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A UTHOR: 
 
 BACON, FRANCIS 
 
 TITLE: 
 
 A CONFERENCE OF 
 PLEASURE 
 
 PLACE: 
 
 LONDON 
 
 DA TE: 
 
 1870 
 
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»'i V 
 
 A CONFERENCE OF PLEASURE. 
 
 "^^s^ 
 
CONFERENCE OF PLEASURE, 
 
 COMPOSED FOR SOME FESTIVE 
 
 OCCASION ABOUT THE 
 
 YEAR 1592 
 
 - * 
 
 BY FRANCIS BACON. 
 
 19^ b IS 
 P 
 
 4 
 
 ^' 
 
 I.-" 
 
 EDITED, FROM A MANUSCRIPT BELONGING TO 
 THE DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND,^ 
 BY JAMES SPEDDING. 
 
 ^^-. 
 
 (■Oi,.CC)l.l,. 1 
 
 LIBRARY. 
 
 LO NDO N : 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN. READER. AND DYER. 
 
 1870. 
 
n , , , i ' 
 
 . 1 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 l--^ 
 "^t- 
 
 'o 
 
 \ 
 
 N the fupplement to a volume of " Letters 
 of the Lord Chancellor Bacon," pub- 
 lifhed in 1734, and commonly referred 
 to as " Stephens's fecond coUeftion," 
 feveral of his fmaller pieces, both political and philo- 
 fophical, appeared in print for the firft time : among 
 the reft, two of the moft remarkable of his early 
 compofitions— namely, "Mr. Bacon's difcourfe in 
 prayfe of his Soveraigne " and " Mr. Bacon in prayfe 
 of knowledge;" — of which the hiftory and true 
 charadler has been hitherto doubtful. 
 
 My own conjefture was that they both formed 
 part of fome fanciful device prefented at the Court 
 of Elizabeth in 1592; and accordingly, in the laft 
 edition of Bacon's works, the arrangement of which 
 was fuggefted by myfelf, I referved them for their 
 place among what I call his "occafional" writings 
 of that year, and introduced them with fome ex- 
 planatory remarks which will form the moft con- 
 venient introdudlion to what follows. 
 
 11379 
 
VI 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Vll 
 
 •* They were found," I faid, writing in 1861, 
 " among the papers fubmitted to Stephens by Lord 
 Oxford, and printed by Locker in the fupplement to 
 his fecond coUedtion in 1734. The MSS. are ftill to 
 be feen in the Britifh Mufeum ; fair copies in an old 
 hand, with the titles given above, but no further ex- 
 planation. My reafon for fufpeding that they were 
 compofed for fome mafque, or Ihow, or other fiftitious 
 occafion, is partly that the fpeech in praife of know- 
 ledge profefles to have been fpoken in " a conference 
 of pleafure," and the fpeech in praife of Elizabeth 
 appears by the opening fentence to have been pre- 
 ceded by three others, one of which was in praife, 
 of knowledge ; partly that, earneft and full of matter 
 as they both are, (the one containing the germ of 
 the firft book of the Novum Organum, the other of 
 the " Obfervations on a Libel," which are nothing 
 lefs than a fubftantial hiftorical defence of the Queen's 
 government,) there is neverthelefs in the ^y/e of 
 both a certain afFeftation and rhetorical cadence, 
 traceable in Bacon's other compofitions of this kind, 
 and agreeable to the tafte of the time ; but fo alien 
 to his own individual tafte and natural manner, 
 that there is no fingle feature by which his ftyle 
 is more fpecially diftinguiftied, wherever he fpeaks 
 in his own perfon, whether formally or fami- 
 liarly, whether in the way of narrative, argument, 
 or oration, than the total abfence of it. That thefe 
 pieces were both compofed for fome occafion of com- 
 
 i 
 
 pliment, more or lefs fanciful, I feel very confident ; 
 and if it ftiould ever appear that about the autumn of 
 1592 (the date to which the hiftorical allufions in the 
 difcourfe in praife of Elizabeth point moft nearly) 
 a ** device " was exhibited at Court, in which three 
 fpeakers came forward in turn, each extolling his 
 own favourite virtue (a form which Bacon afFedted 
 on thefe occafions, as will appear hereafter in two 
 notable examples), — the firft delivering an oration 
 in praife of magnanimity, the fecond of love, the 
 third of knowledge, — and then a fourth came in with 
 an oration in praife of the Queen, as combining in 
 herfelf the perfeftion of all three ; I fhould feel little 
 doubt that the pieces before us were compofed by 
 Bacon for that exhibition. Unfortunately we have 
 no detailed account of the Queen's day in 1592 ; we 
 only know that it was " more folemnifed than ever, 
 and t/iat through my Lord of EJfex his device'* .... 
 " What little we do know of the fad:s therefore is 
 compatible with my conjefture. Efi"ex adorned the 
 triumphs of the 17th of November, 1592, with fome 
 diftinguiftied ** device," and Bacon was about the 
 Court. If any news-letter giving an account of the 
 folemnities ftiould turn up, it would probably fettle 
 the queftion one way or other. In the meantime, 
 this is the proper place for the Difcourfe in praife of 
 the Queen, being the date which the feveral allufions 
 in it beft fit ; and in the abfence of all other grounds 
 of conje<5lure as to the time when the ** Praife of 
 
via 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Knowledge" was compofed, the allufion in the 
 opening fentence of the other is ground enough for 
 placing it here."^ 
 
 Such was the ftate of the queftion up to the year 
 1867, when the difcovery in Northumberland Houfe 
 of a manufcript containing copies of fome of Bacon's 
 early writings threw a little frefh light upon it. In 
 that year, Earl Percy (now Duke of Northumberland) 
 wifhing to have the papers in his pofleffion properly 
 examined, preferved, and thofe of public intereft 
 turned to account, had requefted the late Mr. John 
 Bruce, whofe lofs is fo deeply felt by all perfons 
 interefled in hiftorical and antiquarian literature, to 
 infped: them. In one of the bundles fubmitted to 
 him he found a paper book, much damaged by fire 
 about the edges, though not fo much as to make 
 the contents generally undecipherable ; and the piece 
 which flood firfl:, under the odd and not very figni- 
 ficant title of " M^. Fr: Bacon of tribute or giving 
 that w^^ is due," proved on examination to be a copy 
 of the entire device of which the " praife of know- 
 ledge " and the " praife of his fovereign," formed part. 
 It did not indeed throw any new light upon the date 
 or the occafion, but it completely explained the order 
 and plan of it ; which is very fimple. Four friends, 
 diftinguifhed as A, B, C, and D, meet for intelledlual 
 amufement. A affumes the direction of their pro- 
 
 ^ Letters and Life of Bacon, vol. i. p. 1 19. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 IX 
 
 ceedings, and propofes that each in turn (hall make a 
 fpeech in praife of whatever he holds moft worthy. 
 Upon which B (after a word or two of proteft in 
 favour of fatire, as better fuited to the humour of 
 the time than praife) begins with a fpeech in praife 
 of " the worthieft virtue,'' namely. Fortitude. C 
 follows with a fpeech in praife of " the worthieft 
 affeaion," namely. Love. D with a fpeech in praife 
 of" the worthieft power," namely, Knowledge. And 
 A himfelf concludes with a fpeech in praife of " the 
 worthieft perfon," namely, the Queen. 
 
 The two firft of thefe fpeeches being quite new, 
 and the tranfcript of the others being more correft 
 than that ufed by Stephens, it was thought worth 
 while to print the entire piece; and I have been 
 charged with the duty of editor. 
 
 The two laft fpeeches prefent little or no difficulty. 
 
 The loft words can all be fupplied from the other 
 
 manufcript, and little more is required than to fee 
 
 that they are printed correftly. How the two firft 
 
 ftiould be dealt with, it was not fo eafy to decide. 
 
 The fire has eaten away two or three words from the 
 
 end of every line on all the right-hand pages, and 
 
 three or four whole lines from the bottom of every 
 
 page, both right and left. For the loffes at the 
 
 bottom it was clear that nothing could be done but 
 
 to mark the place and the extent. To fupply by 
 
 conjefture fo much as the probable import of fixty or 
 
 feventy confecutive words, with no diredtion except 
 
 B 
 
/ 
 
 X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to make them fit with the context before and after, is 
 a problem which it would be idlenefs to attempt. 
 Until another copy fhall be difcovered, thofe loffes 
 muft be regarded as fimply irretrievable. But where 
 only two or three words are miffing at the end of 
 each line, the cafe is very different. The words 
 w^hich will fit into fuch a fpace and make both fenfe 
 and grammar are fo limited in number, that their 
 general import may almoft always be determined with 
 accuracy ; and in moil cafes a fair guefs may be made 
 at the words themfelves. But all depends upon 
 knowing how much room they filled. An attempt 
 to make provifion either for too many or too few 
 mifleads the gueffer and fpoils the guefs. In order, 
 therefore, that the reader may have the requifite data 
 for exercifing his own judgment on the queftion, it 
 was neceffary as far as poffible to preferve in the 
 printed page the due proportion between the part 
 which remains and the part which has been loft in 
 each line. Now this is often difficult, and fometlmes 
 impracticable, owing to the impoffibility of imitating 
 in type the various irregularities of handwriting. But 
 the way I have attempted it is this : Taking the length 
 of a full line in the manufcript, and dividing it into 
 fmall parts, and then dividing the length of the printed 
 line into an equal number of parts, I had a fcale by 
 which I could meafure any length of either upon the 
 other ; and ufing a bracket to mark the place where 
 the break in the manufcript begins, I had it placed at 
 a point in each printed line correfponding, as nearly as 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XI 
 
 poffible, to the point in the written line which the 
 fire had reached. In this w^ay the fpace within which 
 conjefture may range has been defined in the printed 
 page with as much accuracy perhaps as would be 
 ufeful. Abfolute accuracy it would hardly have been 
 worth while to attempt ; for even with the original 
 paper before us the abfolute number of loft letters 
 cannot be fixed; allowance having poffibly to be 
 made either for blank fpaces left at the end of lines 
 where the next word was too long to go in, or for 
 words written and crofTed out, or for words inferted 
 between the lines. But 1 think I may fay that the 
 cafes are either none or very few in which any words 
 that will fill up the portion of the printed line beyond 
 the bracket might not have been written in the portion 
 of the line which is burned off", and in the natural 
 handwriting of the fame tranfcriber. 
 
 The next queftion was whether the portions of 
 the lines beyond the brackets ftiould be left blank, to 
 be fupplied according to the tafte of each reader, 
 or whether an attempt fhould be made to affift him 
 by fupplying them conjefturally, and at leaft Oiowing 
 one way in which it may be done. The refult of my 
 own ftudy of the mutilated manufcript has convinced 
 me that it is beft to make the attempt. The lofs of 
 two or three words at the end of every line makes it 
 impoffible to follow the fenfe as you read ; and the 
 neceffity of ftopping to make it out deftroys the effeft 
 of the compofition upon the imagination. Nay, even 
 after you have made it out and filled up the blanks to 
 
Xll 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 your own fatisfadion, a fecond reading, unlefs the 
 words are fet down in their places, will prove but 
 an uneafy progrefs ; and I fancy that even of diligent 
 readers few will take pleafure in it. I have there- 
 fore filled up thefe blanks as well as I could ; the 
 bracket always Ihowing where my inventions begin, 
 and the conditions as to fpace which they were 
 bound to fatisfy ; and if I have not hit upon the right 
 words, I have at leaft made all the pages readable, 
 except for the three or four lines at the bottom, —the 
 lofs of which, though much to be regretted, is not 
 enough (being only three or four in every forty) to 
 neutralize the value of the reft. 
 
 Of what remains of the manufcript I have 
 endeavoured to give an exadl copy in all refpedls but 
 one ; and that is the punctuation ; an exadt reprefen- 
 tation of which would have made the printed page 
 difficult to read, and ferved no ufeful purpofe. The 
 tranfcriber was probably accuftomed to copy legal 
 documents, in which points had no value, and fentences 
 were not divided. For though it cannot be faid that 
 there is no punduation at all, it is introduced fo 
 irregularly that it ferves rather to confufe than to 
 explain the conftrucftion. The end of a fentence is 
 often not marked by a full ftop. The beginning of 
 the next is rarely diftinguifhed by a capital letter. 
 Commas, colons, and notes of interrogation are in- 
 ferted occafionally, but upon no fyftem ; and if all the 
 points had been omitted altogether, the conftrudion 
 would, I think, upon the whole have been clearer. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xm 
 
 For though the compofition was not meant to be inde- 
 pendent of pundtuation, there is in fadt no fingle place 
 in which the intended conftrudtion is really doubtful. 
 Prefuming therefore that the pundluation of the 
 manufcript m.eans nothing, I have taken the liberty of 
 fubftituting my own, and alfo of putting capital letters 
 at the beginnings of fentences. In every thing elfe 
 the manufcript has been exadtly followed. No altera- 
 tion in the fpelling has been confcioufly allowed; 
 and all the contradlions have been carefully preferved. 
 I have not, indeed, cared to imitate the particular 
 form of contradlion ufed in each cafe by the tranfcriber, 
 but wherever a contradtion occurs I have ufed 
 fome form of letter which will fufficiently indicate the 
 contradlion intended. This I held to be important, 
 as bearing upon the filHng up of the blank fpaces; 
 for both the fpelling and the contradtions make a con- 
 fiderable difference in the fpace which a word will 
 occupy. Only in the pafTages which are fupplied 
 from Stephens's manufcript (the orthography of which 
 varies confiderably from this in thofe parts which can 
 be compared, and would be quite as likely to miflead 
 the conjedturer as to guide him), I have not cared to 
 reproduce the exadt forms, nor refrained from obvious 
 corredtions of the text. 
 
 The Northumberland Houfe manufcript is, for 
 the moft part, remarkably clear and corredl ; it is very 
 feldom that there can be any doubt what letter is 
 intended, and the miftakes are very few. Still mif- 
 takes do occur. Here and there a word is omitted : 
 
XIV 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 once or twice a word or phrafe is repeated : once or 
 twice a word has evidently been mifread. Neverthe- 
 lefs, I have tried to reprefent the manufcript in its 
 original ftate, errors and all ; referving all corredions, 
 as well as all explanations and illuftrations, to the 
 notes at the end. Where an interlinear infertion of 
 an omitted word has been apparently made by the 
 tranfcriber himfelf, I have preferved it; admitting 
 the word into its place in the line, if there was room ; 
 inferting it between the lines, if there was not. But 
 interlinear infertions or corredtions by another hand, 
 of which there are a few, I have negled:ed in the text, 
 and referved for defcription in the notes. Thefe are 
 all conjedlural emendations, fometimes certainly wrong, 
 fometimes meant apparently for corred:ions, not of the 
 text, but of the opinion exprefled in it, and are 
 clearly no part of the original writing, nor made by 
 the writer's authority. 
 
 One of my chief difficulties has arifen from the 
 irregularity of the hand-writing in point of clofenefs ; 
 which, though always very clear, and apparently very 
 uniform, contrives fometimes to get more words into 
 the line than can be printed without overcrowding, 
 and fometimes to fill the line up with fewer than can 
 be fpread over the printed line without fcattering. To 
 meet this difficulty with the leaft disfigurement of the 
 page, and yet obferve the rule of printing line for 
 line, the margin has in fome pages been a little con- 
 trafted or a little enlarged, as the cafe required. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XV 
 
 It will naturally be alked what elfe the manufcript 
 contains. It is a folio volume of twenty-two fheets, 
 which have been laid one upon the other, folded 
 double (as in an ordinary quire of paper), and faftened 
 by a ftitch through the centre.^ But as the pages are 
 not numbered, and the faftening is gone, it may once 
 have contained more, and, if we may judge by what 
 is ftill legible on the much befcribbled outfide leaf 
 which once ferved for ar table of contents, there is 
 fome reafon to fufped: that it did. This leaf has one 
 feature which has been thought Angular enough to 
 make it worth giving m fac-Jimile^ and which I will 
 fpeak of prefently. But I will firft deal with the 
 queftion concerning the contents of the volume which 
 it covered ; and I begin with an account of what it 
 
 contains now. 
 
 1. Firft comes the piece which is here printed, 
 and of which, therefore, I. need fay no more. 
 
 2. A fhort effay, entitled Of Magnanimitie or 
 heroicall Vertue. This is evidently a compofition of 
 Bacon's ; but the fubftance is to be found in a better 
 form in the Advancement of Learning. 
 
 3. An advertifement touching private cenf[ure\ 
 This is an enquiry concerning the limits and bounds 
 of what we fhould now call '' toleration " in religious 
 
 * One leaf, however,— that which would have been the tenth,— 
 is miffing: and one, which is the fourth, appears to have been 
 glued or pafted in. 
 
XVI 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 difputes ; a rudiment, apparently, of the piece which 
 follows. 
 
 4. y^n advertifement touching the controverjies of 
 the Church of England. This is Bacon's well-known 
 tradt, firft printed in 1640, and to be found in all 
 editions of his colledted works. 
 
 5 . A letter to a French gent : touching y' proceedings 
 in Engl: in ecclejiajlicall caufes, tranjlated out of French 
 into Englijh by W. W. This is an unfiniftied paper; 
 but it is a copy, fo far as it goes, of the fame letter 
 which was firft printed in the Scriniafacra (Ed. 1654), 
 with the heading, ** Sir Francis Walfmgham, Secretary, 
 to Monfieur Critoy, fecretary of France : " a letter 
 which I have always believed to have been written by 
 Bacon. See Letters and Life of Francis Bacon, vol. i. 
 pp. 95 — 102. This copy ends abruptly towards the 
 bottom of the fecond page, the other fide of which 
 is left blank. 
 
 It is to be obferved that this is the middle (heet of 
 the volume, and if it ever contained more, this is the 
 place where they muft have come in. 
 
 6. The Hermitt's fyrjl fpeach. 
 
 7. The Hermitt' s fecond fpeach. 
 
 8 . The Joldier s fpeach. 
 
 9 . The fecretaries fpeach . 
 
 10. The Squyre^s fpeach. 
 
 Thefe are the fpeeches written by Bacon for a 
 " Device " prefented by the Earl of Effex on the 
 Queen's day, 1595; concerning which fee Letters xy 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xvu 
 
 and Life of Francis Bacon, vol. i. pp. 374 — 386. The 
 principal difference between this copy and that at 
 Lambeth, from which the printed copy was taken, 
 is that this does not contain " The Squire's fpeech in 
 the tilt-yard," with which the other begins, and does 
 contain a fhort fpeech from the Hermit — ** the Her- 
 mitt's fyrft fpeach " — which feems to be a reply to it. 
 It is poflible that the beginning has been loft, as any 
 number of fheets may have dropped out at this place, 
 without leaving any evidence of the fad:. The other 
 differences are not material, though here and there a 
 better reading is fuggefted. 
 
 1 1. For the Earle of Sufex at ye tilt an : 96. 
 
 This is a fpeech made to be fpoken at one of thefe 
 Court triumphs, and is written in the artificial ftyle 
 which it was the fafhion to affeft in them; which 
 makes it the more difficult to fupply the loft words ; 
 but it is addreffed to the Queen and meant apparently 
 to convey an apology for the abfence of the Earl 
 of Effex, who was very likely keeping aloof in one of 
 his fits of difcontent. 
 
 12. A letter without any heading or fignature, but 
 a very good copy (much better than that printed in 
 the Cabala, which is full of blunders) of the letter 
 to Elizabeth, diffuading her from marrying the Duke 
 of Anjou, and commonly attributed to Sir Philip 
 
 Sidney. 
 
 13. A copy, imperfed: both at the beginning and 
 the end, of the well-known trad called Leicejier's 
 
 c 
 
/ 
 
 XVIU 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Commonwealth, It begins with the words ** A third 
 reafon of this manner of this Lady's death may be/' 
 &c. ; and ends in the middle of the paragraph relating 
 to the daughters of John of Gaunt. 
 
 This brings us to the end of the volume ; the laft 
 leaf being part of the outfide fheet, which appears to 
 have been the only cover the volume ever had, and of 
 which the other half forms the title-page, here given 
 in facjimile. This leaf has fuffered from fire like the 
 reft. But before that, it had had the ill luck to be fo 
 ufed by fome idle penman, either for trial of his pens, 
 or for experiments in handwriting, or for mere relief 
 from idlenefs, that it is difficult to make out what its 
 proper contents were. At the top, however, — diftin- 
 guifhed from the reft by ink of the fame colour 
 with the earlier portions of the MS., — may be clearly 
 read the words which I have chofen for a title- 
 
 page, 
 
 VIZ. 
 
 Mr. Frauncis Bacon 
 of tribute or gluing what is dew. 
 
 The pralfe of the worthlejl vertue. 
 The pralfe of the worthleji affeBlon. 
 The pralfe of the worthlejl power. 
 The pralfe of the worthlejl perfon. 
 
 And if a line be drawn down the page, ranging with 
 thefe, and the interftitial fcribblings be overlooked, 
 we may ftill trace the following additional titles, 
 written in order, below : 
 
 INTRODUCTION. xix 
 
 Earle of ArundelVs letter to the ^een. 
 Speachesfor my lord of EJfex at the tilt, 
 jif peach for my lord of Sujfex tilt. 
 Leycejlers commonwealth. Incerto auth\ore\ 
 Orations at Gr ale's Inne revells. 
 
 ^eene's Mcf" 
 
 By Mr. Frauncis Bacon. 
 EJfales by the fame author. 
 
 Richard the fecond. 
 
 Richard the third. 
 
 Afmund and Cornelia. 
 
 Ifle of dogs fr (jy ^ 
 
 by Thomas Najhe^ Inferior places? 
 
 What follows is all fcribbling ; but at the head of 
 this latter lift two other titles feem to have been in- 
 ferted afterwards, and are imperfedly legible, viz. : 
 
 . . . Phillip agalnft Mounfeur. 
 Pa revealed. 
 
 This then I take to be all that the page originally 
 contained, and to reprefent its proper bufinefs ; the 
 reft being idlenefs. The principal difficulties which 
 1 find in it are, ift, the abfence from the Hft of 
 all allufion to the Advertifement touching the contro- 
 verfies of the Church of England, which can never 
 
 » This is not a mutilated word, but I cannot make out the 
 remaining letters. They look like mn' or urn*. 
 2 Mr. Aldis Wright fuggefts and inferior plaiers. 
 
XX 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 have been feparated from the volume, and has all 
 the appearance of having been tranfcribed about the 
 fame time, and is too large a piece to have been over- 
 looked ; 2ndly, the abfence from the volume itfelf of 
 all trace of the Ear/ of ArundeVs letter to the ^eeriy 
 w^hich appears in the lift ; and, 3rdly, the mifplacing 
 of the entry of Sir Philip Sidney's Letter againji 
 Monjieur^ which ftands higher in the lift than it 
 fhould. All this however may be explained by a few 
 fuppofitions, not in themfelves improbable ; namely, 
 that the tranfcriber of the firft five pieces left his 
 lift of contents incomplete ; that the tranlcriber who 
 followed him fet down the contents only of his own 
 portion ; that the firft (heet or two of his tranfcript 
 has been loft; and that Sidney's letter had been at 
 firft overlooked. I have already obferved that the 
 fheet on which the fifth piece ends and what is now 
 the fixth begins, is the middle ftieet of the volume ; 
 and therefore if anything came between thefe two, 
 it may have been taken out without leaving any 
 traces of itfelf. I have noticed alfo that Sir Philip's 
 letter has no heading, and may therefore have been 
 eafily overlooked. Now if we may fuppofe that the 
 Earl of Arundel's letter, having been tranfcribed on a 
 central ftieet, has dropped out, and that Sir Philip's 
 having been overlooked, the title was entered after- 
 wards in the place where there was moft room, we 
 ftiall find that the firft four titles reprefent corredlly 
 the reft of the contents of the volume. The Speaches 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXI 
 
 ^1 
 
 for my lord of Effex at the tilt are evidently the 
 fpeeches of the hermit, the foldier, the fecretary, and 
 the fquire. The fpeach for my lord of Suffex at the 
 tilt is the piece which ftands next to them. And 
 Leycefters Commonwealth fills up the remainder of the 
 
 volume. 
 
 The titles which follow have nothing corref- 
 ponding to them in this manufcript, but probably 
 indicate the contents of another of the fame kind, 
 once attached to this, and now loft. If fuch a one 
 ftiould ever turn up, which is far from impofl\ble, 
 it will probably be found to contain 
 
 I ft. The conclufion oi Leycejiers commonwealth. 
 
 2ndly. The fpeeches of the fix councillors to the 
 Prince of Purpoole at the Gray's Inn revels in 
 I594> (fe^ Letters and Life of Francis Bacon, vol. i. 
 p 332,) of which Orations at Grate's Inne r eve lis 
 would be a correft defcription, and an independent 
 manufcript would be valuable ; for the printed copy 
 in Gejla Grayorum is full of errors. 
 
 3rdly. Something of Bacon's about the Queen, 
 or addreflbd to her, the particulars of which I cannot 
 
 make out. 
 
 4thly. A copy of Bacons Effays in their earlieft 
 
 form ; that is, as printed in 1597. 
 
 5thly. Copies of Shakefpeare's plays of Richard IL 
 
 and Richard IIL 
 
 6thly. A piece called Jfmund and Cornelia, of 
 which I cannot hear that anything is known. 
 
xxu 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 7thly. A play called the I/e of Dogs, of which the 
 indudtion and the firft aft were written by Thomas 
 Nafhe, and the reft by the players; but of which 
 no copy has been found. 
 
 That " Richard the fecond " and ** Richard the 
 third " are meant for the titles of Shakefpeares plays 
 fo named, I infer from the fadl — of which the 
 evidence may be feen in \\\^ facjimile — that, the lift of 
 contents being now complete, the writer (or more 
 probably another into whofe poffeflion the volume 
 pafled) has amufed himfelf with writing down pro- 
 mifcuoufly the names and phrafes that moft ran in his 
 head; and that among thefe the name of William 
 Shakefpeare was the moft prominent, being written 
 eight or nine times over for no other reafon that can 
 be difcerned.^ That the name of Mr. Frauncis Bacon y 
 which is alfo repeated feveral times, fliould have been 
 ufed for the fame kind of recreation requires no 
 explanation ; its pofition at the top of the page would 
 naturally fuggeft it. In the upper corner, on the left 
 hand, may be feen (as Mr. Aldis Wright has pointed 
 out to me) the words ne vile velisy the motto of the 
 Nevilles, twice repeated ; and I think I fee traces 
 of the name Nevell. Other exercifes of the fame 
 kind are merely repetitions of the titles which ftand 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxm 
 
 ^ The firft place in which the name occurs is in the fpace between 
 Effaies by the fame author and Richard the fecond. But it does not 
 feem to have been written at the fame time with the titles, or by the 
 fame hand. 
 
 oppofite, or ordinary words of compliment, familiar in 
 the beginnings and endings of letters ; with here and 
 there a fcrap of verfe, fuch as 
 
 Revealing day through every cranie peepes, 
 
 or, 
 
 Multis annis jam tranfa6tis 
 Nulla fides eft in padis, 
 Mell in ore, verba ladis 5 
 Fell in corde, fraus in fa6tis. 
 
 And moft of the reft appear to be merely exercifes 
 in writing th or Jh. The facfimile reprefents the 
 original very exadlly in everything except the ftains 
 on the paper, and the curious reader can ftudy for 
 himfelf the hiftory of the fcribble. But the only 
 thing, fo far as I can fee, which requires any 
 particular notice, is the occurrence in this way of 
 the name of William Shakefpeare; and the value of 
 that depends in a great degree upon the date of the 
 writing ; which I fear cannot be determined with 
 any approach to exadlnefs. All I can fay is that I 
 find nothing either in thefe later fcribblings, or in 
 what remains of the book itfelf, to indicate a date 
 later than the reign of Elizabeth; and if fo, it is 
 probably one of the earlieft evidences of the growth 
 of Shakefpeare's perfonal fame as a dramatic author ; 
 the beginning of which cannot be dated much earlier 
 than 1598. It was not till 1 597 that any of his plays 
 appeared in print; and though the earlieft editions 
 of Richard II., Richard III., and Romeo and Juliet 
 
* 
 
 XXIV 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 all bear that date, his name is not on the title-page of 
 any of them. They were fet forth as plays which 
 had been " lately," or " publicly," or " often with 
 great applaufe," adted by the Lord Chamberlain's 
 fervants. Their title to favour was their popularity as 
 adling plays at the Globe ; and it was not till they 
 came to be read as books that it occurred to people 
 unconnedled with the theatre to afk who wrote them. 
 It feems, however, that curiofity was fpeedily and 
 efFeftually excited by the publication ; for in the very 
 next year a fecond edition of both the Richards 
 appeared with the name of William Shakefpeare on 
 the title-page ; and the practice was almoft invariably 
 followed by all publifhers on like occafions afterwards. 
 We may conclude, therefore, that it was about 1597 
 that play-goers and readers of plays began to talk 
 about him, and that his name would naturally prefent 
 itfelf to an idle penman in want of fomething to ufe 
 his pen upon. What other inferences Will be drawn 
 from its appearance on the cover of this manufcript 
 by thofe who ftart with the conviftion that Bacon 
 and not Shakefpeare was the real author of Richard 
 II. and Richard III., I cannot fay; but to myfelf the 
 faft which I have mentioned feems quite fufficient 
 to account for the phenomenon. At the prefent time, 
 if the wafte leaf on which a law-ftationer's apprentice 
 tries his pens were examined, I fhould expert to 
 find on it the name of the poet, novelift, dramatic 
 author, or ador of the day, mixed with fnatches of 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXV 
 
 the laft new fong, and fcribblings of " My dear Sir," 
 " Yours fincerely," and " This Indenture witneffeth." 
 And this is exadly the fort of thing which we have 
 here. I think I am in a condition to aflert that 
 there is no trace of Bacon's own penmanfhip in any 
 part of the volume ; and the name of Shakefpeare 
 is fpelt in every cafe as it was always printed in thofe 
 days, and not as he himfelf in any known cafe ever 
 wrote it. 
 
 Of the hiftory of the manufcript all that is known 
 was communicated to me by Mr. John Bruce, laft 
 Auguft, and I give it in his own words, 
 
 " Up to about two years ago, there had remained 
 at Northumberland Houfe, for a long time, two 
 black boxes of confiderable fize, prefumed to contain 
 papers, but nobody knew of the boxes having ever 
 been opened, or could give any information refpefting 
 their hiftory, or tell what kind of papers they con- 
 tained. Thefe boxes were opened at the time I have 
 indicated, and the contents, which turned out to be 
 papers, as had been fuppofed, were taken out that I 
 might infpeft them. I did fo in the month of 
 Auguft, 1867. I found them to be of a very mif- 
 cellaneous charadter, many of them more or lefs 
 connedled with the hiftory of the Percys, and others 
 of a more general hiftorical intereft. 
 
 " Upon fome of them were found notes in reference 
 to their contents, written by the hand of Biftiop 
 
 D 
 
XXVI 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxvu 
 
 Percy, the editor of the Reliques, who was domeftic 
 chaplain at Northumberland Houfe from about 1765 
 to 1782. He occupied apartments in the Houfe, 
 and gave confiderable attention to the old papers 
 belonging to the family. It is probable that he 
 looked through all the papers now under confider- 
 ation, and that it was under his diredtion that they 
 were placed in the boxes alluded to. 
 
 " Among the papers taken out of thefe boxes I 
 found the tranfcripts of the papers of Bacon. They 
 formed part of a mifcellaneous colledlion, or unbound 
 volume, of tranfcripts, containing among other things 
 a copy of Leicefter's Commonwealth and other pam- 
 phlets and documents relating to the reign of Queen 
 Elizabeth. Looking haftily at the Bacon tranfcripts, 
 I faw at once fome matter which I recolleded as 
 already in print. Other parts of them feemed new to 
 me. I mentioned this circumftance at the time to 
 fome members of the family of the Duke of North- 
 umberland, who took an intereft in what I was 
 about. I pointed it out as a fubjeft for further 
 inquiry, and at the fame time direded attention to 
 the oddity of the recurrence and combination of the 
 names of Bacon and Shakefpeare in the fcribble on 
 the fly-leaf of the MS. 
 
 " A good many of the papers taken out of the boxes 
 had been fubje<fted to the acftion of fire. Their edges 
 were found burnt and finged in the fame way as the 
 Bacon tranfcripts. Among the papers thus damaged 
 
 was a colleftion of tranfcripts of accounts of public 
 ceremonials, fuch as royal marriages, funerals, and 
 coronations. With this colled:ion was found a paper 
 on which was written, in a hand of the laft cen- 
 tury, perhaps that of Bifhop Percy, although larger 
 than his ordinary hand, a memorandum that thofe 
 papers relating to ceremonials had been purchafed at 
 * Anftis's fale,' which I underftood to allude to the 
 fale of the MSS. of the two Garters Anftis, the 
 father and fon, which took place in 1768. 
 
 " This memorandum feemed to point to the pof- 
 fibility that the Bacon tranfcripts might have come 
 to Northumberland Houfe in the fame manner as 
 thofe relating to ceremonials. I thought it right 
 therefore to endeavour to infpedt a copy of the Anftis 
 fale catalogue. For a confiderable time I was unfuc- 
 cefsful. There is no copy at the Britifh Mufeurri, 
 nor at the Society of Antiquaries, nor in feveral other 
 likely places. Ultimately one was found at the Col- 
 lege of Arms. Unfortunately, like moft of the fale 
 catalogues of that period, the lots are defcribed in 
 terms fo general and unprecife that it is quite im- 
 poflible to fay what may not have been included 
 under words fo vague. Certainly the Bacon MS. 
 is not direftly mentioned. In a mifcellaneous col- 
 ledlion of papers, thrown together into one lot, there 
 is mention of a copy of his argument, De rege in- 
 confulto ; and in the courfe of the catalogue there 
 are feveral copies of Leicefter's Commonwealth, but 
 
mm 
 
 XXVlll 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 they do not occur in lots which can be identified 
 with the MS. you are dealing with, but rather the 
 contrary. 
 
 '' What I have ftated feems to lead to the conclufion 
 that the papers were depofited in boxes after 1768. 
 That inference is ftrengthened by the circumftance 
 that the Anftis MS. is fo much injured by fire that — 
 its contents not being highly valuable— it is unlikely 
 that it would have been bought for the Ducal library 
 in its burnt condition. The fame conclufion is ren- 
 dered more probable by the circumftance that there 
 occurred a fire in Northumberland Houfe on the i8th 
 of March 1780, which deftroyed a very confiderable 
 part of the front towards Charing Crofs,^ including 
 the apartments occupied by Dr. Percy, then Dean 
 of Carlifle. The Gent. Mag. of the day takes pains 
 to inform its readers that ' the greateft part of the 
 Dean's invaluable library was fortunately preferved/ 
 It fays nothing of any MSS. of the Duke's, but I 
 think we may fafely infer that in all probability this 
 was the fire in which the Anftis MSS., the Bacon 
 tranfcript, and feveral other manufcripts were injured ; 
 and if fo, that they were not put into the black boxes 
 until after March 1780. 
 
 " We may alfo I think find another limit. Dr. 
 Percy was in 1782 appointed Biftiop of Dromore, 
 
 * Annual Regifter for 1780, p. 202. Gent. Mag. for March, 
 1780, p. 151. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXIX 
 
 * where he continually refided' (Nichols's Lit. Anecd. 
 iii. 754) from his appointment to his death in 1811. 
 The putting thefe papers into the boxes, which clearly 
 took place after the fire in 17&0, looks very like the 
 adl of Dr. Percy when taking leave of Northumberland 
 Houfe and about to remove to Dromore. 
 
 "From 1782 to 1867 the hiftory of thefe papers is 
 pretty clear ; I will only add that nothing has been 
 done with them fince they were found, except that 
 the burnt and finged edges have been carefully repaired 
 by a truftworthy perfon accuftomed to that kind of 
 work, and very fkilful in it."* 
 
 With regard to the portion of this manufcript now 
 printed, I may obferve that though the firft ten pages 
 contain all that is abfolutely new, its full value would 
 not have been realifed without an exhibition of the 
 vi^hole together, for thofe parts which have hitherto 
 been read feparately as fubftantive compofitions will 
 be found to acquire fomething of a new charadler 
 from the context. If " To be or not to be," or '' All 
 the world's a ftage," had been found among Shake- 
 fpeare's papers and publiftied as lines of his own, any- 
 body can underftand what a different effed: they would 
 have had, and how unexpefted an afpedt of Shake- 
 fpeare's mind they would have feemed to reveal. In 
 a lefs degree, but in the fame way, an oration in praife 
 
 * From a letter to me, dated 14th Auguft 1869. 
 
XXX 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 1 
 
 J 
 
 of knowledge or of the Queen, is one thing if fpoken 
 in a man's own perfon, another if only invented 
 by him as part of a dramatic entertainment. And 
 y though I do not know that either of thefe con- 
 tain anything which Bacon would not have been 
 himfelf prepared to ftand by and maintain in earned, 
 yet in a cafe where the bufinefs is amufement 
 and the occafion a compliment, the liberties of 
 rhetoric cannot be denied to what is in faft a 
 rhetorical exhibition. Now among the exercifes 
 prefcribed for the rhetorician, is 'one of which all 
 thefe orations afford fome example. In treating of 
 the Dejiderata in that art {De Aug. Scient. lib. vi.). 
 Bacon approves of Cicero's recommendation that the 
 forenfic orator fhould provide himfelf with common- 
 places, in which all queftions of ordinary occurrence 
 ' fhould be argued and handled on either fide ; but 
 defires to extend it to other departments of oratory. 
 " I would have all topics," he fays, •• which there is 
 frequent occafion to handle (whether they relate to 
 proofs and refutations, or to perfuafions and diflua- 
 fions, or to praife and blame) fl:udied and prepared 
 beforehand; and not only fo, but the cafe exag- 
 gerated both ways with the utmofl: force of the wit, 
 and urged unfairly, as it were, and quite beyond 
 the truth '* {eofque ultimis ingenii viribus, et tanquam 
 improbej et prorfus prceter veritatem^ attolli et deprimi). 
 It was as an eflay towards the fupply of this deficiency 
 that he drew up his Antttheta Rerum ; in which the 
 
 
 arguments both for and againfl:, on a variety of topics, 
 are packed into ftiort and (harp fentences, " to be as 
 fkeins or bottoms of thread, to be unwinded at large 
 when they come to be ufed." But they are for the 
 ufe of the advocate, not of the judge: and thefe 
 rival orations of A, B, C, and D are in like manner 
 to be regarded as ingenious pleadings — exercifes 
 in the art of making the befl: or the worft of a 
 thing — not neceflfarily expreffions of Bacon's per- 
 fonal opinion or ultimate judgment, fuch as we have 
 it in the '' EflTays," the " Obfervations on a Libel," 
 the difcourfe on the " Felicities of Elizabeth," and 
 other places where he fpeaks in his own perfon. 
 
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 MR- FRAUNCIS BACON 
 
 OF TRIBUTE, OR GIVING WHAT 
 
 
 IS DEW. 
 
 
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 -* 
 
 
 
 if..-" 
 
 ■ » . .. - ■ 
 
 
 
 The praife of the worthieft vertue. 
 The praife of the worthieft affedion, 
 The praife of the worthieft power. 
 The praife of the worthieft perfon. 
 
 / 
 
 ^^ i 
 
 / 
 
 E 
 
 igr.',' Jl i iW Ii m i ] -IIIUH r ' I ' T ■m ' 
 
I 
 
 Mrffr: Bacon of tribute 
 or giuing that w'^ is due. 
 
 I ." the praife of the worthiejl vertue. 
 
 2. the praife of the wort hie ft affeccon, 
 
 3. the praife of the worthieji power. 
 
 4. the praife of the worthiejl perfon. 
 
 A 
 
 I 
 
 B 
 
 2 
 
 C 
 3 
 D 
 
 4 
 
 -^. Since we are mett lett me gouerne our leyfure. B. C. D : Coma[unde. J. Let 
 euerie man do honor to that w'' he eflemeth mojl and c[an mojl worthilie 
 praife, B. O vaine motion and ignorance of times! Are not f attires of more 
 price then himnes f A, Obey, 
 
 The praife of fortitude , 
 My praife Jhalbe dedicated to the noblejl of the vertues. Pr[udence to 
 difccrnc betwecnc good and euiU. Jujlice tojlandc indifferent [betweene 
 jelfe-loue and focietie. Temperance to deuide aright betweene [defire & 
 reafon. Theife be good innocent thingf . Butt the vertue of a[aion, the 
 vertue of rejblucon, the vertue of effed, is fTortitude. PreJ"[ent unto 
 a man largelie endued w'»» prudence the tempejl of a fo[ddaine and 
 greate daunger, and lett flfortitude abfent her felfe ; wh[at ufe hath 
 he of his wifedome ? hath he the power eyther to beholde the [daunger 
 or to entende the remedye? or rather doth not the firjl im[prejrion 
 difable him to take a true viewe of the pill, and the appreh[enfion of 
 the pill fo attache and feaze his fences that he cannott in[vent meanes 
 for his deliueraunce? Where be the goodlie groundes of rea[fon, the obfer- 
 ua66ns of experience, rules, preceptes, and cautions, [uppon which he 
 was wont at leyfure to confider, compare, and conclud[e? His ordered and 
 
 digejled 7 are confounded : their printes are defaced. A [foddaine cry and 
 alarme o) perill hath, as Berecinthia' s home, drowne[d all their fweete 
 muficke, or elfe a blajl of winde difordered Sibilla's le[aues. His very 
 wifedome is the firjl thing that flies. His fpirittf tha[t fate together 
 in counccll in his braine are gone to fuccor his h[eart : and therewith he 
 is] leftc abandoned to his perills by the treafon of [his judgement, 
 his wifedome could haue tould him h 
 in the face while he confid 
 
^:y 
 
 good entcrtaynmcntf to pcrjwadc mcnof the jlrcngth of their [under- 
 Jlandings],butdeceiptfull in the execuconand triall. What price then 
 or regard can wifedome carrie, w'^*' tyreth a mans thought^ 
 w*'' forecajling and providing for perills w*^'' neuer come 
 as if it could imbrace all accidcntf, but when daunger 
 commeth unexpeded it leaueth a man in pray to his adventurs ? 
 But now lett Prudence, this weake ladie, rauijhed by euerie 
 inuafion and ajjault of foddaine daunger, obtaine for her 
 champion and knight fortitude, and then jee how Jhe cn- 
 tertayneth the challenges of fortune. Doth a man flie 
 before he knoweth ? or juffer before he feeleth ? Noe : but 
 Jlraightwaies the dijcouerie of the perrill maketh a man more 
 then himjelf. It awaketh his fences. It quickeneth his mocios. 
 It redoubleth his forces. He looketh thorough & thorough y^ pill. 
 He taketh hold of euerie light of remedie. He dijcerneth w* mujl 
 be concluded, w* may be differed. He ceajeth not to device for y* 
 rejl while he executeth that w*^** is injlant, nor to execute y* 
 prefent while he deui/eth for y* to come. But he is allwaies 
 in his owne power, reioycing in the proofe of himjelf and well- 
 coming necejjitie. Thus is ffortitude the marjhall of thoughtf, 
 the armor of the will, & the fort of reajbn. Lett us turne o"^ 
 conjidcraoon & behold Jujlice, the jacred vertue, y* vertue of 
 refuge, the vertue of Societie. Doth not Jhe aljb Jhrowde her- 
 jelf under the ^teccon of ffortitude? Lett a man be abjlinent 
 from wrong, exad in duetie, gratefull in obligacon, & yet 
 difmantled & open to feare or dolor, what will enjue? Will 
 not the menace of a tirant make him condemne y*" innoce[nt ? 
 will not the fence of torture make him appeale his dear[ejl 
 frends and that untrulie? But paine hath taught him [a new 
 philofophie. He begnneth to be perfwaded y^ it is Jujlice [to pay 
 tribute to nature, to yelde to the rigor of paine, to be [merciful 
 to himfelfe. He would giue others leaue to doe the like by [him : he 
 would forgiuc them if they did. So that now his ba[llance, where- 
 w'** he was wont to weigh out euerie man h[is own, is fallen 
 outofhishandes. Heisaty^devocionof themig[htiejl. Hiswifdom 
 rcmayneth w'*' him but as a furie to upbr[aid his wcakenefse and in- 
 crea]fe his torment. As for Temper [ance 
 mjagnanimitie and what Jhall 
 
 you cannot fubmitt yo*^ felfe to the condicions of obtay[ning thereof, and 
 therfor fall to defpife. Will you affeft to be admirab[le ? Will you 
 neither followe others nor fpare your felfe ? Will you [make yo" life 
 nothing but an occajion and cenfure of others ? Oh hat \\ mean no fuch 
 matter : no vain glorie : no malignitie : no diffidence : [no cenfure. 
 I dejire but a releafe from perturbations. I feeke b[ut an euen 
 tenor of minde. I will not ufe becaufe I will not defir[e. I will not 
 defire becaufe I will not feare to want. Loe we fee a[ll thefe circum- 
 Jlances, all this pparacon, is but to keepe afarr of f [eare and griefe, 
 w''*' ffortitude reioyceth to challenge & to chafe : bu[t when once a 
 feare & greife commeth, fuch as all men are fubieft [unto, if it be 
 a feare & greife w"^'* arifeth not of y® dejlitucon of a pl[eafure but y* 
 accejfe of a disfortune, then what ufe hath he of his temp[erance ? Will 
 he not then ejleeme it a great foUie y* he hath |}vided a[gainjl heat 
 of funjhine & not of fyre ? doth he not take it for a mad[nefs to think 
 if a man could make himfelf impajjlble of pleafure, he Jh[ouldmakehim- 
 felf at one labor impajfible of paine? wheras contrariwi[fe it is an 
 introduccon to beare Jlronger greifes, to defire often w^'' [outhauing.But 
 lett ffortitude and Jlrength of minde ajfijl Temperance[,and fee what 
 followeth then ? a man is able to ufe pleafures & to fpa[re them ; to 
 containe himfelfe in the entry or greatejl downfall an[d to enter- 
 taine himfelf euer in pleafure ; hauing in profperitie fe[nce of joy, 
 & in adverfitie fence of Jlrength. Therefor it is ffortitude [thatmujlhelp 
 or confumate or enable all vertues. Of Pleafure no[w lett us 
 inquire, w*"*' being limitted and goiied, no fev^itie of conceipt [nor harjhnes 
 of language Jhall make, but it is the blejfmg of nat[ure, the true 
 marriage of the fences, the feajl and holliday of this o' [work-day and 
 unquiett life, cnelie lett men difcerne the fPfent fign[al and want of 
 nature from the bayte of affeccon, lett them difcerne [that which is 
 pleafant in the foiTie & totall from that w'^*' is pleafant [aty^moment. 
 N]ow what true and follide pleafure can there b[e where feare is ? 
 Mark] I pray you w^ fporte feare maketh w^'' y^ t 
 f his pleafures & dejlres. hope he 
 
 5 
 
and fruition of his plcafurc, then he is in a maze : he is as deare y* 
 come unto an unwonted good pajlurc, and Jland at a gaze, & jcantlye 
 fcede ; Jo he euer imagineth Jbme ill is hid in euerie good : jb as his 
 plcajures be; as Jblid as the jandes, being corrupted w*^ continuall feares 
 and doubtes ; and when the pleajure is pajl then he thinketh it a dreame, 
 a furfait of dejire, a falje ioye : he is ungrateful! to nature : for Jlili 
 the fence of greife printeth Jb deepe and the fence of delight [fo 
 lightlie, as the one feemeth unto him a truth, the other a deceipt. Judge 
 then how natiue and perfeft pleafures are to him to whom expeftacon 
 is a racke, enioyeng is an amazement, remembrance is a dijlajl & 
 bitternes. Againe w* doth fomuch encreafe and enrich all pleafures 
 as noveltie? but it is a rule that to a fearfull man whatfoeuer is 
 new is fufpefi : fo as that w^'' [Jhould] feafon and enrich pleafures, doth 
 taint and embafe them. But now lett us take breath awhile, and 
 looke about if we can fee any thing elfe good in nature. Vertue 
 the perfeccbn of nature, pleafure the fruit of nature, is there 
 any thing elfe ? o beautie the ornament of nature. I cannot 
 fay that ffortitude will make a crooked man Jlraight, nor a fowle 
 perfon faire. But this I may fay, y^ feare is the mother of deformitie, 
 and y^ I neuer faw a man comelie in feare. So it is ffortitude that 
 giueth a grace, a maiejlie, a beautie to all accons. But whie doe 
 we Jlaie fo long upon the merrittf of ffortitude in Jhewing how it is 
 a protedor and benefador to all y* is good, and do not hajlen to y* 
 conquejls & vidories thereof? Have we not donne well, becaufe its 
 more meritorious to fuccor then to fubdue, and more excellent [to 
 compound ciuill dijjenfions then to defeate forraigne enemies[? And 
 therfor now we haue Jhewed how ffortitude maketh y*" minde b[ring y* 
 workes and accons of vertue to the tajl and fruition of pleafur[e, it is 
 time tofett forth what it can doe againjl thofe extreame thing[s called euills. 
 theife euills, lett them be mujlered. Are they paine of bodie ? g[riefe of minde? 
 Jlaunderofname? fcarfitieof meanes? folitude of frendes[? feare of death? 
 Whie none of theife are ill w'^ ffortitude, w^''can bea[re pain of bodie w"'out 
 violating the repofe of our mindes in themfelves or om[itting our care for 
 others. It conditeth them : it taketh away their vene[mous qualitie : it re- 
 concileth them to nature, lett no man quarr[ell with the decree of 
 prouidence w*=^ hath included in euerie ill 
 Jlujpefaccon of y*" partf and the weak 
 
 apprehenfion and 
 
 but it is feare and impatience that are thefergeantf of for[tune and do arrejl 
 and fubdue us to thofe things, being otherwife freemen : fo as [that w** doth 
 drawe from men lamentacons, outcries, excefs of greife, it is [not y*' outward 
 enemie,but the inward traitor. Nothing is tobe feared but feare [itfelf. Nothing 
 greivous but to yelde to greife. ffor lett us remember how m[en endued w*** 
 this vertue ffortitude haue entertayncd death, the mightiejl of [all enemies. 
 Confider whether it wrought any alteracon in them ; whether it h[athtrobled 
 and putt out of frame their ordinarie fajhions and behauiours. [I do wonder 
 at the Stoickes, that accompted themfelves to hold the mafculi[ne vertues, 
 ejleeming others fedes delicate tender and effeminate, w* they [Jh*^ foe urge 
 and advife men to the meditacon of death. Was not this to incr[eafe y*= feare 
 of death, w*^'' they profejjed to ajfuage? Mujl it not be aterribl[e foe againjl 
 whom there isnoende of preparacon? Ought they not to haue [taught men to 
 die as if they had liued, and not to liue as though they continua[llie Jh^ die? 
 More manfullie thought the voluptuousfede that counted it as [one of y*' ordi- 
 narie workes of nature. But to returne : letts leade about our [confideracon 
 to take veiwe of thofe w*^'' haue ben menof knowen vale we and [courage, and 
 fee whether death prefented hath fomuch as untuned their ordi [nary fajhion 
 of conceipte and cujlome. Julius Cafar^ the worthiejl man th[ateuer liued, 
 the brauestfouldier, a man of the greatejl honor, and one that h[ad the mojl 
 reall andeffeduall eloquence that euer man had; not a founding [and flowing 
 eloquence for a continuate fpeach,but an eloquence of accon, [an eloquence 
 of affaires, an eloquence that had fupprejjed a great mutinye [with a fingle 
 word {^intes)j an eloquence to imprint and worke upon any [many* w*'*' he 
 fpake. See now whether he varied from himfelf at his death. The [firjlwounde 
 that was giuen him on the necke by C^y^^ ,that Jloode behind his [chaire, he 
 turned about and caught hold of his arme: traitor Cafca wha\t doejl thou? 
 the wordes were but plaine, but yett w* could upon Jludie ha[ue been faid 
 more apt to daunte the confpirator and to incite fuccors? Should [he implore 
 helpe? he would rather haue lojl a thoufandliues.Should he h[aue cried out? 
 that had ben alfo an imploring of aide. Should he haue faid wh\_ 
 in the temple of the gods ? it was not decent for Caefar tocl[aimefor himfelf y* 
 his perfon was more venerable then the place. Therfor he [chofea word y' 
 was as effedual to invite fuccors but yett retainde y*^ mai[eJlieof Caefar. 
 HeaddedC^y?^7.HewasnothingaJloniJhed:hefmgledhimout[atonce. Who 
 knoweth not, that is any thing JkillfuU in the weight and [effed of words, 
 that] compellation by name giueth as it were a po[int 
 
 and penetrate and what 
 
fclfc thou and thy complice8.Well,they came about him being unarmed, and as 
 
 ajlagg at bay yett he neuer ceafed to putt himjelfin defence ympoining of their 
 
 weapons and all the meanes of an unarmed man. A forme excellentlie well 
 
 becomming a militarie man, thoughe he knew it would not helpe. At lajl 
 
 when Marcus Brutus gaue him a wounde, {and thou my fonne). Noble 
 
 Caefar, he had no weapon to wounde Brutus againe, but this word wounded, 
 
 this word perced him, this word enchanted him, this worde made him euer 
 
 difpaire of a finall good juccejfe of the warr,although the caufe were iujl and his 
 
 proceeding at the firjl profperous. This word infpired him once at his birthday, 
 
 when his affaires Jloode in mojl profperous termes, to breake out caujeles into 
 
 this verfe : at me firs mifera et Latona perdidit infans. This word turned it 
 
 felf afterwardes into the likenes of an ill fpirritt that appeared unto him in 
 
 his tent. Intheendewhen hisjlrength failed him, yett he tooke an honorable 
 
 regard to fall in comelie manner, and couered after the manner of the 
 
 apparell of that tyme. So as that complement,that point of honor,w^'' it had 
 
 ben much fora ladie to have remembred,unto whom modejlie and honor of pjon 
 
 vjzxz fummu bonu^ ^o great a monarch, jb great a captaine, infojlrong and 
 
 violent an aJOfault, forgott not at the pointe of death. Augujlm Cafar 
 
 his nephew, a man nothing of that Jlrength and corrage, but of greate 
 
 ajjurance and jerenitie of mynd, he that by the caulmes and repofc of 
 
 his countenance had appalled a barbarous conjpirator, he that would 
 
 euer wijhe himfelf Euthanaftam ; in Jumme, a daintie and a fine man ; was 
 
 he not the fame man at his ende ? Liuia beare In mind our marrtadg^ Hug 
 
 and far ewe II y a farewell at length for a large abfence. Vefpaftan^ a man 
 
 cxceedinglie giuen to the humor ofdicacitie and icjling, hislajl words were, 
 
 if I be not much deceyued I am upon the point to be made a god : Jcof[fing 
 
 at death, at himfelf, and at the times. Seuerus {Septimius I me[ane) 
 
 a man of infinite purfuite of accion and difpatch (if there he any[thing 
 
 for me to doe) and further he could not goe. The like wordes he [would 
 
 haue ufed if he had ben but going to Jleepe. Socrates, that w[ould neuer 
 
 affirme anything, in his lajl wordes to the iudges faid (// \ts now time to 
 
 conclude^ that I may be difmijfedto dye and you tu Hue, but [wh^ for the bejl 
 
 knoives Jupiter), He lefte not his Ironyc, for himfe[lf had told his 
 
 opinion to his frendes before. So the Romaine 
 
 dclyghted fo much in the inquijition of the truth • 
 
 by comaundment of Caius Cali[gula 
 
 t to perfon and dif 
 
 So that by all thefe examples it appeareth, how ffortit[ude doth arme 
 men's mynds in fuch fort that euerye jlrid habitt or fajhion [is Jlronger than 
 fearc of death orfenceof his approches. Neytherwilllfom [uch difparage the 
 praife of this noble vertue ffortitude, that I make it the [glorie and the 
 principall coatc of honor thereof to oScome the feare of death[: feeing that 
 barbarous cujlomes, falfe fuperjlitions, violent pajjions, are a[ble to do as 
 much. But all thefe doe it as madnes fometimes doth it ; th[ey expell one 
 Tirant by another ; but they leaue not the minde in entire [pojfejfion. y' is 
 the onelie worke of ffortitude : other vertues deliuer us fr[om y*^ rule of 
 vices, but ffortitude alone deliuereth us from the fervitude [of fortune. 
 
 J. Tour fpeachewere able to warme the hart e of a cowardiforeytherit [w^put courage 
 into him^or elfeyf nothing couldprevailew^^himbut feare^yett it \w^ make him 
 
 more afraid of f ear eit felf e then ofanyperilU C he deferueth to be[ 
 
 fpeach. A, Letts heare what you will deferue. 
 
 The praife of Loue, 
 My praife jhalbc dedicated to the happiejljlate of the minde; to [the ele- 
 uacon of mynde to the noblejl affeccon. The vertues are m[oderators: 
 they are lawes of the mynde ; they rejlraine it, they limitt it, they [gouern it, 
 they amplifie it not. They areasthe millwhenitisfettupponary[chJlone: 
 heere it grindeth out a race & there a graine, to make it weare m[ore faire : 
 butin the meane while thejlone loofeth caraques,leafethfubjlan[ce. So w'^'y* 
 vertues ; they pollyjhe the mynde, they make it w^^'out blemijhe, they[giue it 
 excellent forme; but commonly they take of much of the naturall [vigour : 
 They be the affeccions w*'*' make the mynde hcroicall, that giucs [it power to 
 exceede it fclfe, and to fajlinate and binde others. Doe we not [fee that no 
 agilitie of bodic, no Jleight nor praSizc, can bring a man to doe [that w'' 
 fometimes feare or fury makes him doe ? In the melting of an h[orfe-Jhoe 
 can a mightie dead fyre doe as much as afmallfyreblowne? I[n Jhaping 
 metalls, can a mightie huge weight doe as much as the blowe of [a hammer ? It 
 is motion therfor that animateth all thingf : it is vaine to think [that any 
 Jlrength of nature can counteruaile a violent mocon. The affe[cc6ns are the 
 motions of the minde : the vertues pray in ayde of the affecc6[ns. Fearing 
 and wondering is the life of prudence. Modejlie is the life o[f temperance. 
 Indignacon the life of ffortitude. All vertues take meaf 
 power and Jlrength from the affeccons. Thertor 
 happines and height of mynde. but 
 ert the true Jleppes of 
 
 8 
 
 F 
 
for as for the other affeccons they be but fufFeringes of nature: theyjeeke 
 rannfomes and refcues from that w*^*' is evill, not enioyeng an union w^'^ that 
 w*^'' is good : theyfeeketo expell that w^*» is contrarie, not to attraf! that w^*^ 
 is agreeable. Feare and greife, the traitors of nature ; baJhfuUnes, a thraldom 
 
 toeuerieman'sconceiptandcountenance;pittie,aconfederaciew"'y^mij*erable; 
 dejirc of reuenge, thejuppliengof a wounde ; alltheije theyendevor to keepe 
 the mainejlocke of nature, to preferue her fromlojje & diminucon; but loue 
 is a pure gaine and advancem^ in nature ; it is not a good by compari]bn,but 
 a true good ; it is not an eaje of payne, but a true purchaje of pleajures ; and 
 therfor when our mindes are Jbundejl, when they are not as it were injicknes 
 and therfor out of tajl, but when we be in profperitie, when we want no 
 thing, then is the Jeajbn the opportunitie and the fpring of loue : and as it 
 fpringeth not out of ill, Jo is it not entermixt w*** ill : it is not like the vertues 
 w^'* by ajleepe and cragged way condufl us to a plaine, and are hard 
 tajke-m" at firjl, and after giue an honorable hyre ; but the firjl a/ped! 
 of loue and all that followeth is gracious and pleafant. And now to you 
 fir that fomuch commende vertue ffortitude, and therein cheiflie commended 
 it bccauje it doth enffranchife us from the tirannyes of fortune, yett doth 
 
 indeede 
 
 it not in fuch perfeccon as doth loue. For (Fortitude ,^ Jlrengtheneth y^ mynd, 
 but it giueth it no feeling, it leaueth it emptye, it minijlreth unto it no apt 
 contemplacon to fix it jelf uppon that it may the more ea/ilie be directed 
 from the fence of dolours, and thats the reafons w*=** you would in no wife 
 admitt to be competitors w**' ffortitude in this honor (as barbarous cujlomes 
 and falfe fuperjlitions do this notw'^'Jlanding more eafilie and cffeauallie 
 then that vertue. Butt loue doth fo fill and pojOfejOTe all the powers of the 
 minde as it fweetneth the harjhnes of all deformities. Lett no man feare y« 
 yokeoffortunethat'sintheyokeof loue. W^ fortune can be fuch a He[rcules 
 asjhalbeable to ouercome two? Whentwofoulesareioyndin one,wh[en one 
 hath another to devide his ffortune w'*' all, no force can deprefs[e him. 
 Therforfmce loue hath not her feate in ill as haue other affeccons; fmce [it hath 
 no part in ill as vertue hath the beginnyng ; fynce it admitteth n[o fenfe of 
 ill and therin excelleth ffortitude ; now lett us fee whether it [be not as rych 
 in good as exempt in ill. Now therfor will I teache louers to [loue, y^ haue 
 all this while louedby roate. I will giue them the Alphabet [ofloue. I willjhew 
 them how it is fpelled. For this is a principle y^ nature [of man is com- 
 pound and full of multiplicitye. fo as it is not fomuch 
 any fimple pleafure that affe6?eth as the co 
 fiirme then and that trulie (that it 
 
 10 
 
 verie generallie in peregrinacons to Jlraunge countries, [in doing un- 
 wonted accions, lijlening after newes, gaines of chaunce, w[ith the like 
 particulers. This delight doth alfo winde it fclfe like a [ferpcnt into 
 their affeccons, in fuch forte as few delights have grace lon[g, unlefs this 
 commendeth them to the apprehencon. Now therfor loue is [a fountain of 
 curiofitie,a mojlfweet grounde fett w^ infinite changes, a [journey of jlran- 
 gejl and mojl various adventurers. I demaund in loue w* [are all thefe mu- 
 tacons by abfences, theife redintegracons by unkindnejfes, t[hefe furprifes 
 by alteracbn of attyre and change of prefences, but as it w[ere changes 
 uppon thisjlopp? But aboue all others newe merritt and dem[aund on affec- 
 tion is the gratefullejl noueltie: and it is not onelie the va[riety of y* know- 
 ledge that pleafeth, but the certaintie. For ajfuredlie no p[erjbn ever faw 
 at any time the minde of another but in loue. Loue is the one[ly pajjiony* opens 
 the harte. So as wee fee w^ rich tribute curiojitie and def [ire of noueltie 
 pay unto loue : being indeed, if not the hyejl, yett the fwee[tejl affec- 
 con of all others. Now turne we o'^veiw uppon ambition; an afl[|^ecc6n potent 
 and generall. Dionifius, when he was chafed from his tiran[nie, became 
 a Pedantius : a child will lord it ouer his dog and bird : is not [ambition fo 
 mightie as it infedeth the fence ? haue we not heard of atnbit[iofa ccenay] 
 when men dejire not the meate of the bejl tajl but y* w^*' is de[arejl to buy 
 or hardly procured; not unlike the receipt Aurum potahile ? Con[trariwife 
 is not loue a gaole of ambition, a perfeccon of commaundm*, inclu[ding not 
 onelie the commandm* of the perfon but of the will? Do we not/[eey*inpo- 
 puler Jlates ambition is mojl fweet, becaufe honor is more vo[luntarie ? Do 
 we not obferuc how ihcHere/iarchasindheginmrs of fedes, m[aking it their 
 fummu honu to raigne in mens myndes, are therfor iujllie ca[lled y?2//>r^- 
 tores mentiumy the deflowrers of underjlandingf ? So that as it is [y® difeafe 
 of fuch extrauagant and Jlraung fpirrittf to feeke a comaunde[mentouer 
 reajbns& beleefes,fo it is naturall in mantoafpire to comaund[em*of minds 
 and efpeciallie of affeccons and willes. Another delight minijlr[ed unto the 
 nature of man by this condicon is to haue Juch as may be com[panions unto 
 him. Many are the greifes and difeafes wherto mens Jlates are [fubjed; 
 the verie reprejentacon of them by forejight doth difrelli[Jh their prefent 
 profperities. But then when one forfeeth w*** all that to his m[anie griefes 
 cannot be added follitude, but that he Jhallhaue a partner [to bearey"", this 
 quieteth the mind. A further inward and deepe affeccon [proper toy* mind 
 of m]an, is the continewing and if it myght be the perpet[ nation of his 
 Jlocke, being] the common and naturall dcJlre of children 
 
 favorites and co 
 
 II 
 
taking a hie and comfortable imprejjion of a mans jelf from the admiracou 
 and enderred ejlimation of others. Was not flatteric euer in grace? but 
 there is no flatterie like to that of a louer. One jaid well that a man's jelfe 
 was the Archflattcrcr, but he Jhould haue excepted his louer : for the 
 proudejl man that euer was neuer thought Jo well of him as the louer thin- 
 keth of the perjbn loved. Conjider againe the delighte of concurrence in dejire 
 w^'^out emulation. If two be but fett at one game they loue, or labor togeath*" 
 in Jome one worke or invention, marke how well pleafed, how well dijpojed, 
 how contented they be. So then if mindes are Jharpened againjl mindes, as Iron 
 is againjl Iron, in euerie accon, what Jhall we thinke of that union & coniuncon 
 of mindes w^'' loue worketh ? W^ vigor, what alacritie, mujl it giue. Behold fur- 
 ther the nature of the minde of man. It is everic man's objervacon y* remijjion * 
 and rclaxacon of minde is a mojl necejfarie part of life. It is noted aljb that 
 abfolute Idlenes and le3'fure when the mind is altogeather w^'^out ohieR is but 
 languijhing and wearines. How precious then is loue w*^** is the jweetejl repofe 
 from travailes and affaires, and the jweetejl imploym* in ley jure & Idlenes. 
 So as in one refpeft it is like the earth Jnteus, in the other it is like Penelopes 
 webb w*^^'' entertaineth time and putteth of expc^acon. For it is not an ill 
 commendation to fay y* loue is an idle mans occupation : but it catcheth the bujiejl. 
 Can a tirant be idle the firjl yeare of his ufurpacon ? See Jpplus & Virginia. Could 
 the jlate and enleagued enemie of Odauius Caejar want w* to thinke ? See Jnto- 
 nie and Cleopatra, So it is not the fruite of idlenes but the remedie. Lajlly to 
 Icaue where loue beginncth, who difcerneth not y* y* eye is the mojl affeding fence? 
 They be tales y^ ppoficons to the contrarie. The humor of melancholic importu- 
 neth thofe y* are offcome w**' it w^'^the memorie of the mojl affefling dijlike. Con- 
 ferr w*'' one that is entering to be mellancholic ; jhall you heare him complayne of 
 harjh foundes or odious fauors reprefented to his imagination reprefented to his 
 imagination ? Noe, but allwaies meditating of fearefull and dijliking formes. 
 Who denieth but the eye is firjl contented in loue,being fed and feajled by fre[/h ^- 
 portionable jhapes and decent mocbns.'^Therfor if all delightf offence aff[edloue,if y* 
 underjlanding be tributarie to loue, if loue offereth the fweetejl con[tentment 
 to him that defireth to know, the exa^ejl commaundm* to him that [defireth to 
 rule,thecomfortableJlpromifetohimthatlooketh into his fortune, [thefurejl hope to 
 him thatfeeketh to furuiue himfelf, the mojl flattering glajfe to [him thatlouethto 
 veiwhimfelf w*^ aduantage, the greatejl union of minde to himy* [dejireth y® mojl 
 refrejhing repofe from accon,the mojl acceptable entertayn[mHohimy*w*^offery* mojl 
 pleafmg obieft to the mojl imprinting fence : Lett us m[akcourfuit toloue, 
 that gathereth the beames of ^o many pleafures into 
 ^ flame the fowle, and letts conclude that the 
 
 12 
 
 A. I was thinking what you did defer ue; and hearing you fpeakefo [wifelie of loue 
 y* is ofy* nature as a man cannot well tell who Jhould knowe it \hejl^ he y^ hath 
 tryed it or he that hath not tryed it^ I thought you deferued a pat\ent that hath 
 hen graunted hut feldome^ and that is jfmare etfapere, he had re[quited 
 his ladies fauor. but heerefitteth one as if he neither gaue much [eare nor meant 
 tofpeake. D. I was neuer niggard of myne eare hut I would [gladlie fpare 
 my fpeache, A. The wrong were not to us but to y* you hon(^r^ if now you 
 Jhall deceaue it of your praife and celebracon, 
 
 The praife of knowledg. 
 Silence were the bejl celebracon of that w"^*" I meane to com [mend; for who 
 would not vfefilence there wherefilence is not made, and what [cryer can make 
 filence in fuch a noyfe and tumult of vaineandpopuleropin[ions? My praife 
 fhalbe dedicate to the mynd itfelfe. The mind is the man an[d knowledg mind, 
 a man isbutwhatheknoweth. The minde it felf is but an acc[ident to know- 
 ledge, ffor knowledge is a double of y* w""** is. The truth of bei[ng and y*" truth 
 ofkhowing is allone: Are the pleafuresof theaffeccbnsgreat[ertheny*^pleafures 
 of the fences, and are not the pleafures of the intelle^ gre[ater then the 
 pleafures of the affeccons ? Js not that onelie a true and na[tural plea- 
 fure whereof there is no facietie? Js not that knowledg alone [that doth clear 
 the mind of all perturbacons ? How many thingf be there w*^^ we [imagin 
 
 they 
 
 arc not? how many thingf do we cjleeme and valewmore then ^ a [re. Thefe 
 vaine imaginations,thefe ill proportioned ejlimations, thefe bethe[clowdes of 
 error, that tourne into the jlormes of perturbacons. Js there then [any fuch 
 happines as for a mans minde to be raifed aboue the confujion [of things, 
 where he may haue a refpe^l of the order of nature and the er[ror of men? 
 Js therebutaveiw onelie of delight and not of difcouerie? of c[ontentm*,and 
 not of benifitt ? jhall we not difcerne afwell the riches of natures wa[rehouJe 
 as the beautie of her jhopp? Is truth barren ? jhall we not therby [be able to 
 produce worthy effedf and to endow the life of man w**^ inflnit[e com- 
 modities ? But Jhall J make this garland to be put vpon a wrong [head ? 
 Would any man beleeue me ifj jhould verifie this vpon the [knowledge that 
 is now in vfe ? are we' the richer by one poore invention by [reafon of all 
 the learning that hath ben this many hundred yeares ? The in[dujlrie of 
 artificers maketh fome fmale improumentf of things invent[ed, and chance 
 fometimes in experimenting makes vs jlumblevponfomew*th[atisnew. But 
 all the] difputations of the learned neuer brought to lyg[ht one effe^l of nature 
 before] unknowen. When thingf are knowen and found [out, then they can 
 defcant upon them : they can knitt them into certain caufes : they can reduce 
 them to their principles. I fanyinjlanceofexperiencejland againjl them, they 
 can range it in order by fome dijlin^ions. But all this is but a web of the 
 wit : it can worke nothing. I do not dowbt but that common notions 
 which we call reafon, and the knitting of them together which we call] 
 
 13 
 
ss 
 
 ,1VV-rteqa-,iT' 
 
 Logique or the arte of reajon, may haue vfe in popular Jludies, but they 
 rather cajl objcuritie then giue light to the contemplacon of nature. All 
 the Philojbphie of nature w*^^ is now receaued is eyther the Philojbphie 
 of the Gretians or that other of the Alchimijlf . That of the Grecians 
 hath the foundation in wordf , in ojlentation, in confutacon, in jedes, in 
 Auditories, in fchooles, in dijputacons. The Gretians are, as one of them 
 faiithf you Gretians euer children. They knew little antiquitie. They knew 
 (except fables) not much aboue 500 yeares before themjelues. They knew 
 but a fmale porcon of the world. That of the Alchimijlf hath the foun- 
 dation in impojlure, in auriculer tradicons, and objcuritie. Jt was 
 catching holde of religion, but the bejl principle of it is populus vult 
 decipi : Jo as I knowe no great difference betweene theije great Philo- 
 jbphers, but that the one is a loude crieng follie, the other a whijpering 
 folly : the one is gathered out of a few vulgar objeruacims, and the other 
 out of a few experim** of the furnace : the one neuer faileth to multiplie 
 words and the other ofte faileth to multiplie gold. Who would not Jmile at 
 Arijlotle, when he admireth y® eternitie and inuariablenes of the heaves, 
 as if there were not the like in the bowells of the earth. They be the 
 confines and borders of theije 2 great kingdomes, where the continewall 
 alteracbns and incurjions are. The Juperficies and vpper part of y^ earth 
 is full of varietie, the Jupficies and lower parte of the heauens w*^** we 
 call the middle region of the ayre is full of varieties. There is much 
 Jpiritt in the one place w*^** cannot be brought into majje, there is much 
 majjie bodie in the other place w*^*^ cannot be refinde into fpiritt : the como 
 ayre is as the wajl ground betweene the borders. Who would not 
 Jmile at the AJlronomers, J meane not theije new car men w*^** driue 
 the earth about, but the auncient AJlronomers, y* faine the moone to be y* 
 Jwiftejl of the planetf in mocon, and y^ rejl in order, the hier the [Jlower, 
 and Jo are compelled to imagine a dooble mocon, whereas how euiden[t is it y* 
 yt w*^'' they call a contrarie mocon is but an abatement of moc[on. The 
 fixed Jlarres ouergoe Saturne and Saturne leaueth behind him J[upiter, and 
 jb in them and the rejl all is but one mocon,and the nearer the [earth y^ Jlower. 
 A mocon aljb whereof the aire andthe water do participate t[hough much inter- 
 rupted. But whie do J in a conference of pleajure enter [into theje great matters 
 in fort that pretending to knowe much J Jhould know [not Jeajbn? Pardon 
 me, it was becaufe almojl all thingf maybe indued [and adorned w'^'Jpeaches, 
 but] knowledge it felf is more beautifull the[n any apparel of wordes y* can 
 beputtupponit. And lett me notfeeme arrogant w%wtrefpe6! to theJe great 
 reputed authors. Lett me Joe giue evcrie man his due, as I giue time his 
 due, which is to difcouer truth. Manie of theJe men had greater wittes, farre 
 aboue mine owne, and foe are manie in the Univerfities of Europe at this day.] 
 
 But alas they learne nothing there but to bcleeue. ffirft [to beleevc 
 that others know that w*^'' they knowe not ; and after [themfelvcs know y* 
 w*^'' they knowe not. But indeede facilitie tobeleeue, impat[i€nce to doubt, 
 timeritie to ajjeuer, glorie to knowe, doubte to contradid, en[d to gain, Jloth 
 to fearch, feeking thingf in wordes, rejling in a part of natur[e, thefe and 
 the like haue ben in thing(* w*^*' haue forbidden the happie ma[tch between y* 
 minde of man and the nature of thingf,and in place therof ha[uc married it 
 to vaine nocions and blynde experim**. And what the pojleritie [and ijfue of 
 fo honorable a match maybe it is not hardetoconjider. Printing, [a grofs inven- 
 tion; Artillerie, a thing not farr out of the way; the needle, [a thing partly 
 knowne before : w* a chaunge haue thefe 3 made in the world [in thefe times, 
 the one in the Jlate of learning, the other in the Jlate of the [warre, the 
 thirde in the Jlate of treafure commodities and nauigation. [And thefe were 
 as I fay but Jlumbled vpon and lighted on by chaunce. Therfor [no doubt 
 the foueraingtye of man lieth hid in knowledge, wherin many [things are 
 referued w*^' king^ w**" their treafure cannot buy, nor w*** th[eir force 
 commaund : their fpies and ihtelligencies can giue no newes of [them: their 
 feamen and difcouerers cannot faile where they grow. Now [we governc 
 nature in opinions but are thrall to her in necejjities. but if [we would be 
 led by her inuention we Jhould command her in accon. 
 
 A : This fpeache defer ueth to be vnderjiood, B : now S^ you [that firji 
 made this mocion : I wijhe you no greater reuenge^ hut th\at one of 
 *us 3 had intercepted your choife, A : that were fmale r\euenge ; 
 for then I would be filent, B : that were againft your owne [comaund, 
 but I fhould fmile to fee you put to goe ouer the fame ma[tter. 
 
 The praife of his foueraigne. 
 No praife of magnamitie nor of loue nor of knowledg can in[tercept her 
 praife y* planteth and norrijheth magnanimitie by her exam [pie, love by her 
 perfon, and knowledge by the peace and ferenitie of her tim[es. And if thefe 
 rich peeces be ^q faire vnfett, w* are they fett ? and fett in [all perfeccon ? 
 Magnanimitie no doubte conjijlf in contempt of perrill, [in contempt of 
 profit,] and in merriting the times wherin weliue. [For contempt of perrill,fee 
 a Ladie,] that cometh to the crowne [after the experience of fome adverfe 
 fortune, which for the mojl part extenuateth the minde and maketh it appre- 
 henfiue of feares. No foonerfhe taketh the fcepter into her facred handes, 
 but Jhe putteth on a refolution to make the greatejl, the mojl important,] 
 
 15 
 
the mojldaungcrousaltcraconthat canbcinajlatc,thealtcrac6n of religion: 
 thisJhedoth,notafter afoueraingtie ejlabiijlit& continewed by fundrieycares, 
 when cujlome might haue bred in her people a moreabfolute obedience,when 
 triall of her feruantf might haue made her more ajjured whom to employ, 
 when the reputacon of her pollicie and vertue might haue made her gouerm* 
 more redoubted ; but at the verie entrance of her raigne, when Jhe was 
 grene in authoritie, her jeruants fcant knowen vnto her, the adverje part 
 not weakened, her owne part not confirmed : neyther doth jhe reduce or 
 revnite her realme to the religion of the Jlates about her, that the euill in- 
 clinacon of the Jubieft might be countervailed by the good correjpondence in 
 forraigne partf : but contrariwije Jhe introduceth a religion exterminated 
 and perjecuted both at home and abroade. Her pceedingf herein is not by 
 degrees and by Jlealth, but abfolute and at once. Was Jhe encorraged ther- 
 to by thejlrengthjhe found in leagues and alliances w**' great perjbns & potent 
 confederates? no, but Jhe found her realme in warres w^** her neerejl 
 and mightiejl neighbors : Jhe Jloode Jingle and alone, in league onelie w^'' 
 one, that after her people had made his warres, lefte her to make her 
 owne peace ; one that could neuer by any Jbllicitacon be moued to renew 
 the treaties, and one that Jince hath Receded from doubtfuU termes of 
 amitie to the hiejl adf of hojlilitie. Yet notw^^landing all this, 
 the oppojition Jo great, the Jupport Jo weake, the Jeajbn Jo v proper, yet 
 I fay becaufe it was a religion wherin Jhe was nourijhed and brought 
 vp, a religion that freed her fubiedf from pretence of forraigne powers, 
 and indeed the true religion, Jhee brought to pajje this great worke 
 ^th juccejje aun/wereablee to fo noble a refolution. See againe a Q[ueene 
 that whena deepe and Jecreat conJ*piracie was plotted againjl her Jac[red pfon, 
 pra6!ized by fubtile injlrum*% embraced by violent and defperate [humors, 
 bound and Jlrengthed by vowes and Jarcam*% and the fame was [revealed 
 vnto her, and yet the nature of the affaires required fur[ther ripening 
 before the apphenfion of any of the pties, was content [to put b^rfelfe 
 in iguarde of the divine pvidence and her owne prudence, [to have fome 
 of the confpirato*^* in her eye, to fuffer them to ap[proach to her pfon, to 
 take a peticon of y*^ hand y* was coniured for her d[eath ; and thatw^^'f uch 
 ma*'® of countenance, fuch mildnes and ferenitie [of gejlure, fuch art and 
 impjrejpon of wordes, as had ben fuffici[ent to have reprejlj and 
 bound the hand of a confpirator if he had not been difcouercd. Lajlly 
 fee a Queene that when her realme was to haue been invaded by an 
 armie, the preparation whereof was like the travel of an Elephant,] 
 i6 
 
 the prouijions infinite, the fetting forth wherof was the [terror and wonder 
 of Europe ; it was not feene that her cheare, her faJh[on, her ordinary 
 manner, was anie thing altered : not a cloude of that f[torme did appeare 
 
 in that countenaunce 
 
 ^^ wherein peace doth euer Jhine. but w*'* excellent ajf[urance and advifed 
 fecuritiejheinfpird her counfell, animated her nobilitie,re[doubledy*^ courage 
 of her people ; Jlill having this noble app^henfion not onelie [that Jhe would 
 communicate her fortune w*'' them, but y* it was Jhe that [w*^ proted them, 
 and not they her ; w*''' Jhe tejlified w"' no lejje demonJlrati[on then her 
 p^fence in campe. Therfor that magnanimitie that neith[er feareth 
 greatnes of alteracon, nor the vowes of confpirato*^* nor th[e power of 
 enemies, is more then heroicall. For contempt of pfitt, [confider her 
 offers, confider her purchafes. She hath raigned in a [mojl populous 
 and welthie peace, her people greatelie multiplied, welth[ily appointed, 
 and fingularlie denoted. She wanted not the examples of [the power of 
 her armies in the memorable voyages and inuajions profperfoujly made 
 and atchieued, by fundrie her noble progenito". She hath [not wanted 
 ptences as well of claime and right, as of quarrell and reu[enge. She 
 hath raigned during the minorities of fome of her neighbo*^ [princes, and 
 during the faccons & divifions of their people vpon deepe and [irreconcile- 
 able quarrells, and during the embracing greatnes of fome on[e that hath 
 made himfelf as weake thorough to much burthen, as others [are through 
 decaie ofjlrength. And yettfee her Jltting w*^'in the compaf [fe of her fands. 
 Scotland that doth in a manner ecclipfe her IJland, the vnited [provinces of 
 the lowe Countries, w*^** for fcite, wealth, coinoditie of traffiq[ue, affedion 
 to our nacion, were mojl meete to be annexed to this Crowne, [Jhe left the 
 poJjTeJJionof theoneandrefufedthefoveraingtieofthe other. [So that notwith- 
 Jlanding y® greatnes of her meanes, the iujlice of her prete[nces, and the 
 rarenes of opportunities, Jhe hath continewed her firjl [mynde : Jhe hath 
 made the pojjcjjions Jhe receyuedthe limittf of her dominion, [and the world 
 the limittf of her name, by a peace that hath Jlained all [vidories. For 
 her meritt, who doth not acknowledge that Jhe hath ben as a [Jlar of mojl 
 fortunate influence vpon the adge wheron Jhe hath Jhine [d ? Jhall we 
 fpeake] of merritts of clemencie or merrits of benefic[ence ? Where Jhall 
 a man take] the mojl proper and naturall [tryal of her royal clemencie ? 
 Will it bejl appeare in the injuries that were done unto her before Jhe 
 attayned the crowne? or after Jhe is feated in her throne, or that 
 the commonwealth is incorporated in her perfon, then clemencie] 
 
 G 17 
 
I""""^ 
 
 earn 
 
 \.^ 'm iiiiVM 
 
 is drawcn in quejlion as a daungerous incounter betwecne lujlicc & poUicie. 
 And thcrfor who did eucr note than Jhc did rcjccnt after Jhe was cjlablijhcd 
 in her kingdome of the wrongf done in her former Jlate? Who doth not re- 
 member how jhe reuenged the rudenesand rigor of her Jailer by a worde? 
 and that not bitter but fake, and Juch as /hewed rather the excellencie of her 
 wit, then any imprejjion of the wrong. Yea and farther, is it not too mani- 
 fest, that Jince her raigne, notw*''Jlanding that principle that princes Jhould 
 not negle6i the commonwealth es wronges included in themfelues^ yett when it is 
 quejlion of drawing the fworde, there is euer a conflid betweene the iujliceof 
 her place, ioyned w^'' the necejjitie of her ejlate, and her owne royall clemecie, 
 w^** as a jbueraigne and precious balme continuallie dijlilleth from her fairc 
 handes, and falleth into the woundes of manie that haue incurred the offence 
 of her lawes. Now for her beneficence, what kinde of perjbns haue euer 
 breathed during her mojl happie raigne, but haue had the benifite of her 
 vertues conveyed vnto them ? Take a veiwe and conjlder whether they haue 
 not extended toJubieftes,toneighbors,to remote jlraungers,yea to her greatejl 
 enemies. For her jubie6!es, where Jhall we beginne in juch a maze of be- 
 niRtes as prejcnteth it jelfe to our remembrance ? Shall we j*peake of the 
 purging away thedrojje ofrcligion,theheauenlie treafure ? or that of monies, 
 the earthlie treajure? the greater was touched before and the latter dejerueth 
 not to be forgotten. For whoknoweth not, thatknoweth anie thing in matters 
 of ejlate, of the greate abjurdities and fraudes that arife of the deuorjing y* 
 legall ejlimacon of monie from the generall, and (as I may tcrmeit) naturall 
 ejlimacon of the mettalls, and againe of the incertaine and wavering valewes 
 of coines,a verie laborinth ofcoojcnagesandabujes,and yett juchas great[e 
 princes haue made their proffitt of towardes theirowne people. Pajjfe [on from 
 the myne to the revenewes and receiptes, there jhall you fynd no[rayjing 
 of rentes, notw^*'jlanding the alteracon of prizes and the vfage of the [times, 
 but the ouervalewe,bejides a reajbnable fine, lefte for the releef [of tenants 
 and rewarde of feruantes. No raijing of cujlomes notw'*'jland[ing hercon- 
 tinuall charges of jetting to fea. No extremities taken of for[feiture and 
 penall lawes, a meanes vjed by jbme kings for the ga[thering of great 
 trcajures. A few forfeitures indeede, not taken [to her owne purje 
 but fett ouer to fome others for triall onelie whether [gaine could bring 
 theje lawes to be well executed, w*'*' the minijlers [of jujlice did negled?. 
 But] after it was founde that onelie com[pajJions were ujed, and the law 
 nev*^ the nerer the execution, the cour/e was jlraight jupprejjed and dijcon- 
 tynewed. Yea there have been made laws more than one in her time for the 
 rejlrainte of the vexation of informers and promoters: naye, a courjc 
 i8 
 
 taken by her own diref?ion for the repealing of all heavie and jhared laws, if 
 it had not bene crojfed by thoje to whom the benefit jhould have redounded. Ther 
 jhall you findc, no new taxes, impojitions nor devyces ; but the benevolence of 
 the jubje^ freely ofFred by ajfent of Parliament according to the ancient rates, 
 and with great moderation in ajjejfement ; and not Jo only, but Jbme new formes 
 of contribution offred likewife by the fubjefl in Parliament ; and the demonjlration 
 of their devotion only excepted, but the thing never put in ure. Ther jhall you 
 finde loanes, but honourablie anjwered and payd as it were the contrade of 
 a private man. To, conclude, there jhall you find moneys levied upon Jales 
 of lands, alienations (though not of the ancient patrimonie) yet of the rich and 
 commodious purchajes and perquijites of the Crowne only becauje jhe will not 
 be gTevous and burthenjbme to the people. This treajure, joe innocently levyed, 
 ^0 honorablye gathered and rayfed, with juch tendernes to the jubjed, wi'^'out any 
 bajenes or drynes at all ; how hath it bene expended andimploycd ? Wher be 
 the wajleful buildings, and the exorbitant and prodigal donatives, the jumptuous 
 dijjipations in pleafuresand vaine ojlentations, which we finde have exhaujled the 
 coffers of jb many Kings ? It is the honour of her houje, the royal remunerating 
 of her jervants, the prejervation of her people and jlate, the protedion of her 
 juppliants and allies, the encounter, breaking and defeating the enemyes of her 
 realme, that hath bene the only pores and pipes whereby the treajure hath yjjued. 
 Hath it bene the jinewes of a blejfed and prosperous peace ? hath jhe bought 
 her peace ? hath jhe lent the King of Spain money upon jbme cavillation not to 
 be repeated ? and joe bought his favour ? and hath jhee given large penjions to 
 corrupt his Counjel ? Noe, but jhee hath ujed the mojl honorable divertion of 
 trobles that canne be in the world. Shee hath kept the fyer from her own 
 walles by feeking to quench it in her neighbors. That poor brand of the jlatc 
 of Burgundy, and that other of the crowne of France that rcmayneth, had bene 
 in ajhes but for the readie fountaine of her continewall benignitie. For the honor 
 of her houfe, it is well known that almojl the univerfal manners of the times 
 doth incline to a certaine parjimonie and drines in that kinde of ex pence : yet 
 jhee retayneth the auncient magnificence, the allowance as full, the charge 
 greater than in time of her father, or anie king before. The bookes appeare, 
 the computation will not flatter. And for the remunerating and rewarding of 
 her jervants and the attendance of the Court, let a man cajl and fome up 
 all the bookes of giftes, fee farmes, leajcs and cujlodies that have pajfed her 
 bountiful hands. Let him conjlder again what a number of commodious and 
 gaineful offices heretofore bejlowed upon men of other education and profejjion 
 have bene withdrawen and conferred upon her Courte. Let him remember what 
 a number of other giftes, dijguifed by other names but in effe^ as good as monie 
 given out of her cofers, have bene granted by her : and he will conclude that 
 her royall minde is farre above her meanes. The other benefits of her politick, 
 
 19 
 
clement, and gratious government towards the jubjedsare without number; thejlate 
 of jujlicc good, notwithjlanding the great jubtiltie and humorous afFedions of 
 thejc times ; the fecuritie of peace greater than can be described by that verfe, 
 
 Tutus bos etenim rura perambulat : 
 Nutrit rura Ceres almoque faujlitas : 
 or that other 
 
 Condi t qui/que diem colli bus in fuis. 
 The opulencye of the peace Juch as if you have rejpeft (to take one Jigne 
 for manie) to the number of faire houjes that have bene built jince her 
 raigne, as Augujius /aid that he had receyved the city of brick and 
 lefte it of marble, jb jhee maye Jaye jhee receyved it a realme of cottages 
 and hath made it a realme of palaces : the Jlatc of traffique great and rich : 
 the cujlomes, notwithjlanding theje warres and interruptions, not fallen : 
 manie profitable trades, manie honorable dijcoveries : and lajlly, to make an 
 end where no end is, the jhipping of this realme Joe advanced and made foe 
 mighty and potent, as this Hand is become (as the natural Jcite thereof dejerved) 
 the ladie of the fea ; a point of foe high conjcquence, as it may be truly faid 
 that the commaundement of the fea is an abridgement or a quintejfence of an 
 univerfal monarchy. This and much more hath Jhee merited of her fubjeds : 
 now to fet forth the merit of her neyghbors and the Jlates about her. It femeth 
 the tymes have made themfclves purveyors of continual newe and noble occafions 
 for her to Jhewe them benignitie, and that the fyers of trebles abrode have 
 bene ordayned to [bej as lights and tapers to make her vertew and magnanimitie 
 more apparant. For when that one, Jlranger borne, the familie of Guife, being 
 as a hajlie weed fprung up in a night, had fpred itfelf to a greatnes not civil 
 but feditious ; a greatnes, not of encounter of the auncyent nobilitie, not of 
 preheminencie in the favor of kings, and not remijfe of affayres from kings ; but 
 a greatnes of innovation in Jlate, of ufurpations of audhoritye, of affeding of 
 crownes ; and that accordingly under color of confanguinitie and religion they 
 had brought French forces into Scotland, in the abfence of their King and Queen 
 being within their ufurped tutell : and that the auncient nobilitie of this realme, 
 feeing the imminent danger of reducing that kingdom under the tyranny of 
 foreinors and their fadion, had according to the good intelligence betwixt the 
 two crownes prayed her neyghbourly fuccours : Jhee undertooke the adion, 
 expelled the Jlrangers, rejlored the nobilitie to their degree ; and lejle anie man 
 Jhould think her intent was to unnejlle ill neyghbors, and not to ayde good 
 neyghbors, or that Jhee was readyer to rejlore what was invaded by others 
 then to render what was in her owne hands : fee if the tyme provided 
 not a newe occafion afterwards, when through their owne devifions (without 
 the intermife of Jlrangers) her forces were again fought and required ; 
 Jhee forfooke them not, prevailed fo far as to be pojjejfed of the cajlell of 
 Edenborough, the principall Jlrength of that kingdome, w^*' place 
 incontinently, without cundations or cavillations (the preambles of a wavering 
 fayth) Jhe rendered with all honour and finceritic ; and his pcrfon to fafe and] 
 20 
 
 faithfull handes; and fo euer after during his minoritie con[tinewed his princi- 
 pall guardian and protedor. In the times betweene theefe [two occafyons of 
 Scotland, when the fame faccon of Guife, couered Jlill w**^ a pr[etence of religion, 
 and Jlrengthened by defire of retaining goverm* in the mothe[r Queene of 
 Fraunce, had raifed and moued ciuell warres in y^ kingdome, [only to extir- 
 -pate the auncient nobilitie by Jhocquing them one againjl ano[ther, and to wajle 
 y^ Realme as the candle that is lighted at both endes, and that [thofe of y* Reli- 
 gion, being neare of the bloude royall and otherwife of the gre[atejl howfe 
 in Fraunce, and great officers of the Crowne, oppofed the[mfelves only 
 againjl their infolencie, and to their fupport called in their [aides, giving 
 vnto them nzvj-Hauen for a place of fecuritie, fee w^*^ w* [alacritye, in 
 
 y* fortune of 
 
 tender regard towardes ^ that young king, whofe name was v[fed to y* fupplan- 
 -ting of his owne Jlrength, Jhe embraced the enterprize, [by the fupport and 
 reputacon whereof the fame ptie fuddenlie made great |)ceed[ings and in 
 conclufion made their peace as they would themfelues. An[d although 
 they ioyned themfelues againjl and pfourmed y^ parts rather of [good patriots 
 then of good confederates, and that after great demonjlration [of valour in 
 her fubieds (as the French to this dale will reporte), efpecia[lly by 
 y^ great mortalitie, and by the hand of god, and the rather bec[aufe it 
 is knowen Jhe did neuer much affedl the holding of that towne [to her 
 owne vfe, it was lefte & her forces w^*'drawen, yett that did [nothing 
 diminijhe the merritt of y* crowne, and namelie of that ptie, [who recovered 
 by it fuch Jlrength, as by y* and no other thing they fubjijled [long after. 
 And leajl any man Jhould fmejlerlie and malicioujlie enterp[ret that Jhe 
 did nourijh thefe diuifions, who knoweth not w* faithfull advice, [continual 
 and earnejl follicitacon Jhe vfed by her Embajfado" and minijler[s to y* French 
 kf fuccejjiuelie, and to their mother, to moue them to keepe the[ir edidls 
 of Pacificacon and to retaine their owne audhoritie and gre[atnes by 
 the vnion of their fubje^f : w^*" councell (if it had been as h[appily 
 followed as it was prudentlie and Jincerelie given,) Fr[aunce had bene 
 at this day a mojl florijhing kingdome, w^'' is now a theat[er of miferye. 
 And now at lajl when the fame houfe of Guife, being one of [the whippes 
 of god (whereof themfelues are but y* cordes and Spaine y^ [Jlocke) had by 
 their infinite afpiring pradifes wrought y* miracle of Jl[ates, to make a 
 king in pojjejjion long ejlablijhed to play againe for his [crowne, without 
 any] title of a competitor, w*''out any maine inuafion [of a foreine enemye, 
 yea] w^'^out any combinacon in fubjlaunce of any bloud [royall or nobilitie, 
 but onelie by f]urring in audacious perfons in[to fondry government, and 
 by making the populare of townes drunke with feditious preachers ; and 
 that King Henry the third, awaked by thofe prejfing dangers, was compelled 
 to execute the Duke of Guife without ceremony, and yet neverthelefs found 
 the dcfpayre of foe manie perfons embarked and engaged in that confpiracye] 
 
 21 
 
fo violent, as the fflame therby was little ajfwadged, fo as he was inforced 
 to implore her aydes and Juccors, conjider how benigne eare k correjpon- 
 -dence Jhe gaue to the dijlrejfed requejlf of y* king : and he Jbone after 
 being by the facrilegious hand of a wretched Jacobine lifted vp againjl 
 the facred perfon of his naturall jbueraigne taken away (wheerin not 
 the criminous death of Guife but the innocent bloude w"^^ he had often 
 jpilt by the injligaeon of him and his howfc was revenged,) and y* this wor- 
 -thie genf who now raigneth came to the crowne, it will not be for- 
 -gotten by Jo gratefull a king nor by fo obferving an adge, how readie, 
 how opportune and jeafonable, how royall and Jufficient her fuccorf 
 were, wherby jhe inlarged him at that time and pferued him to his better 
 fortune. And euer Jince in theje tedious warres wherin he hath to doe w**' 
 a Hidra or monjler w^'' manie heades, Jhe hath fupported him w**^ trea- 
 fure w"' treafure, w*^ forces, and w**" imploym* of one whom Jhe favoreth 
 mojl. What Jhall J Jpeake of the offering Don Ant : to his fortune, a 
 denoted Catholique onelie commended vnto her by his opprejjed State ? What 
 jhould J fpeake of the great Jlorme of a mightie inuafion, not in p^para- 
 -con but in afie by the Turke vppon the king of Poleland, latelie dijjlpated 
 onelie by the handf of her reputacon w*'** w^*" the grand Seignior is greater 
 then that of all the States of Europe put together. But lett mc 
 rejl vpon the honorable and continuall ayde and releifc Jhe hath given 
 to the dijlrejfed and defolate people of the lowe countries, a people com- 
 -mended vnto her by auncient confederacie and dailie entercourfe, by their 
 caufe fo innocent and their fortune fo lamentable. And yett notw^^'Jlanding, 
 to kcepe the conformitie of her owne ^iceedingf neuer Jlained w^*^ the leajl 
 noate of ambition or malice, fhe refufed the foveraingtie of diuers goodlie |3- 
 vinces, offred vnto her w**" great injlance, to haue ben accepted w*'» grea[te 
 contentm* both of her owne people and theirs, and lujllie to be deriu[ed ei- 
 ther in refped of the hojlilitie of Spaine, or in refpede of the cond[ic6ns 
 liberties and privilcdgcs of thefe fubie^s, and w**^ one chardge daung[er & offence 
 to the king of Spaine and his ptizans : jhe hath taken vpon her one[lie their 
 defence and proteccon, w^^^out any further auaile or |}fhtt vnto he[rfelf then 
 the honor and merritt of her benignitie : a people that haue ben [pfued by 
 
 he hath 
 
 their naturall king onelie by pajfion and wrath in fort that ^ [according to y* 
 proverbe {aratro iaculari) confumed his meanes vpon re[venge. And (having 
 to verifie that w*^*' J haue faid, y* her merrittf haue [extended to her grea- 
 tejl enemies) lett it be remcmbrcd w* hath pajjed [in y* matter betweene 
 the king of Spaine and her. Firjl how in the [beginning of y« trobles there jhe 
 gaiie and imparted to him faithfull and [friendly advice touching y^ courfc 
 that was to be taken for the quiet[ing and appeafmg of them. Then 
 jhcc interpofed her felfe to mojl jujl and reafonable capitulations, 
 wherein alwayes jhould have bene preferved unto him as ample in- 
 -terejl jurifdidion and fuperioritie in thofe countries as he in right could 
 claime, or a Prince well minded would feck to have, and (w*' is the greatejl point)] 
 22 
 
 jhe did by her advice, creditt, and pollicie, and all good meane[s inPrupt k 
 impeache that the fame people by defpaire jhould not vtt[erly alien and 
 dijlra^ie themfelues from the obedience of the king of Sp ; a[nd cajl them 
 felues into the armes of a jlraunger, infomuch as it is mojl [true that jhe 
 did euer dijfuade the Duke of Anion from that accon notw^''[jlanding the 
 affeccon jhe [bare y^] faid Duke and the objlinacie w'^h jhefawedailie [growing iny* 
 king oi Sp : Lajllie to touch the mightie and generall merrit [of this Queene, 
 beare in mynde that her benignitie hath ben as large [as the opprejfi- 
 on and ambition of the Sp : For to beginne w^'' the Church of [Rome, y* ptended 
 Apojlolickefea is become but a donative cell of the kyng of [Spayne : the vicar of 
 Chrijl is become the king of Sp» chapleyne : he pteth the com[ing in of the 
 new pope for the treafure of the olde. He was wont to exclude [but fome 2 or 3 
 cardinalls, and to leaue the eleccon free of the rejl. But now h[e doth include 
 and prefent diredlie fome fmale nomber, all incapable and inc[ompatible 
 w^'^ the Conclaue^ put in onelie for culler, except one or two[. Tlie jlates of 
 Italic, they be like little quillettf of freehold^ lieing interrupte w[ithin 
 a great Lordjhipp. ffraunce is turned vpfide downe, the fub[jccl againjl 
 the king, cutt and mangled infinitelie : a countrey of Rodam[onts k Roytelets, 
 ffarmers of the warres. Portugall vfurped by no other [title then 
 jlrength and vicinitie. The lowe countries warrd vpon, becaufe [he feeketh, 
 not to pojfejfe them (for they were pojfejfed by him before) but to p[lant there 
 an abfolute and martiall goverm* to fupprejfe their liberties[: the like at 
 this day attempted vpon Arragon ; the poore Jndies, wheras [y« chrijlian 
 religion generallie brought infranchifem*' of Jlaues where it [came, in a 
 contrarie courfe are brought from free men to be Jlaues and [Jlaves of 
 mojl miferable condicon. The fundric pradifes and tirannies [of this King's 
 ambition in Germanic, Denmarke, Scotlande, the eajl town[es, are not 
 vnknowen. Then it is her goverm* and her gverm* alone that hath [bene y« 
 fconfe and forte of all Europe, w^"^ hath lett this proud nat[ion 
 from oftcoming all. If any jlate be yett free from his faccons [ereded in y« 
 bowells thereof, if there be any Jlate where this faccon is er[e6led, y* is not yet 
 fired w*** ciuell troubles, if there be anie jlate vnder his prote[dion upon 
 whom he vfurpeth not, if there be anie jlate fubied to him th[at enjoyeth 
 moderate libertie vppon whom he tirannizeth not, lett them [all knowe it 
 to be the merritt of this renowned Queene, that jlandes b[etweene them 
 and their dif fortunes. Theife be fome of the beames of her [noble and radiant 
 magnanimitie, in contempt of perrill w'^'' fo many flie, in c[ontempt 
 of projfitt w^*' fo manie admire, and in merritt of the [worlde w'' foe manie 
 include in] themfelues, fett forth in my fimplicitie [of fpeech w*** much 
 lofs of lujlre, but] w*'' neare approach of truth ; as [the funne is feene in the 
 water. Now to pajfe to the excellences of her perfon ; the viewe of them wholly 
 and not feverallie doe make foe fweete a wonder as I feare to diuidc them 
 againc : nobilitic extraded out of the royall and vidorious lyne of the kings 
 of England ; yea both rofes white and red do as well florijhe in her nobilitie as in] 
 
 . 23 
 
her beautie : a health fuch as is like Jhe Jhould haue, that was brought forth 
 bctwcene two of the goodliejl princes of the world, in jlrength of their yeares, 
 in heate of their loue ; y' hath not ben iniured neyther w- an ouer hberall nor 
 an ouer curious diett ; that hath not ben foftened by an vmbrat.U l.fe jl.U vnder 
 the rooffe, but jlrengthened by vfe of the pure and open aire, that J^.ll reta.neth 
 flower and vigor of youth, ffor the beautie and manie graces of her jJfence 
 what cullors are fine enough for fuch a portraiture ? Lett no light Poett be 
 vfed for fuch a dejcription, but the chajlejl and the royallejl. 
 
 of her gate 
 et vera incejfu patuit dea 
 
 of her voice 
 nee vox hominem fonat 
 
 of her eye 
 ei lietos oculis afflarat honores 
 
 of her couler 
 Indu fanguineo veluti violauerit oJiro,fiquis Ebur 
 
 of her neckc 
 It rofea ceru'tce refulfit 
 
 of her brcajlf 
 vejie finus coUeBa fluenUs 
 
 of her haire 
 ambrofiaq coma diuinu vertue odorem fpirauere 
 If this be Sfumption lett him beare the blame that oweth y« yerfes. w« Jhall J 
 fpeake of her rare qualities of complem'S wc- as they be excellent m y' thmgf 
 themfelues fo they haue alwaies bejldes fomew' of a Queene ; and as Queenes 
 vfejiadowLand vailes w- their rich apparell.Jb methmkf in all her qualht.es 
 there is fomew' that flieth from ojlentation and yett inviteth the mmde to con^ 
 -template the more. W Jhould J fpeake of her excellent gu.fte of fpeach [bea 
 -ing'a caraaer of the greatenes of her conceipte, the he ght of her degre . 
 and the fweetnes of her nature ? W life, w« grace, w< edge .s there [., 
 theife wordes and glaunces wherw* at pleafure Jhe can g.ue a [ma. 
 longe to thinke ? be it y' Jhee meane to daunt him, to encorrage h.m [or to a 
 maze him. How admirable is her dijcourfe, whether it be .n lea rn.ng, Aate 
 or loue. Wvarietie of knowledge? w' rarenes of conceypt? [what cho.c 
 of wordf ? w' grace of vtterance? Doth it not appeare, th[at though her 
 Witt be as the adamant of excellencies w^- draweth out of a[nie book aunc.er 
 or new. out of any writing or fpeach the bejl. yett [Jhee refineth . 
 (he enricheth it farr aboue y' valewe wherein it wa[s rece.ved. And 
 her fpeach onelie y' language w- the child [learneth w"- pleafure, and n. 
 that wc- the Jludious learne w"- indujlrie? [Hath Jhee "ot attayned b 
 r.de1 her rare eloquence in her owne lan[guage, ini^nitely pohjhed f.nce he. 
 happy times, changes of] other [languages both learned and moderne : fo that J.e 
 is able to negotiate w'" divers ambajfadors in their owne languages, and tha 
 w'^no[rmall]difadvantage untothem: who I thinke cannot but have a greatpart of] 
 
 24 
 
 their witts dijlraded from their matters in hand to the contem[plation & admi- 
 -rationof Juch perfeccons. W'JhouldJ wanderontofpeakeof y«ex[cellenciesof her 
 nature w"^*- cannot endure to be looked on w* a difcontented eye ? [of y' conjlancy 
 of her favo" W" maketh her Jeruicc as a iorney by land, wh[eras y' fervice 
 of other Princes is like an imbarcquing by fea. As for her roya[l wifdom and 
 pollicie, he that Jhall note the prudent temper Jhe vfeth in ad[mitting accejfe, of 
 the onejlde maintayningthe ma««of her degree, and on theother Ji[de notpjudicing 
 hcrfelf by looking intoherejlate thorough too few windowes : her[exquijitejudgm' 
 in choofing and finding good J^eruantf (a pointe wherin her father [excelled) : her 
 poUitiqueJkiU in making and trayning goodferuantf (a point bc[yondy' former): 
 a profound difcretion in ajfigning and appropriating everie of them [to their aptejl 
 imploym' : her penetrating Jight in difcoueringe euerie mans endf [& drifts : her 
 wonderfuU art in keeping her fervantf in Jatisfaccon and yett in [appetite : her 
 intentiue witt in contriving plottf and oiftournes : her exaB ca[ution in cen- 
 -furing the propof.cSns of others : her Jecreade : her forjeeing [events, her 
 vjing occajions : he that Jhall confider of thefe and other thing[s y' may 
 not well be touched, as he Jhall neuer ceaje to wonder at fuch a [Queene, ^oii 
 he Jhall wonder the leife y« in fo daungerous times, when wittf [are Joe cun- 
 ning, humo" Jo extrauagant, pajpons Jo violent, corrupcons fo [great, diji- 
 mulacons fo deepe, faccons fo many, Jhe hath notw^-Jlanding d[one fuch great 
 things & raigned in fuch felicitie. For to fpeake of her fortune, [let no man 
 obieS to me as a defeS in her fortune f w<=" I did referue for [a garlande 
 of her honor, and y' is that Jhe liueth a virgin and hath no [ch.ldren. 
 ffor it is that w* maketh all other vertucs & aSf more facred, more [augujt, more 
 devine. Lett them leaue children y' leaue no other memorie in the[ir times. Bru- 
 -toru aternitas foboles. Revolue in hijlories the memories of happie [men, and 
 you Jhall not fynde any of rare felicitie but eyther he died ch[ildlefs or 
 his lyne foone fpent after his death, or elfe was vnfortunate in [h.s ch.l- 
 -dren. Should a man haue children to be Jlayne by his vajrall[s, as the 
 Pojihumus of Alexander r g'^at was ? or to call them his [impojlhumes, 
 as Jugujius Ufar called his? Pervfe the catologue. Corne\lm Sylta, 
 Julius Cafar, Flauius Vefpaftan, Septimius Seuerus, Conftar,\tinui the 
 greate ; and the rule holdeth. Generate et liberl humana, ere\_are et ope- 
 ra diuina. And therfor (this obiecSon remoued) lettf 4)ceed[e to take 
 a veiw of her felicitie. A mate of ffortune Jhe neuer [tooke: onely 
 fome adverfitie Jhe pajfed at the firjl, to giue her [a quicker fenfe of 
 the cfperitie that Jhould follow, and to make her [more repofed .n the 
 di]vine evidence. Well Jhe commeth to r "owne. [It was noe fmall or- 
 -tune to] fynde at her entraiice fome fuch feruantf [and counfellors 
 as Jhee then found. The French Kinge, who at this time by reafon ot the 
 peace concluded with Spayne and of the interejl he had .n Scotland 
 mought have proved a daungerous neyghbour, by howe Jlrange an 
 accident was he taken away. The Kinge of Spayne, who if he would have 
 enclyned to reduce the Lowe Countries by lenitie,confydering the goodly revenewes] 
 
 H 25 
 
w'* he drew from thofe countries, the greate commodites to annoy her 
 Jlate from them, might haue made a mightie Sc perillous machinacon 
 againjl her repofe, putteth on a rejblucon not oneHe to vjc the meanes 
 of thofe lowe countries but to fpende and confume all his other meanes, 
 the treajures of his Jndies, and the forces of his ill compared dominions, 
 there and vpon them. The Earles y* rebelled in the North before the 
 Duke of NorfF: plotte (w*^'* indeed was the Jlrength and Jleele of y* com- 
 motion) was fullie ripe, brooke forth and preuented their time. The king 
 Sebajlian of Portugall, whom the king of Sp : would faine haue per- 
 jwaded, that it was a devouter enterprize to purge Chrijlendome then to 
 enlardge it, though jbme thinke he did artificiallie nourijh him in y* voyadg, 
 is cutt in pecccs w**" his army in Affriq. Then hath the king of Sp : wo^ke 
 cutt out to make all thingf in readdines during the olde Cardinalls 
 time for the conquejl of Portugall, whereby his dejire of inuading 
 England was Jlacked and put of jbme yeares, and by y* meanes was put 
 in cxcucon at a time for jbme rejped more to his dijadvantadg. And y* fame 
 inuafion, like as if it had ben attempted before, it had the time much more 
 proper and favorable, fo likewife had it (in true difcourfe) had a better 
 feazon afterwardf . ffor if it had ben deferred till time that the league 
 had ben better confirmed in fFr : w*^*' no doubte it would haue ben if y* 
 Duke of Guife (who was the onelie man of worth on that fide) had lined, 
 (and the ff r : K : durjl neuer haue layd handf on him had he not ben ani- 
 -mated by the Englijh vidorie againjl the Sp : p^cedent : ) and then fome 
 maritime townes had ben gotten into the handf of the league, it had ben a 
 great fuertie and Jlrength to that enterprize. The Popes to confider 
 of them, whofe courfe and pollicie it had ben, to haue temporized and [to 
 haue difpenfed w**^ y^ papijls coming to Church, that through the 
 majke of their hipocrijle, they might haue ben brought into pl[aces 
 of goverm* in State and in the countrey, they contrariwife [by the 
 injligation of fome fugitive fchollers y* advife them not w* w[as bejl 
 for the fea of Roome but w* agreed bejl w*** their owne eag[er humours 
 and defperate Jlates, difcouer and declare themfelues fo f [arre by fending 
 in of Seminaries and taking reconcilcm*, as there is ne[w feveritie of 
 lawes introduced for y* reprejjmg of that fort, and [men of that religion 
 are become y* more fufpe6l. W* Jhould J fay of [foe manie fecreate con- 
 fpivacies miraculoujlie deteded ? The record[s Jhew the treafons ; but 
 it is yett hidden in many of them how [they came to light. What Jhould 
 I fpea]ke of the death of her ene[mies and the wicked injlrum**. toward^ 
 her ejlate ? Don Juan dyed not amijfe : Dawbeny, Duke of Lenox, who was 
 ufed as an injlrument to divorce Scotland from the amitye of England, dyed 
 in no ill feafon, a man withdrawen indeed at that time to France ; but 
 not without greate helpe. I maye not mention the death of fome] 
 26 
 
 that occurr to my minde, but Jlill me thinkf they line [that Jhould live, 
 . and they die that Jhould die. J would not haue the [K of Spain dye yet: 
 he isfeges giorii^. But when he groweth daungerous, or any [other bejides 
 him, J am perfwaded they will die. What Jhould I [fpeake of the fortunes 
 and honor of her armies ? w^** notw^'^Jlanding the [inward peace of 
 this nation, were neuer more renowned. What Jh[ould I recount 
 Leethj Newhaueriy J Jay Nnvhauen^ for the honorable f[kirmijhes and 
 feruices there are no blemijhe at all to the militia of [England. In 
 the lov/e countries, the Lammas day, the retrait of [Gante, the daye 
 at Sutphen, and the profperous progrejfe of this f[ummer : The 
 brauado in Portugall and the honorable exploitf in [the ayde of the 
 French kyng; bejides the memorable voiages into the [Indies, and 
 lajllie the good entertainem* of the invincible navie, [w*"*" was chafed till 
 the chafers were wearie, after infinite lojfe, w^'^out t[aking a cock- 
 -boate,w'''out firing a Jhipcoate, failed on at the mercie of the [winde and the 
 difcreacon of their adventurers, making a perambulacon or [pilgrimage about 
 the northren feas, and ennobling many Jhoores and pointf [of landc 
 by Jhipwrackes, and fo returned home w*** fcorne & dijhonor [much grea- 
 -ter then the terror and expeSacon of their fetting forth. T[hefe vertues 
 and pcrfeccons, ioyned w*** fo great fclicitie, haue made he[r the honour 
 of her times, the admiracon of the world, the fuite and [afpiring of the 
 greatejl kyngf and princes, who yett durjl neuer haue afpi[red unto 
 her as worthy of her, but as their mindes were raifed by l[ove. But 
 whie do J forgett that wordf doe extenuate and embafe ma[tters of 
 that height? Time is her bejl commender, w*''* neuer broug[ht forth 
 fuch a prince, whofe imperiall vertues contende w^*' the [excellencie 
 of her perfon, both vertues contende w**" her fortune, and [both ver- 
 tue and fortune contende w*^ her fame. 
 
 ( orbis amorjfama carmeriycceliq pupillay \ 
 \ tu decus omne tuis: tu decus ipfa tibi. J 
 
 27 
 
NOTES. 
 
 P. 3, 1. 1. of tribute or giving that w* is due. It is difficult to underftand 
 the hiftory of this title, which is not fuggefted by any confpicuous expreffion 
 in the work, and can hardly be called defcriptive of the argument. I incline 
 to fufpecft that the piece formed part of fome larger entertainment, in the 
 courfe of which " the payment of tribute to whom tribute was due," may 
 have been enjoined as a tafk upon one or more of the performers ; and that 
 this was Bacon's way of difcharging it. 
 
 P. 3, 1. 19. Theife he good innocent things. Compare De Augmentis 
 Scientiarum (Works I. 697). Negatives ijioe virtutes non placent. Nam 
 innocentiam prcejlant, non merita. 
 
 P. 3, 1. 19. the vertue of action. Compare, Amo virtutes quce excel- 
 lentiam actionis inducunt, non hebetudinem pajftonis. Id. ibid. 
 
 P. 4, 1. 1. underjlandings. This word, having been omitted by the 
 original transcriber, is inferted above the line by another hand. 
 
 The things which entertain men in a perfuaiion of the ftrength of their 
 underftandings in contemplation of dangers, but fail them in the trial, are, I 
 suppofe, the " goodly grounds of reafon" &c., fpoken of before. 
 
 P. 4, 1. 1 4. He tooketh thorough and thorough that perill. Compare De 
 Aug. Sci. (ub. fup.) Qui pericula apertis oculis intuetur ut excipiat, advertit 
 et ut evitet. 
 
 P. 4, 1. 16.. ceafeth not to device. So in MS. 
 
 P. 4, 1. 30. heghneth. So written in MS., unless it be read " begimeth.** 
 A flip of the pen, no doubt ; *' begineth" muft have been the word which the 
 tranfcriber meant to write. 
 
 P. 4, laft line. The three or four lines which are loft here appear to have 
 treated of the value of Temperance without Fortitude ; and to have begun 
 
32 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 33 
 
 h 
 
 with an expofure of the weakneft of the Stoicifm which affe<$ls to diveft itfelf 
 of wants by renouncing defires. The argument is ferioufly difcufted in the 
 fecond book of the Advancement of Learning, in the remarks on private and 
 particular good. 
 
 P. 5,1. 2. Will you neither followe others nor /pare yourfelff So in 
 MS. I fufpecft fome miftake both in this line and the next ; where '' an 
 occafion and cenfure," though certainly the reading of the MS. can hardly 
 be what Bacon meant to write. But the general meaning is clear enough ; 
 Will you pretend to defpife all that other men value ? 
 
 P. 5, 1. 6. I feek but an even tenor of minde. Compare Advice to the 
 Earl of Rutland in his travels ; " The Stoics were of opinion that there was 
 no way to attain this even temper of mind but to be fenfeleft ; and fo they 
 fold their goods to ranfom themfelves from their evils." — Letters and Life of 
 Bacon. Vol. II. p. 8. 
 
 P. 5, 1. 7-1 o. / will not ufe, i^c. Compare Advancement of Learning, 
 Book II. p. 247. " For can it be doubted that there are fome who take more 
 pleafure in enioying pleafures than fome other; and yet neverthelefte are 
 lei^e troubled with the lof^e or leauing of them ; So as this fame Non uti ut 
 non appetas ; Non appetere ut non metuas,funt animi puftlli et diffidentis.^^ 
 Compare alfo De Aug. Scient. Lib. VI. p. 697. " IJla non uti ut non 
 appetas, non appetere ut non timeas, pufiUanimi funt et diffidentis.^^ 
 
 P. 5, 1. 12. of the dejlitution of a pleafure. So in the MS. as originally 
 written. A later pen has fubftituted " recei^ " for " deftitution," which is 
 evidently a critic's crotchet. The corrector thought " deftitution " an imperfect 
 antitheton to " accefte." But I think Bacon would have confidered the 
 objections to ^' receft " more weighty. 
 
 P. 5, 1. 14. againflheat offunJhinCy i§c. Temperance without Fortitude 
 might teach a man to do without pleafure, but not to encounter pain ; and 
 was therefore a proviiion againft heat of funfhine, which warms and comforts, 
 but not againft heat of fire, which burns and hurts. 
 
 P. 5, 1. 20. a man is able to ufe pleafures, l^c. Compare Adv. of Learn. 
 Book II. p. 242. **So as Diogenes opinion is to be accepted, who commended 
 not them which abftained, but them which fuftained, and could refraine their 
 minde in prascipitio, and could give unto the mind (as is ufed in horfeman- 
 (hip) the fhorteft ftop or tume." 
 
 P. 5, 1. 24. Of Pleafure, now lett us inquire. " As for pleafure, wee 
 have likewife determined that the minde oughte not to bee reduced to ftupid, 
 but to retayne pleafure ; confined rather in the fubie<5l of it then in the ftrength 
 and vigor of it." Adv. of Learn. Book II. p. 86 6. 
 
 P. 5, 1. 26. shall make, but it is the blefftng nature, ^c. The con- 
 ftru(ftion here is awkward, but the remedy does not feem to lie within the 
 
 fpace left for conjecture ; and there can be no doubt about the words as 
 they ftand in the MS. There is a full ftop, indeed, after " make," but I do 
 not know how to fill the blank fo as to form a complete lentence, and I think 
 a word muft have been omitted by the tranfcriber. Perhaps " make a 
 doubt," or ** make me doubt, but it is," &c. The general meaning of the 
 fentence is fufficiently clear ; and the loft lines at the bottom of the page 
 muft evidently have referred to the impoflibility without help fi-om fortitude 
 of enjoying pleafure. Concerning which compare De Aug. Sci. p. 697 :— 
 Nil aut in voluptate folidum aut in virtute munitum, ubi timor infejlat. 
 
 P. 6, 1. 1. as deare f come. So in the original tranfcript. The 
 corrector, whofe work I have noticed before, has altered it into " a deare 
 f is come," and turned *' ftand" and '' feede " into '' ftands " and '' feedes." 
 Evidently a grammatical crotchet : he thought one man could not be as more 
 than one deer. But I have no doubt that Bacon wrote it as it ftands and 
 would not have approved of the alteration. 
 
 P. 6, 1. 4. his pleafures be. So in the MS. as it was firft written : 
 altered (not by the later pen juft mentioned, but poflibly by the original 
 tranfcriber) to " his pleafure is :" which may have been a correction from his 
 copy, and the right reading. 
 
 P. 6, 1. 6. to nature . . . . fo lightlie. In the MS. the words " to nature" 
 are repeated, and a line drawn through them ; and in the next fentence the 
 words " [fo] lightlie" are inferted (in the tranfcriber's hand) in the margin. 
 This caufed a double difficulty in the printing ; and as this is a part of the 
 MS. which the fire has not reached, and to which (no words having to be 
 fupplied by conjecture) the reafons which made it expedient in the other parts 
 to make the place of each word in the printed line correfpond as exactly as 
 poffible with its place in the written line do not apply, I have taken the 
 liberty to transfer the two firft words of the feventh line to the end of the 
 fixth ; thereby filling the blank and making room for the marginal infertion 
 
 within the line. 
 
 P. 6, 1. 1 3. fo as that which Jhould feafon, ^c. The MS. has " fo as 
 that w*^'' feafon." I have inferted the word which the fenfe obvioufly 
 
 requires. 
 
 P. 6, 1. 27. maketh / mynde bring the workes, ^c. The word " bring" 
 does not quite fatisfy me. But I cannot think of another beginning with b 
 which would fuit better. 
 
 P. 6, 1. 29. thofe extreame things called euills. '' Extreame" is 
 certainly the word in the MS. ; but I think it is a miftake for " exteme." 
 The reconcilement of virtue with pleafure anfwers to the compounding of civil 
 diftenfions; the conqueft of" externe " or outward evils to the defeating of 
 
 foreign enemies. 
 
 I 
 
14 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 35 
 
 In the loft lines at the bottom, the fpeaker feems to have referred to the 
 relief which nature has provided againft excei^ of bodily fuifering, by 
 inducing infenfibility ; and to the fa<5l that thofe outward evils which it is in 
 the power of fortune to infli(5l are made intolerable chiefly by apprehenfion, 
 and can therefore be overcome by courage and patience, of which fortune 
 cannot deprive us. 
 
 P. 7j ^- 4« Nothing is to be feared but fear itfelf Compare De Aug. 
 Set. Lib. VI. p. 697, '* Nil terrihile nifi ipfe titnor" Alfo Advice to the 
 Earl of Rutland on his travels. " It teacheth us . . . that pain and danger 
 be great only by opinion, and that in truth nothing is fearful but fear 
 itfelf" — Letters and Life, ^c. Vol. II. p. 9. 
 
 P. 7, 1. 5. For let us remember, ^c. Compare Advice to the E. of 
 Rutland. " There is nothing in nature more general or more ftrong than 
 the fear of death, and to a natural man there is nothing feems more im- 
 pollible than to refolve againft death. But both martyrs for religion, heathen 
 for glory, fome for love of their country, others for affec^lion to one fpecial 
 perfon, have encountered death without fear, and fuffered it without fhow of 
 alteration." — Letters and Life, ^c. Vol. II. p. 9. Compare alfo Eflay of 
 Death ; *' It is no lel^ worthy to obferve how little alteration in good fpirits 
 the approaches of death make ; for they appear to be the fame men till the 
 laft inftant. Auguftus Caefar died in a compliment," &c. 
 
 P. 7, 1. 8. / do wonder at the Stoicks, ^c. There appears to have been 
 fomething wrong here in the MS.; for the word ** wonder " is inferted 
 in the left-hand margin by the correc^lor ; and it is difficult to guei^ how the 
 other line was filled up. Perhaps " I doe often," or " I cannot but." Nor 
 am I quite fatisfied with the filling of the blank in the next line but one ; 
 " w* they [fti^ foe urge,]" &c. But feveral examples occur in this very 
 compofition of the ufe of " what " in the fenfe of "' why ; " and there can be 
 little doubt that this was the general efre(5l of the obfervation ; which Bacon 
 has repeated in his later writings more than once. See Adv. of Learn. 
 Book II. p. 74 6. ** And it feemeth to me that moft of the do(5lrines of the 
 philofophers are more fearful and cautionary than the nature of things re- 
 quireth. So have they encreafed the feare of death in offering to cure it. 
 For when they would have a man's whole life to be but a difcipline or pre- 
 paration to dye, they muft needes make men thinke that it is a terrible 
 enemy againft whom there is no end of preparing. Better faith the Poet, 
 ** Qui finem vitae extremum inter munera ponat 
 Naturae.''^ 
 And again in the EfTays, ed. 1 625. " Certainly the Stoics beftowed too much 
 coft upon death, and by their great preparations made it appear more 
 fearful. Better faith he, Qui finem vitae extremum,'' &c. 
 
 P. 7, 1. 10. others fe6ies. So in MS. 
 
 P. 7, 1. 14. to live as though they continually Jhould die. Compare 
 Advice \o the E. of Rutland. " That he which dies nobly doth live for ever, 
 and he that lives in fear doth die continually." 
 
 P. 7,1.31. Should he havefaid, wh . . . I cannot fill up the blank in this 
 line to'my fatisfa^ion. The problem is, to infert between '^ tvfe . . . " and 
 « in the temple of the gods f " in a fpace not admitting more than fifteen 
 letters, words fuch as Caefar might naturally have uttered, had it not been 
 that they would have implied an affumption that ^'his perfon was more 
 venerable than the place ; " and I do not fee how fuch an affumption can be 
 implied in a fentence ending with thofe words. 
 
 The probable import of the loft lines at the bottom of the leaf is alfo 
 beyond my power of divination. 
 
 P. 8, 1. 2. ympoining. I believe the word in the MS. was meant by 
 the tranfcriber for " ympoming ; " but as there is really no difference in this 
 handwriting between m and in except the dot, I have admitted the correaion 
 (which I owe to Mr. Aldis Wright) into the text. The word (which is from 
 the French empoigner, to grafp) was then, I fuppofe, a candidate for ad- 
 miflion into the language, but an unfuccef^ful one. I do not think I ever 
 met with it in Englifti anywhere elfe. 
 
 It is perhaps worth obferving that thefe remarks on the charader and 
 death of Julius Caefar explain a paffage in one of Bacon's letters to Tobie 
 Matthew, for which I had fuggefted an explanation fomewhat different. 
 Speaking of the In felicem memoriam Elizabethan, he fays, - Of this when 
 YOU were here I ffiowed you fome model ; though at that time methought 
 YOU were more willing to hear Julius Caefar than Queen Elizabeth com- 
 mended.-" L.^f.rs and Life, &. Vol. IV. p. 133- The allufion, no doubt, 
 is to this paffage, in connexion with the fpeech which follows m praife of the 
 worthieft perfon. Not knowing that - Mr. Bacon in praife of his fovereign 
 had anything to do with C^far, I thought he might have alluded to the 
 Ima^o civilis Julii Ccefaris. See Works, Vol. VI. p. 284. 
 
 P 8 1 26 lam upon the point to he made a god. The corre^or has 
 inferted marks of parenthefis round thefe words, fuppofing apparently that 
 <^ if I be not deceived " belonged to the fpeaker. But the whole fentence is 
 meant for Vefpafian's fpeech ; and it was an error in the MS. that it was 
 not all written in Roman hand, like the others. 
 
 For the whole paffbge, compare the Eflay of Death. " Auguftus C<.far 
 died in a complement ; lAvia, Conjugii noftri memor, vive et vale. Ttbenus 
 in diflimulation ; As Tacitus faith of him ; Jam Tiberium Vires et Corpus non 
 Dijnmulatio. deferebant. Vefpaftan in a Jeft ; Sitting upon the Stoole, ut 
 pi Deusfio. Galba with a Sentence ; Feri, fi ex re fU popuH Romam, 
 
 \ 
 
36 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 37 
 
 Holding forth his Necke. Septimius Severus in defpatch ; Adejle, ft quid 
 mihi rejlat agendum. And the like." 
 
 Another anecdote illuftrating the fame freedom from alteration at the 
 immediate profpecft of death, in the cafe of fome Roman philofopher in the 
 time of Caligula, appears to have concluded the paragraph. But the 
 fragments which the fire has fpared are too fcanty to enable me to fupply it. 
 
 P. 9, 1. 9. Other vertues deliver us from the rule of vices, ^c. Com- 
 pare De Aug. Scient. p. 697. ** Cceterce virtutes nos a dominatu liherant 
 vitiorum : fortitudo fola a dominatu fortunes,'' 
 
 P. 9, 1. 1 3. He deferveth to he /peach. ** To be crowned for 
 
 his fpeach " has been fuggefted. But there is hardly room, and it feems to 
 me too common-place : the reward would have had fome reference to 
 the fpeaker's dod^rine. 
 
 P. 9, 1. 20. a race. So in MS. Mr. Aldis Wright fuggefts an ice, 
 referring to Adv. of Learn, p. 75. *• And therefore men are to imitate the 
 wifedome of jewellers ; who, if there be a graine.or a cloude, or an ife, which 
 may be ground forth without taking to much of the ftone, they help it,'* &c. 
 I have no doubt he is right ; an ice, careleftly written, might eaiily look like 
 a race. 
 
 P. 10,1. 12. then is the feafon, the opportunitie, and the fp ring of 
 love. Compare Efiay of Love. " This PafTion hath his Flouds in the very 
 times of Weaknefte ; which are, great Profperitie, and great Adverjttie ; 
 though this latter hath beene lef^e obferved. Both which times kindle 
 Love, and make it more fervent ; and therefore (hew it to be the Childe of 
 Folly.'' 
 
 P. 10, 1. 18. commend vertue fortitude. So in MS. A miftake, no 
 doubt, for " the vertue." 
 
 P. 10, 1. 19. from the tirannyes of fortune. See above, p. 9, 1. 10. 
 
 P. 10, 1. 21. directed. So in MS. ; a miftake, I think, for " diverted." 
 
 P. 10, 1. 22-25. «»o^ that's the reafons .... vertue. So in MS.; but 
 there muft be fomething wrong. Some words have been omitted, or fome 
 interlinear infertion has been mifunderftood and mifplaced. Perhaps the 
 fentence was intended to ftand thus : — " And that's the reafon that barbarous 
 cuftoms and falfe fuperftitions, w*^*^ you would in no wife admit to be com- 
 petitors with fortitude in this honor, do this notwithftanding more eafily and 
 effectually than that virtue." 
 
 P. 10, 1. 27. Hercules. Though there is hardly room in the MS. for fo 
 ong a word as " Hercules," and ** Hero " would make fenfe, the proverb 
 Ne Hercules quidem contra duos (of which I have been reminded by Mr. 
 Aldis Wright) feems to fettle the queftion in favour of the former. 
 
 The loft lines at the bottom referred apparently to the appetite of the 
 
 human mind for variety, as (hown in the tafte for travel, adventure, 
 
 news, &c. 
 
 P. 11, 1. 2. gaines of chaunce. So in MS. But I fuppofe it fliould be 
 ** games." The difference would not be diftinguiftiable except in a very 
 
 clear hand. 
 
 P. 11, 1. 7. adventurers. So in MS.; a miftake, I prefume, for 
 
 " adventures." 
 
 P. 11, 1. 10. demaund on affeSiion. I fhould have preferred *' de- 
 m[onftracon of affec]tion," but that there is hardly room for fo many letters 
 
 within the fpace. 
 
 P. 11,1. 22. gaole. So in MS. : meaning '' goal." 
 
 In the loft lines at the bottom the fpeaker appears to have referred to the 
 pleafure men take in feeing their merits refle^ed in the opinion of others : 
 whence the delight of princes in favourites. 
 
 P. 12, 1.3. One f aid well, ^c. Compare EJlay of Love. " For whereas it 
 hath beene well faid, that the Arch-flatterer, with whom all the petty Flatterers 
 have intelligence, is a Man's Selfe ; certainly the Lover is more. For there 
 was never Proud Man thought fo abfurdly well of himfelfe as the Lover doth 
 of the Perfon loved. And, therefore, it was well faid That it is impojlible to 
 
 love and to be wife.'' 
 
 P. 12, 1. 15. languijhing and wearines. Compare, Vita fine propofito 
 
 languida et vaga efi. Adv. of Learn, p. 73. 
 
 P. 1 2, 1. 29. reprefented to his imagination, Thefe words are repeated 
 
 and croi^ed out in the MS. 
 
 P. 13, 1. 4. he had requited, ^c. The tranfition from the fecond to the 
 third perfon here is fo abrupt and unaccountable, that I fufpea an error in 
 the tranfcript. I think the remark was meant to be interpofed by one of *he 
 
 other fpeakers, B or C. 
 
 P. 13, 1. 10. Oppofite the firft line of this fpeech, D is inferted in the 
 margin of the MS. But the ink is of a different colour, and I have little 
 doubt that it was added by the correaor, and formed no part of the original 
 tranfcript ; which does not, in any of the other cafes, diftinguifli the fpeaker 
 in this way by prefixing his letter ; although he is always fufficiently indicated 
 in the preceding dialogue. 
 
 Throughout this fpeech and the next, the loft words are fupplied from the 
 uninjured copy now in the Britifti Mufeum : Harl. MSS. 6797. 
 
 P. 1 3, 1. 1 1 . who would not ufefilence. In the MS. as it ftood originally, 
 »' who would ufe filence;" " not" being inferted between the lines in ink of 
 a different colour. 
 
 P. 13, 1. 13. ctn[d knowledg mind. The other MS. has '^ and the know- 
 ledge of the mind." But unlefs there was fome interlineation, there cannot 
 
38 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 have been (6 many words In this MS. ; and it feems not unlikely that the 
 obfcurity of the original, due to over condenfation, was fuppofed by fome 
 reader to be owing to the lofs of a word or two, which he thus fupplied. But 
 though the addition feems to make the fentence eafier, I am inclined to think 
 that it lofes the meaning. I do not think Bacon meant to fay that the mind 
 and its knowledge, (i. e. the mind and the knowledge together) is the man, 
 but that as the mind is the man, fo knowledge is the mind ; and if an inter- 
 lineation were allowed, I would infert " is the." *' The mind is the man, 
 and knowledge is the mind." Had this, however, been really the reading of 
 the original, it would have been left eafy to account for the alteration ; for 
 the fentence would not have feemed incomplete or incorrect. 
 
 P. 13, 1. 16. a double of that which is. Compare Job, chap. ii. vv. 5, 6. 
 " But oh that God would fpeak, and open his lips againfl thee ; and that he 
 would fhew thee the fecrets of wifdom, that they are double to that which is." 
 I do not know whether the coincidence of expreflion is enough to prove that 
 Bacon had this parage in his mind ; but it is one in which it feems to me 
 very likely that he would find the meaning exprefted in the text. Knowledge 
 is the reflec^led image of the thing itfelf. The mind is only the rei\e6ioT. 
 
 P. 13, 1. 16-19. Are the plea/ures of the affeftions . . . .facietie. Com- 
 pare Advancement of Learning y Book I. p. 43 6, — " For fliall the pleafures of 
 the affections fo exceede the pleafure of the fenfe, as much as the obtayning 
 of delire or vi(5lorie exceedeth a fong or a dinner? and muft not of confe- 
 quence the pleafures of the intelle(5l or underftanding exceede the pleafures 
 of the affedlions ? we fee in all other pleafures there is facietie ; and after 
 
 they be ufed their verdour departeth But of knowledge there is no 
 
 facietie, but fatisfac^ion and appetite are perpetually interchangeable." 
 
 P. 13, 1. 19. Is not that knowledge alone, ^c. So in MS. The other 
 MS. has *' Is it not knowledge alone, &c. ; which feems to be the better 
 reading. 
 
 P. 13, 1. 22. thefe be the clowdes, ^c. In the MS. a line is drawn 
 through ^* thefe," but, I think, by a later pen ; and it looks like a critic's 
 correction. 
 
 P. 13, 1. 25. a refped. So in this MS. The other has "profpecft: 
 which is the form of the word always ufed by Bacon in his later writings ; 
 " refpe(ft " being appropriated to the fenfe of ** confideration." It is found, 
 however, nearly in the fame fenfe it has here, in a thing of the fame kind 
 written a year or two after ; and it is probably no error ; but only a ufe of 
 the word which cuftom did not take up. The firft counfellor of the Prince 
 of Purpoole (Gejta Greyorum,\). 33) fays, *' in your later Years you fhall find 
 a fweet RefpecH: into the Adventures of your Youth : " ufing the word much 
 as we now ufe retrofpe6i ; a looking back upon. Here it is ufed for looking 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 39 
 
 down upon ; as in the famous paffage of Lucretius, which Bacon was, no 
 doubt, thinking of.. See Adv. of Learn. Book I. p. 44. 
 
 P. 14, 1. 1. or the arte of reafon, ^c. Here we have the true 
 explanation of a very obfcure parage in Stephens' MS., where the fentence 
 (lands thus : — *' I do not doubt but that common notions, which we call reafon, 
 and the knitting of them together, which we call logic, are the art of reafon and 
 Jiudies.^^ The words " may have ufe in popular " had been omitted by fome 
 tranfcriber. Then fome reader, finding the fentence incomplete and unintel- 
 ligible, reftored the fyntax by altering " or " into " are," and inferting " and " 
 between ^' reafon " and " ftudies ;" after which it would have required a very 
 fagacious critic to recover the writer's real meaning ; which without the 
 corre(5lion would not have been at all hopeleft. 
 
 P. 14, 1. 30. and Saturn leaveth behind him Jupiter, This claufe is 
 omitted in Stephens' MS. 
 
 P. 14, 1. 34. know not feafon. There is a difference of readings here, 
 which caufes a difficulty ; the other MS. has *' in fort that pretending to know 
 much, I (hould forget what is feafonahW Now in this MS. the words are 
 diftinc^lly " I fhould know :" the reft of the line being burnt away, the next 
 beginning with " me," and there being room between, without interlineation, 
 for fixteen or eighteen letters at moft. The '' me " in the next line implies 
 fome verb preceding, and the authority of the other MS. makes " pardon " 
 the moft likely. But in that cafe how is the other fentence to be completed ? 
 *< Know not what is fit," or " know not feafon," would either of them make 
 fenfe ; but that is all I can fay for either. 
 
 P. 1 5, 1. 4. afleuer. The other MS. has " anfwer," but " aftever,"— that 
 is, as we ftiould now write it, " aftert," — is clearly the right word. 
 
 P. 15,1. 5- refiing in a part of nature. So in this MS. The other 
 has " in part of nature," which is probably right. 
 
 P. 1 5, 1. 6. haue ben in things, ^c. There is fomething wrong here 
 again. But I do not feel fo confident that the other MS., which reads " the 
 things " for " in things," fupplies in this case the true correction. It makes 
 fenfe. But " things " does not feem fo decidedly the fitteft word, as to have 
 reconciled Bacon's ear to the admiftion of it between " things " in the line 
 before, and '' things " in the line after. 
 
 P. 15, 1. 32. merriiing the times. So in MS. The other has 
 
 " merriting of" 
 
 P. 16, 1. 9. revnite. The word in the MS. was meant, I think, by the 
 tranfcriber for " revince." But the difference between the two, in a black- 
 letter hand, is fo very fmall, v being often ufed for u as well as u for v, and 
 inc differing from nit only in the place of the dot, that I have not thought it 
 neceftary to preferve the error in the text. 
 
4° 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 41 
 
 P. 16,1. 12. proceedinges. In MS. as in text. The plural " proceedinges" 
 was poftibly intended, the Angular verb which follows notwithftanding. 
 
 P. 16, 1. 20. amitie. It is doubtful here whether "amities" or " amitie" 
 is the real reading of the MS. The final s appears to have been either put 
 in or blotted out. 
 
 P. 16, 1. 25. aunfwerablee. So in MS; but probably by a (lip of the pen. 
 
 P. 1 7, 1. 4. in that countenaunce. Thefe words are inferted in the 
 margin, but in the hand of the original tranfcriber. 
 
 P. 17,1. 10. her pfence in campe. In Mr. Motley's Hijlory of the 
 United Netherlands^ Vol. II. p. 512, there is a parage relating to Queen 
 Elizabeth's appearance at Tilburjs which I gladly take this opportunity of 
 noticing, becaufe it tends indirec^^Iy and unintentionally to throw undeferved 
 difcredit upon a very deferving man. ** Great (he fays) was the enthufiafm 
 certainly of the Englifh people as the volunteers marched through London to 
 the place of rendezvous, and tremendous were the cheers when the brave 
 
 Queen rode on horfeback along the lines of Tilbury * It was a 
 
 pleafant fight,' fays that enthuftaflic merchant-taylor John ^Stow, * to 
 behold the cheerful countenances, courageous words, and geftures, of the 
 foldiers, as they marched to Tilbury, dancing, leaping wherever they came, 
 as joyful at the news of the foe's approach as if lufty giants were to run 
 a race. And Bellona-like did the Queen irifufe a fecond fpirit of loyalty, love, 
 and refolution, into every foldier of her army, who, ravifhed with their 
 fovereign's fight, prayed heartily that the Spaniards might land quickly, and 
 when they heard they were fled, began to lament." This he gives as if it 
 were an extra(5t from Stow's Chronicle ; and then proceeds to remark that 
 at the time of Elizabeth's appearance in the camp there was no longer any 
 danger to be apprehended. " If a Spanifh army had ever landed in England 
 
 at all, that event would have occurred on the 7th of Augufl For aught 
 
 that Leicefler, or Burghley, or Queen Elizabeth knew at the time, the army 
 of Famese might, on Monday, have been marching upon London. Now on 
 that Monday morning the army of Lord Hunfdon was not af^embled at all, 
 and Leicefter, with but four thoufand men under his command, was juft 
 commencing his camp at Tilbury. The '* Bellona-like " appearance of the 
 Queen on her white palfrey, with truncheon in hand, addreffing her troops in 
 that magnificent burft of eloquence which has fo often been repeated, was not 
 till eleven days afterwards, Augull ^ ; not till the great Armada, (battered and 
 tempefl-tof^ed, had been, a week long, dalhing itfelf againft the cliffs of 
 Norway and the Faroes on its forlorn retreat to Spain." (p. 514.) 
 
 Had this paf^age not been given as a quotation from John Stow himfelf, 
 I (hould not have thought it worth noticing. If the Queen had been in. 
 perfonal danger at Tilbury, (he would have had no right, except in a laft 
 
 extremity, to be there : and it was no fault of hers that a fine writer chofe to 
 compare her to Bellona. But though Elizabeth's reputation is not concerned, 
 Stow's is ; and if this be accepted as a fpecimen of the ftyle of his " Chronicle," 
 it mud materially aflPecft the reputation of that valuable work. The fa(5l 
 appears to be, that Mr. Motley, ufing one of the later editions of Stow, 
 " continued and augmented with matters foreign and domeftic, ancient and 
 modern," by Howes, and not remembering that additional matter may be 
 inferted in the middle of a book as well as at the end, ai^umed that in 
 quoting the defcription of a fcene which occurred long before Stow's death, 
 he was quoting Stow himfelf. But this is not fo. The paf^age in queftion, 
 the fubftance of it at leaft, may be feen in Nichols's Progrefles of Queen 
 Elizabeth, Vol. II. p. 534; where it feems to be taken from an 
 account in fome contemporary tra^l, the title of which is not given, of 
 the preparations for refifting the Spanifh invafion. This account was worked 
 up by Howes, or fome other un(kilful reda^or (for the fragments are very 
 badly pieced together), and interpolated into the chronicle ; but Stow's own 
 account of the matter is in quite a different flyle. In an old black-letter 
 copy, publifhed by himfelf, and bringing the hiftory up to the year 1592, the 
 account of the Queen's vifit to the camp at Tilbury, (lands thus:— 
 
 " Now (as you have heard before) the campe in this meane time, being 
 kept at Tilbury in E(^ex, under the charge of the erle of Leiceder L. 
 Steward, &c. ; the 9 of Auguft, hir Majefty repaired thither, where al the 
 whole campe being fet in order of battell, both horfe and footemen, (he pa(^ed 
 through every ranke of them, to their great comfort and rejoycing, and was 
 lodged that night and the night next following, in the houfe of Mader 
 Edward Rich, a juftice of that (hire, in the pari(h of Hornedon. On the next 
 morrow, being the tenth of Auguft, hir majefty returning to the campe, beheld 
 the fame, they being all trained in the beft order that might be, and on the 
 eleventh of Auguft returned to Saint James', and ftiortely after the campe was 
 
 di(^olved." 
 
 If too much was made of the matter, it was clearly not the fault of John 
 Stow. But though Mr. Motley may not have exaggerated the danger that 
 was paft, I cannot but think that he rather undervalues that which remained. 
 On the loth of Auguft, while the Queen was'ftill at the camp, Sir Francis 
 Drake himfelf wrote thus to Sir Francis Walfingham:— " The Prince of Parma, 
 I take him to be as a beare robbed of her whelps ; and no doubt but being fo 
 great a foldiour as he is, that he will prefently, if he may, undertake fome 
 
 great matter, for his credit will ftand nowe thereupon Wrytten with 
 
 much hafte, for that we are ready to fet fayl to prevent the Duke of Parma 
 this foutherly wynd, if it pleafe God, for truly my poor opinion is that we 
 (hould have a great eye upon him. 
 ** Auguft loth 1588. 
 
 \\ 
 
42 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 ** Pojlfcript Sithens the wryting herof, I have fpoken with an Englifliman 
 which came from Dunkirk yefterday, who fayth, upon his life there is no fear 
 of the fleet. Yet would I willingly fee it !" » 
 
 P. 1 7, 1. 32. adge. So originally in the MS. A later pen has crofted it 
 out and written " age " above. 
 
 P. 17, 1. 36-7. or that the Commonwealth, . . . clemencie. So in 
 Stephens' MS. But there is evidently fomething wrong. My conje(f^ure 
 was that a whole claufe had dropped out, fomething to this effect :— " Will it 
 beft appear in the injuries that were done unto her before (he attained the 
 crown, when clemency, as affeSiing her/elf alone, might he freely ufed, or 
 after (he is feated on her throne, and that the Commonwealth is incorporated 
 in her perfon? Then clemency is drawn in queftion," &c. And it will 
 be obferved that in this MS. there is room for another line ; the page as it 
 ftands having one line lei^ than the preceding, and two left than the 
 following. 
 
 P. 18,1. 3. of the wrongs. So originally in the MS.; but " of " has 
 been ftruck out by a later pen: I doubt whether rightly. " Refent" without 
 " of" belongs I Mpe6i to a later ftage of the language. 
 
 P. 18, 1. 7. that princes them/elves. Thefe words are all in 
 
 Roman hand in this MS., as being the principle fpoken of Stephens' MS. 
 gives it differently, and perhaps rightly; *' notwithftanding that principle 
 that princes fhould not neg\e6i (that the Commonwealth's wrong is included 
 in themfelves)," &c. 
 
 P. 18, 1. 27. the myne. So written in the MS. plainly enough; but it 
 fhould be " mynt." 
 
 P. 18, 1. 36. compajjions. AH that follows from this word to the end of 
 p. 20, is fupplied from Stephens' MS. ; a whole leaf having been loft out 
 of this. 
 
 P. 19, 1. 7. excepted. So in MS. ; a miftake, I prefume, for " accepted." 
 On the 1 ith of March 1586-7, a Committee of the Houfe of Commons was 
 appointed to confer with the Lords and invite them to join " in a contribution 
 or Benevolence for the charges of the Low Countries' wars, which they of 
 the Houfe of Commons meant to offer unto her Majefty.'* (Dr. Ewes, p. 386.) 
 The Lords declined, and it was refolved that each Houfe fhould proceed by 
 itfelf. On the 18th the Queen gave audience on the fubjecJl to a committee 
 of the Houfe of Commons, (Id. p. 416), at which, as no more was heard of 
 it, I conclude that the offer was made and declined. See Letters and Life 
 of Bacon, Vol. L p. 65. 
 
 * Wright's Queen Elizabeth and her Times. Vol. II. p. 389. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 43 
 
 P. 19, 1. 9. fales. The MS. has ''failts of land," and it is fo printed in 
 Stephens' colle(5lion ; but I think the word muft have been ** fales." 
 
 P. 20, 1. 3-4. Tutus, ^c. The MS. has cura and feges. 
 
 P. 20, 1. 20. the merit of her ncyghbors. So MS. It fhould probably 
 be " her merit ; " but at any rate it means what fhe has merited of her 
 neighbours, not what her neighbours have merited. 
 
 P. 20, 1. 21. tymes. " Things" in MS., a miftake very eafily made in 
 the handwriting of that time. 
 
 P. 20, 1. 27. not remijle of affayres from kings. So in MS. There muft 
 be fomething wrong : I had fuggefted " not in commifTion of affairs from 
 kings ;" but I am not at all fatisfied with the conje<5lure. 
 
 P. 20, 1. 31. the auncient nobilitie of this realme. So MS. It ought 
 apparently to be *• that realm ; " for " this realm " would be England, 
 which cannot have been meant. 
 
 P. 20, 1. 35. rejiored the nobilitie to their degree. Alluding to the 
 peace concluded in July 1560. 
 
 P. 20, 1. 40. fought and required. So in the MS. The claufe " by the 
 king's beft and trueft fervants " appears to have dropped out. See Letters 
 and Life of Bacon, Vol. I. pp. 133 i^^te 1) 187. 
 
 P. 20, 1. 4 w"'' place. . . . ftnceritie. The MS. has " with peace" 
 and " fecuritie," and (o it is printed in Stephens' colled^ion. The corredions 
 are my own conjectures, but I prefume there can be no doubt about them ; 
 unless " piece " be preferred to " place." Compare Obfervations on a Libel ; 
 *' which forces of her Majefty prevailed fo far as to be pol^ef^ed of the Caftle 
 of Edinburgh, the principal piece of that kingdom ; which neverthelei^ her 
 Majefty incontinently with all honour and ftncerity reftored, after ftie had put 
 the king into good and faithful hands ; and (o ever fmce in all the occafions 
 of inteftine troubles, whereunto that nation hath been ever fubje(?l, (he hath 
 performed unto the king all pofTible good offices, and fuch as he doth 
 with all good affeaion acknowledge." Letters and Life of Bacon, Vol. I. p. 
 188. The MS. in the Britifti Mufeum, which is the only authority for this 
 part of the fpeech, is fo full of inaccuracies, that I have not thought it 
 necef^ary to treat it with the fame refped which I have ufed towards the 
 Northumberland Houfe MS. and preferve even the errors in the text. 
 
 P. 21,1. 1. Faithful handes. We have feen fome inftances in which the 
 corrector of the Northumberiand Houfe MS. (to which we now return) has 
 endeavoured to improve the ftyle. In this place he appears to have dis- 
 approved the fenfe; for he has fubftituted "faithlef^" for "faithful," and 
 drawn a line through the remainder of the fentence. Without knowing 
 what alteration he had made in the beginning, it is impofTible to know what 
 fenfe he had fubftituted. But it looks as if he could not allow that Elizabeth 
 
44 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 was to be praifed for her care of James. There can be no doubt that the 
 paf^age as it (lands gives the fenfe which Bacon himfelf intended ; fee the 
 quotation in the laft note from his Obfervations on a Libel The occafion 
 referred to was in the year 1573, during the troubles arifing from the 
 af^aflination of the Regent Murray. 
 
 P. 21,1. 10. called in their aydes. In this MS. the word is certainly 
 »' their." The other has " her," which appears to be right. Compare the 
 correfponding parage in Obfervations on a Libel: " And to their aids called 
 in her Majefly's forces, giving them for fecurity the town of Newhaven," &c. 
 Letters and Life of Bacon, Vol. I. p. 188. 
 
 P. 21, 1. 12. to the fupplanting of his ownfirength. The letters " -ting," 
 at the beginning of line 13, leave little room for doubt that *' fupplanting " is 
 the true reading, inftead of " fuppliants," which is the reading of the other 
 MS. ; and of which I had myfelfpropofed to make fenfe by fubftituting " whofe 
 name was ufed to her by the fuppliants of her ftrength," for " whofe name was 
 ufed to the fuppliants of his ftrength." But this, though it gave an intel- 
 ligible meaning, was odd in the expreffion and by no means fatisfadory. In 
 what way the young king's name was ufed •* to the fupplanting of his 
 own ftrength," is fufficiently explained in a " Declaration" of the Queen's 
 proceedings, publiftied by authority in the year 1562, and printed in Stow's 
 Chronicle (p. 1 104, ed. 1592), " and yet could not her M. difcontinue her 
 good intent, but, feeing the cruelties increafe, the blood-ftiedding and 
 murders continue ; yea, which was moft perillous, the yong king and the Q. 
 his mother being fodainly availed and found without force, were direaed and 
 drawn altogether by the very authors of the troubles to fuffer their name and 
 authority to be abufed, even to the killing of the king's own unarmed innocent 
 people, the fpoiling of his rich towns, the breaking of his befl-advifed 
 Edias, the perfecuting of his owne blood and his nobility, the deflroying of 
 hisfaithfullapproovedfervants, with many other fuch heapes of mif chiefs:' [3c. 
 Concerning the occafion of this declaration we find in Burghley's Diary, under 
 the date 27th September 1 562 the following note : '' The Queen's majefty took 
 unto her prote^ion the French king's fubje^s in Normandy, being opprefted 
 by the tyranny of the Houfe of Guife ; and publiftied a declaration printed." 
 
 P. 21, 1. 16. joined themfelves againfl. So MS. The other has 
 " againft her," which is probably right. 
 
 P. 21, 1. 19. and by the hand of God. The word "and" appears to 
 have been ftruck out by the tranfcriber ; as if he had been about to omit the 
 claufe, and corrected himfelf as he went on. But it is not quite clear. 
 
 P. 22, 1. 6. wherein not the criminous death of Guife. The word 
 " death" appears to have been ftruck out in the MS. by the tranfcriber's pen, 
 at leaft in ink of the fame colour as the reft. The other MS. has " not 
 wherein the criminous bloude of Guife," &c. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 45 
 
 p. 22, 1. 7. revenged. The end of the parenthefis which begins at 
 " wherein" is not marked in the MS. 
 
 P. 22, 1. 1 1. pferved. The other MS. has " preferred." 
 
 P. 22, 1. 13-4. w'* treafure. Thefe words are repeated in the MS. 
 A later pen has drawn a line through the firft " treafure." 
 
 P. 22, 1. 15. the offring Don Ant. to his fortune. The corrector's pen, 
 diftinguifliable both by the hand and the colour of the ink, has fubftituted 
 *' her endevo' to fettle Don Ant. in his fortune." The allufion is to the 
 expedition againft Spain under Sir John Norris and Sir Francis Drake in 
 1 589. *' Don Antonio (fays Camden), bafe-bome. Prior of Crato, with a few 
 Portugalls joyned with them, who clayming the Kingdome of Portugall by 
 popular election, (whereby even Baftards have been chofen Kings by the Law 
 of that Country,) had loaden the Englijh with great promifes, being full of 
 hope to recouer his Kingdome by the helpe of thefe auxiliary forces, the revolt 
 of the Portugalls from the Spaniard, and the ayde of Muley Hamet King of 
 Morocco:^ 
 
 P. 22, 1. 19. by the hands of her reputacon. "Handf " in this MS. 
 the other has " beames." 
 
 The occafion referred to was in 1590. See a letter from William Cecil, 
 Burghley's grandfon, to Lord Talbot, 23rd of October, 1590. " The Turk 
 had not he been prevented by our ambaflador, intended to fet upon the King 
 of Poland with fixty thoufand men ; but underftanding her Majefty had 
 great need of many things from the country neceflary for her navy, he with- 
 drew his force, though he were afllired of vicTlory, only for her Majefty's fake ; 
 who received great thanks from the King of Poland ; and the Turk himfelf 
 hath written to her Majefty letters with moft great titles, afturing her that if 
 ftie would write her letters to him to require him, he will make the King of 
 Spain humble himfelf to her." Lodge's Illuflrations of Britijh Hiflory, 
 
 Vol. II. p. 414. 
 
 P. 22, 1. 31. w'* one chardge, ^c. That is, without incurring any 
 greater charge, danger, or offence to the King of Spain, than ftie incurred 
 as it was. The other MS. has '' without charge, danger," &c., for which 
 (to make it intelligible) I had fuggefted " not without." But " with one " is 
 clearly the right reading. The correfponding paffage in the Obfervations on 
 a Libel—*' with all one charge," &c.— may be right too, and would have the 
 fame meaning. 
 
 P. 22, 1. 33. a people that, ^c. So MS. The other MS. has " to that 
 people that hath been purfued by their natural king only upon paflion and 
 wrath, in fuch fort that he doth confume his means upon revenge ; " the 
 claufe about aratro jaculari being omitted. The words" according toy*" 
 are fupplied by conjecture. 
 
46 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 In reading ^* upon paffion " inftead of " by paffion," the other MS. is 
 probably right. 
 
 P. 23, 1. 6. Jhe bare y" /aid Duke. In the MS., as originally written, 
 there was fomething omitted here. The words were *' (he faid Duke." 
 A later pen, with different ink, has inferted ** did bearey''' between " (he" 
 and " faid." The infertion being prefumably the corre^or's conje^ure, I 
 preferred " bare " as a word that would do equally well, and might be 
 introduced into the line without interlineation. 
 
 P. 23, 1. 13. But now he doth, ifc- This device appears to have been 
 firft praaifed upon the election of Gregory XIV (December, 1 590). It was 
 repeated on that of Innocent IX. (Oaober, 1 591 ), and Clement VIII (January, 
 1591-2); though in the laft cafe it was only partially fuccef^ful. See 
 Bankers Hijlory of the Popes, Book VI. 
 
 P. 23, 1. 16. interrupte. So MS. The other MS. has *^ intermixt.'' 
 P 23, 1. 23. upon Arragon. On the 8th of September, 1592, Anthony 
 Standen writes to Anthony Bacon that " the citadel of Shuta, in Arragon, 
 the frontier of France and Beam, was already put into a ftate of defence, and 
 three hundred foldiers in it ; and at Saragof^a, the metropolis of that 
 kmgdom, they were building another citadel : fo that Arragon might be 
 faddled whenever they pleafed, being already bridled." Birch's Memoirs of 
 Elizabeth, Vol. I. p. 84. '^ 
 
 P. 23, 1. 25. in a contrary courfe are brought, ^c. So the MS. as 
 originally written. A later pen has inferted the words '' by it men " before 
 *'are:" evidently the conjedural correction of a critic, to make the con- 
 ftruaion regular. But the irregularity is natural, and the corre^ion is 
 clumfy. Bacon might eafily have written the fentence as it ftands, but I 
 cannot eafily believe that he wrote it as corre(fied. 
 
 P. 23, 1. 36. disfortunes. So in the MS. originally. A line has been 
 drawn through the word by a later pen, and *^ misfortunes" written above it. 
 But we have had the word ^' disfortune " before; fee p. 5, 1. 13; and it is 
 lel^ likely that the fame miftake would have been made twice over in the 
 ufual word, than that an unufual form was for fome reafon preferred. 
 
 P. 24, 1. 32. longe to think. The tranfcriber having by miftake written 
 '* tonge " for *' longe," a later pen has fubftituted " tyme :" an unlucky 
 conje<5lure. 
 
 P. 24, 1. 39. was received. The other MS. has " is received." I think 
 it ought to be " was conceived." 
 
 P. 24, laft line, no fmall difadvantage. The other MS. (which is our 
 only authority for this parage) has " no difadvantage ; " which cannot be 
 right. 
 
 ' P. 25, 1. 9. a pointe wherin her father, ^c. The other MS. has " her 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 47 
 
 exquifite judgment in choofing and finding good fervants (a point beyond the 
 former)," — the intermediate claufe having dropped out. The tranfcriber's eye, 
 in returning to the word " fervants," at which it had left off, lighted upon the 
 fame word in the next line ; and fo produced a corruption of the text, which 
 it would have been hardly poffible to correcl by any conjecture . 
 
 P. 25, 1. 1 1. aprofound difcretion. The other MS. has *'her profound 
 difcretion," which is probably right. 
 
 P. 25, 1. 14. intentive witt. So in MS. The other has " inventing 
 wit." The true reading probably is " inventive." 
 
 P. 25, 1. 14. and overtournes. In MS. originally as in the text. A 
 later pen has fubftituted " overtures : " one of many mifcorrecftions by the 
 fame correcting hand. 
 
 P. 25, 1. 15. her fecreacie. Here is another good inftance of the way 
 in which texts become hopelef^ly corrupt. The other MS. has ** her exacft 
 caution in cenfuring the propofitions of others, her fervice" Stephens (or 
 whoever prepared that part of his fecond colledlion for the prei^,) feeing that 
 fervice had no meaning in that context, made very good fenfe of the paf^age 
 by fimply inferting " for," and left it in a condition apparently needing no 
 corre(5lion whatever. But we now fee that the real error of the tranfcriber 
 was not the omiffion of " for," but the miftaking of " fecreacie " for 
 ** fervice." 
 
 P. 25, 1. 20. hath notwithjlanding donefuch great things. So the other 
 MS. ; and fo the words may have ftood originally in this. The later pen has 
 inferted after '* notwithftanding " the word " brought," and what elfe we 
 cannot know, the reft of the paper being burnt off. I imagine that he 
 thought " brought to paft" would be better than ''done." But as the " d " 
 is diftin(5tly legible, and it is impoffible to fay that the next letter was not 
 •♦o," I fee no reafon to doubt that the reading of the other MS. gives us 
 here the original reading of this. 
 
 P. 25, 1. 21. Let no man objeSi. Here we have another inftance of a 
 scarcely curable corruption due to the ordinary accident of a claufe dropped 
 out. The tranfcriber of the other MS. having written as far as " fortune " in 
 the 21ft line, and turning again to his copy, lighted on " fortune" in the 
 22nd line, and went on. The fentence then ftood, " to fpeak of her fortune 
 that which I did referve for a garland of her honour, and that is that ftie 
 liveth a virgin and hath no children, /oe it is that \yhich" &c., a fentence in 
 which, as there was evidently fomething wrong, it was natural to fufpec^l the 
 omiffion of a claufe ; and the word " foe " having nothing to anfwer it, 
 fuggefted one beginning with " as" : fomething to this effe6i, " as there is 
 but one point in which it feems incomplete, fo it is that" &c. It now appears 
 however, that '' foe " is itfelf a corruption, the true reading being " for"; 
 
48 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 which the tranfcriber mis-read into '' foe," becaufe it left the fentence left 
 obvioufly unintelligible. Had "for'' been retained, the real correction, or 
 fomething like it, might poffibly have been hit upon. With " {o^" it was 
 impoffible, becaufe it would not have given a natural fenfe. As it (lands 
 now, there can be little doubt that the reftoration is complete. 
 
 P. 25, 1. 30. impojlhumes. The other MS. (which has " forthumus" for 
 " Pofthumus" at the beginning of this line) has " impoftors." But there is 
 no doubt that " impofthumes" is the right word. Compare Apophthegmes 
 new and old, No. 246, p. 266. " Auguftus Caefar, out of great indignation 
 againft his two daughters, and Pofthumus Agrippa, his grandchild ; whereof 
 the firft two were infamous, and the laft otherwife unworthy, would fay: 
 That they were not his feed, but Jome impojlumes that had broken from 
 him, 
 
 P. 26, 1. 1 1. though fame think, i^c. Compare Obfervations on a Libel, 
 (Letters and Life, ^c, Vol. I. p. 186). " Yet if you will believe the 
 Genuefe (who otherwife writeth much to the honour and advantage of the 
 Kings of Spain), it feemeth he had a good mind to make himfelf a way into 
 that kingdom, feeing that (for that purpofe as he reporteth) he did artificially 
 nourifh the young King Sebaftian in the voyage of Africa, expe^ing that 
 overthrow which followed." The Genuese was, I prefume, Signor Jeronimo 
 de Franchi Coneflaggio gentilhuomo Genovefe, who publifhed a hiftory DelV 
 Unione del Regno di Portogallo alia Corona di Cafliglia, in 1 585. 
 
 P. 26, 1. 16. excucon. So in MS. 
 
 P. 26, 1. 22. and the ffr: K. : durfl never have layd hands on him, ^c. 
 In the MS. the mark for the beginning of the parenthefis is placed further 
 on, between " him" and " had." But it is plain that it ought to be where 
 I have placed it, 
 
 P. 26, 1. 30. advife. So in MS. The other MS. has " ftiee contrari- 
 wife .... advifed him;" in which "advifed" is probably right. 
 
 P. 26, 1. 34. fending in of Seminaries. The other MS. has " fending in 
 mojl feminaries," a reading which I had noticed as containing fomething 
 wrong, but tried in vain to correal. The correction would have been obvious 
 if I had obferved how eafily, in the black letter hand of that day, in of might 
 be miftaken for moji. 
 
 P. 26, 1. 39. Dawbeny. The other MS. which is our only authority 
 here, has " Darleigh:' But the name of the Duke of Lenox alluded to 
 was D Aubigny ; commonly fpelt Dawbeny or Dawbeney. 
 
 P. 27, 1. 8. Newhaven, The claufe " I fay Newhaven'* has been omitted 
 by the tranfcriber of the other MS. And the omifTion has caufed a mif- 
 underftanding of the conftrucSlion, and a fecond mifreading. In Stephens' 
 fecond collec^lion the fentence is printed and pointed thus : " What fhould I 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 49 
 
 recount Leith and Newhaven for the honorable (kirmiflies and fervices? 
 They are noe blemifh at all to the Militia of England?** The fact was that 
 the bufinefs of Newhaven had been unfortunate, and could not be mentioned 
 among the felicities without explanation and apology. 
 
 " Leeth " means the fiege of Leith in 1 560, when England affifted Scot- 
 land to expel the French who had been brought in by the Guife party. 
 
 P. 27, 1. 9. the Lammas day. The a<5lion alluded to does not figure in 
 our hiftories under this name. But we have a full account of it by Bacon 
 himfelf in his Confederations touching a war with Spain, written in 1624. 
 " In the yeare 1578 was that famous Lammas Day, which buried the 
 reputation of Don Jhuan d'AuJlria, himfelfe not furuiuing long after. Don 
 Jhuan, being fuperiour in Forces, aflifted by the Prince of Parma, Mon- 
 dragon, Manfell, and other the beft Commanders of Spaine, confident of 
 Vic5lory, charged the Army of the States neere Rimenant, brauely & 
 furioufly at the firft ; But, after a Fight, maintained by the fpace of a whole 
 day, was repulfed, and forced to a Retrait with great flaughter of his Men ; 
 And the Courfe of his further Enterprizes was wholly arrefted ; and this 
 chiefly by the Proweffe and Vertue of the Englijh and Scottijh Troupes, under 
 the Condu(5l of Sir John Norris and Sir Robert Stuart, Colonels. Which 
 Troupes came to the Army but the day before, harrafed with a long and 
 wearifome march, and (as it is left for a memorable circumftance in all 
 Stories) the Souldiers, being more fenfible of a little Heat of the Sunne, than of 
 any cold Feare of Death, caft away their Armour, and Garments from them, 
 and fought in their Shirts: And, as it was generally conceived, had it not 
 beene that the Count of Bofiu was flacke in charging the Spaniards upon 
 their Retreit, this Fight had forted to an abfolute Defeat." Certaine Mifcel- 
 lany Works of the Right Honourable Francis Lo. Verulam, Vifcount S. Alban. 
 Publijhed by William Rawley, Do^or of Divinity, one of his Maiefiies 
 Chaplaines. London, 1629, p. 34. 
 
 P. 27, 1. 9. The retrait of Gante. " In the yeare 1582, was that 
 Memorable Retreit of Gaunt ; Than the which there hath not beene an 
 Exploit of Warre more celebrated. For in the true judgment of Men of 
 Warre, honourable Retraits are no wayes inferiour to brave Charges; as 
 having lefte of Fortune, more of Difcipline, and as much of Valour. There 
 were to the number of 300 Horfe, and as many Thoufand Foot Englijh, 
 (commanded by Sir John Norris,) charged by the Prince of Parma, com- 
 ming upon them with 7000 Horfe : befides that the whole Army of Spaniards 
 was ready to march on. Neverthelefs Sir John Norris maintained a Retreit 
 without Difarray, by the fpace of fome miles, (part of the way champagne,) 
 unto the City of Gaunt, with lefs lofs of Men than the enemy. The D. of 
 Anjou and the Prince of Aurange, beholding this noble ac5lion from the Wats 
 of Gaunt^ as in a Theatre, with great admiration." Id. p. 38. 
 
 L 
 
so 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 p. 27, 1. 9. the day at Sutphen. This was the acf^Ion of 22 September, 
 
 158^ in which Sir Philip Sidney received his mortal wound; and it is 
 
 ftrange that Bacon in his Conftderations touching a war with Spain, where 
 
 he is producing evidence to prove that " in all anions of war or arms, great 
 
 and fmall, which have happened thefe many years, ever fince Spain and 
 
 England have had anything to debate one with the other, the Englifh upon 
 
 all encounters have perpetually come off with honour and with the better," 
 
 fhould have forgotten to mention it. For whatever elfe may be faid of it, 
 
 there w^as never any which proved more fignally the fuperiority of the 
 
 Englifh troops in an " encounter." The odds were in {a6i fo great that it is 
 
 difficult to underftand either how fo experienced a foldier as Sir John Norris 
 
 (who was in command of the fervice and led the charge) could have rifked 
 
 an engagement on fuch conditions, or how fo great a commander as the 
 
 Prince of Parma could have failed to improve the opportunity to their utter 
 
 deftrucftion. " If you faw the ground," faid the Earl of Leicefter, writing 
 
 to Walfingham, a week after from the camp, ** with the numbers of the 
 
 enemy, and the advantage they had of the ground, you would marvel that 
 
 even any one man efcaped of our fide." Yet what is certain is that 250 
 
 horfe and 300 foot of the Englifti attacked upwards of a thoufand horfe and 
 
 two or three thoufand foot of the Spanifh, in a ftrong pofition and prepared 
 
 to receive them, and after a hand to hand fight of an hour and a half, within 
 
 fhort range of the enemy's mufkets, drew off in good order, with the lofs of 
 
 only 13 horfemen and 22 footmen, and were not purfued. 
 
 The Englifh reports are fo much occupied with the perfonal exploits of 
 the feveral knights in that fierce encounter, that they take no notice of the 
 difficulty, and inflead of fupplying a fatisfa^ory explanation, fcarcely leave 
 room for one. But in Grimeflone's Hijtory of the Netherlands, (a tranflation ■ 
 from John Francis Petit) I find an account of the action, which, though the 
 conflru<5lion is in feveral places obfcure, makes the conducfl of it intelligible, 
 ** The Prince of Parma fearing that the Earl of Leicefler might do fome- 
 
 thing againft Zutphen went to Bunckloo, fi-om whence he fent 
 
 certain visuals into Zutphen, going himfelf in perfon with his vanguard; 
 which the Earl of Leicefler, knowing that the town was not yet fully 
 vi(5^ualled, he thought the next time they victualled it to fet upon the convoy: 
 whereunto he appointed Sir John Norris and Sir William Stanley, with 
 certain foot, and others with fome troops of horfemen. The 22 of September, 
 in the morning betimes, the Prince of Parma caufed more victuals to be 
 fent unto Zutphen with the fame convoy of his vanguard as they had before • 
 being 6 or 700 horfe, and 2,000 pikes and mufketecrs. They flaying in a 
 flrong place, by a village called Warnfvelt, half a mile from the town ; and i'o 
 let the carts and wagons paf^ along ; which being dilcovcrcd by a troop of 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 51 
 
 30 horfe, Sir John Norris, the Earl of Ef^ex, the Lord Willoughby, Sir 
 William Stanley, Sir Philip Sidney, Sir William Ruf^ell, and others, rode 
 thither, with about 200 horfe and 1,500 mufketeers and pikes, meeting with 
 their enemies before they expeSled them, by reafon it was then very mijly : 
 they of the Prince of Parma's fide, led by the Marquis of Guafl [Vaflo], upon 
 their watch-word given, began to fhoot furioufly out of their ambufcadoes, 
 being a place of great advantage, as if it had been a fconce : which they on 
 the Earl of Leicefler's fide manfully withflood, not any one once retiring out 
 of his place, to the no little amazement of the enemy, which being pafl, and 
 the enemy not knowing how Jlrong the Englijhmen were, and perceiving them 
 to advance, they fent out a cornet of horfe under the leading of Captain 
 George Creflier, an Albanois, which was prefently overthrown, and the 
 Captain himfelf taken prifoner ; after that they fent Count Hannibal Gonzaga 
 with his cornet of horfe, the which was likewife valiantly charged, put to 
 rout, and part thereof flain, and he himfelf fiain, or deadly wounded ; they 
 purfued the reft clofe under their fhot, where the third cornet made fhew 
 to come to charge them ; but it being likewife driven back, they parted one 
 from the other, in regard that the Prince of Parma began to fend more 
 
 men to ftrengthen them whereupon the Englifh, not knowing 
 
 how Jlrong the enemy was, withdrew themfelves unto their camp, and fo did 
 the Prince of Parma unto his." (Lib. 13, p. 926.) 
 
 Except for a difference as to numbers (which fhows that this account did 
 not come from the Englifh fide, for the numbers of the Spanifh convoy are 
 diminifhed by about a third, and thofe of the Englifh infantry increafed five 
 fold) — there is nothing here inconfiftent with the fa<5ls which come out in the 
 letters of the Earl of Leicefter : namely, that the fervice committed to Sir 
 John Norris was only the interception of a convoy; that there was no 
 expe<5lation of fuch a force coming with it, nor any preparation for fuch an 
 encounter ; that the Englifh troops, advancing through a fog, came fuddenly 
 upon " an ambufcade ■ * of 3,000 men, '* the moft mufkets, the reft pikes ; " 
 that the Englifh horfemen being foremoft " would not turn, but paf^ed 
 through," — that is, as I underftand it, paf^ed through the fire of the infantry 
 — " and charged the Horfemen that flede (Jic) at the back of their Foote- 
 mcn," — that is, charged the cavalry, which had withdrawn to leave the 
 paf^age clear for the mufketeers to fire, — and that this charge was mainly 
 aflifted by thofe principal noblemen and gentlemen, who having been ftaying 
 by the Earl of Leicefter in the mift, as foon as they knew where the fighting 
 was to be, "^ went on till they found Sir John Norris ; to whom " (adds the 
 Earl) ** I had committed this fervice only to have impeached a convoy ; but he, 
 feeing thefe young fellows, indeed, led them to this charge, and all thefe 
 joined in front together," &c. (Leycejler correfpondence, Camd. Soc. p. 416). 
 
52 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 The expreffion " went on till they found Sir John Norris/' coming as it does 
 immediately after the mention of the mijl in which they were (laying, feems 
 to imply rather that the mift continued than that it had difperfed. And it 
 is a circumflance of fome importance. Both Mr. Bruce and Mr. Motley 
 reprefent it as fuddenly clearing off. " Suddenly," fays Mr. Motley, ** the 
 fog, which had fhrouded the fcene fo clofely, rolled away like a curtain, and in 
 the full light of an October morning, the Englifh found themfelves face to face 
 with a compact body of more than three thoufand men," (ii. p. 50). Now it may 
 be that there is fome contemporary authority for that pi<5lurefque incident : 
 but I find no trace of it in any of the original Englifti reports, and picfturefque 
 incidents, being eaiily imagined, require the more confirmation. Unleft 
 there is very good authority for faying that the fog cleared away before the 
 fight began, I (hall believe that it took place while the fog was ftill thick 
 enough to prevent either party from feeing more than what was immediately 
 before them. In that cafe, as foon as the foremoft Englifh horfemen came 
 within fight of the Spanifh mufketeers, they would be fired upon, and would 
 fall back upon the main body. The gentlemen who were with Leicefter, 
 learning by the fire where the fight was to be, would make for the fcene of 
 a6i\on ; and the whole 200, thus increafed to 250, knowing the pofition but 
 not the numbers of the enemy, would advance againfl thofe they faw. The 
 Spaniards, on their part, unable to guefs the flrength of the force that 
 threatened them, would fland upon the defenfive. Failing to drive them off 
 by their mufketry, they would meet them with cavalry: and when three 
 feveral companies had been fent againfl them, one after another, and each 
 in its turn had been broken and overthrown by the impetuofity of the 
 charge, they would be in no good condition to molefl them in their retreat. 
 For by this time, whether the fog had difperfed or not, Norris had got near 
 enough to form fome idea of the flrength of the body he was attacking, and 
 to underfland that without fome very large reinforcements he could do no 
 more. Sir William Stanley alfo, with his 300 foot, (which Parma fuppofed 
 to be 3,000), mufl have come to the fame conclufion. And as reinforce- 
 ments to the extent required were not forthcoming (no ac^lion on that 
 fcale having been contemplated), the befl thing to be done was to get 
 handfomely away. And the manner in which this was effedled may fairly be 
 counted among the felicities of the day. The account given in Stow's 
 Chronicle feems to be the perfonal narrative of one who was prefent, and 
 completes the hiflory of the *' day at Zutphen." 
 
 *' All the time this fkirmifh was with thefe cornets," — that was the 
 cavalry fight under Sir John Norris — " fo our footemen were in fight with 
 the enimie, and by fine force made them once again retire to their fafetie. 
 The enimie being retired to his flrength, all our horfe made a fland by the 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 53 
 
 mufl^et fhot, which plaide on them fore, and braved the enimie, bidding him 
 come foorth if he durfl, but he would not : which Sir John Norris feeing, 
 rode to his excellencie and bade him be merrie, for faid he, you have had 
 this day the honorablefl day that ever you had, for a handful of your men 
 have driven the enimie three times to retrait this one day. Further he 
 willed his excellencie either to fend for more flrength, or elfe to found the 
 retrait ; which laft requefl he graunted, for that his flrengthes were other- 
 wife emploied, and fo the retrait being founded both by drumme and 
 trumpet, our captaines came backe in good order, every man to his quarter, 
 with great praife and honour." Stow, p. 1 253. 
 
 But what became of the convoy of vi(5luals about which all this difpute 
 was? The old chroniclers fay nothing of it : and the later hiflorians tell 
 flrangely different flories. Mr. John Bruce— -a writer habitually and 
 fludioufly accurate— defcribing the refult of the day according to the befl 
 Englifh authorities as late as the year 1 844, fays, " The refult was glorious. 
 The enemy were driven from their pofition, compelled to abandon their 
 attempt to fuccour Zutphen, and to retreat with great lof^ in killed and 
 wounded." {Leycefier Corre/pondence, p. 414* note.) Mr. Motley, writing 
 in i860, with the help of the befl Spanifh authorities, fays, '' The heroifm 
 which had been difplayed was fruitlef^, except as a proof— and fo Leicefler 
 wrote to the Palatine John Cafimir— that Spaniards were not invincible. 
 Two thoufand men now fallied from the Loor gate, under Verdugo and 
 Taf^is, to join the force under Vaflo, and the Englifh were forced to retreat. 
 The whole convoy was then carried into the city, and the Spaniards remained 
 
 majlers of the field'' (p. 54)- 
 
 The faa is, that of the two perfons who fhould have known befl, one fays 
 the one thing, the other fays the other. Leicefler, writing to Burghley, 
 diflinaiy flates that " notwithflanding all thefe troops, the Prince did not put 
 in one waggon, fave thirty which got in in the night,"-meaning, I fuppofe, 
 the night before. The Prince, writing to the King of Spain, congratulates 
 him upon the if^ue, feeing that they had completely fucceeded in what they 
 wanted to do. Leicefler is not the befl of witnef^es, though his letters con- 
 cerning this day's work are not written at all in the fpirit of a man who 
 is making a report in his own honour or juflification; and Parma's evidence 
 would have had more weight, if he had not in the fame fentence pretended 
 to have maintained the fight with few againR many, {a la harha de tan huen 
 numero con tanta poca gente) : a gratuitous mifreprefentation which deprives 
 his teflimony on the other point of all value. But there is a better reafon 
 than the Prince's af^ertion of the fa^ for thinking that the waggons did get 
 into Zutphen ; which is, that we hear of no further fighting ; and, without a 
 fight, what could have prevented 3,000 men (though reduced by the two or 
 
Il 
 
 54 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 three hundred who may have been killed or difabled in the morning) from 
 carrying them in after dinner ? They were on the road, not above a mile 
 off:* and it was never faid that any of them were deftroyed or carried away 
 by the Englifti. 
 
 P. 27,1. 13. w^ was chafed. So in the other MS. One would have 
 expe(?led '' w*' having ben chafed." 
 
 P. 27, 1.16. adventurers. So in MS. Compare p. 1 1, 1. 7. The other 
 MS. has '* adventures;'* which is probably right. What is meant is that as 
 they had only the wind to truft to for mercy, fo they had only chance to 
 truft to for difcretion — that is, judicious dire(flion. 
 
 * Warnsfeld, where the aftion took place, was " about an Engll/h mile from Zutphen." 
 Motley, Vol. I. p. 45. 
 
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