaps appears at first sight. For if it is impossible for us to know what a thing may be in itself, so to say, and out of all relations to other things and to other intelligences, to us our thought of a thing is the thing itself. What we think it to be, that it is to us for the moment. The first explanation of things is material ; the second is idealistic ; the third is pantheistic, or may be thought to lead to pantheism. And there is a 135 fourth possibility which is this : that thought and thing form at each moment a new combination and a new compound creature, which begins anew its investigation of outside nature, so that we are always becomitig, but never are. The problem of creation always has transcended and apparently always will transcend the wit of man ; and we are face to face with it here in the inquiry whether function or structure was first. Who shall say whether day or night was first, or hght or darkness ? But it is not nececssary for us to solve the question, since day always succeeds night, and night, day. So structure and function move and change simultaneously and concomitantly. I have just said that whichever view we adopt, the facts remain the same. If we accept the fourth explanation of organic phenomena, or even the third, as the most likely and reasonable, I am not quite sure that this statement is true ; but as the question has now become philosophical or theo- logical, it would be obviously improper to pursue it further in a disquisition on medicine. Changes in function and structm-e, however, may, it is evident, be concomitant or successive effects of a common cause (like the alternations of day and night), as well as cause and effect of one another. All I want to show is that the questions raised by the mediaeval mind, as by the ancient mind, are still with us, and that the calm assumption of modern science, that structure determines function, that matter determines mind, that the thing is before 136 the thought, may be utterly denied by an enquirer into the course of nature, wbo is as humble, as patient and painstaking, as unbiassed, as un- prejudiced, as free from the influence of the personal equation as it is possible for mortal man to be. These considerations will again come before us in examining food supply, as they have been already raised by the causation of fevers, and the inquiring reader may find himself forced to raise them also on other occasions. In fact, whether soluble or not, these questions are continually arising, both in medicine and in life, and seem to exercise a fascination on the human mind. The practical bearing, however, of these con- siderations on the circulation of the blood and lymph is considerable. As the blood goes every- where in the body, it is obviously a matter more or less of accident which part of the body is afiected. If the blood is sound, the parts of the body will be sound also, that is, in the absence of some more or less accidental cause, which may have for the moment disturbed any given part. But in this case the local irritation will soon be remedied by the powers of nature, by the circulation in the part of sound and healthy blood, and very soon all traces of the irritation will be gone ; or at least the irritation will be in proportion to the magnitude of the exciting cause, the resistance of the part being great because of the soundness and wholesomeness of the blood, and the suffering, therefore, caused by the irritant comparatively slight. But let the blood 137 be unsound, loaded, let us say, with effete products — it is manifest that in this case the effects of the same irritant as before may and will be much greater; and the part affected, as also the whole organism, will be likely, nay, certain, to suffer much more than if the blood had been healthy. This would be seen in the case of a wound of the arm or leg, for instance, the suffering being proportionate to the magnitude of the injury and inversely as the healthiness of the blood, or proportionately to its unhealthiness. If, now, a person is exposed to a draft or cold or wind or damp, the same thing will be likely to happen. His weakest part will be affected, his lung or liver or stomach or eye, as it may chance ; but the suffering will as before be proportionate to the magnitude of the exposure and to the unhealthiness of the blood (or inversely as its soundness or healthiness), all of which con- siderations shew that local affections or local inflammations are far more serious as being the marks of the general state of the blood, than they are as being affections of this or that or the other part. In fact, it is an accident whether the man exposed to the exciting cause, suffers in one part of his body or in another, and the same general lines of treatment which are proper and suitable for the one will be proper and suitable for the other. Also, if two organs are affected, say, e.g., an internal organ and the muscles of the back, it is evidently much more likely that both the affections are caused chiefly by the state 138 of the blood that goes to both, than that the internal inflammation causes the pain in the back-muscles, or than that the affection of the back - muscles causes the inflammation of the internal organ. The bearing of these considera- tions on practice, simple though they are, is considerable. Sometimes, too often indeed, we are advised that treatment, say, of an internal organ will cure the muscles of the back, whereas it would be quite as rational to expect to cure an internal inflammation by treating the back-muscles (driving needles into them, for example). But by treating the blood, by altering its condition, it will be rational to expect to cure both. In fact, both sets of effects are concomitant or successive effects of a common cause, and not cause and effect of one another. Further, also, a pair of " specialists " are not required for the management of that patient. He or she is, in fact, better without them, as, if they were narrow-minded specialists, the treatment of the one would conflict with the suggestions of the other ; while if they were broad-minded and judicial, they would both advise the same general line of treatment. The view, however, which we take of the condition of the patient, and, conse- quently, the treatment we recommend for him is precisely analagous to the third or fourth view mentioned above respecting the relation of structure to function, and may, I hope, justify to the reader my introduction of these apparently outside and irrelevant considerations. 139 Besides feeling the pulse, I may also remind the reader that, centuries before the discovery of the circulation of the blood (and lymph) it was customary among doctors to resort to blood-letting, and to leeching, as well as to blistering, for the relief and cure of diseases — and yet one would have thought, a priori, that at least the two former of these methods depended directly upon the discovery of the circulation of the blood, and would appear useless and inept without it. The great reason, indeed, why blood-letting has been to so large an extent given up is not, in my opinion, because the discovery of the circulation militated against it — on the contrary, it justified and encouraged it, if anything — but because it came to be recognised that removal of a quantity, say a pint, of blood, while it might to that extent remove some of the materies morbi of disease, could have no influence on the rest of the blood in the body, and could, therefore, do nothing towards removing the materies morhi or materies morhorum, from the remaining 10, or 11, or 12, or 13 pints of blood in the body. At least this is the consideration which ought to have determined the cessation of blood- letting. But, in point of fact, it was not even this which did so determine it, but a feeling that men's bodies were weakened by the process. We are too apt, it seems to me, in considering the present state of knowledge, and comparing it with that of past generations, to imagine that we know a great deal more than our predecessors. No doubt there are 140 whole domains of knowledge within the power, more or less, of men of the present day, which were not even dreamed of in past times. Chemistry, biology, physiology and pathology, e.g., did not exist in their present form in the times of Hippocrates, or Celsus, or Galen. And yet, as to conduct, or as to the medical management of illness, it is doubtful whether we are much in advance of our predecessors. We are at least, I feel sure, not so much in advance of them as we so often and so complacently suppose. The role of the progress of science is, after all, not so much, or at least not so much as we suppose, to point out new methods of inquiry into the constitution and course of nature, as it is to corroborate, by the use of newer and more accurate methods, what we may see and perceive by means of the proper use of the senses. I have already mentioned the feeling of the pulse and the instruction obtained from it by men who knew nothing of the circulation of the blood and lymph, and I will now mention one or two other ideas known to the ancient physicians, so that we may be able the better to gauge the truth of what I am saying. The most ancient obser- vation, perhaps, in medicine, was to the effect that we cannot feed the sick as we feed the well ; and Hippocrates, writing, say 450 B.C., mentions this as an observation of the physicians who were " ancient " in his day, that is, as an observation made by men living 1000 or 1500 years B.C. If this be considered an observation, so trite that 141 no one could fail to notice it, what shall we say to the observation of Hippocrates himself, already- mentioned on page 117, that less food is required in hot weather than in cold ? This seems to me a remarkable observation to be made by a man who lived many centuries before chemistry or combustion, or the relations between heat and oxidation, or between heat and physiological or physical energy had been dreamed of. But he saw, and correctly saw, by observation, what was only demonstrated, or let us say, what had new experimental light thrown on it many generations later. The last point I will mention at present is perhaps the most important of all, and it is an observation of Hippocrates to the effect that people ought to be fed in proportion and in relation to the work they have to do. We must inquire, he says, " whether the food has been too much for the work to be done, or the work too great for the food, or whether they have been proportionate one to the other. For according as one exceeds the other, diseases set in, while from their equality with one another, health arises." Although there has been so much " advance " in chemistry, physics, biology, physiology, and pathology, I think my friend Dr. Dewey is justified in his question, whether the sons of medicine have ever given to the world physiology of equal or greater importance in these nineteen hundred years since Christ ? And I repeat that these three observations (with others I could mention), tend to 142 induce and corroborate the view that as regards the conduct of medicine, the progress of science goes to strengthen us in forming conclusions, which, by the unaided but candid use of the senses, we could observe and know without her. As bearing on the circulation of the blood and lymph and its relation to food-supply, certain fundamental considerations arise to the inquirer. As a circle has neither beginning nor end, or as it may be viewed, if we are so minded, as all beginning or all end ; so in studying a round or circle of organic processes, all mutually connected with one another, it is immaterial at what process or point in the circle we commence our study — we shall return to that point or process again. Nevertheless, there are some ways, and some points of view, from which more instruction will be obtained from the study of the mechanism than if it is approached in other ways. In the case of a steam engine driving looms or wool-combing machines, it is immaterial whether we commence our study of its action at the shaft, which, by its attachment to the crank, turns gearing which turns leather bands, causing the back and forward movement of the looms and the to-and-fro movement of the shuttles, or whether we commence our study at some other point. Through bands and driving wheel and eccentric, through piston and cylinder and boiler and the fire, which is the source of the motion of the machine and of the mill, we come back to the point from which we started. But it is more illuminating and 143 instructive to begin with the fire, and proceed to examine boiler, cylinder, piston, &c., than in other ways ; or even to commence with the pump which sends the water into the boiler. The analagous method by which the organic processes of the body are to be examined in order that the animal machine may be understood, and the best work provided by it, is through a study of the digestive processes ; and, therefore, a very short account of these processes must be inserted here, in order to draw attention to them a little more at length, and so that we may be better able to under- stand and appreciate the reasons for the advice to be offered regarding the times and quantities of meals. This account, though popular, must be correct, so far as it goes, but will not, of course, be so elaborate as if it formed part of a technical course of physiology. At the same time, it should be sufficient to enable us to understand the round or circle of the bodily mechanism. First, then, the food, being taken into the mouth, undergoes the action of mastication by the teeth, whose function is mainly one of mechanical trituration. At the same time (and the better will this be effected, the more completely is that mastication or trituration and grinding by the teeth performed), the food ought to be slowly and well mixed with saliva in the mouth, coming from the salivary glands. Foods have been divided, since the time of Liebig, the great physiological chemist, who died in 1872, into four great classes, according to their chemical 144 composition. (1) Those foods which contain nitrogen, and are called proteids or nitrogenous foods. The most important examples of this class are such foods as meat and flesh of all sorts, fish, eggs, milk, cheese, the cereal grains, and pulses belonging to the pea and bean tribe. (2) The group of foods represented by sugar, arrowroot, sago, tapioca, &c., and called non-nitrogenous or carboniferous or carbonaceous. The latter names are, however, bad, since the nitrogenous foods also contain a carboniferous part. With the division, however, of foods into nitrogenous and non-nitrogenous, no fault can be found, although the notions of Liebig have been considerably modified by subsequent inquiries as to the parts played by the difierent kinds of food in the economy. The non-nitrogenous foods have been divided into two groups, first, the sugars and starches already referred to, and secondly, the fats (oil, butter, cream and fat), which form the third division of food stuffs. The first division of foods, the nitrogenous, are alone capable of repairing completely the waste of the body-flesh or muscle, since it contains nitrogen in its composition. But although the carboniferous or carbonaceous foods contain no nitrogen, the nitrogenous foods contain considerable quantities of carboniferous stuff, and are therefore capable of performing all the functions in the body which can be performed by the non- nitrogenous foods, with the power of building up again the nitrogen- containing tissues in addition. The great function which the non-nitrogenous 145 foods perform in the body is that of maintaining the body-heat, and this they do both by the sugar and starch group and by the fats, but the latter, as we see from the use made of them by denizens of very cold regions like the Arctic and Antarctic regions, have greater power in maintaining bodily heat than sugars and starches. The fourth division of food-stuffs is the mineral portion made of salts of alkalies for the most part, as compounds of potash, soda, lime, and common salt, with smaller quantities of sulphur, &c., entering into their composition. Lastly, and so important is it that we may consider it as forming a fifth division of food stuffs, water enters largely into the composi- tion, and forms from two-thirds to three-fourths both of the foods used in the body and of the body itself Now the saliva coming from the salivary glands in the mouth, and being there well mixed with the food, has little or no action on the proteid or nitrogenous part of the food proper, has little or no action, e.g., on fish, flesh, fowl, or eggs or cheese ; but exerts, on the other hand, a very considerable effect on the non-nitrogenous starches and also on the non-nitrogenous portion of nitrogenous foods — of bread, for instance, or of rice — the starch of which it converts into grape sugar. Starch must be converted into grape sugar before it can be used in the economy, so that the need for good chewing and for efficient mixing with saliva becomes more apparent from this consideration. The food, being J 146 now ready for swallowing, is passed along the gullet (which exerts comparatively little action on it) into the stomach. There it is met by the gastric juice, considerable quantities of which (from a pint to two pints) are secreted into the stomach from its walls, each time that food is taken. The gastric juice is sometimes called the gastric acid because it has an acid reaction, while the reaction of the saliva is alkaline. A proper appreciation of the fact that so much gastric juice as two pints is poured out when a meal is taken, is highly important in determining the quantity of food that ought to be taken at a meal. The children of a past generation — the advice is not so common now as it was then, nor so common as it ought to be — were advised to stop eating before they felt that they had had as much as they could take, or before, as the phrase was, they felt full. Now this was very wise advice, for if we go on, either children or adults, eating till our stomachs are full, how are we to make room for the pint or the quart of extra material when gastric juice to that amount has been poured into the stomach ? But we must make room for this extra quantity of material, because the presence of gastric juice is absolutely necessary if food is to undergo gastric digestion and to be converted into chyme. There can be no doubt, indeed, that the too widespread habit of eating to satiety, even if it is not carried quite to fulness, is, after the necessary amount of gastric acid has been added to the stomach contents, the chief cause of that feeling of 147 distress and weight or pressure which is so apt to be felt by all of us from half an hour to two or three [hours after eating a hearty meal. Taking a less amount of food would have allowed more room for the necessary gastric acid, and would have prevented the feeling of weight and heaviness. The fact also incidentally alluded to that digestion in the stomach goes on for hours, shews, by the way, how futile is the advice sometimes given to us that we should lie down for say half an hour after taking a meal. In half an hour, or even an hour, the digestion of a townsman or townswoman has reached only its initial stages, and if it is necessary to lie down half an hour or an hour after eating, it is because we have taken more at the meal than was good for us. To suggest that we should lie down for three or four hours after eating would probably meet the case ; but to do this would be to behave like a boa-constrictor, and would be to raise eating into the "chief labour of life," while no amount of physiological rest after food consumption could ever undo the evil effects of over-ingestion ot food, especially if that process were frequently repeated. Another practical conclusion of the utmost consequence, besides the one just come to, that we ought to stop eating before satiety is reached, is that we ought to eat slowly. This is so obvious that it ought almost to be unnecessary to state it ; for if saliva is to act on the starchy portions of our food, it must be well mixed with the food in order J2 148 to do so, and this can be effected only by thoroughly chewing the food as it is taken. Very many persons, perhaps even a majority of us, make the great mistake of eating too quickly, and so of failing to masticate and triturate properly the food we take. Eating slowly is in fact a help against the error of eating to satiety, because we have more time to appreciate the state of fulness that the stomach gets into after ordinary eating, and so we are helped by slow eating to stop before we have taken too much. The simple device of chewing each morsel of food taken, say twenty or thirty times (some have said even forty times), before swallowing it, would greatly help towards forming the habit of slow eating ; and this in turn, as it would greatly aid digestion and assimilation, blood-making, and tissue nutrition, would have the most potent influence on the maintenance of health and the prevention of illness. The gastric juice or gastric acid acts specially on such nitrogenous foods as meat, fowls, fish and cheese, and, helped of course by the preceding action of the saliva, and by the rolling action exerted by the muscular walls of the stomach itself, converts the whole contents of the meal into a grey grumous fluid mass called chyme. Not yet, however, is the food ready for absorption. It has to be passed out of the stomach into the small intestine ; and immediately on its reaching this part of the digestive tract, it meets with the secretion from the pancreas and that from the liver. 149 These secretions have again an alkaHne reaction. The former finishes the digestion of any starch which may have escaped the action of the saHva in the mouth, converting it into a state fit for absorption, either directly into the blood, or indirectly to the same destination by means of the intestinal villi. These last structures are found in the small intestine, and contain each a small lacteal vessel, whose mouth opens and absorbs some particles of chyle. These particles are passed on by the lacteal vessels, and find their way into the thoracic duct, in the way to be immediately described. The action or influence of the bile from the liver on the other hand is mainly to prevent putrefaction in the highly unstable contents of the digestive tract, and to complete the digestion of particles of fat, butter, cream, &c., and fit them for being mixed with the contents of the small intestines, the chyle. This chyle is completely elaborated and rendered ready for absorption on meeting with the alkaline secretion from the small intestine itself Entering the venous blood from the small intestines, it is carried by the portal vein to the liver, while some of the chyle-particles enter the lacteals and thoracic duct, being emptied by it directly into the venous blood at the root of the left side of the neck. This venous blood, if we follow it in its course, will be found, by means of the superior or descending vena cava, to be carried to the right side of the heart. How much of the chyle finds its way by means of the portal vein to the liver, and how 150 much by means of the lacteals and thoracic duct to the superior vena cava, does not seem to be quite known. In any case, that which goes to the liver after being laid out there by means of its very extensive circulation, and after having some very important changes effected in it, finds its way back again by the hepatic vein into the general venous circulation, so that in time all the chyle is emptied into the venous blood, either directly by means of the thoracic duct, or indirectly through the portal circulation. Being carried in these ways to the right side of the heart, the blood, dark and venous, and loaded with the carbonic acid gas and other products of oxidation, which it has received from the tissues as it was passing through them, is carried by the pulmonary artery to the lungs right and left. There it gives up its carbonic acid gas or carbon-dioxide, and takes in oxygen from the inspired air, changing coincidently its colour from crimson-black to scarlet. There ought to be no oxidation or combustion in the lungs according to the laboratory physiologists, a mere passing of carbon-dioxide from the venous blood taking place, accompanied by the entrance of oxygen from the air. But when, from the blood containing too much material in it from unused food, an exudation from the blood has taken place into the mucous membrane lining the lungs, or into the substance of the lungs itself, it may happen that oxidation and excess of combustion does occur here as in any other inflamed place in the body. When 161 this is so, noj doubt the limits of health have been transcended, and disease has set in. Physiology has begun to shade off into pathology. But this is unfortunately far too commonly the case, pul- monary affections or diseases of the respiration being among the very commonest affections of the body. The figures in Chapters II. to IV., regarding the incidence of disease, show how common they are. By the pulmonary veins, which therefore contain arterial blood, the oxygenated and depurated blood is carried back from the lungs to the left side of the heart, thence to be distributed all over the body for its nourishment, for its waste- repair, and for building up its strength. We see from this short summary how the function of food is to make blood and to enrich the blood, and how it is the function of blood to nourish the body. It is only therefore by ellipsis that we can speak of the function of food as being to nourish the body, to repair its waste, and to build up its tissue. The food does all these things, but not directly or immediately, since it does them mediately or indirectly through the blood. And in the attempt to understand the diseases and ailments of the body it is absolutely necessary that we should keep these steps of the processes of nutrition and of digestion separate in our minds. By means of this consideration also we can introduce order into the study of medicine and of diseases, and so substitute simplicity for chaos and confusion. The multiplicity of diseases, for 152 instance, the immense number of them which come under our notice, either because we ourselves or our friends or acquaintances are suffering from them, are apt to fill us with despair as to the possibility of our ever being able to understand them or see their causal connection. But let us once get into our minds the facts that the blood goes everywhere all over the body, and that the blood is made by changes which through the digestive processes are effected in the food, and then how simple do these apparently complicated diseases become. For if the blood goes everywhere all over the body, then it may nourish the various parts properly, if it is itself in good condition, that is, if digestion or assimilation has been properly effected, and if the proper quantities and qualities of material have been poured into it ; while, on the other hand, it may fail, and will fail to nourish the various parts properly, if it is itself not in good condition, that is, if digestion or assimilation has not been properly effected. In the former case the various tissues will be so properly nourished that they will be healthy ; and so, as they are acting normalty and painlessly in reference to their various functions in the body, and in relation to one another, we remain unconscious of their very existence, feeling only the general pleasurable sensation of health and well-being. But if, on the other hand, the blood going to the various bodily tissues has not been property made by the digestive processes ; if, for example, as often happens, it is 153 loaded with badly assimilated materials, we can easily understand how it may deposit in any of the various tissues some of its ill-formed material, and how this, by disturbing the exercise of the various functions and the relations of these functions to one another, may translate itself into pain and discomfort, and may give us an unpleasant consciousness of the existence of parts and organs, which knowledge we might otherwise have been enabled to escape. In this way we may suffer from bronchitis, or pneumonia, or pleuritis (pleurisy), according as the ill-made and waste-laden blood deposits an exudation into the mucous membrane lining the lungs, into the lung tissue itself, or into the pleura or serous membrane covering the lungs. And in the same way any and every organ and tissue of the body may be affected, the names of the affections of different parts being as various as the different tissues and organs themselves, while their various symptoms differ from one another according to the very various functions of the different parts affected. I have already referred shortly to the portal circulation, and with one or two words more our sketch of the blood-making processes may be completed. The blood-vessels which come from the stomach (where probably some absorption of chyme takes place, although the mass of it passes on through the duodenum into the small intestine), those blood-vessels which come from the small intestine, filled with the products of digestion 154 there, that is, with the chyle ; as well as the blood- vessels which come from the spleen and pancreas, join together to form the portal vein, as it is called, because it is found at the gate-way or door- way ( porta = gate or door) so to term it, of the liver. The portal vein carries its contents received from these four most important viscera, the stomach, the small intestine, the spleen and the pancreas, to the liver, which is the largest digestive viscus and one of the most important organs of the body. This organ, which weighs about four pounds when out of the body, is said by physiologists to contain, on occasions, about 29 or 30 per cent, of the blood contained in the body of a rabbit. By generalisation, this proportion is supposed to obtain in the case of other mammals and man. Whether it does so in this proportion or not does not really very much matter. What does matter is that the liver receives through the portal circulation an immense quantity of blood. It is indeed difficult to believe that in man the quantity of blood received by the liver can reach so high a proportion as 30 per cent, at any one time, since this would imply that three or four pints out of the twelve to fourteen pints of blood contained in the body would be in the liver at one time. As, out of the body, the liver weighs about four pounds, the addition of three and a half or four pints of blood would increase its weight to about double ; and although no doubt the liver differs from itself immensely in weight, according to the 155 different states of digestion, it is not easy to believe that from time to time it actually doubles in weight. That it varies very much indeed at different times is no doubt true, and is all that need concern us. And whoever properly appreciates this fact will be able to rate at its proper value the statement, for example, of a patient, who said that his doctor had been able to reduce the width of his liver by about an inch since beginning his attendance on him. If he had told us the comparative times of digestion at which the measurements were made, we should have been better able to judge the value of the statement ; but that an empty or comparatively empty liver should be reduced by an inch when it had been overgrown or hypertrophied by that amount, is a statement which would require to be supported by a good deal of evidence before it was accepted. While I am on this subject let me mention some other statements of the physiologists regarding the facts of the distribution of the blood in the body. These facts, let me repeat, are taken from the rabbit, and what amount of weight ought to be attached to them when applied to the circulation in man must be carefully considered. The muscles, they say, contain about 30 per cent, of the blood also. If this is true for man, then we should have about four pints of our blood in the muscles. I think we have quite that proportion. On the enveloping membranes of the muscles, blood-vessels are carried freely, as also on the 166 finer forms of envelopes which surround bundles of muscular fibres, down through still finer and finer processes, till we finally reach the finest coverings of all, or the sarco-lerama, as it is called, enveloping the ultimate muscle-elements. On all of these, arteries finer and smaller according to the increasing refinement of the enveloping membranes, are carried till they are lost in the very finest sarco-lemmatous processes, where, however, lymph- spaces are not absent. It can therefore readily be believed that four pints of blood or more are distributed to the muscles of the human body. And the significance of this seems to be very great. The muscles are the active agents of the body, or the agents through which the active powers of motion, locomotion, and work are performed. It is likely, therefore, that they will require a large supply of blood, in order that their active work may be possible ; and whether this supply amounts to 30 per cent, of the whole of the blood or not, it is evident that the supply of blood to the muscles is free and abundant. Continuing our examination of the blood distribution in such an animal as the rabbit, we come upon other very interesting facts. The heart and great blood vessels, the great arteries and veins of the body, with the addition of the lungs, do not, say the physiologists, contain more than 22 per cent, of the total volume of the blood. This is very curious when we reflect that we are in the habit of thinking of the heart and vessels as the 157 organs of the circulation par excellence. If this proportion holds in the case of man, only about three pints of blood out of his fourteen, or only 2*6 pints out of a total of twelve pints, will be contained in the heart, blood vessels and lungs at any given time. That is to say, the blood-contents of the organs of circulation and of respiration added together do not reach the amount contained either in the liver or in the muscles (assuming, of course, what is not certain, that what is true in the rabbit obtains also in the case of man). The physiological significance of these facts must be very great, and we may reasonably draw these inferences . — (1) The liver exerts an enormous influence on the blood-making processes ; (2) The muscles play a great part in the blood - using processes. In order that they may do the work of the body they require a large blood supply, which, if they are active, they call upon the food to supply. And, no doubt, the greater the muscular activity of the body, the larger wiU be the amount of blood in the first place, and of food in the second, which they will require. On the other hand, the less the bodily activity, and the lighter the muscular work done, the less blood do the muscles require, and, therefore, the less food. Now let us set beside these facts another one also vouched for by the physiologists. The brain, they say, of a rabbit, and its spinal cord together, the governing and controlling structures, ordering and willing so far as a rabbit can govern movements, can order and 158 can will, can think and can feel, the cerebro- spinal nervous system contains only about 1 '5 per cent, of the blood within it at any given time. If this is true of man, his brain will contain about one-fifth of a pint of blood out of the twelve or fourteen pints contained in his whole body. It may be said that probably the brain of a man is better supplied with blood in proportion than is the brain of a rabbit ; and this does not seem to me an unreason- able idea, considering what very different work a man's brain performs from that done by a rabbit's. But if the human brain is twice as well supplied with blood in proportion as a rabbit's, this would only give two-fifths of a pint of blood in the human brain, as compared with three or four in the muscles ; while, if the human brain contains even 5 per cent, of the blood, as compared with 1'5 per cent, in the rabbit, this would only amount to from three-fifths to seven-tenths of a pint of blood. Even then, on a rather high and free computation, we seem to be driven to infer that the brain does not require a large amount of blood for the conduct of its operations, while the requirements of the muscles are very considerable, in order that they may perform their work, at the same time that the requirements of the liver for the purposes of digestion and assimilation of food are very great also. The supply of blood, therefore, seems to require to be large in order that the lower functions, so to call them, of the body, the functions of locomotion and of digestion, should be well per- 169 formed; but in order to the performance of the higher functions of cerebral activity, ordering, feehng, perceiving, judging, thinking, reflecting, and willing, not nearly so much blood seems to be required. This is a rather remarkable conclusion to come to, but I think it is a sound one ; and there are some very remarkable physiological facts which point in the same direction, and appear to bear it out. For instance, it is surely a very remarkable fact that although the blood supply all over the body, and in all its parts, except the brain, is and remains under the government and control of the heart, it is not so in the brain ; but the blood supply of the brain passes under a different government whenever the internal carotid artery enters the lacerated opening in the temporal bone in order to pass in to supply the brain. Whereas in the common carotid artery in the neck, before the internal carotid artery branches off for the supply of the brain, and whereas in the external carotid artery going to the face and even to the brain membranes, and in all the other arteries of the body wherever they are distributed, the circulation is and remains sjmchronous with the pulsations of the heart, that is, heaving at the rate of from 60 to 90 times a minute, the motion of the blood in the vessels of the brain itself is synchronous not with the heart's pulsations, but with the respiration, i.e., it heaves and throbs and moves only at the rate of from 13 to 17 or 18 times a minute. The full significance of this remarkable arrangement does 160 not seem to be appreciated, but it appears to me not unlikely that it is partly at least because the brain does not require a very large amount of blood supply in order that it may perform its functions well, and that, in fact, it is rather hampered, than otherwise, and hindered if a very large supply of this fluid is sent to it. Another fact seeming td point in the same direction, is that the arteries in the brain end as end arteries, each to its own small portion of cerebral substance, and do not anastomose with other fine arterial endings, going to neigh- bouring parts, as other arteries do in other parts of the body. The object of this may be to ensure that if by chance a fine cerebral vessel becomes blocked, the disease and the impairment of vitality and power consequent on this condition may be confined to its own portion of cerebral substance and be prevented from spreading to other portions of the brain. But the fact, so far as it goes, seems to have for its object, or, at least, for its effect, the limiting of blood supply to the brain. Now as blood is made from food, this seems to mean that persons who use their brain largely should not take much food lest they should make too much blood, which, finding its way in too great volume to the brain, might cloud and interfere with the finer and subtler working of that governing and con- trolling and thinking and feeling organ. This seems to be a remarkable vindication by physiology and anatomy, of the correctness of insight of the poet who sang that there was a close connection 161 between "plain living and high thinking." The finer functions of the brain, indeed, do not seem to be performed through the blood supply so much as secondarily they seem to be associated with the formation and with the state or quality of the fine lymph which is found in all the brain cavities or ventricles, as they are called. This fine, subtle, clear, spirituous fluid exists to a considerable extent, especially in the large lateral ventricles in the anterior parts of the brain, as well as in the smaller third ventricle, and has set apart for its production a special arrangement of blood vessels known as the choroid plexuses. (There is a choroid plexus even in the fourth ventricle.) These choroid plexuses are collections of blood vessels carried on prolongations of the finest brain membranes, and from them seems to be secreted the fine spirituous fluid, which used to be called by older writers animal spirits, and which they appear to have thought to be the medium through which the higher powers of the brain were conducted. As this fine fluid or animal spirit (the animal spirit or animal spirits we see to be fundamentally a physical fluid, although in mediaeval and modern language the expression seems never to be used in this sense, but always in a metaphysical or psychical or spiritual sense) is found in all the cavities of the brain, as it flows between the membranes of the brain, moistening and lubricating them ; and as it passes even between the membranes or sheaths of the nerves ^also, which pass out from the brain and spinal cord, 162 we may be quite certain that the function of a fluid so widely distributed must be an important one, and no doubt it plays a great and important part in acting as a medium to hold intact the nexus between the brain cells and the more or less remote parts of the body, which in so remarkable a way recognise the authority of the brain, and respond to its commands. But it is now time to consider more thoroughly the nature, and character, and origin, and relations of this fine spirituous fluid having this peculiar and interesting relation to the brain and nervous system. It belongs no doubt to the same class of secretions as are found all over the body, under the name of lymph, and may be considered as a finer form of the same, distilled, so to say, or secreted from the choroid plexuses in the brain. How important the lymph is, finer and coarser, will be apparent when we reflect that, although the exact quantity of it in the body is not known, it amounts in the aggregate to probably not less than thirty or forty pints. It is in fact not unlikely that occasion- ally, or even frequently, more than this quantity is present in the body of an average sized man, who has, on the other hand, only twelve, or thirteen, or fourteen pints of blood. This fact of itself invests the lymph and its circulation with great importance. Let us try to realise more clearly what the lymph is. It is the watery or clear fluid basis of the blood, uncoloured, or very slightly coloured, and it contains also a considerable number of 163 corpuscles, some not larger than very small pin-point granular masses, and some a little larger, some not unlike in size to the corpuscles of the blood, though not coloured red like them. It is collected in interstices that exist between the layers of the tissues of muscle sheaths. There are spaces also in the very substance of connective tissue, like muscle sheaths, nerve sheaths, periosteum, sarco lemma, neuri lennna, &c., &c., and in these spaces, some- times lined by very fine layers of membrane, called endothelium, the lymph, or watery part of the blood, collects. From these interstices, in the substance of the connective tissue, and from the spaces between its layers, the lymph is conveyed away by channels which, gradually becoming lined, form lymphatic ducts and lymphatic vessels, which conduct away the lymph collected in this way, and take it to structures, called lymphatic glands, of which more detailed mention must immediately be made. Meantime, we must bear in mind that the lymph is itself collected from the blood after the blood has been carried to the various structures of the body, in order that it may nourish them. The arteries which convey the blood to these various structures (the definition of an artery is that it is a vessel which conveys hlood from the heart, while a vein is a vessel which conveys blood to it), break up into finer and finer branches, until they end in capillaries, wide enough only to convey one blood corpuscle at once. The blood corpuscles, conveyed in this way, find themselves in relation with the K2 164 ultimate cells of the tissues, being separated from them only by a layer of the finest membrane, through which nutritional changes pass between the blood corpuscles and the tissues, these changes having the efiect of building up, repairing, strengthening and vivifying the tissues so as to fit each different form for the performance of its own special function. But after these nutritional changes have been effected, and after the blood has parted with its nutritive materials to the tissues, something is still left over, and this something is picked up in the form of lymph, as above described, and finds its way first into lymph spaces, and then into lymph ducts, to be carried further into the body, where we must now follow it. The lymph ducts go in the vertebrata (there is no lymph circulation in invertebrata, we are told — the true inwardness of which fact is of intense interest) to the lymphatic glands, which are found in numerous places in the body, particularly at the sides of the neck, in the arm pits, and in the groins, as well as in many internal parts, as the roots of the lungs, intestines, &c. Entering these lymphatic glands, they coil about in an intricate manner in their interior, and an important elaboration of the lymph must occur, because after it has passed through these glands, it is found to contain many more corpuscles, generally also larger corpuscles than it contained before it entered the glands. In some cases the lymph passes through as many as two or three of these glands before it joins the thoracic 165 duct. For it is important to bear in mind that the lymph is carried into the thoracic duct. Now as the thoracic duct contains the particles of chyle which have been absorbed by the viUi and lacteals of the small intestines, and as the contents of the thoracic duct itself are poured into the large vein at the root of the left side of the neck, for the purpose of being mixed with the blood, in order to enrich the blood and enable it to perform its function of nourishing the tissues of the body, and repairing their waste, it is evident that the lymph also assists in these important processes. The lymphatic vessels, therefore, may be considered as existing for the purpose, or at least chiefly for the purpose of collecting, and so of getting used over again any constituents of the blood whose powers have not been wholly used up in the nutritive processes. The lymphatic vessels are a part Hterally of the economy of nature, which will not allow, so to say, if she can avoid it, any waste to take place in the body. Any nutritive materials, whose powers have not been completely exhausted, are re-collected by these vessels, and carried by them to join the thoracic duct charged with the products of digestion, so that, after being elaborated by the glands, they may be used again in the body without waste. The flat or expanded structures, in which the lymph spaces and the lymph vessels arise, form investments and supports for most of the organs of the body. They are called fibrous tissues, according as they form investments. 166 or sheaths, or supports for muscles, nerves, bones, and the outside of joints ; or serous membranes, according as they form investments and supports for organs like the lungs, liver, intestines, heart, the inside of joints and of internal organs generally. Their structure, although seemingly made of one layer of fibrous or serous tissue, really consists of several or many layers, as can be easily seen when, through inflammation, or congestion, or engorgement with lymph, the layers have been somewhat separated from one another. In between these layers, and in interspaces which are scarcely visible in the substance of the individual layers themselves, the lymphatic system of vessels begin, and these interspaces become filled with the watery part of the blood, containing also white granular and corpuscular particles, after it has been squeezed out of the organs, and particularly when it has been squeezed out of the muscles, after the blood has parted with some of its nutrient materials for the life and energy-supply of those organs. Now in order better to appreciate the part played by this arrangement, let us attempt to realise what the efiect of too frequent feeding will and must be in the body. When this interest- ing arrangement has come into operation, some hours after food has been taken, and when the lymphatic vessels are engaged in picking up this watery and corpuscular part of the blood for re-use in the body, let us suppose that the person in question has meantime taken another 167 meal. There is the most unmistakable evidence present from time to time by which it can be demonstrated that, when persons are engaged in performing the light duties of town life, food has not left the stomach for five or six hours (frequently- much more than five or six hours), after it has been taken. Even after it leaves the stomach, let us remember that some considerable time longer must elapse before, having reached the small intestine, it has been taken up into the blood in the form of chyle by the thoracic duct, or by the portal vein. Now let us suppose that in a case which requires five or six hours for gastric or stomach digestion to be completed, a new meal is taken in four hours after the previous one. Let us suppose that a person who breakfasts at 9 o'clock takes dinner or lunch at 12-30 ; or, since digestion is probably more rapid in the forenoon than it is later in the day, let us ask ourselves what will happen if a person who has had lunch at 1-0 or 1-30 takes afternoon tea, and cake, and bread and butter, at 4-30 or 5-0. Plainly before one meal has left the stomach (not to speak of the small intestine), another one is ingested some hours before any need for it can possibly have arisen in the economy. Evidently, therefore, before digestion of the previous meal has been completed, the digestion of the next will have to be begun, and more gastric juice will have to be poured out into the stomach, before the previous contents have been properly dealt with. In fact, digestion will be going on at two different stages in 168 the same stomach at the same time. Now if even it be admitted that this might conceivably happen once or twice without doing much damage (but even once or twice is once or twice too often), it is quite obvious that the repetition of the process must be most deleterious. Besides the fact that digestion is going on at two different stages in the same stomach at the same time, and that all the other digestive processes are apt to be simul- taneously disarranged by the same or similar causes, we must consider the changes effected by the same causes in the lymph circulation. Obviously too much lymph must be finding its way into the blood through the thoracic duct. Before one supply has been properly elaborated and mixed with the blood current, another supply is on the way. This must interfere with proper assimilation m the first place, and in the next must lead to overloading of the blood with excess of nutritive material. Then, nextly, where such too rich blood has been carried to the muscles to keep up the heat of the body, and to enable them to perform mechanical work, there will be a larger over-plus in the form of lymph to be absorbed by the lymph spaces, and to be thence passed on to the lymphatic trunks, by them to be carried to the lymphatic glands for further elaboration, before the contents pass on to be poured through the thoracic duct back again into the venous blood. The lymphatic vessels, let us suppose, do this work well. They rid the blood of material which is unused, and pass 169 it on for re-use in the economy, But long before they have succeeded in doing this, another supply of lymph and chyle has entered the thoracic duct and the portal vein, and from these has been poured into the blood. The blood carries it all over the body, and particularly to the muscles, for conversion into heat and into mechanical work. The same round re-commences, the same overwork is thrown on to the lymph spaces, and the lymph vessels, and the lymphatic glands. The muscles become heavy and achy, and the person feels languid and unable or unwilling to move, and low and weak, not from taking too little food, but from taking it too often and too much. Nevertheless, she feels weak, and further finds herself relieved for a short time by taking more food, the heat of hot tea (which is accompanied by bread and butter or cakes) stimulating the digestion to assimilate some of the unused stufi" in the digestive tract and in the blood, while unfortunately the efforts of the lymphatic system to relieve the blood are rendered nugatory by the perpetual re-ingestion continually going on, at too short intervals, of food in excess of the requirements of the body. Obviously the economical arrangements of nature may be opposed or thwarted by unphysiological manage- ment. Before the lymphatics have had time to collect the lymph, more materials for lymph formation have been ingested into the body. The new digestive processes occur too soon. Too much material finds its way into the blood, and, especially 170 if this arrangement is repeated frequently and at too short intervals, it is evident that the lymph spaces may become blocked, and that the lymphatic glands may become congested and inflamed. When the congestion and inflammation proceed further, pus-formation or suppuration occurs, and in this way we can easily account for those enlargements of the glands and for those disfiguring suppurations and abscesses in the neck which often occur among the people, and especially among the children, of this country. In the same way, and from the same causes, the lymph spaces in a serous membrane like the pleura or that lining the interior of such a joint as the knee, may become over-filled with lymph, and so an attack of pleurisy or pleuritis may ensue, or a white swelling, as it is called, may occur in the knee joint of a child. If these are theoretical ways in which such diseased conditions may arise, I have no doubt that they are also in most instances the practical ways in which they do arise. A curious thing is that in the diseases I have mentioned, the tubercle bacillus is very often found to be concomitantly developed in the blood and tissues, and, these diseases being then shewn to be of a tubercular character, are looked upon further as signs or marks of delicacy of constitution, as the phrase is, in those who sufier from them. It is doubtful, however, or more than doubtful, whether this is a just view. It depends on the definition we give to the term constitution, or what we mean by it. If by constitution we mean resistance, then 171 it would not be inept or unsuitable to use the term as meaning simply that the child in question had a somewhat low digestive resistance, and that in this sense he had a weak constitution. But if we mean (as we generally seem to do) that the original powers of the person were too weak, that somehow or other and from the very first his stamina was poor and low, and much below the average, it is more than doubtful whether we are justified in using the term constitution in this sense ; and for my part I think it is a wrong and unjustifiable use to make of it. The question of constitution and its definition will come up for discussion later. Mean- time, let it be stated that it is not suggested that the lymphatic derangements described have created the tubercle bacillus. This would probably be impossible, or, at all events, a most unlikely thing to happen, neither man nor his body, nor the body of any other organism, plant, or animal, being able to create anything. But it does not seem at all impossible, or even unlikely, that, if the tubercle bacillus were in the body, it might be attracted by the increased activity going on in those lymph- engorged parts ; and that it might there set up its characteristic actions. Most of us contain in our bodies, most probably, numbers of these bacilli (and numbers of other sorts also), but so long as we are healthy we oxidise them off and take no harm, or perhaps they lie dormant for a time and then die. If ingested into the body by being, for example, eaten in meat or swallowed in milk, we can easily 172 imagine them lying dormant in the body so long as it is healthy ; but when excess of activity has occurred in any part through the lymph engorge- ment referred to, we can suppose them finding their way to that part, developing and multiplying there, because they find the pabulum suitable for their growth, and so from that place they may find their way all over the body ; and, setting up their characteristic actions, may in this way destroy the body. If this suggestion seems far-fetched to any reader of these remarks, let me remind him of what takes place in agriculture when we treat with basic slag grass land producing no clover, or, at least, so little that it escapes our notice. For some years after grass land has been treated in this way, fine crops of clover are grown where no notable amount of clover grew before, and not only so, but the weight of the grass crop is very much increased. Now the basic slagr did not contain the clover seed. Being manufactured in the process of making iron, it was white hot at one stage of the process of its production, and nothing living could survive such a condition. Unless, therefore, the clover seed had been added to the basic slag at some time after its production, it could not possibly contain any ; and, of course, we know very well that this was not done. The clover seed must, therefore, have been in the ground, or it could not have grown. In some way, therefore, the addition of the basic slag, while not containing the clover, modified the conditions of the soil and caused to thrive the 173 clover which, perhaps, before, managed to live some sort of a weak life, being possibly kept , down though not destroyed by the grasses among which it grew, until the addition of the basic slag some- how altered its environment and made it thrive. The precise form of the explanation is immaterial to the argument. What is material is that the addition of a manure not containing clover seed made clover grow where it was practically unknown before. There might be other explanations as to how this occurred. But however this may be, who does not see the close analogy between the facts of clover production in this way and the causing to thrive, in the body of man or animals, the hostile micro-organisms of the tubercle bacillus ? That in the case of the agricultural experiment we wished the seed to thrive, and that in the case of the tubercle bacillus we did not, is beside the argument, which is on the other hand to this effect, that when we alter the soil (by manuring land, or feeding the animal body, as the case may be), we alter the conditions or the environment, ^and so organisms spring up which did not formerly do so, or if they did spring up before, did not come to the matui'ity of development which they subsequently attained. To account for the original origin of the tubercle bacillus, or of any other organism, is part of the problem of creation, and transcends the wit of man ; but to account for the presence of the tubercle bacillus in any given place may or may not be difficult, and as it generally lies within the powers 174 of human investigation and explanation, may profitably occupy us. To decide whether organism or environment was first, to say whether the hen or the egg was first, whether day was before night or night before day, to declare whether structure was before function or function was before structure, are problems which transcend the powers of human faculty. It is not, however, essential to our happiness or comfort in this wonderful and practically infinite universe, extending beyond the utmost stretch of our imagination in all conceivable directions, that we should be able to solve these mysterious questions. It is enough for us that we should see that organism and environment are co-ordinated and co-related, that as the one alters so does the other, that as the other alters so does the one, to see that hen and egg and egg and hen follow one another in invariable sequence, and evidently have done so for an indefinite time in the past, as we may assume that they will continue to do so for an indefinite length of time to come ; that similarly day and night follow one another in invariable succession, and form part of the arrangements of the universe, so far as we have to do with it ; and that structure is co- ordinated with function and function with structure in such a way that, as one alters, so does the other in a corresponding manner. In the same way we may perceive that the tubercle bacillus tends to grow in tissues, whose activity is heightened by the long continuance of inflammatory 175 blood congestion and lymph congestion in them, whatever may have been the original way in which its existence may have been brought about ; and this knowledge carries with it, or may carry with it, the practical conclusion that we may be able to prevent the growth of that and other micro- organisms in our bodies, if we see to it that these bodies, besides being properly treated as regards air and exercises, have also their food nutrition properly managed, by being supplied with neither too much food nor too little, and by being fed neither too often nor too seldom, in conformity with the work and the kind of work which they are called upon to do. I have in this chapter set forth the anatomical and physiological facts of the circulation of the blood and lymph, which seem to have a bearing on the advice offered in these pages, at any rate to the average townsman and townswoman, that they should rather tend to restrict than to increase their diet. I deal here rather with the theory on which the advice is founded. Later, and particularly in Chapter VIII. , the subject is dealt with more from the practical standpoint. Until he reaches that Chapter, therefore, the reader will perhaps be kind enough to let the subject rest, and turn itself over quietly in his mind ; and, meantime, I pass on to the consideration of the two great medical paradoxes. 176 CHAPTER VI. Some of the Paradoxes of Medicine. T DO not know that I can introduce the considera- tion of this interesting and important part of my subject, or perhaps help to clear up, as I hope to do, some of its puzzling confusion, better than by relating the following occurrence. A lady, who is much interested in medical questions, asked me recently this question: "Can you give me," said she, "any unequivocal sign, doctor, of under- feeding ? any one unequivocal sign by which I may know that either myself or my children are under-fed ? " On hearing such a question the first idea that occurs to one is, how simple is the question and how easy the answer. Thinness, for instance, wasting, attenuation, general depression, languor, lowness of temperature, slowness of pulse, inactivity of function, weakness — all these one would think to be marks so obvious of under- feeding as to cause surprise that the question was asked at all. But, in point of fact, the answer to the question is so dijQ&cult — at least it proved to be so for me — that I was obliged to reply, " I cannot mention any unequivocal, or as it might be called, pathognomonic, sign of under-feeding." For the 177 curious and even paradoxical thing is that all the signs mentioned — the thinness, the wasting, the lowness, the inactivity, the languor — while they may sometimes, no doubt, be marks of under-feeding, and occasionally are so, may also be, and, in fact, when met with in practice, most commonly are, marks or signs, not of under-feeding, but of over-feeding. When men are exposed in a boat after the wreck of their ship, for many days, with only a few days' provisions on board, we know that when saved they will be thin, wasted and attenuated, that they will be weak, that their pulse may be slow (or quick), their temperature probably low, and their bodily functions generally in abeyance. Mark Twain has described to us, from the layman's standpoint, in his essay " How I made my debut as a literary person," how there had been no action of the bowels for twenty and thirty days in the case of men subjected to these conditions. In one case, he tells us, the duration of the constipation, including a period of time after the man was saved, was no less than forty-four days. "Sleep, also," he says, "came to be rare, but the men did very well without it." In one stretch, the captain did not sleep for twenty-one days and nights. The functions of intestinal action and of sleep were in abeyance, or absent, for a very long time. Now there could be no doubt what the cause was in these cases. The cause was direct starvation, so long- continued, and with consequences so marked, 178 that, had it gone on for only a little longer time, the men must have died. And consequently, after the men had been saved, the obvious treatment for them, the only rational thing to do, was to have recourse to cautious and, of course, not too suddenly increased administration of food. And this would have to be continued, as, in fact, it was continued, until the men gradually returned to normal and healthy food habits, properly proportioned to the work which they had to perform. All this is perfectly plain and obvious to the meanest comprehension. But we should make the greatest mistake if we were to assume that because attenuation, constipation and sleeplessness were in these cases caused un- doubtedly by too little food for a long continuance of time, they are always so caused. And if, acting on this view, we were to recommend a patient suffering in these ways to increase his food, we should or we might find his attenuation getting worse and his constipation and insomnia increasing. Constipation is inactivity of intestinal function, and it may be brought about in two opposite ways, or from two contrary causes, by deficiency of food and by excess of food. In the one case constipation is induced for two reasons, first, because there is nothing to pass — the intestines have no contents, they are quite empty — and second, because, if there were anything to pass, there is no strength to void it. But in the other case, constipation or intestinal inactivity sets in because, there being too much to pass, the intestines become dry and plugged. 179 Obviously, while the treatment proper to the first form of constipation is to cautiously increase the diet till we get the man on to proper food habits (when his constipation will begin to disappear), the treatment proper to the second form of constipation is to cautiously restrict the diet in the way described in Chapter III. The first form of constipation is caused by direct starvation, and by the direct weakness which it brings on, but the second by causes just the opposite of this; and I have already described the modus operandi in which it comes about. Reflection on the causes of the condition also shews the futility of treating such a state by purgatives. These only irritate the bowel, causing an increase of watery discharge from it by increased stimulation and irritation ; but when these subside, unless other measures are meantime taken, and particularly unless the diet is restricted, the constipation is not and cannot be relieved. In fact, it is apt to become aggravated, because the irritation of over-action or over-secretion, set up by the purgative, is apt to be followed by a corresponding diminution of activity, or by under-secretion, which makes the original trouble worse. Unless the person so suffering consents to restrict his diet — and, unfortunately, too few persons are advised to do this, or, if advised, unfortunately refuse to do it, so persistent and so widespread and prevalent are wrong ideas on the subject — he cannot get rid of his trouble. And hence we see those frequently recurring cases in L2 180 which persons have recourse to the use of purgatives for many years without being able to obtain relief from their misery. Instances have occurred within my knowledge in which patients have taken aperients every day for 25 years, and even longer, without succeeding in obtaining cure of their ailment. It is, I confess, a standing puzzle and mystery to me how this state of things can continue. One sees persons capable, in other directions of life, of grappling with difficulties, and of adapting suitable means to the end of ridding them of their troubles ; but in a case like this it is not so. Day after day the difficulty recurs, the constipation shews no sign of yielding to the means adopted for its relief. In order to meet this, perhaps the purgative is changed, cascara is replaced by liquorice powder, or one form of patent pill by another, or one mineral water by another, Hunyadi Janos by hitter wasser or Friederichshalle ; or the dose is increased. A patient once told me that, beginning with one pill, which had a decided effect, he soon found it necessary to take two, then three, and then four, and so on, until at the time I saw him he was sometimes taking as many as eighteen, and occasionally even this dose had no effect. This had been going on for fourteen years. How any sensible man or woman fails to discover, after say six months, that there is no relief to be got in this way, and how it is that he still persists in futile efforts of this kind, is a puzzle to me. In any other direction in life, he would, when he found one 181 means fail, try another, but in this he goes on in the most fataHstic way with the same means, or with means of the same kind, although time after time he finds his remedies fail ; or, if he obtains temporary relief, the evil soon recurs, even perhaps in an aggravated form. The patient above referred to told me a year after our interview that he had only once taken a dose of an aperient medicine during the preceding twelve months, changes in the diet having effectively cured the constipation, which no aperients could do more than temporarily relieve. But this patient did not hesitate, when advised to do so, to reduce his meals to two a day, and to make some changes in the quality of his diet. How serious this condition may become, however, and how serious in point of fact it often does become, may be seen, among other instances, in the case of cancer of the bowel, supervening from this cause, the overgrowth of the muscular fibre at some particular point in the bowel becoming greater and greater, until at last it becomes so great that it contracts so tightly as to prevent any contents from passing, and an attack of intestinal obstruction sets in, which puts the patient into the greatest danger, and may even cost him his life. Even if he survives one such attack, the causes still continuing, and too much nutritive material continuing to find its way into the blood, and thence to be conveyed to the bowel itself, another attack is sure to occur, followed by another and still another. In the end 182 what is called malignant disease, and what is at least incurable disease, sets in. The overgrowth, though general over the whole bowel, is usually much more pronounced at one point or place than at the rest, and from this place an aggressive or invasive action sets in in the surrounding tissues, and indeed in the whole intestines, involving them in similar action, so that, even if the chief place afiected is cut out or exised, and if the patient survives the operation, other parts have been for a long time steadily prepared for taking on a similar action, they may take it on accordingly, and cure for that person may become impossible. People some- times say that constipation causes cancer. What has been said explains what they mean ; but obviously a truer and sounder statement would be, not that constipation causes cancer, but that the causes of constipation are frequently also the causes of cancer. On both views, of course, the practical inference would have been drawn that if the consti- pation had been cured, the cancer would not have occurred ; but on the former view, the futile plan of attempting to cure the constipation by administering purgatives, would probably have been had recourse to, while on the other view, the much better and much more hopeful plan would have been adopted of restricting the diet. The discussion of the causes of constipation has led to a short digression as to how constipation is often connected with incurable disease, like cancer ; but the statement I wish to emphasize, and which I think I have proved by 183 probable evidence, the best sort of evidence which can be brought to bear on the case, is that opposite causes acting on the body may and do induce the same effect. Constipation, obstinate and lasting as we have seen (illuminating and rendering much more instructive the layman Mark Twain's perfectly correct description), for as long as 44 days, may arise from too little food ; and it may also be caused, as in fact it far more commonly is, by too much. It is not quite relevant to the phase of the subject under discussion, perhaps, but this seems nevertheless a suitable place to introduce another consideration bearing on this subject. The person referred to as having taken all those pills told me that his mother had died of cancer. From inquiry it appeared that it had come on with prolonged and recurring attacks of constipation, which it had been fruitlessly attempted to relieve by administering purgatives. Now suppose that my patient had also gone on in the same way ; suppose that he had persisted in attempts to cure his constipation by efforts which, in the nature of things, could not have been successful, and supposing that as a consequence he had got cancer also — well, we should have been apt to say that cancer was hereditary in that family. And yet no more would have been proved than that, like causes having acted on like organisms for two generations, like results had been produced. Organisation is trans- mitted, no doubt, but disease hardly or very rarely indeed. And in the case supposed there would 184 have been no more proof of the hereditary transmission of cancer than there would be for the belief that death by gunshot wound or rifle bullet is hereditary in a family because son, father, and grandfather, having been mihtary officers, were, one after the other, shot in action. If the son of the last becomes a wool merchant, the probabilities are that he will die in his bed. And if my patient treats his constipation differently from the way in which his mother treated hers, there is no reason why he should have cancer like her. I have said that probable evidence is the best sort of evidence that can be brought to bear in cases of this sort. The reader may demur to this, and may ask for experimental evidence. Well, what better experiment could be devised than the experiment of civilised nature, as it may be termed, of starving men in a boat for many days, if we want to find out one of the causes of constipation ? And, on the other hand, what better experiment can we desire as to the causes of the ordinary and common form of constipation than watching the effects of the food habits of ourselves and our friends ? But if minds are so constituted as to be dissatisfied with this kind of evidence, let them, if they are so minded, and if they can get persons to submit to the experiments, subject their friends (or, better still, themselves), to a long course of fasting on the one hand, and to a long course of too frequent and too abundant feeding on the other. Constipation will arise in both experiments. They will find that 185 opposite causes induce (apparently) the same state. Let them weigh, and measure, and time the quantities of food administered, let them note its qualities and kinds as well. Then they will be able to conclude that certain quantities of food of certain kinds, administered at certain times, will, as a rule, and within certain limits, induce constipation, but that the powers of resistance of different individuals, and of the same individuals in different circumstances, will vary very much in the manifestation of the effect. The net result will be the view that the quantity and quality of food, and the times of its administration which will induce constipation, cannot be stated to a nicety, but that, on the whole, frequent and abundant feeding tends to induce it. In fact, the evidence to be obtained from the artificial experiment will coincide with that from the natural experiment or experiment of nature, which, if we had carefully and, as far as possible, accurately observed it, would have led us to the same conclusion. And a general rule would arise, the same as observation has already led to, viz., that the quantity, and quality, and frequency with which foods would have to be administered in order to induce constipation cannot indeed be stated to a nicety, but that taking it too much and too often is a very potent cause. And of course from this rule would arise the same canons of treatment, the practical conclusions, the things we care most about, the canons which have already been stated. The results of experimental evidence will harmonise 186 with and corroborate the conclusions of natural evidence, but both are really experimental if properly viewed. But we may go a great deal further than this. Not only is constipation induced by two opposite sets of causes by too little and by too much ; so are all conditions in which functions come to be in abeyance. Mark Twain tells us how the captain in charge of the boat for those 43 days did not sleep for 21 days and nights. In fact, through direct starvation, he lost the power to sleep. But how unwise to conclude from this natural experiment, so to call it, that the commonest way in which sleeplessness or insomnia is brought about is by taking too little food, and taking it too seldom. The commonest form of insomnia is, on the other hand, caused by taking food too often and too much. The explanation of the modus operandi^ in which the same result (I use opposite in the sense of contrary^ not of con- tradictory, i.e., as marking differences of quantity and frequency, as to more or less, but not as marking differences as to kind or essence — which would be termed contradictory. Day and night, heat and cold, e.g., are contraries of one another, but motion and rest — if there is such a thing as absolute rest — would be contradictories), is brought about by these two opposite conditions, may be difficult, and different opinions may be held about it. I think the explanation is the following, and that it is the same in principle as the explanation 187 already given of the induction of constipation by the two opposite causes of too much and too little. In order that sleep may be induced the circulation of the blood (and of the lymph) in the brain must be moderate and proportional. But the function of food is to make blood and lymph, and through proper stimulus of nerves to control their cir- culation. When men are directly starved for many days, so that they threaten to die from direct starvation, they, of course, use up the nutritive powers of their blood. Blood too poor in nutritive materials is sent again and again to the brain and other organs. In normal circumstances this blood stimulates the coats of the arteries to contract and help in assisting the passage of the blood along the arteries, and also keeps these coats in proper tone. In normal circumstances, it seems to me, that through the action of the trophic or vasomotor nerves the normal tone is maintained in these coats, as also a normal proportion between the action of the longitudinal and the transverse or circular coats of the arteries. In health I think the arteries are contracted in sleep, while the veins are dilated ; but contraction is kept up by over-stimulation of the circular coats as compared with the longitudinal coats. Normally I think healthy balance between these two, results in rather more stimulation of transverse than of longitudinal elements. * It may • The same relation obtaining between the longitudinal and transverse muscular fibres of the bladder and bowels respectively, leads to the prevention of unpleasant accidents in their corresponding functions. 188 possibly be that, while both the longitudinal and the transverse elements are under the control of the nervous system, the transverse coats are rather under the control of the sjnnpathetic system of nerves, while the longitudinal are rather under the government of the cerebro-spinal system. If so, this would account for the well-known fact that too much excitement or too much anxiety causes a feeling of throbbing in the head, and prevents sleep. By the suggestion made, or in accordance with it; excitement, and anxiety, and mentalisation, or cerebration in general, tend rather to stimulate the longitudinal elements of arteries, and so, by contracting them, to shorten and widen or dilate the vessels, and so, by over filling them with blood, and hence by supplying too much blood to the brain to keep it awake, and prevent sleep. Too much food often has the same effect, If the effects of over feeding continue, a compensatory action is set up, and the transverse coats of vessels increase in size or they hypethoply, as if in order to overcome the overplus of stimulation of the longitudinal elements. And, in fact, we find in gout and other states of over feeding, great increase in these circular or transverse coats, so that, in some cases, they contract so tightly as scarcely to allow the blood to pass at all. In this case their action must be to induce a sort of obstipation or constipation of the brain vessels, just as the corresponding state already referred to in the bowel narrows its lumen so much as to allow nothing or 189 hardly anything to pass, and so to cause con- stipation of the bowels from excess of food. But in the opposite condition, that of direct starvation, acting for a very long time, the blood has parted with so much of its nutrient material that it cannot stimulate the coats to act at all ; and so, as in the analogous case in the bowel, whereas we saw there was nothing to pass, and no strength to void it if there had been, in this case the powers of the brain and nervous system are so weak through the impoverishment of the blood supply that the nervous system is unable to sleep. Here is, therefore, another function, that of sleep, which disappears under starvation, and disappears also under the long continued action of too much food, and this, be it observed, even if the explanation I have suggested of the modus operandi is incorrect. In any case, the practical conclusion that we come to is that the ordinary form of insomnia ought to be treated by cautious restriction of the diet. If a man is sleepless on four meals a day, let him try three for a while ; if this is insufficient to make him sleep, let him take two ; or, if two are still too many, let him try one daily meal. But as we cannot wait so easily for the arrival of sleep as we can for the action of the bowels in prolonged constipation, an admirable device for procuring sleep is often found to be either starvation or a very restricted diet, a glass of milk, e.g., morning and evening, or a cup of cocoa made with milk, with a basin of soup with, say, a slice of bread, in the 190 middle of the day. This diet is in most cases effective in inducing sleep in ten, or twelve, or fourteen, or twenty days. If at the commencement of treatment we think it right to administer a sleeping draught once or twice, it is only in order that we may be able soon to cease its administra- tion ; for, bad as are the effects of administering purgatives to cure obstinate constipation, much more damaging and much more to be deprecated is the too common practice of attempting to procure sleep by means of frequently repeating the administration of hypnotics. I hope, in fact, that the reader is beginning to be prepared for the statement that he is a poor physician (whatever be his legalised medical qualifications) who shall attempt to cure constipation by purgatives and sleep- lessness by the administration of hypnotics. But not only so ; I hope he will be beginning to see that the statement may be generalised, and that he will perceive how poor is that form of medical practice in general which shall attempt to combat any long - continued condition in the body by the administration of remedies calculated to induce the opposite state — which shall attempt, e.g., to cure long - continued diarrhoea by administering astringents, lowness or depression by administer- ing stimulants, and stimulation or excitement by depressants, excess of acidity by the administra- tion of alkalies, or excess of alkalinity by the administration of acids. These conditions may possibly be combatable in this way if they are not 191 of long standing, for the sufficient reason that in this case they tend to get well of themselves, and even without treatment ; but if they have existed for some time, such treatment is quite faulty, and persistence in it cannot eventuate in the cure of the patient, unless the causes of the irritation are also at the same time reduced, the usual translation of which is that the diet ought to be restricted. Of course, if the irritant were lying in the digestive tract, administering a purgative might succeed in removing it ; but if it were in the blood, no such means could succeed in doing so. Hence the futility of administering purgatives even where patients are plainly and avowedly suffering from the long continued effects of over -feeding. A purgative cannot remove the cause from the blood, though it may succeed in doing so in the case where some irritating material is lying in the stomach or intestines. The same indeed is true of blood-letting, for which, however, there is really something more to be said, for bleeding, while it may succeed in removing a portion of the materies morbi in the blood, can, after all, remove only say half a pint or a pint of blood, while the quality of the blood which remains is unaltered, and must continue to exert its deleterious influence on the economy ; and, if the over-feeding which led to the blood containing too much nutrient material in it is continued after the bleeding, what can we expect except that the continuance of the causes will re-induce the old effects? For this reason, among others, bleeding 192 has been practically given up by medical men. Let us hope that we shall soon see the evil effects of purgatives and hypnotics as clearly. While insomnia due to over-feeding must, therefore, be treated by restriction of the diet, that form which is due to direct starvation, the form from which Mark Twain's men were suffering, must be treated by cautious feeding and cautious increase of the diet. The ancient writers on medicine used to say that diseases were hot and cold or moist and diy, and that the indication for treatment was, therefore, to oppose dry by moist and moist by dry, to oppose hot by cold and cold by hot. Stated in these ways these terms seem fanciful, as, in fact, frequently was the treatment adopted in conformity with them, remedies being likewise divided into dry and moist and hot and cold. But if we translate these terms into the scientific language of to-day, we shall see that they were perhaps not so fanciful as we had supposed, or, at least, that solid facts underlay them. For, undoubtedly, in some diseased conditions, although the ancient physicians could not measure it, the temperature of the body is too high, and in others it is too low, and the physician often enough attempts to diminish too high a temperature, say, by putting an evaporating or cooling application on the head, or even by administering (though this is generally not so wise a measure) a remedy whose effect is to lower temperature. To elevate too low a temperatm*e, which is almost always caused by too much food, is a 193 much more difficult thing, and to attempt to do this by stimulants, for example, is to end in failure, the only sound methods of doing so being through restriction of the diet and by recommending exercises with or without the use of baths. But reflection shews that though it might have been fanciful to speak of hot and cold diseases, it is not at all so, but is, on the contrary, highly practical to speak of those with a temperature above natural and those with too low a temperature. Likewise, moist and dry in disease are often described nowadays by the words, too dry and burning a skin, or one too moist and sweating ; and physicians to-day frequently recommend, at least, as temporary measures of treatment, sudorifics, e.g., to make the skin act ; or they recommend the body to be sponged over with say tepid applications of weak vinegar solutions to check sweating ; or even administer remedies with that intention. Of course it is much sounder and better practice to inquire what made the temperature too high or too low, what made the skin too dry or too moist, and to take remedial measures in accordance with our conclusions, than to rest contented with opposing moist by dry, or hot by cold. These reflections have, however, brought us in sight of our second great paradox in medicine, which is that the same causes often induce opposite states in the body. The first, of course, was that opposite causes induce the same state. Under the second paradox we find statements of this sort : M 194 the causes of constipation and of diarrhoea are often the same, viz., excess of stimulus, the chief form of which is excess of food. The causes of feverishness or elevation of temperature, and of depression with too low a temperature, are often the same, viz., wrong food habits; so with the causes of too great dryness and of too great moisture of the skin ; so with the causes of too heavy sleep and too little sleep — they are often the same. And of course it follows, if this is so, that the treatment of these various and opposite conditions must frequently be the same, the great remedy being restriction of the diet. Much con- sideration and much patience is required before assent is given to this general proposition that the correct treatment of opposite states is the same. At first sight, in fact, it seems impossible that it can be true. To recommend an obese person to restrict his diet or his drink may seem quite rational and in accordance with common sense and common experience. But to say to a thin, wasted, weak and attenuated person, " you must restrict your diet in order to get rid of your thinness, your wasting, your attenuation, your weakness ; " this, it must be admitted, does sound foolish and unnatural. Nevertheless, it is so often true, and so often helpful to the patient to offer him this seemingly parodoxical advice, that we must consider and patiently discuss it for a while, because unquestionably, he who does not understand it can have no correct view of medicine and medical 195 practice, and will, in consequence, fail to cure a large proportion of patients, whose ailments, nevertheless, are curable if the treatment is properly set about. But we shall find, if we allow ourselves to observe a little, and to reflect on what we do observe, much corroboration of this view. Breeders of fowls, for example, and fatteners of fowls for the market know that if animals are over- fed they become thin and wasted, and fall off in weight. The mode in which Sussex and Surrey fowls are fattened for market is said to be the following. For about a fortnight they are confined in coops and suppHed with as much corn as they can eat. After about that length of time, their appetite falls off, whereupon, for another fortnight or so, they are artificially fed with soft food, inserted into their gizzards with a squirt several times a day. They have then reached their highest weight, and it is found that they must then be sent to market, if the owners are to make the best profit out of them, because, if they are not, they then, or soon, begin to fall off in weight, to become thin and attenuated from over-feeding. The first effect of over-feeding is greatly to increase the weight, but the second as markedly to diminish it. The same cause, viz., over-feeding, does induce opposite states, viz., too great stoutness and too great thinness. The thinness which follows over-feeding was called by Dr. King Chambers the starvation of over- repletion. It is quite evident that a sound way to overcome it is and often must be to restrict the diet. M 2 196 But it is not difficult to see how this may be so, because, in fact, people themselves will often come to doctors with the statement : " My food does not seem to be doing me any good, doctor." And the doctor has frequently to reply, " You will get more benefit out of it if you take less of it." No doubt this state of thinness and wasting is often treated by over-feeding, and apparently with good results, at least for a time, patients improving very much under seclusion and over-feeding, as it is called. But do not let us be led away by words. Let us see what this diet by " over-feeding " really is. Here is an account of the diet of one of these cases, variously termed hysteria, neurasthenia and anaemia, in which patients are thin, low and weak, and in which they are treated by over-feeding. " Patient kept in bed ; rising only to relieve calls of nature. " First day : one quart of milk in divided doses every three hours. " Second day : cup of coffee on awakening. Two quarts of milk in divided doses every two hours. Aloetic pill at night. " Third to sixth day : same diet. " Seventh, eight and ninth days : same diet, with a pint of raw soup in three portions (the soup is made by treating raw beef with strong hydro- chloric acid). " Tenth day : 7 a.m., coffee; 7-30 a.m., half a pint of milk ; 10 a.m., 12 noon, 2, 4, 6, and 10 p.m., ditto; soup at 11 a.m., 5 and 9 p.m. 197 " Fourteenth day : egg and bread and butter added. "Sixteenth day : dmner added and iron." But in what sense is this diet a generous diet ? It is not generous at all. It is a spare diet, yes, and a very spare diet. A quart of milk in the first 24 hours, and nothing else, surely that is a very restricted diet. In calories, it comes to about 600, while the fasting man, as we shall see in Chap. VIII., on the authority of a distinguished physiologist, requires, or at least produces, 2303 calories. But the first day is only the introduction. Let us see the next stage. From the second to the sixth days double this quantity of milk was administered, and nothing else. But 1200 calories, the amount of energy obtainable from this diet, is yet only a little more than half of that given out by the starving man, and about half of that emitted by the physician or the ofiicial, as we shall see in due time. Up to the present point, therefore, this diet of over- feeding is only about half of a starvation diet. From the seventh to the ninth days a pint of raw soup was added, i.e., a pint of soup into which the juice of a pound of raw beef had been strained. This would not and did not contain much of the nutritive matter of the beef, but if we were to admit that it contained all the nutritive value of a pound of beef, and were to add 1000 calories as representing the energy value, we should still find that our so-called over-feeding diet amounted to only 2200 calories of energy value, which is even yet less than 198 the amount demanded by the starving man. But it would be a gross exaggeration to suppose or estimate that a pint of raw soup, made in the way described, contained an3rthing near 1000 calories. I really think that 100 calories would be nearer the energy value of a pint of raw soup made in this way. We come, therefore, after what I think is a very fair and quite impartial examination of a diet of " over-feeding," to the conclusion that for the first fortnight it is a diet of restriction, and even of great restriction. I quite agree, nay, I strenuously assert that the principle of treatment by restriction is correct ; but one must emphatically protest against its being called a generous diet or a diet of over- feeding. The patient's body is being called upon during that fortnight to part with its surplus stores, those surplus stores which made the patient weak, thin and attenuated, because they were in excess. This will be appreciated better if it is realised that the urine passed in these circumstances has often a specific gravity as high as 1030 in place of 1010. A most excellent canon of treatment, in fact, for these cases is to go on with the greatly restricted diet until the specific gravity of the urine falls to 1010, after which cautious increase of the diet may be ordered, especially if in the meantime the very low bodily temperature generally found in these cases has shewn signs of rising. In four to six weeks or so in my experience, these two facts begin to shew, when I generally get patients on to one solid meal a day, and continue that for some 199 time, and uDtil they are ready for more, and until they demand more. But let us pursue the account of the over- feeding diet, which, for the first fortnight, is, as we have seen, a diet of starvation. " Nineteenth day : The entire diet was as follows : — 7-0 a.m., coffee. 8-0 a.m., iron and malt extract ; breakfast, consisting of a chop, bread and butter, a tumblerful and a half of milk. 11-0 a.m., soup. 2-0 p.m., iron and malt ; dinner of anything liked, with six ounces of Burgundy or dry champagne, and at end one or two tumblers of milk. 4-0 p.m., soup. 7-0 p.m., malt iron, bread and butter, usually some fruit, and two glasses of milk. 9-0 p.m., soup. 10-0 p.m., aloetic pill." I have had some lifl&culty in calculating the calorie value of this diet. I am sure it is too much, and that after the patient had been on so restricted a diet for the first fortnight it would have been better to go on as on the sixteenth day, with dinner added to the starvation diet, when the patient would have had sufficient food, and would not have required the aloetic pill at bed time. On a sufficient diet, neither too much nor too little, the bowels regulate themselves, and no aperients are required. If, on the other hand, aperients are required, we may be sure that the food administered is either too much or too little. So far, however, as I can make out, the diet represents about 3445 grand calories in value, made up as follows. The bread given is not quantified, but I have assumed that 4 ozs. were 200 given at 8-0 a.m. and 7-0 p.m., and 2 ozs. at dinner, that is, 10 ozs. in all. This is more, let me say here, than the average woman can continue to take without getting indigestion, colds, rheumatism, &c. She may of course, however, take this amount daily for some time without suffering in these ways, for as long perhaps as the " over-feeding " diet lasts, though what a misnomer " over-feeding " is in the first fortnight of the diet we have seen. 7-0 a.m., cup of coffee. There is no calorie value in this, or almost none. Its use in the body is, however, great, as it stimulates the body to draw on its own reserves and to use up some of them. The increase of temperature which generally follows the administration of a cup of hot coffee is a proof of this. I have known the temperature of the body to be raised by one or two degrees F. for an hour or longer by such a dose of coffee. Half a pound or half a pint of hot coffee solution at 110° F. could not possibly raise the temperature of a woman weighing about 100 lbs., through one or two degrees F. in temperature. It is a physical and mechanical impossibility. But it may and easily does so by stimulating the body to oxidise some of its own surplus stores lying unused, and to some extent clogging the body ; and so it performs a very useful part in the economy. 8-0 a.m., breakfast. 4 ozs. of bread = 276 calories, and 4 ozs. of chops uncooked = 3 ozs. cooked = say 120 calories, and milk = 225 calories, butter, 1 oz. = 208 calories. 201 11-0 a.m., soup. This contains little or no calorie value, acting in much the same way as the hot coffee does, and stimulating the better digestion of the breakfast so as to prepare the stomach for dinner at two. But let us say that half a pint of soup contains 65 calories (perhaps 50 calories would be nearer the mark). 2-0 p.m., ordinary dinner. Suppose this to weigh two to two and a half pounds of mixed diet as it comes to the table, made up say of 4 ozs. of meat = 196 calories; 2 oz. of bread =138 calories ; } lb. of potatoes = 270 calories ; cooked fruit, 1 lb. calorie value, say 200 calories ; 1 oz. of cheese = 125 calories ; 1 oz. of butter = 208 calories; two tumbler sful of milk = 300 calories. 4-0 p.m., soup = 65 calories. 7-0 p.m., bread, 4 ozs. = 276 calories ; butter, 1 oz. = 208 calories ; fruit, say 200 calories ; two glasses of milk = 300 calories. 9-0 p.m., soup = 65 calories. The total estimated calorie value of this diet comes therefore to about 3445 calories. I have not been able to do more than guess at the calorie value of the fruit, which, it is well known as to many kinds of it, consists of about 90 per cent, of water ; but I have estimated the calorie value of a pound of it as about equal to 3 ozs. of bread. This specimen of diet of over-feeding, taken from Professor Davis's Dietotherapy, can scarcely be termed a very excessive diet, representing in calorie value barely more than half as much again as the 202 energy lost daily by the starving man, but with the patient in bed is probably a good deal more than was required. For one thing, the need for administering an aperient at bed time is itself a suggestion in this sense. But this specimen of a diet of over-feeding is much less than is administered in some cases in which patients are heavily fed every two or three hours during the day, and in which much larger quantities of food, representing a much higher and, it must be held, quite un- necessary and very undesirable quantity of calorie value, are given. Even if apparently well borne at the time (but many patients rebel greatly when undergoing the treatment), it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that later it must lead to the occurrence of gout, rheumatism, colds, headaches, or other ailments in patients so treated, especially as the treatment itself offers a tacit suggestion that the patient should go on afterwards living more or less under the idea that heavy feeding is a main means towards maintenance of health and strength. The explanation of the high specific gravity of the urine formerly referred to is simple, on the theory that the body and its circulation, the blood and the lymph spaces, are loaded with unused material accumulated within them, and on the view that, under restriction of the diet, the body begins to use them up, and to eliminate them ; but it is difficult to explain it on any other theory. In fact, if we examine we shall find that the urine passed by persons in the state of neurasthenia, ovarian 203 neuralgia, hysteria, general debility, and wasting without feverishness, for the treatment of which recourse is generally had to what is called over- feeding, differs from time to time very much in specific gravity. Sometimes a large quantity of urine looking very much like pure water is passed. This, on examination, proves to have a very low specific gravity, say of 1004 or 1006, and to contain very few chemical salts. At other times, and more often, the urine is found to be of the high specific gravity of 1030 or 1032, formerly described. When this occurs under restriction of diet, and before over - feeding is commenced, a possible explanation might be that the body is living on itself, that it is using up its own materials, and that the high specific gravity is caused by the presence in the urine of the products of the oxidation of the tissues of the body. If this were so, however, to any great extent, feverishness, or elevation of temperature, with quickening of pulse, might be expected to be present. As a rule, however, neither of these conditions is present, the temperature being generally considerably too low (96° or 97° F., e.g., in place of 98-4° R), while the pulse is not quickened. Still, the body must to some extent be considered to be living on itself during the treatment, because, during restriction, it is not being suppHed, as we have seen, with sufficient food for the long continued maintenance of life ; and we are corroborated in this view by the fact, fre- quently observed, that women treated in this way 204 may increase their weight at the same time that their food is diminished. This has occurred frequently in my practice, and, among other cases, in that of a young woman, twenty-six years of age, who had been ill for three years with dyspepsia and anaemia, and had been unable to follow her occupation for two years. For the first four weeks of treatment she took a tumblerful of milk mixed with an equal quantity of boiling water morning and evening, and about half a pint of mutton - or chicken - soup in the middle of the day, and nothing else. She was not confined to bed, but went about all the time. For the next five weeks she had the same allowance of milk morning and evening, or she took hot barley water in place of the hot water. For dinner she had half a pint of any soup with some green vegetables in it, well cooked, as sprouts, cauliflower, or celery, or cucumber, and some Parmesan cheese dredged over it. The solid constituents of her diet did not weigh more than eight ounces, and green vegetables contain, it is well known, about 90 per cent, of water in their composition. Nevertheless, on this diet, she got entirely rid of her dyspepsia, no longer vomited the bitter stuff she formerly did, and, to a great extent, got rid of her anaemia ; her friends complimenting her on her improved appearance. More strange it is to add that on this diet she gained one and a half pound in weight in three weeks. No doubt she drew on the over- accumulation of reserves in her body for some of the supplies on which she lived during the time, for it 205 is not to be supposed that she could continue to live on such a diet, especially after she shall have returned to her work. And the waste, effete, unused material accumulated in her body, and converted under this regime into the heat and energy of life, was probably replaced by water in the tissues, so that she gained weight. A certain amount of this replacement by water was no doubt of the greatest benefit to the patient, for in anaemia the tissues are so shrunk and " constipated," or obstipated, and the circulation in them is so blocked, that the blood cannot enter them freely. The oxidation and metabolism, therefore, that ought to occur in the tissues is prevented from taking place. This leads to further blocking and further obstipation, especially if attempts are made to "feed up," as they so frequently are in this affection. The first part of the treatment which goes under the name of over-feeding being, therefore, a restriction of the diet, so that the body may be called on to eliminate the excess of material accumulated within it, the next part of the treatment ought to consist in getting the body on to proper nourishment, and this the treatment attempts to do. Of course much depends on the view which we take of the facts before us. If we think that the lowness, the weakness, the thinness, and the low temperature are marks of under- feeding, we shall order a course of gradually increased feeding, or even, perhaps, for a time, of over-feeding. If, on the other hand, we think 206 these are the sign of plugging, blocking and obstipation of the fluids and tissues of the body, we shall restrict the diet. It is a curious thing to find that the first fortnight of what is called over-feeding is really a diet of great restriction. But whatever view we take of the causation of the patient's state, there is certainly a danger that in the next part of the treatment the administration of food may be carried so far as to over-load the blood, and lymph, and tissues with excess of the products of digestion ; and it is to me, I must say, more than doubtful whether the greatly increased diet sometimes administered, a diet much heavier than the one described by Professor Davis, is either necessary or desirable. It seems to me to cause loss of strength, plugging, blocking, constant tendency to take colds, headaches, feeling of fatigue, and other ailments. Some patients even resent it while feeling over-persuaded to submit to it ; and I have heard complaints from such that they were simply stufied like geese that are being prepared for the market. We have been led into this digression through consideration of the different methods of treatment that must be adopted according to the different points of view from which we see the facts before us, and because this seemed a suitable place in which to discuss the treatment of over-feeding. We must now proceed to discuss further the aspects of our second paradox that the same causes induce or cause the production of opposite states in the 207 body. This academic discussion has the most important practical bearings, as we have seen. It makes to the patient all the difference between recovery and failure to recover, between life and death, what view we take of his ailment, because on the view we take depends the course of treat- ment which we recommend for him. An academic discussion, therefore, on the part of the medical adviser is a practical matter of life or death to the patient. If the medical adviser or the reader is tempted to think, he will steer clear of the whole discussion, if he thinks he will give it the go-bye, if love of peace and quiet tempt him to withdraw and let others fight it out, he must be reminded that peace is not so to be obtained, that refusal to consider a question does not make it non-existent, and that the question is a clamant one and of the most supreme importance, because his future and that of those dependent on him is bound up in it. He simply must face it, for there is no escape. It is difficult to find the best way of putting the results of the second medical paradox. Perhaps as good a way as any to explain how constipation and diarrhoea, slow pulse and quick pulse, depression and fever, melancholia and excitement, with a variety of other opposite conditions, are frequently produced by the same causes, and particularly by excess of food, is by stating the following proposi- tion. ALL AGENTS WHICH AFFECT THE BODY OK ANY PAKT THEREOF EXEET 208 ON IT A TWO -FOLD AND CONTRARY ACTION IN TIME, THE SECONDARY OR REACTIVE ACTION BEING THE OPPOSITE OF THE ACTIVE OR PRIMARY ONE. As we have seen, there are only two fundamental states in the body, or in parts thereof, or tissues thereof, viz. , shrinking and swelling, contraction and dilatation, stricturn et laxmn, as the Latins called them. The Greek medical writers knew these two con- ditions under many and varied names, as, e.g., arovia koX poxji^ ; crTeyvov /cat poiohe<; ; crreyvwcrts KoX pvcTLt; ; TOLCTL'^ Kol ^^aXacTts ; crvuaycoyyj kol X^o"ts ; KeKkeiOTfJiivov koX dvecoyjxeuov ; TrvKvo)cn<; kol dpaLO)(TL and maturity, and elderliness, and old age, each age insensibly leading on to the one beyond it, temperance and restraint in the use of food seem to be the best means to be followed by humanity at all its stages of progress from the cradle to the grave, if life is to be healthy, happy, and useful. 381 CHAPTER XL On Cancer. T HAVE thought it well to introduce a chapter on cancer, because it is occupying a large amount of public attention at the present time. Perhaps I ought not to say that it occupies a large amount of public attention. I ought rather, I think, to say that it is causing a large amount of public panic. I wish cancer did occupy a larger share of public attention, because I have come to think, and the reader who has cared to accompany me so far will be prepared for the statement, that cancer is not a diseased condition of body to be considered by itself; but, on the other hand, being only one of a large number of diseases that overtake humanity, and obeying the same laws as other diseases, it is induced by similar causes, and, like them, though not often cured, to a very large extent it is obviable or preventible, and this by the simplest means. I share the general opinion of the greatest of medical writers, as the reader will have observed, that disease is, on the whole, one ; and I venture to translate this opinion practically into the view that on the whole the causes of disease, of all diseases, are the same, and, 382 therefore, that the means, if not of curing, at any rate of preventing cancer, are the same as the means of preventing other diseases. Therefore, also, I beHeve that proper attention to air, food and exercises would do as much for us in preventing cancer as it would or could do for us in the case of other diseases. It seems to me a very simple matter ; theoretically, I mean, for practically it involves the problem of self government, it involves a certain amount of self restraint ; and no one who thinks about that, or studies his own nature, can fail to perceive that that (while it is the main problem in life) is at once the simplest and yet the most difficult of all problems. Panic is, however, the least favourable attitude of mind in which to approach the consideration of any subject. I deprecate panic in the consideration of this one. In the number of deaths which it causes, cancer is not even one of the most important of the diseases to which humanity succumbs. If we consider the effects of the fevers, of consumption, and of cancer, on the people of England, we may roughly say that fevers cause four deaths for every one caused by cancer, and that consumption causes two for every one of cancer. That is to say, cancer causes only half of the mortality caused by consumption, and only one quarter of the mortality caused by the fevers. But we have on the whole greatly diminished the incidence and the mortality both of the fevers and of consumption ; and there is, therefore, on the face of it, no reason to fear that 383 we shall be able to do the same for cancer. I have not the slightest doubt of this myself. Neither do I think that it is necessary for us to raise either a million pounds sterHng or a hundred thousand pounds in order to do this. Any results to be obtained by expensive laboratory work, by micro- scopic and bacteriological inquiry, seem to me more or less useless, practically, or from the point of view of the causation and prevention of cancer, which are the only really important aspects of the question. Such inquiries are academically interest- ing, no doubt ; and all kinds of knowledge, I freely admit, mutually illuminate one another. But when laboratory results are obtained, divorced, as they too often are, from every day life, all the use that can be made of them will be to corroborate the conclusions which we much more simply and much less expensively draw from the occurrences, from the facts, and from the observations we may make from every day life. They can, at any rate, never, without subverting the true order of nature, be made to supersede the latter. A striking illustra- tion, I think, of the truth of this view may be obtained from the history of another disease. Diphtheria is now believed to be caused by the growth in the body of a certain micro-organism, the Klebs-Loffler bacillus. (The view I would put before the reader is that diphtheria is caused not by the bacillus, but by the state of the body which makes the bacillus flourish.) Our health authori- ties, therefore, following out logically the view they 384 hold as to the causation of diphtheria, provide practitioners with tubes, &c., in which to collect material from the throats of patients suffering from this disease, and kindly examine them for us at a public laboratory, free of charge. They seem by their attitude almost to wish to compel us to treat the bacillus by injections of serum, and in a manner to force the hands of experienced practitioners to this mode of treatment, as if they thought that it is the disease which is to be treated, or the bacillus and not the suffering patient — but I shall let this consideration pass. Now what happens ? This, among other things. The doctor gets a case, takes a swab from the throat, sends it to the laboratory, and, in due course, gets a report that it swarms with bacteria of the most deadly sort. All the while, however, there are no symptoms in his patient which cause him the slightest anxiety. Then he has another case, or his colleague has, at the same time ; and on this case the report is that the diphtheria bacillus is only doubtfully present — yet the patient dies in spite of serum injections and the most approved modes of treatment. (Very possibly the patient's blood and tissues were in too bad and depraved a condition to allow the bacillus to grow ? I suggest, in fact, that we have not yet learned how much importance or how little we ought to attach to our recent bacteriological discoveries). These are not imaginary cases ; they occur every day when diphtheria is abundant. What inferences are we to draw from them ? Why this inference, 385 among others, that the presence or otherwise of the diphtheria bacillus is comparatively unimportant ; and that on the other hand the totality of the symptoms and the general condition of the patient are of the utmost consequence. That is to say, that the laboratory inquiries are not nearly so important as the clinical history and conditions of patients, and that they must be corrected by the latter. The same conclusions, I have not the least doubt, will be arrived at regarding cancer ; and after the expenditure, not of a hundred thousand pounds, but of a million pounds, we shall not discover anything useful in the prevention and treatment of the disease in this way that we might not have discovered far more simply from clinical and practical observation. For note ; the laboratory investigation throws no light on the conditions in the body which make the diphtheria bacilli grow or fail to grow. Nor will any amount of microscopic, and laboratory, and bacteriological investigation into cancer be likely ever to tell us what causes make it occur in the body — while, on the other hand, a very little practical and bed-side investiga- tion gives us a speedy answer to the question. At least I think it does. And it is at least reasonable to ask inquirers to attempt to answer the question in this way before they make demands for funds, the proper application of which they have not sufficiently considered. Some light on the question whether cancer is accompanied by the growth in the body of a micro-organism or micro- Y 386 organisms might be shed by this method of investigation. And if the micro-organism proved to be always the same one in cancer, more light might, no doubt, be obtained as to the diagnosis of the disease. But of what value would improved diagnosis be? Of a scientific or classification value, no doubt it would be ; but of practical value, none, or next to none. What we want to know is, what causes acting on the organism favour the production of the diseased state, be it connected with the growth of micro-organisms or not ? And what conditions, on the other hand, are unfavourable to it ? In short, what causes it, and what, therefore, will prevent it ? Now these questions are physiological and clinical ; and we already, I think, possess all the knowledge that we require to answer these important questions. And to give an answer at once and shortly ; it may safely be said that health and soundness of the body render it an unsuitable site for the growth of micro-organisms, while unhealthiness and unsound- ness, on the other hand, render it suitable for such growth. And healthiness and soundness of body are to be obtained by maintaining proper relations between the body and its environment, and particularly by suitable relations between it and air, food, and exercises. And if, on the other hand, unsuitable relations between the body and air, food, and exercises, have subsisted for say 20, or 25, or 30 years, not all the knowledge conceivable, or to be attained after the expenditure of any amount of 387 time and labour, and of any conceivable amount of money, into the natural history of micro-organisms, will enable us to undo the evil effects of wrong living carried on for so long a period of time. Let us at least look at the facts presented to our clinical observation, of the habits of the people who suffer from cancer, before we ask for money to enable us to institute expensive laboratory in- quiries — let us use our eyes before we inquire with the microscope — and if, after that, we wish to draw on the millionaires, or if they are willing to be drawn upon, by all means let them be invited to hand over their money. A use to which a sum of a million pounds might be put in order to investigate the causes of cancer might be the following. I fear the donors of it would not consent to a use so simple, but I have more fear for the demanders than for the donors. It would not be very easy to carry it out perhaps. What I would suggest is that a large number of townspeople at all ages, say 10,000, should be fed five times a day, say at eight and eleven a.m., and two five, and eight p.m., on bread and jam for a genera- tion. Let at the same time a similar number of people, similarly circumstanced, be fed twice a day only, on ordinary mixed food, to the amount of not more than 16 ounces avoirdupois a day, and let the diseases and illnesses of these two groups of people be compared and tabulated every five years for a generation. I know in which group the largest number of cases of cancer would occur. And I Y 2 388 also know in which group the largest number of cases of other sorts of disease (yes, including consumption and the fevers), would occur. At the end of the time we should all know it also ; that is, if we wished to know it. But as this experiment is really being made all the time, is it not better to use our observing faculties to see what is going on, without troubling our millionaires to part with their money, or our caretakers to take all the trouble that would be involved in making such an experiment, necessary as it would be to carry it on over a very long time ? No doubt cancer differs both from the fevers and from consumption in this respect that it claims its victims mainly among the mature, among the fathers and mothers of families, among those whose presence has come to be most important to their families, and so to the community ; while fever and consumption deal with those whose lives are yet for the most part in promise, rather than fulfilment. This increases the importance of cancer in a way which the number of its victims does not justify. It was no doubt because he felt this consideration weighing upon him that the King, on the 25th July, 1901, in welcoming to London the Congress which met there for the purpose of studying tuberculosis, and mitigating its effects, after some sympathetic words regarding the objects of that Congress, went on to say : — " There is still one other terrible disease which has, up to now, baffled the scientific and medical 389 world, and that is cancer. God grant that, before long, you may be able to find a cure for it, or check its course. I think that to him who makes the discovery, a statue should be erected in all the capitals of the world." The candidate for that statue is still to be discovered, if, that is, the finding of a cure for cancer is to be the only cause for which the statue is to be erected. If, however, checking of the course of cancer is to be considered worthy of the erection of a statue in all the capitals of the world, that is quite a different matter. To check the course of cancer would not be difficult if the cause or causes were known, for by obviating its causes, the disease could be prevented ; and prevention would be the most efPectual means of checking its course. That at least the predisposing causes of cancer are known is a matter of conviction with the writer of this essay, and he thinks that this conclusion will be shared by candid readers, after consideration of the evidence, the probable evidence, which has weighed with him. After what has been said already regarding predisposing and exciting causes, and the differences between them, I need not weary the reader by recapitulation. As it is the predisposing causes which are important, it is to them that our attention must be directed. The suggestion is that by acting in certain directions, which are easily within our own power and control, we might be able to prevent the incidence of a large proportion of 390 the cancer which now afflicts us. Cure of cancer, after it has once occurred in the body, is a very- different affair from prevention. Prevention may be easy ; cure impossible, or practically impossible. These are, in fact, the conclusions which I wish to set before the reader. A preliminary word may, however, be permissible regarding prevention, in general, of cancer, and of other diseases. However well the causes of disease may be known, and however well we may grapple with them, or strive to prevent their action, it is scarcely to be hoped that we shall ever absolutely prevent the occurrence of their effects. The complete prevention of cancer is not to be looked for. There will always be anomalies for which we shall be unable to account, always some cases which it will be impossible to avoid. Some unknown and probably undiscoverable causes in the history of various individuals, or in their ancestry, some instances of the unknown " personal equation " will arise, which will make it impossible for us to prevent occasional cases of this disease. Cancer does not differ from other diseases in this respect. The fevers, for example, and consumption are held to be preventible diseases ; but they have not been prevented, although their incidence and mortality have been considerably diminished ; and although I think that much more might be done in this direction than has yet taken place, if we were somewhat to enlarge our conception of the causation of these diseases beyond the view which 391 attributes them to bad air and over-crowding, still I do not expect that we shall ever entirely put an end to either of these plagues of humanity. Already consumption has fallen as a cause of mortality from 2800 per million per annum, at which point it stood at the time of the Crimean war, to 1325 per million ; and no doubt it will fall still further, but it will be Utopian to expect that it will ever entirely cease from among us. Some cases, I suppose, always will occur, as they always have occurred in the past, in the long history of the relations between the organism and its enviroment, for it is improbable that even if we knew quite all the causes of our illnesses, we should ever be able to entirely obviate their action or neutralise their effects. The same considerations must govern us in the case of cancer. A diminution by one half would be a great achievement. A reduction by 75 or 80 per cent, might, almost without straining of language, be called practical prevention. In the decennium, 1861-70, there died of cancer in England and Wales a proportion of people amount- ing to 384 per million per annum persons living. In 1871-80 the proportion had risen to 468 per million per annum. In 1881-90 the number was 589, and the ratio is still rising. In the five years, 1891-5, the ratio, for instance, was 712, and in the four years, 1896-9, the latest date for which figures are available, it has risen to 795, an increase of more than double, if we compare it with 1861-70. It is not necessary here to consider the question whether 392 the whole of this great and alarming rise is real, or whether it is only partially so. Allowing for whatever part of the increase can be accounted for by better diagnostic power and better naming of diseases, it still does not seem possible to escape the conclusion that this disease has increased steadily as a cause of death for the last forty years. Now while the writer does not look for anything like complete prevention, he does not see any reason why it should not be reduced again to the rate at which it stood say in 1861-5 (368 per million per annum), or even why it might not be reduced still further than the rate then obtaining. The first question, then, which we have to discuss, is this : Is the discovery of a cure for cancer an object likely to be achieved, a goal possible of attainment ? To the question put in this form the writer's answer is negative. The search for the cure or for a cure for cancer is not a hopeful role to follow. It is in fact an object impossible of attainment, or at least so unlikely to be attained as to render the search for its attain- ment futile. We may as well spare our pains. The writer's view is that when cancer has set in, when the body physical has become cancerous or affected with cancer, the organism has become so profoundly modified in an unhealthy direction that to hope or work for cure is to hope or work for that whose attainment is impossible. Perhaps he ought not to use the word impossible. It is not necessary to contend that no case of cancer has ever been 393 cured. That would be to go beyond the evidence. Occasionally, though very rarely indeed, probably persons affected with cancer have been cured, or at least have recovered. But the view of the writer is that cancer has been so rarely cured that it is far nearer the truth to say of the organism — once cancerous always cancerous — than to say that it is likely to be helpful or profitable for us to embark on a voyage of discovery to obtain a cure for this disease. Instead of impossible the writer would prefer the expression practically unattainable. Impossible raises metaphysical or super-sensible or ultra-scientific considerations (which considerations, however, we cannot help raising from time to time, however difficult their solution may be), and these would be shewn to be inadmissible if but one case of cancer had been proved to be cured — a possibility which, as he says, the writer is not concerned to deny. It is not what is abstractly possible that will profitably occupy our attention and our efforts, but what is likely to be practically attainable in the light of our knowledge of causes, and of that which has hitherto been attained. The writer's view is that " once cancerous always cancerous " is a position of mind and fact far nearer the truth than that the discovery of a cure for cancer is likely to be made. Certainly if operation is to be persisted in for the eradication or obviation of the effects of this malady, some addition will have to be made to this method of dealing with it, some advice concurrently given which shall enable the 394 patient to get outside of the action of those causes which have induced the disease in the first instance, and whose obviation may enable him to prevent the recurrence, which, though sometimes delayed for many years, and very rarely, perhaps, obviated altogether, takes place in the large majority of cases in from six months to four years. If operation alone is more or less futile in curing cancer, perhaps operation coupled with the advice to live differently in future might have some chance of effecting a cure ? When His Most Gracious Majesty made to the scientific men assembled in his capital the suggestion referred to, he no doubt spoke out of a full heart, which was still lamenting the death of a younger brother from that disease, and at the same time was looking hopelessly forward to the certainty, which has been unfor- tunately too sadly realised, that an elder sister was about to succumb to the same malady. Without discussing what is theoretically possible, the experience of the royal families of England and Germany emphasises the futility of the treatment of cancer in the present state of knowledge, for if these powerful families could not command the means of cure, it may well be asked — who could ? In the writer's view, the causes of failure to find a cure were and are inherent in the nature of the case, and the fact that the best skill available, medical and surgical, failed to save the patients, was no accident of the situation, but an ultimate factor to be dealt with in at least the great 395 majority of cases where changes have advanced so far in the organism as to result in the formation of the cancerous state. It will be seen, therefore, that, for reasons which he believes will strengthen as his argument proceeds, the writer thinks that the search for a cure for cancer is not a hopeful object of research ; and, in fact, he believes it to be practically impossible of attainment. He is no candidate for the statue to be erected in all the capitals of the world. If through a flaw in the bank of a great reservoir the confined waters had burst their bonds, had devastated the neighbouring country, had destroyed growing crops, had drowned cattle, swept away houses, and carried to long distances the corpses of their occupants, it would be obviously futile to suggest the erecting of a statue to whosoever should cure the efiects of the devastation, since indeed the effects would be incurable. Nothing ever would or could restore the crops, the houses, the cattle, or the men. But it would be hopeful — and if the erection of a statue in all the capitals were considered a fit reward for the service, the candidate for the statue might easily be forthcoming — it would be hopeful to mquire how the devastation occurred, where the flaws in the banks were, and by repairing and strengthening the weak place or places, to prevent a recurrence of the evil whose effects unfortunately it would be too late to remove or undo. Especially would this be so if not one but several devastations had successively occurred, for no donbt proper 396 arrangements would prevent such recurrences in the future. The parallel between the effects of such a devastation, or such a succession of devastations, and the ravages of cancer, appears to the writer to be very complete. To cure it appears to him almost as hopeless as to attempt to undo the effects of the devastation. The proper aim and role of medicine is not to attempt to undo effects without reference to causes, although unfortunately we too often act as if we thought it was. Her true role really is, by discovering the causes of the maladies from which we suffer, to prevent the effects by removing the organism outside of the sphere of action of the causes. In fact, the enlargement of the sphere of preventive medicine is a much more hopeful object of attainment to true medical science than the discovery of cures. Cures are effected by nature, and the chief function of the medical adviser is to interfere as little as possible with the beneficent means of cure adopted by nature. By cancer, the writer means chiefly carcinoma or epithelioma, an overgrowth of epithelial or superficial structures, two or more epithelial cells appearing instead of one. This condition, when once it has commenced, goes on to more and more, constantly spreading, ulcerating, or fungating by advance and recession, the advance, however, unfortunately preponderating, till in time the disease destroys the life of the person suffering from it. As to sarcoma, as distinguished from carcinoma, the most illuminating idea, in my 397 opinion, is the view that sarcoma is merely cancer of the connective tissue. This idea simplifies the problem very much, since on this view cancer of epithelium is a special form of hypertrophy of the epithelial tissues, and sarcoma is cancer of connective tissue. So that cancer and sarcoma are probably both due to the action of the same causes on different tissues ; and the investigation or study of the one is the same, mutatis mutandis, as the investigation or study of the other. But to call carcinoma or sarcoma a hypertrophy or overgrowth is to endorse the writer's view that they are an overgrowth due to over-nutrition. And no doubt cancer and sarcoma are hypertrophies or over- growths. In the one case there is a large increase in the amount and number of the epithelial cells, the appearance of two or more epithelial cells where only only one ought normally to be ; in the other case there is a large increase in the number of connective tissue corpuscles. Perhaps, on the same lines, colloid cancer might be considered a h3rpertrophy of the mucoid cells, and encephaloid cancer of some other forms of cells ? Parasitic cells might or might not appear among these cells, according as it happened. But the essence of the disease on this view is the hypertrophy ; the occurrence of parasites the accident. Now the question is, what is the chief predisposing cause of overgrowth? Well, what can be the cause except an excess of materials in the blood ? And if so, whence came the excess of material which is poured 398 out of the blood in the form of the cancerous exudation ? What source can there be but the environment of the organism ? And of all the facts of environment, what so likely to be the chief cause of change in the body as the food ? A recent writer on cancer, in advocating the infection theory from without, says that "no alleged cause can possibly be accepted which is not universally applicable, and infection from without is the only suggested cause which will satisfactorily account for every case of cancer." Well, this is not incompatible with my view that over-feeding is the predisposing cause of cancer, because it is even more ' ' universally applicable " than infection, and because the over-fed state of the organism is an efficient cause in making infectious diseases grow in the body as noxious weeds grow in the soil, from over- manuring of the ground ; and certainly over- feeding is introduced "from without." As regards sarcoma and the view that it is a connective-tissue-cancer, how illuminating and how important become the remarks formerly made, that this same connective tissue is the first great place or part in the body where the products of an excess of food materials, finding their way into the blood, are primarily deposited. We called the connective tissue the great dumping ground of the blood, the place which was, so to say, chosen by the blood as the least hurtful place or site in which to lay down any excess of material which it might be carrying, and for which it had no use. Under the 399 name of initis, we shewed how connective-tissue- congestion was the basis of such states as neurosis, hysteria, rheumatism, gout, &c. And we further shewed that the next stage after initic congestion was effusion, as e.g., into joints, or into the origins, or insertions of tendons about joints, or into such cavities as the pleura or peritoneum, or the membranes or meninges of the brain. Now we see that when connective-tissue-h3rpertrophy or over- growth takes place in any particular part of the body, sarcoma may occur, and from these facts becomes more apparent the connection between diseases so very different (at first sight) from one another as sarcoma and the diseases just named. From which considerations a corroboration arises of the view that disease is essentially one, with many different phases or aspects, a view which has been held in the past by some of the greatest thinkers and writers on medicine Changes in connective-tissue-cells form the one common factor uniting these so various diseased states ; and changes of this sort are brought about by changes in nutrition, that is, in the feeding of the body. It is food supply, therefore, which is the chief factor in inducing health or disease in the body, and to alterations in this (and usually to restrictions) must we look if we are to do anything towards relief of the fatigue that accompanies initis, or towards the prevention or diminution of the hypertrophy that characterises sarcoma and epithelioma. It may be well to inquire here, since cancer 400 and sarcoma seem to be made out of an excess of material finding its way into the blood, what are the chief ways by which such a process is likely to occur, how, in fact, any excess of material or, indeed, how any material at all may find its way into the blood. There seem to be three or perhaps four channels through which such entrance may be efi*ected. (a) Foreign matter may enter the economy through the respiration ; it may be inhaled or breathed in. (b) It may be inoculated, or it may find its way in through some crack in the skin, or in a mucous surface, (c) It may be introduced through the ancestors, (d) It may enter through the mouth ; it may be swallowed with food or drink ; or, an excess of food, being ingested into the digestive tract, may cause some form of disease, and may require to be eliminated in some way. To take these different methods in order, shortly, let us inquire, is it likely that cancer is breathed or inhaled into the system ? Is it likely that some germ, for instance, lighting upon our clothes, may be inhaled as impalpable dust, and do its deadly work after its reception into the economy ? This is a possible mode of the introduction, no doubt. There are other affections whose introduction into the economy is believed to be, at least sometimes, effected in this way ; whooping cough, for example, consumjDtion, and others. But is it likely that carcinoma is intro- duced in this way ? The writer thinks not. Affections so introduced, or rather, bodily con- 401 ditions so induced (for disease is not so much an entity superinduced on the body, or added to it, as a state of body somehow induced, a departure from health), generally run a rapid course, extending over a few days or weeks, and accompanied by notable feverishness. Neither of these facts is characteristic of cancer, whose onset is usually insidious, and its course slow and unaccompanied by feverishness. In fact, so far from the temperature being raised in cancer, it is usually sub-normal for years before the onset of carcinoma, only rising above normal as intercurrent inflammatory attacks occur. And the temperature appears to be sub- normal, because the presence of the effete materials in the blood and tissues, which induce the diseased condition, lower vitality and crush down the powers of the organism, like a horse overburdened under the load which it is carrying. Another objection, not of great weight, perhaps, in itself, but helping as a contributory consideration to induce a negative answer to the question whether cancer is introduced through the respiration is, that if it were so introduced, we should expect cancer to affect the respiratory tract more than it does. But although cancer does affect the lungs sometimes, it does so far too seldom to make it seem probable that the diseased condition is produced in this way. Even if it does, however, or if it did, all the considerations formerly noticed regarding the mutual relations or reciprocity of soil and seed would still remain and hold good ; z 402 so that as regards prevention of such a possible mode of infection, the measures proposed would bear relation chiefly to the germ on the one hand, or chiefly to the state of the person on the other, according to the importance one attached to either of these factors. On the one view, we should advise the person to avoid and keep clear of infection ; on the other, to get his body into such a state that if a cancer germ or two did light on him, he would take no harm from it. It will, I hope, now be abundantly evident which of these two views I should take.. (b) Is it likely next that cancer is introduced into the economy, or that the economy becomes cancerous by inoculation through a crack in the skin, or by endosmosis or absorption through the skin or other bodily surface ? If so, should we not be able to point to the spot at which the inoculation was effected, and to prove the onset of the disease in this manner, as also to detail its further progress ? The evidence that cancer is introducible in this way will be dealt with immediately. At present all that need be said is that it is not a very likely mode of cancer origin, although it certainly cannot be pronounced to be an impossible one. It may appear to some that lip cancer, or epithelioma of the lip, so frequently associated with the smoking habit, that it is rare indeed to find it in non-smokers (I have only once seen it in a woman, and she smoked) afibrds a case in point, 403 where the cancerous germ is or may be introduced into the blood, through a crack in the lip. But another explanation is possible, and quite as reasonable, if not more so, viz., that the smoking acts only as an irritant to the lip, the excess of activity thereby induced to the part causing an increased flow of blood thereto, the blood depositing therefore at that spot by preference some of the waste or unused material which it had in it in excess, so forming the .epitheliomatous growth. There is no evidence that the tobacco introduced the particulate matter which caused the epithelioma, any more than that the basic slag formerly referred to introduced the clover seed, or that the railway cutting introduced the seeds of the new flora, after- wards found in the district. It is, however, quite reasonable to suggest, and, I may add, it is a sufficient explanation, that the irritation, by heightening vascular activity, acted in the way supposed. There are numerous other analogies to bear out this view. For instance, the occurrence of cancer is often attributed to a blow ; but no one suggests that, for example, a blow from a child's arm, causing cancer in the mother's breast, actually introduced a cancer germ at the time. Such a thing is highly improbable, and indeed practically impossible. Then again, take this case which actually occurred in my experience. An old gentleman of 87 years of age, was knocked down by a bicycle, and the injury was followed by an attack of gout. The obvious 22 404 explanation of both of these cases (and It is quite a sufficient one), is that the blow followed by- cancer, and the bicycle injury followed by gout, were in both cases the occasion indeed of the malady, but they were not the cause (7r/ooao-t9 ovk aiTLa, to use the words of Hippocrates), the cause being the state of the patient's blood in both cases, loaded as it no doubt was by the presence of waste unassimilated materials. Otherwise we may say the injury was no doubt part of the cause, but only a small part, the chief part being the state of the patient's blood and tissues. I ought, however, to discuss another phase of this question before leaving it. Experimental inoculation of cancer appears to have been success- fully performed in the lower animals. Watery emulsions of materials taken from cancerous growths, on being injected into the veins of dogs, have been followed in course of time by the appear- ance of cancerous growths in the lungs. Well, I can admit the success of these and similar experiments without any damage to my theory that over-feeding is the chief predisposing cause of cancer, because I do not deny that, after cancer has been produced in the body, it may spread by infection from a given site. But I wish to point out that cancer in fact never does come in the human subject from inoculation, except in one or two very rare and not quite certain cases, in which surgeons may have inoculated themselves. I must say that such a risk in operating troubles me very little. I should think 405 that the state of the operator's health had more to do with such a mode of origin than the inoculation which was alleged to cause it. And, besides, our problem is to account for the original origin oP cancer and sarcoma, rather than to say how it may- behave and how it may infect the body after it has begun to grow. (c) Has carcinoma been transmitted from ancestors ? Is it being so transmitted now ? Is it a hereditary disease ? If this were so, should we not find cancer running in families more than we do ? And should we not also find cancer appearing oftener than we do in the childhood of the children of those who have themselves suffered from the disease ? But there is no evidence of this. Even if it were so (and I have already discussed this question in dealing with the general subject of the heredity of disease) and if the children of persons suffering from cancer were themselves cancerous, it would not follow that the disease was transmitted, because it might have been, and probably, in fact, would have been the similarity of environment in parent and children, the similarity of the conditions to which both were subjected, which induced the affection in all the cases. Where, however, is the proof of the hereditary transmission of carcinoma, when in so many cases grown up descendants die of quite different affections ? of pneumonia, for example, of infectious fevers, or in advanced life ? I need not repeat what I said before in dealing with the general question. I wiU 406 just remind the reader that the occurrence of cancer in childhood is very rare indeed, while we should expect it to be common in childhood if it were hereditarily transmitted, since young children are nearer to their parents than they are later, and may therefore be expected to be more affected than afterwards by inherited conditions. But if cancer appears after 50 years of age in the descendants of those persons who may have suffered from cancer, we shall have to answer to ourselves this question : whether is it more likely that a disease, appearing after half a century of life, or more, has been transmitted from ancestors ; or, is it more likely that it has been acquired, that is, produced by some condition in the environment of the persons who suffered from it ? By some habits of their own, in fact ? Put in this way, there can be but one answer to the question, viz. : it is far more likely that it has been acquired. In the case again of parents suffering from cancer, and whose children may also suffer from the disease, other con- siderations arise. In many instances the parents did not acquire the disease till long after the birth of their children. Children may be born when their parents are 35 or 40 years of age, and when the parents were quite healthy, so far as could be known. But at 55 or 60 years of age, when the children were 20 years old, or so, the parents, let us suppose, develope cancer. Is it likely that in such circumstances parents will transmit to their offspring an affection which they did not themselves suffer 407 from for 20 years after their children were born? There is surely no evidence for this, on the face of it, unlikely view. It will be said, they transmitted, not the disease, but the predisposition to it. But what is the meaning of predisposition ? Pre- disposition means inverse resistance ; it means that the children in such circumstances took on cancer more readily than other and ordinary children would have done. But the proof of this is very hazy and very vague. The theory is started to account for a set of facts, of which a far more likely explanation is at hand, viz. : that similar conditions of environment induced the diseased conditions in the parents, and many years after- wards in the children. The ancestors were not to blame. They transmitted to their children the same sound constitution which they themselves possessed at the time of the birth of their children. They did not then suffer from cancer. How could they then transmit that which they did not themselves have or possess ? Obviously this phase of the question only requires to be stated in order to be answered in the negative. But further. If parents suffer from cancer at the time of the birth of their children, and if the children suffer in turn from cancer, but not till after they are 50 years of age, is there any proof of the transmission of cancer in this case ? Very little. Organisation is transmitted, indeed, and any human being may take on any human condition or disease, as every human being is predisposed to every 408 human ailment ; but as to the Inheritance of disease, what is the proof or evidence for that ? Sometimes, indeed, though very rarely, disease does seem to be transmitted, as when a family-disease appears in the children at birth, or immediately after it, and before the causes which generally induce it have had time to act and to bring it on. But how rarely does this occur. No doubt when it does happen, it is a very striking fact, and one which makes a deep impression on our minds. As, however, I have already dealt with the general question of the hereditary transmission of disease in the chapter on heredity, I will not go further into it now, contenting myself with the statement of my two or three contentions, (l) that although disease seems sometimes to be transmitted from ancestors to offspring, this very rarely happens ; (2) that as a rule organisation is transmitted and disease not ; and (3) that the chief law of heredity in disease (and in cancer, therefore, as a form of disease), is this : that like causes acting on like organisms in succeeding generations induce like effects. To see now as an actual fact what probability there is of cancer being transmitted or inherited, let us consider the following statements. Of the 20,358 persons who died of cancer in England and Wales in 1892, only 103 were under five years of age. Of the 21,135 who died of this disease in 1893, only 94 were under five years of age. Of the 21,442 persons who died of it in 1894, only 103 were under five years of age ; while of the 22,945 409 who died in 1895, and of the 23,521 who succumbed in 1896, only 115 and 110 respectively were under the age of five years. That is to say, out of the 109,396 persons who died in England and Wales of cancer in the quinquennium of 1892-6, only 525 or •48 per cent., not quite one in two hundred, were under five years of age. Surely if cancer were a hereditary aflection, a larger proportion than this of cases of the disease would have occurred in early life, since children, being nearer to their parents than they become later in life, would be more likely to manifest congenital characteristics. If, however, the causes inducing cancer take some time to act, and if the affection is acquired and not hereditary, we can see how it should become, as in fact it does, increasingly fatal as age advances, that is, in pro- portion as the causes which induce it have longer and longer time to act. If, then, it does not seem very likely that cancer is inhaled into the economy by the entrance of some germ through the respiratory tract ; if there does not seem much likelihood that it enters the body by being absorbed through the skin ; or if the fact that so few cases occur in infancy discredits the theory of its hereditary transmission, are there any other suppositions open to us ? Seemingly, the causes of cancer, whatever they are, take time to act. As has been said, deaths from cancer are increasingly numerous as age advances. In 1900, for instance, which shewed the same characteristics as are seen in other years, there were only 502 deaths from 410 cancer under 25 years of age out of the 26,721 deaths from cancer in that year. From 25-35 years of age, 737 deaths occurred. Between 35 and 45 years of age, 2551 deaths occun'ed from cancer ; between 45 and 55, 5501 deaths occurred from cancer; between 55 and 65, 7745 deaths occurred; and between 65 and 75, 6631 deaths occurred. That is to say, the causes of cancer, whatever they are, increase as Hfe advances, reaching their culmination in the middle period of life after 45 years of age, and between that time and 75. [d) The fact that (practically) cancer is not a children's disease has insensibly brought the inquiry up to the fourth way in which foreign material may find its way into the blood, viz., through the digestion. Does cancer enter the system through the digestion ? The facts regarding the age- incidence of cancer appear to me to be susceptible of a very simple explanation, as do most, if not all of the other facts regarding the incidence of the disease. Children appear to me not to suffer from cancer (practically, of course, for we have seen that a few cases occur) because they have not had time by their food habits to induce it ; while it increases as age advances to the middle period, because the wrong feeding which, I suggest, is at the bottom of it, and is the chief cause of it, is a cause which goes on gaining power as age advances. In childhood and early life, irritation of the organism is accompanied by intolerance, and therefore we find so violent a reaction from the 411 over-feeding of children that the infectious fevers and inflammations, sudden and fierce, and very often of short duration, are the characteristics of childhood. Up to middle age this cause goes on increasing. But as the bodily tissues harden and become more resistant with advancing time, they bear irritation better ; irritation is accompanied by tolerance, and so we find the diseases affecting this period of life less fierce than in early life. The bodily temperature, instead of reacting, as in childhood it mostly does, into elevation above natural, is frequently characterised by depression below natural ; and so one of the chief characteristics of the pre-cancerous stage is the existence of a subnormal temperature. Even in childhood this condition is less uncommon than is believed. It very often precedes the onset of tubercle, say of a joint like the knee, or of some other part. But in middle life this condition is much more common, as it is even in adolescence. The organism being weighed down and oppressed by the excessive load it is being compelled to carry, and the tissues being somewhat resistant, it does not intolerantly react against the irritation into high fever, but on the other hand is simply depressed by it. This is the time to treat the condition by restriction of the diet, in order to reduce the irritation, although, unfortunately, the opposite advice is too commonly given, viz., that the patient should be fed up in order to elevate his temperature. Then the reasons why cancer becomes less common 412 over 65 years of age are simply these. Persons by that time have learned how to live. Those who have not learned, or who would not learn, have been swept away by some of the chronic, or by some of the acute illnesses ; and nextly, of course, by the time 65 years has been reached, only a small proportion of those who started life together now survive, so that the numbers of those capable of suffering from cancer must be much reduced. On the other hand, of those who do survive at 65 years of age, a large proportion suffer from cancer, owing mainly, I think, to the wrong methods of living so much in vogue. It is said that among domestic animals, dogs suffer from cancer to a considerable extent, while pigs scarcely suffer at all. If this is the fact (I do not myself know, but I am told it is so) a likely suggestion, germane to what has been just said, occurs to account for it. Dogs are kept till they grow old, while pigs are as a rule slaughtered young. The former, therefore, have time to con- tinue the action of the causes which induce cancer, while the latter have not. If, however, pigs lived to old age, I think it likely that, from their greedy and unclean food-habits, they would develop cancer quite as much or more than dogs — unless, indeed, they are immune to cancer, as some animals are to some diseases ; but I do not think this likely in the present instance. But to continue our inquiry into the causes of cancer as connected with the food habits of the 413 people. The next point which arises is that the causes, whatever they are, affect women more than they do men. In the years 1896-1900, 126,206 persons died of cancer in England and Wales ; and of these 49,533 were males, and 76,673 females. The males were to the females in the proportion of two to 3*1. There were almost exactly half as many more women as men. But it is found that the proportion of males who die of cancer now, as compared with females a generation ago, is greater than it used to be. In the three years 1860-2, there died 6536 males of cancer, as against 14,963 females, which gives a proportion of two males to every 4*6 females. In the two years 1868-9, the numbers were 5676 females and 12,578 females, or in the proportion of two males for every 4*4 females. The proportion of males was smaller than it is now, and we desire, if possible, to find out the reason of that. First of all, we might ask the question, why should women suffer from cancer at a greater ratio than men ? Is it because of sex or because of habit ? The writer believes that the cause is rather habit than sex, as will be said later. But the present question is this : Seeing that women, for whatever reasons, suffer from cancer more than men, how is it that the preponderance of the proportion of female cancer is diminishing ? Probably, the writer suggests, because the habits of men are approximating more in character to those of women than was formerly the case. And indeed this seems to be so. The habits of the English 4U race are altering, and rapidly. Under the com- mercial and industrial policy pursued by the people of the United Kingdom for the last hundi'ed years (free trade was only an incident in that policy), the English race is being more and more congregated in towns, and there is much less difference than there used to be in the habits and occupations of the two sexes. It is not now as it used to be, when women performed the indoor occupations of life, and men did the more laborious out of door work. Both sexes are now doing indoor work, and, more important than that, are falling quickly into similar general habits, and more particularly into similar food habits. If women still perform the duties appertaining to the home, many of them also perform work strictly comparable with the lighter occupation now followed by men in offices, warehouses, manufactories, and mills, and women also work in mills, shops and offices much more than they used to do, so that in many respects the habits of the lives led by the two sexes are identical. Men still, of course, do the out of door work of railway building, road making, sewerage, drainage, waterworks, iron production in all its branches, and heavy works of all kinds ; but there has been a very great diminution of late years in the number of men employed upon the land. It is to be hoped that this is a passing phase of things, but unquestionably for many years, the land of the country being more and more laid down in grass, and the habits of men and women becoming more alike, fewer and fewer men 415 have been employed upon its cultivation. When, therefore, the habits of the two sexes so much approximate to one another as regards occupation and food habits as has been the case of late years, it is not surprising that they should be found to be approximating to one another as regards the diseases from which they suffer. Neither sex now works very hard. Under the influence of a rapidly extending humanitarianism, legislation has been very active for some years in shortening the hours of labour in industrial work. But the work of women — what may be termed their natural work at home — is longer continued and more monotonous, and can be much less easily controlled than can that of men. Their work at home with the children, superintending and often performing with their own hands multifarious household duties which can hardly be regulated, and which never seem to come to an end, is certainly trying, and often even laborious, if in nothing else, then in respect at least of the very long hours over which it is extended, much longer for the most part than in the case of men. Add to this that the introduction of machinery has greatly lightened the work of men, and has so far approximated it in character to that done by women, a greater similarity now obtaining between the kinds of work done by the two sexes than used to be the case ; and we shall see some considerable reason to understand how the diseases of the sexes may resemble one another. But there is one notable respect in which the 416 habits of women differ from those of men. They eat oftener. They do not eat more, probably, than men, but they eat oftener. It is not uncommon to find them breakfasting about 8 a.m., having some lunch of tea and bread and butter at 10-30 or 11 a.m., having dinner about 12-30 or one, tea at 4-30, and supper at 8 or 9 p.m. Further, if the kind of food they take is inquired into, it is found to consist (besides the chocolates and sweets which women seem to be constantly taking), largely of tea and bread and butter, mostly white bread, from which some of the natural constituents have been removed, rather than brown. In fact, at each of the five meals (or four, if the forenoon lunch is omitted), bread is eaten, very often with jam. Food is taken too often, and the kind of food is mostly bread and sugar. It must be very unusual to find anyone, man or woman, who eats meat five times a day, or even four times a day. To take meat even three times a day is rather uncommon, and I have never yet met man or woman who took it oftener. If meat were taken as often as bread, five times a day, or four times a day, no doubt it would set up other forms of illness. It is an interesting and also a very serious question, whether the frequent slight ailments of women, their head- aches, their back-aches, neuralgias^ rheumatism, frequent colds, and influenzas, are not in great part to be attributed to their food habits. Many of their ailments seem to be due to habit rather than to sex. How frequently and for how long they 417 suffer from dyspepsia, and indigestion, and heart- burn ; and what a large proportion even of the younger ones have lost their teeth from this cause. Very often, indeed, even the first set of teeth in children are soft and decaying, and no sooner does the second set of teeth appear than they are found to be decaying also. There is even comparatively little difference between the sexes in this respect, and the little boy, as well as the little girl, is apt to awake, as indeed they do, early in the morning, with the breath offensive and the mouth fetid from indigestion commencing thus early in life. Formerly the habits of the sexes diverged somewhat early in life. Boys went to work in the fields, while the girls stayed at home or went into service. On the whole the boys, and afterwards the young men, did harder and more laborious work than the girls, and afterwards the young women. And, besides this, the boys and youths, coming home at regular stated times for meals, kept on the whole freer from indigestion than the girls who, remaining at home and feeding at other people's cost, got into the way of taking more meals and at shorter intervals than the members of the other sex. The same causes acting now in the case of domestic servants are the chief factors in producing the frequent (I had almost said constant) illnesses suffered by this portion of the community, and attributed by them to any and every cause but the real one. Nowadays, however, both sexes go to school, and after 11 or 12 years of age, to the factory, and their habits are AA 418 almost precisely similar. When adult life is reached, and particularly after marriage, the habits may diverge again a good deal for some years ; but very often both the man and the woman live similarly, perform the same duties, and follow the same avocations. And, in respect of health and sickness, the same kinds of illnesses appear to overtake them. But after the arrival of children, the kinds of work done by the sexes are again separate, and the women, staying at home to mind the children and the house (although in too many cases women's work is not so natural as this) fall into habits somewhat different from the men, and, finding themselves frequently suffering from indigestion, have recourse to frequent small meals of bread and tea, which no doubt often relieve them immediately, but mediately or remotely are too apt to aggravate the dyspepsia they were taken to relieve. After a period, longer or shorter, of experiences of this sort, and after suffering from a variety of ailments like those referred to, or perhaps quite as often from the frequent recurrence of some single ailment, like headache, or neuralgia, or influenza, or "bilious attacks," or rheumatism, or a constant feeling of fatigue, they fall into long continued or chronic ill-health, and after some years are found to be suffering from cancer. If the other and more trifling ailments had been properly grappled with ; if in particular longer intervals had been allowed between the meals, the indigestion and mal-assimilation, having been prevented by this 419 means, and if the food products in their fermenting and ill-digested condition had been prevented from entering the blood and poisoning it, no doubt the occurrence of later and graver disease would either have been obviated or postponed. The indefinite postponement of illness is equivalent to its preven- tion. No doubt some sort of illness is bound to overtake humanity, however physiologically or rationally it lives, for we can hardly reach the perfection of health ; but the more rationally we live, the fewer of these illnesses will be our portion. On the other hand, the general anxiousness of the times in which we live, and the interpolation of large numbers of small meals, habits afiecting all classes of society, and afiecting men to a larger extent now than formerly — all these causes are having a marked influence on our population, and are acting as serious deteriorators of health, and among other things, there can be little doubt, leading to the large increase of cancer. How this condition of things is brought about by improper feeding, and how the products of assimilation and of mal- assimilation of food are carried by the thoracic duct into the venous blood-current, I need not here repeat, it being sufficient to refer the reader to what has already been said on this subject in Chapter Y. I may, however, add here (and it will, I think, help to shew that the view I am advocating is not theoretic only, but has a real and even grim existence as an actual fact), some experiences I detailed formerly regarding the causes of cancer. I AA2 420 saw, for instance, in the Bradford Royal Infirmary, a woman, aged 42 years, "suffering from a large infiltrating malignant growth from lips of cervix uteri." (House-surgeon's note.) I had never seen the woman before. There was no doubt about the diagnosis ; but I said to the resident medical officer ; " You will find, if you inquire, that that woman has lived largely on carbonaceous food." Now one has to be very sure of one's position before making such an observation to a critical young professional man, who would in the nature of things be glad to gain an advantage over a senior by proving that he was in the wrong. Had I been wrong, no doubt I should have heard more about it. However, my young friend inquired, and ingenuously wrote the following note, which I read on my next visit : — " Patient is fond of bread ; never eats potatoes ; eats rice; never liked meat; bad teeth." I saw with Dr. H. a man, set 56, suffering from cancer of rectum. His diet had been bread and butter and tea for breakfast, sometimes oatmeal porridge. Dinner : meat, potatoes, bread, and rice, sago, or tapioca pudding, often Yorkshire pudding. Tea : bread and butter and tea. Supper : oatmeal porridge. The whole diet here is starchy, except the small piece of meat (viz. : two or three ozs. ) at dinner. That starchy food, taken over a course of years, had fermented in his digestive tract — how often these suff'erers say they have had a "poor stomach " — had poisoned his blood, loading it with waste matters, and had, I have no doubt, led to the 421 production of the cancer. In any case, four daily meals, even if they had not consisted to such an extent of carbonaceous materials, would have been at least one, and perhaps two, too many ; and would probably have led to illness and to early death, whatever materials they had been com- posed of I asked the matron of our small cancer hospital to give at random the diet of the first three cancer cases she chose to question. Here is the result. 1. "Mrs. B., eet 55. Breakfast, 7-30: tea, bread, bacon or egg. 11-30 : Cheese, bread, beer. 1-30 : Meat, potatoes, vegetables " (green ? A. B.), " milk or Yorkshire pudding. 5-30 : Tea, bread, butter. 10 : Meat and bread." Note that this woman had five meals a day. She had bacon or egg for breakfast, and meat twice daily, which is unusual. But she had bread four times a day, and if Yorkshire pudding be counted (it is really the same thing as bread) five times. But she lived to 55, and, I have no doubt, might have survived to 65 if she had had sense to keep to three meals, like, say, her breakfast, dinner, and tea, with proper intervals between them. 2. "Mrs. S., set 69. 8 a.m. : Tea, bread, bacon or egg. No lunch. 12-30 : Meat, potatoes, sometimes vegetables " (green ? A. R. ), " and potted meat. 4-30 : Bread, butter, tea, and remains of dinner. 10 p.m. : Potatoes, milk, or porridge." I have not much to say about this case. The woman survived to 69, and it may be said she had 422 lived her day, and must be expected to die of something. I incline to think that, had she had one meal after dinner in place of two, she would have been healthier, and would probably have lived longer. But I give the case as I got it. 3. "Miss R, aet 44. 8 a.m. : Tea, bread and butter. No lunch. 12-30 : Potted meat and bread taken at the mill. 4 : Bread and the remains of dinner. 7 : Tea, bread and butter. 9-30 : Bread and beer." Bread here was taken five times a day, and once with beer. As bread takes five hours to digest, often longer, let any one imagine the state of fermentation that that poor woman's digestive tract must have been in day after day, for say twenty years, with " tea " following dinner in three and a half hours, another ' ' tea " following the first in three hours more, and a third " tea " following the second in two and a half hours. The only meal which was allowed any approach to a reason- able time for its digestion was breakfast ; and dinner followed that in four and a half hours, while five and a half hours would have been much better. No wonder the poor thing did not survive beyond 44 or 45 years. These are cases of women in the humbler walks of life. But their well-to-do sisters are doing the same thing in a difierent way. One of them told me some time ago that she had tea and cake, or tea and bread and butter, at no less than three different houses in one afternoon, and all within two hours, or even an hour and a half of one 423 another. Well for her if the attack of indigestion which ensued on that series of indiscretions shall teach her more sense, and help her to prevent the irreparable damage which, in one form or other, probably enough the onset of cancer, is certain to ensue if she persists in so insane a course. And yet, how many women are living ' like this ! The statistics of the Board of Trade regarding the immense increase in the quantity of sugar imported into this country in recent years, appear to me to support the view I advocate regarding the causation of cancer. Of course, too much stress must not be laid upon them, because much of the imported sugar is used in the manufacture of articles again exported. Nevertheless, I have a general impression, corroborated by several con- siderations, that our people are consuming much more sugar in various forms than they did. Bread and jam, as we saw before, is one of the cheapest forms of food ; but while bread and jam, taken once a day, may be quite wholesome, bread and jam taken four or five times a day is a sickly and even deadly diet. Here is another case of cancer. " Mrs. L., set 50. Breakfast, 8 a.m. : bread and butter and tea. Dinner, 12 : meat, potatoes, Yorkshire pudding, rice pudding, bread. 4-30 p.m. : bread, butter, tea. 8 p.m. : bread, butter, stout, or quaker oats, or oatmeal porridge." The perpetual fermentation of food so induced resulted in the production of a malignant ulceration of the mouth of the 424 uterus. Cases of this kind could be multiplied indefinitely, and they afford the kind of evidence (which any one who chooses can verify for himself) which has led me to the general con- clusion that too many meals, and especially when they contain too large a proportion of the carbonaceous and fermenting foods, form a main part of the predisposing cause of cancer. And as the habits of men are now approximating more and more to those of women, in the materials and in the number of their meals, they are falling victims to the same terrible scourge. Sometimes one is almost reproached, on being compelled to come to the horrible conclusion that it is cancer from which a patient is suffering, to hear him say : " Well, but I have lived so regularly." Yes, they have lived regularly, but regularly in a wrong or physio- logically unsound or vicious way. What can this result in but disease and early death ? But if these are the most important and the most potent causes of cancer, no doubt others are contributory. One special form of female cancer is called morbus miserice. Some poor women (not always, unfortunately, poor only In material wealth, although this form of cancer is commonest among the conventionally poor) being joined to husbands who are careless, or negligent, or inconsiderate, or brutal, and who squander their earnings, or who are perhaps too idle to have any, suffer in quiet and uncomplaining ways untold miseries lasting over years. Wives who are better 425 off can often defend themselves by finding resources in other directions than those of domestic duty ; and in the pursuit of pleasure, or perhaps in works of philanthrophy, or of religion, solace themselves for the loss of the domestic happiness which they have given up everything to obtain. But the very poor have no such resources. Compelled, perhaps, to go out charring in order to find food for their children as well as themselves, or even for idle and dissolute husbands, and happiness being entirely unknown to them, some of these women are found early to develope a special form of cancer, termed in such cases the disease of misery. No doubt, some proportion of cancer may be contributed to in this way, especially as the food habits of such poor women are generally those which have just been described, I doubt, however, if any very large proportion of the cases are caused wholly or in part in this way. Cancer, at any rate, although it deals desolation among the poor, does not spare the rich ; and in the case of most of the latter, as well as of most of the middle-class women, it would be out of place to speak of the cancer that occurs among them as a morbus miser ice. As regards anxiety, again, as a cause or a contributory cause of cancer, it is not easy to point to much evidence. Both sexes suffer from the anxieties to which humanity is subject, and each sex, no doubt, has its own special troubles. If, however, one might venture to hazard an opinion, men seem to suffer from anxiety rather more than women, many of whom, happily 426 for themselves, appear to accept their troubles rather in the spirit in which children meet theirs, in a matter-of-fact way and uncomplainingly, as if they belonged to the nature of things and to the inevitable. Men, on the other hand, are more apt to chafe, and fret, and grumble, appearing also less able to derive comfort from the consolations of religion, which act as such a calmative to the women. Suicide, at any rate, is much less common, as is the despair which leads to it, among women than among men. It does not, therefore, seem easy to say how far anxiety enters into the causation of cancer. That it is often a contributory cause I do not doubt. Some other conditions have been said to induce cancer. Some evidence has lately been brought forward regarding what have been called cancer houses, it being alleged that, in some houses, tenant after tenant has succumbed to this disease, A great fallacy here seems to be that, even if this is so, no special inquiry has been directed into the habits of the successive residents who suffered in these ways. Obviously, much, almost everything in fact, depends on this inquiry. By convention most of us live after the prevailing fashion of the time : we live as the majority live ; and if the habits of the majority are unhealthy, it may well be the case that a succession of tenants occupying a particular house, being at an age suitable for the development of cancer, might have so lived as to induce it ; or the effects of the causes acting in 427 the previous parts of their Hves might have culminated during the periods of their tenancies, the occupation of the house being quite accidental, while the influence of the habits of the tenants was the all important factor. It has also been said that low-lying districts, wet and swampy, help in inducing cancer in their residents. This is quite probable. Damp is a contributory cause of most illnesses ; and it may be admitted to be a contributory cause of cancer also without any damage to the theory that far and away the most important cause is wrong living, and particularly the dyspepsia that is induced by the taking over a long period of time of too frequent meals. Alcohol does not seem to have much influence in the causation of cancer. At least, m.en take alcohol to a much greater extent than women ; and men do not even yet suffer from cancer so much as women. At the most the influence of alcohol might be admitted as a contributory cause of cancer. Damp and alcohol no doubt aggravate such illnesses as bronchitis, pneumonia, and rheumatism, and yet we find many cases of each of these diseases among teetotallers, where, at any rate, one of these causes cannot be an efficient factor. Such being, then, the predisposing causes and such being some of the exciting and contributory causes of cancer, and since so little prospect remains of effecting a cure when the disease has become established, the great question of prevention rises 428 before us. It has been said that prevention is easy, and in the sense already explained this statement may be repeated, it being remembered that what is meant is that not theoretical but practical preven- tion, that is, a very considerable diminution of cancer, can easily be attained. As much, I have no doubt, or more, might be effected towards the prevention of cancer as has already been effected towards the prevention of consumption and the fevers, both of which, as we have seen, cause many more deaths than cancer. Cancer might easily be reduced by 40 or 50 per cent, from causing a mortality of 700 per million per annum down to 425 or 350. If the causation is known, the question of prevention becomes quite simple. If taking too many meals is the main cause of cancer, taking fewer meals ought to have some influence in preventing it, and so in checking its course. I may say here that since I first stated the opinion that such was the chief cause of cancer, a great change has become evident in medical views. A clever medical critic of the first edition of Air, Food, and Excercises, "smiled " when he referred to it — I was going to say discussed it — but he did not discuss it. He only " smiled." Now, Dr. Braithwaite says in so many words that cancer is caused by too much food. So does Sir W. Mitchell Banks, who thinks, however, that meat is the chief cause. It may be so in the cases which have come under his notice ; but that is not my experience, for I have found a very large number, in fact the great 429 majority of the women whom. I have interrogated on the subject, say that they did not hke meat and did not indulge in it much. But whether it is meat or bread is an accident. The principle is that too much food is the cause, the chief cause, I mean ; and in that opinion we are at one. I hope, therefore, that the critic will cease to smile, and will preferably consider with candour a view which has some weight of authority regarding the causation of a disease from which the people are suffering and dying in thousands every year even in our own country, and in millions over the whole of the known world ; and which none of us can cure. A smiling professional critic and a suffering and dying people is not a spectacle which commends itself' to my sense of fitness. Dr. Braithwaite's statement regarding over- feeding as being a cause of cancer is introduced, by the way, in a pamphlet which he has written to shew that an excess of salt in the diet is the chief cause of the disease. I have read the pamphlet twice, and the argument appears, I regret to say, weak in the extreme. His theory is that " excess of salt in the diet is one of four factors which cause the disease." But he does not define what is " excess of salt." He is not even certain in his own mind, for he remarks : "It is a debatable question whether the salt must be in great excess." The idea that salt was the ' ' essential factor " originated in his mind by noticing that cancer of the uterus was seldom or never met with among Jewesses. 430 But the British Medical Journal says in the number of 5th October, 1901 : " As a matter of fact cancer is extremely and increasingly prevalent among the Jews," So the fact is denied. Then he states that excessive meat eating is a cause of cancer (which no doubt it may be), and then he goes on to assume that excess of meat means an excess of salt (which it may or may not do). Now it does not follow that those who take much meat take also much salt, and it does not follow, either, that the flesh eaten contains much salt, because the flesh of young animals does not, as a rule. "The second point," he continues, "which led me to the idea about salt is much more certain, and it is this : In vomiting from cancer of the stomach, Vander Yelden found that there is almost always no free hydrochloric acid in the vomit, whereas in all other forms of vomiting it is present. Hydro- chloric acid is derived from salt, so that there appears to be some connection between salt and the disease." But surely if this argument proved anything it would go to shew that absence of salt and not excess of it might be a cause of cancer. There seems indeed to be a good deal of force in the arguments of Mr. C. Godfrey Gitmpel that deficiency of salt and not excess of it is a potent cause of cancer. He has saved me the labour of criticising the opposite view, and indeed I have quoted him rather than expressed in my own words the opposition to Dr. Braithwaite's view, which was stirred up in my mind by reading his pamphlet. 431 Mr. Gllmpers case for the defect of salt as a cause of cancer, is so strong that it seems to me it must be admitted as to a certain extent proved. I still, how- ever, think that excess of food is the chief factor, and that the accidental form which this takes is usually an excess of starch and sugar. The taste for these foods is usually accompanied by a distaste for salt, and I think usually by the habit of taking little or none. I think, therefore, from this consideration, and from a general review of the whole question, that we ought to consider deficiency of salt as a contributory cause, and probably an important contributory cause of cancer. Mr. Gtimpel quotes the statements of physiologists that the blood CBnnot exist with less than 2 '5 parts of salt in 1000 parts, and that it contains from this proportion up to six parts per 1000 in varying conditions. In order to keep the blood healthy, therefore, I am disposed to recommend those who wish to be free from cancer (and other diseases) by simple means, to take a cupful of water morning and evening, containing a pinch of salt in each, just enough to make the water pleasant. A salt- spoonful of salt also in the morning coflPee is a very palatable addition, much pleasanter, when one gets used to it, than sugar. By this means one may prevent the too great diminution of salt in the blood, and the too great tendency to putrefactive change which such a diminution may imply, and so prevent some of the conditions which favour the growth of cancer. 432 If, then, as I think, and as I have attempted to shew, too much food Is the cause of cancer, if taking too many meals is the cause, if eating too much meat is the cause, or if too much bread and too much sugar is the cause, combined with too Httle salt, let us advise the people to take less food, to take fewer meals, to take less meat, or to take less bread and sugar. Plainly there is sufficient agreement among; authorities to enable us to concur in offering certain advice to the people. I need not repeat here the statements made in a previous chapter, regarding the time required for digestion, or regarding the intervals which ought to elapse between meals. I think I may say, without fear of contradiction, that two meals a day is sufficient for most people, and especially that they are sufficient for townspeople, who now form the large majority of our population. My advice, therefore, to those townspeople who wish to avoid cancer is to eat a mixed diet not oftener than twice a day, at say seven or eight hours' interval, to eat, for instance, at 9 a.m. and 4 or 5 p.m., or at 12 noon and 7 or 8 p.m., according to the circumstances of their lives. And if in quantity they do not exceed about two pints of fluid a day, and about one ounce daily of food for every ten pounds avoirdupois of their body weight, or say, perhaps, one and a half ounce, I am sure there would soon be much less cancer to chronicle in our midst. The hot drink morning and evening, say with a small pinch of salt in it to make it pleasant, and to add 433 to the blood a necessary ingredient, would be a suitable part of the diet, and would act in the way formerly suggested. It will be noticed that this advice is very much the same as that given for the preservation of health generally. It is the simplicity of the advice that is at once its strength perhaps and its weakness. It is its strength because it is in keeping with the view that disease is one in all its varied and various phases, and that its chief cause is mal-assimilation of food from the ingestion of it too often and too much. And it is its weakness because people expect to be recommended to do some great thing, some obscure thing, some difficult thing, in order to be freed from a disease hitherto so obscure in their minds as cancer ; and because they are apt to be impatient when they are advised simply to eat twice a day, or once a day, after the age of say 55 years. Also they do not like the suggestion that they are or have been too fond of the pleasures of the table. But common sense and candour ought to be great enough to overcome these objections. Self-restraint and self-government are not sufficiently commended to our favourable consideration at the present time. I think it would be well for us if we thought more of them ; and on the evidence, as it presents itself to me, I cannot fail to press this advice with what energy I can muster, feeling, as I do so strongly, how much benefit we might as a people reap from following it, how much suffering we might prevent, how much BB 434 happiness we might attain, both for ourselves and for our households, and how much more useful and complete as well as more happy we might make our lives. KaXov yap to adXov /cat ^ cXtti? fieydXr). For fair is the prize and great the hope of attaining it. 435 CHAPTER XII. Some General Observations; and some Cases illustrative of the General Conclusion of the Writer regarding the Chief Cause of Disease in general, and of its Cure by Diet. T HAVE now said in principle pretty nearly all I have to say regarding the causation, or the chief cause (for causes are always multiple, and the causes of disease form no exception to this rule), of the great mass of diseases which afflict humanity. In detail, of course, each case of disease is unique to the person aifected by it ; but the medical man, while he feels that patients very often shew a certain amount of resentment at having their cases referred to a class, or in being classified themselves, and while he would, perhaps, if he could, much prefer to let them continue to magnify their own importance by encouraging them to think that such a case as theirs was never known before, is not unfortunately always able to do so, and insensibly refers the case, both as to its causation and classification, to one of several groups which he has in his mind. In fact, BB2 436 if he did not or could not do so, there would be no possibility of science or of philosophy in medicine. In this chapter I propose to make some general remarks, and to offer some observations which the reader will, I hope, be more or less prepared for, since the general idea underlying them must by this time be familiar to him. And, besides these general remarks, I have thought that it would be useful to detail some further instances of the application to the treatment of disease of the main proposition laid down. That proposition is, that disease is far oftener due to mal-assimilation of food than to any other one cause, and that, of the various forms of mal-assimilation of food, excess of consumption of good food is a far commoner cause of disease than either deficiency or badness of food. The description of some additional cases in which the application of this proposition or principle has not only cured long-continued or recurrent illnesses, but has also prevented their recurrence, will be of interest to the reader, and, still more, of value to sufferers. For, as has been said now more than once, while a knowledge of causes may not enter one's mind, or may not be necessary in the treat- ment of illness, such knowledge is absolutely necessary to prevention. And further, if the application of theories as to causation enables us to prevent the recurrence of a given illness, especially if a patient has often suffered from it before, our very success acts as a piece of additional evidence for the truth of the theory, which, on 437 general principles, and as a deduction from our observations, we had been led to adopt. The interest of the public is no doubt summed up in the statement that prevention is better than cure. For the doctor, on the other hand, cure is much better than prevention. A trader is glad when the prices of commodities rise ; the public when they fall. Yet a wise trader often manages to reconcile his own with the public interest by the avoidance of cornering and other measures calculated to unduly conflict with it. As to the prevention of disease, the medical man, I fear, has no chance of ever making himself unnecessary. Do as we will, and interpret nature and her laws as we may, there will always, I am afraid, be a residue of illness which our efforts will fail to prevent ; although I have no doubt that the residue would be much smaller if the methods of prevention proposed were more likely to obtain not only public sanction, but active public support. The clergy and the lawyers are in much the same condition. The numbers of the persons filling both of these honourable professions might be greatly diminished with advantage both to the pubHc and to themselves ; but there does not seem to be any immediate prospect of this result being attained, since the methods of self-control and of the pursuit of justice, by which alone such a diminution could be attained, do not attract the majority, but only a small minority of mankind. If, however, a medical man can do anything in the direction of advising people how to hve so as to 438 prevent disease, he will have achieved something worth attaining ; and at all times the medical profession has advised its clients up to its lights in this direction, as indeed most notably have the clergy, and to some extent even the lawyers. Under the terms, predisposing causes and exciting causes, as also under the notions of cause and occasion (atrta and 7r/3o<^acrt9, as Hippocrates has it), I have dealt with these ideas to some extent already. What is called Etiology, or Aetiology, that is, causation, is too often in medicine nothing more than a Prophasiology, i.e , the so-called causes of disease are very frequently only its occasions. Perhaps a few more instances of the kind of cases which justify this statement may be useful here. A young man will come to the doctor, say, with a number of suppurating pimples on the side of his neck, just under the angle of the jaw, and will say that friction by the collar-edge has been the cause of these. Or he may perhaps have one large similar suppurating point (a boil), or, if older, even such a place with three different heads on the back of his neck (a carbuncle), just where a stud has been pressing and rubbing it. Or a person may suffer from corns on the toes, which he may attribute to the pressure of too tight boots ; or he may suffer from chilblains, which he attributes to frosty weather. Or a woman may have a cancerous growth develope in her breast through a slight blow accidentally given her by her own child, all unconscious and even 439 incapable of understanding the damage he was doing. And I have already mentioned the case of an old gentleman of 87 years of age, who, being knocked down by a bicyclist, suffered from an attack of gout. Now all these alleged causes are instances of prophasiology rather than of etiology — they are samples of occasions rather than causes ; they are instances of exciting causes rather than of predisposing causes — instances of the action of recent causes acting only once or seldom, rather than of the action of remote causes acting frequently and with cumulative effect. Of course, all these alleged causes were part oi the real causes, for without these particular prophasiologies, none of the illnesses mentioned would have occurred just when, and where, and how they did. Without the fraying and rubbing of the collar or stud, neither the pimples nor the carbuncle would have occurred just then and there, although, no doubt, any other slight cause or occasion might have set them up. Without the frosty weather the chill-blains would, or might probably, not have appeared just then. Without the tight boots there would probably have been no corns ; without the blow cancer would probably not have occurred just where and when it did ; and without the bicycle injury there might have been no attack of gout at that time. The reader must not suppose that this is a mere theoretic or academic discussion without any practical consequences, or that its consideration is like the school - men's 440 question, " How many archangels could dance on the edge of a razor, or on the point of a needle ? " It is on the contrary full of the grimmest practical consequences. Without the predisposition none of these prophasiologies could have been converted into aetiologies ; none of these occasions could have been the causes of the illnesses more or less serious which followed on them. And to a very much larger extent than is commonly thought, we make our own predisposition ; that is the important matter. It is not the rubbing by the collar ; it is not the frost ; it is not the tight boots ; it is not the blow ; it is not the bicycle accident ; but it is in aU these cases (as in a thousand others which will occur to the reader — I could multiply them indefinitely, and, in fact, might never be done) the way in which these different people have lived before these events occurred, and it is in particular their previous food habits more than anything else, which have been the real causes why they suffered from their illnesses. If we did not all of us load our blood, and overload our blood, and that habitually, with more food and drink than we require, the slight causes mentioned above would have failed to induce the illnesses mentioned. And I emphasize food more than drink, not, as I have said before, because I think alcoholic drink an unimportant cause of iUness, but because I know food to be so much more important a cause, that while on the whole only comparatively few of us suffer from the effects of too much alcoholic drink, nearly all of us, 441 without exception, suffer from an excess of food. The way in which the foundation then is laid in the hody for the occurrence of these illnesses from causes so slight is the way in which disease begins in the body, that is its first step is usually indigestion in some form. And, beginning with indigestion, which is nearly always, or at least, very often, caused by too many meals taken too close together in time, many varieties of illness are apt to occur. It will be useful to examine these a little more. There seem to be two great lines of the development or evolution of disease. In one, the sequence of events is indigestion, heart-burn, acidity, the occurrence of watery blebs or blisters on the lips or tongue, sore throat (tonsillitis), acne of the skin, rheumatism (initis, I have ventured to call it — congestion of connective tissue, generally lymph - congestion rather than blood- congestion), constipation, bronchitis and broncho-pneumonia, pneumonia itself, scanty high-coloured urination often accompanied by a heavy deposit on standing, insomnia, eczema, and apoplexy or cancer. In the other we have indigestion, fulness and weight after eating, faintness, relieved immediately by frequent eating, and remotely aggravated by the same, enlargement of glands in the neck, the watery blebs on the lips mentioned above, free urination without deposit or precipitate, tendency to free perspiration or sweating, the occurrence perhaps of disease in a joint such as the knee, hip, elbow or ankle, anaemia (triphthsemia, or catatribsemia rather it 442 should be called), pallour and attenuation, feeling of general or frequent fatigue, peliosis, or proneness to become black and blue on receipt of very slight or unremembered injuries, flushing, followed by cold- ness, clamminess of hands, rheumatism, diarrhoea, pleurisy and tuberculosis. Of course, these groups of illnesses, one culminating in cancer, and the other in tuberculosis, are not definitely demarcated off from one another ; but still, I think, perhaps, are more or less fairly defined. However, the important thing is that they both commence with indigestion, and the inference therefore rises before our minds that if this could but be dealt with, all the other evils, or most of them at least, could be obviated. Let us look for a little longer at the course of things. The function of food being to make blood ; w^hen indigestion occurs, the blood is furnished with ill-made, ill-digested stuff. Some of this gets stopped at the capillary circulation, or at the lymph spaces beyond, the consequence being that the lymph ducts and lymph glands become inflamed and may even suppurate, causing those so-called scrophulous affections so common among children and young persons. The word scrophula, or scrofula, is itself interesting, and of somewhat doubtful etymology. pr]v = midrifif ; heace the seat of courage ; hence the organ of courage, or later, of wit or sense ; hence phrenitis came to mean inflammation of the brain). Phthisis (f>dC(TL^, (from OL(ti or <^9ivoi = I waste) ; see consumption. Pigs, and cancer, 412. Pilgrim, Mr., and Mr. Pratt, 373. Pills. Cockles', Morrison's, HoUoway's, 76 ; see constipation. Plethora, 121. Plexus, choroid, 161. Pneumonia, 53, 212 ; and diet, 460 et seq. Pollaki-amylism, 448 (nokXaKLcr = often, and amylism ; taking starchy food too often). Poly-amylism, 448 {iroXva- = much ; and djxvXov ; see amylism). Pollaki-siteism. 516 (7roX\a/cto' and siteism, which see). Poly-siteism, 516. Poor, eat too often, 237, 353. Portal vein, 149, 153-4. Poverty, 237 et seq. Predisposing causes of disease, 88-9. Predisposition, 54-5 ; and resistance, 334 et seq ; made by ourselves, 440. Preece, 535. Prevention. Of disease, 1-4 ; of cancer, 390 et seq ; and causation, 436 ; and cure, 437. Principle and accident, 238. Proof, wearisome, 490. Property and function, 208 et seq. Prophasiology, 438. Prophecy, 22. Proportional number, 53 et seq. Prosagory, 93. Pruritus. Eelation to diet, 486 et seq. Psoriasis, 327 et seq ; causes of, 329. Pulmonary artery, 150 ; veins, 151. Pulse. And ancient physicians, 127, 130-1 ; and blood- letting, 339. Purgatives. Uselessness of, in constipation, 180 ; kinds of, 180. 555 Q. Quinine in malaria, 107. E. Eanke, 275 et seq, 325. Reading aloud, 529. Reasoning, Circular, 11-13. Recurrent. Disease, 472 et seq ; headaches, 479. Registrar- General, 25. Regular living. In wrong way, 424. Relapsing fever, 121. Relaxant, 211. Relaxing, 87. Remittent, 94, Renal action, and food, 233, 258-9. Reservoir, 384. Resistance. Low, 11, 56; and predisposition, 54-5, 534. Respiration. And food, 232, 256-8. Respiratory diseases, 53 et seq, 72. Rest, after eating, 147. Restraint, 508 et seq. Restriction of diet. Theory of, 175 : in opposite states, 487 ; in ulceration, 496. Rheumatism, 71 ; caused by diet, 463-71 ; etymology of, 463 ; what it is, 464 ; see initis. Rich eat too often and too much, 237. Richards, Mrs., 325. Rome. Roman soldiers, 115 et seq ; and London, parallel between, 118-20. Rotation. Of earth, 95 ; of moon, 96. Eowntree, Mr. Seebohm, 289. Rumford, Count, 266. Running, 529. Rush and torpor, 533. S. Saint Martin, 297 et seq. Salisbury, Dr., 447-8. Saliva, salivary glands, 145. Salt. And cancer, 429 et seq. Sane, 222. Sanitary, sanitation, 27, 36. Sarco-lemma, 156. Sarcoma, 396, 398, Satiety, eating to, 146-7. Schools, and children, 377 et seq. Schreber, 634. Scrofula. Etymology of, 442. Scrofulous ulceration, 497. 556 Secobiensis, Andreas Lacuna, 473. Seed, and soil, 172-3, 403. Self-restraint, 433, 477. Sex. And cancer, 414 ; and habit, 414 et seg ; and suicide* 426 ; and religion, 426, Short. Of disease, 92 ei seg. Shrinking and swelling, 96 et seq, 208, 513. Sinking. Feeling of, 465. Siteism, or Sitia. The taking of food (from crtro? = wheat or corn ; used, of bread ; hence monositeism or monositia, eating once a day from fxovoq ; monophageism or monophagia is used of eating alone, some persons being both monositeous and monophageous ; hence dis- siteism or dissitia, trissiteism or trissitia, tetrasiteism or tetrasitia, pentasiteism or pentasitia, hectasiteism or hectasitia, octositeism or octositia, and decasiteism or decasitia, for eating two, three, four, jfive, six, eight or ten times a day ; pollaki-siteism or poUaki-sitia, and poly-siteism or poly-sitia, the act of eating too often, TToXXct/cicr, or too much, ttoKvs ; oligaki-siteism or oligaki-sitia, and oligo-siteism or oligo-sitia, the act of eating too seldom, oXtyct/ctcr = seldom, or only now and then ; and too little, oXtyo? = little or small). Skin eruptions. And alcohol, 78 ; and diet, 480 et seq ; hot, dry, moist, cold, &c., 192-3: 235. Slag. Basic, 172-3. Sleep. Sleeplessness ; and starvation, 177 ; from opposite causes, 186-7 ; and disease, 224 ; and circulation. 413 ; treatment of, 169. Slow. Eating. 147 ; digestion, 301. Smith, letter of, 456-7, 523. Soil. And seed, 172-3, 403. Soldiers. And gun-shot wound, 328 ; in a narrow pass, 252 ; and death from starvation, 293-4. Solutio, 208 et seq. Specialism. Specialist, 129. Spencer, Herbert, 19. 557 Spirits. Animate or nervous, vital or sanguineous, animal or digestive, 132-4, 161. Spring. Compressed and uncoiled, 95. Stagnation and activity, 513. Staphylococcus aureus et albxs, 490 et seq. (From (rTa(f)v\.rj = a bunch of grapes, and kokkos =^ a rounded kernel, meaning a micro-organism with a rounded enlargement like a grape). Starch and disease, 81 ; in foods, 145. Starvation, 293 ; and fevers, 120 et seq ; effects of, 121 et seq ; and sleep, 177 ; direct, 179 ; and indirect, 267-9 ; of over-repletion or over-feeding, 195, 240, 282 ; starvation diet, 197 : death of soldiers from, 293-4 ; and ulceration, 496 et seq. Steam engine, 142-3. Stewart, Professor, 54. Stimulus. And function, 228 et seq, 229, 236. Stomach. Capacity of, 355 et seq. Strictum et laxum, 208 et seq. 513. Structure and function. Four views on relation of, 134-6. Struma. Senile and juvenile, 497. Sub-acute, 92. Subject. And liable, 333. Subnormal temperature. And fasting, 286 et seq ; subsistence diet, 287 et seq. Suffering, 521. Sugar. Function of, in food, 146. Surgery. Too much, 21, 321 ; safer than before, 24-5, 520. Surrey and Sussex fowls, 195 et seq. Swallowing, 146. Swedish Ling, 534. Swelling ; see shrinking. Sycosis, 490. Sydenham, 63, 510. Syndesmitis, 466. T. Tao-ts KoX XaXaort? (stretching and slackening), 208, 513, Tea. Afternoon, 285, 310. 558 Temperature of body, high and low, 192 ; and hot drink, 200 ; low temperature, how caused, 214 et seq ; and food, 233, 259-62 ; low temperature raised by fasting, 286 ei seq ; low temperature before cancer appears, 401. Temporal. And eternal, 341. Tenonitis, 464. (Inflammation of a tendon from reivav = to stretch, because a tendon stretches from attachment in muscle to attachment in bone. Tao"t9 = stretching, is from the same root). Thing. And thought, relation between, 134, 236. Thinking. High, and plain living, 161. Thoracic duct, 150, 165, 210. Thought. And thing, 134, 236. Tinea harha, 490 et ssq. Tired. After meals ; see fatigue. Tissue. See connective. Toller, Dr., 373. Tonic, 87, 211. Tonsils removed, 129-30. Torpor. And rush, 533. Total abstinence from alcohol, 123 et seq. Townsmen, 525, Transmitted. Of disease, 338-50 ; see heredity. Treatment. Method of, 2 ; by diet, medicine, and surgery, 89; and philosophic view, 139; strengthening and lowering, 87 ; by opposition, poor treatment, 190 ; by less amount of the exciting cause, 202-3. Tricycle, 531. Triphthaemia. [Tpl^eiv = to waste or rub, and alixa = blood ; meaning, therefore, loading of the blood with waste products) ; see anaemia, catatribaemia. Tuberculosis, 57 ; evolution of, 441 ; see consumption and phthisis. Twain, Mark, 177. Typhlitis. Tv(j)\ov, 23. 559 U. Ulcer. Ulceration, 494 et seq ; scrophnlous or strtimous, 497 ; callous, 495 ; of bowel 499 et seq ; and direct starvation, 500. Unconscious of healthy organs, 152. Under-feeding. Signs of, 176 et seq. Uric acid, 309. Urine, 198-203. V. Vein. Portal, 149 ; hepatic, 150 ; pulmonary, 161 ; definition of, 163 ; vena cava, 149. Verdicts, 502. Villi, 149- Visual defects, 403 et seq. Voit, 279. W. Walking, 529. War office, 293. Water, 83 ; deprivation of, 230. Watson, A. W., 273. Weakening, 87. Weight. Feeling of, after eating, 147 ; loss of, in fasting, 286 et seq ; growth of, in children, 352 et seq. Women. And domestic work, 526-7 ; eat too often, 416 etseq ; and illness, 417 et seq. Work. Domestic, 526-7. Wrench Dr., 373. X. Y. Z. Xerxes, 117. York. Poverty, 241. XaXacrts. See Tacrts. Zig-zag action, 96. Zymotic mortahty, 28 ; diseases, 73 et seq ; and air and food, 112 g/ seq. ERRATA. P. 80. Line 14. For pattern, read father. P. 89. Line 11 from bottom. For understood, read misunder- stood. P. 182. Line 9. For exised, read excised. P. 188. Line 11 from bottom. For hypethoply, read hypertrophy The scholar will also please to excuse one or two errors in accents on Gresk words, which it proved too late to correct, and to which no further reference is made. Toothtlls Limited, Printers, Drewton. Street tnd Godwin Street, Bradford. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES 0052113256 ff] UJ /?//