PAM. MISC. * 1 % W1 ' Kl \s C' Conflict or Cooperation STUDY OUTLINE By J. B. Ma tthews and Sylvanus M. Duvall THE AMERICAN COMMITTEE WORLD YOUTH PEACE CONGRESS 104 East 9th Street, Room 386 New York City 393 / i CONFLICT OR COOPERATION A Study Outline By JOSEPH B. MATTHEWS and SYLVANUS M. DUVALL CONTENTS I. OUR INHERITANCE —THE WORLD AS IT IS. II. AREAS OF CONFLICT. III. NATIONALISM. IV. THE ECONOMIC ORDER. V. IMPERIALISM. VI. INTERRACIAL RELATIONS. VII. RELIGION AND PEACE. VIII. PROPAGANDA OR HISTORY. IX. FORCES TENDING TO PERPETUATE A CONFLICT SYSTEM. X. AGENCIES WORKING FOR COOPERATION. XI. WHAT YOUTH CAN DO. XII. THROUGH CONFLICT TO COOPERATION. APPENDIX: SUGGESTIONS FOR LEADERS. CHAPTER I. OUR INHERITANCE — THE WORLD AS IT IS. “Put-put-put-put” . . . machine guns and rifles spat fire and lead. When it was over some five hundred dead and fifteen hundred wounded lay upon the ground. In India the demand for Swaraj—self-government—was growing. The Rowlatt Act, giving to the administration the power to make arbitrary arrests and to inflict summary punishment had aroused bitter resentment. Several outbreaks had occurred; banks had been looted and their managers killed, and a woman physician had been beaten almost to death. Feeling unable to handle the situation, the Deputy Commissioner turned complete control over to the military governor, General Dyer, who promptly forbade all meetings without his consent. In violation of this order some five thousand people met on May 13, 1919, near Amritsar in the Punjab, to protest against the ruthless policy of the foreigner. Although the crowd was composed of unarmed civilians, some of whom had not even heard of the order, General Dyer surrounded them with his soldiers and without any order to disperse or even a word of warning, at once opened fire. The firing continued until the ammunition was exhausted. Then the troops left the field without any attempt to help the wounded. Said General Dyer, “It was not then my duty to render aid. It was a medical question.” 1 Why this act of almost incredible barbarity? No violence was threatened; General Dyer himself testifying that “I think it quite possible that I could have dispersed them perhaps even without firing.” Nor was it merely the fiendish act of a maniacal commander. It was done deliberately for a definite purpose. These two thousand people were shot down in cold blood because General Dyer and those who approved his action believed, in view of the prevalent unrest, that something should be done to terrorize the people into submission. India and the British authorities were in conflict! Some three hundred years before the British had first penetrated India. Under the British East India Company a succession of able gov- 1 For an account of this massacre, cf. Moon, Parker T., Imperialism, pp. 305, 306, and the Nation, vol. 110, p. 121. 5 ernors, after having expelled the French during the Seven Years War, gradually extended British control. The real founder of the British Empire in India was Robert Clive, governor of Bengal. In 1757 he defeated at Plassey the enormous army mustered against him by the local nawab, thus establishing English prestige on a firm basis. Capable successors, such as Warren Hastings, Lord Cornwallis, the marquess of Wellesley, brother of the Duke of Wellington, the marquess of Hastings, and Lord Dalhousie subdued native princes, and seized territories and concessions until in 1849 most of India was under British control. In 1857 the great Sepoy rebellion broke out and for a time, threatened to destroy every vestige of British influence in India. But troops were rushed from England, the country was soon reconquered, and the rebellion was put down. In 1858 the control of the East India Company, which had for the past eighty-five years been gradually curtailed, was taken away and India was transferred to the Crown. In 1877 Queen Victoria was proclaimed Empress of India by the astute Disraeli. During these early years the British had fought with separate rulers in a much divided India. But during the past fifty years there has gradually grown up, due largely to foreign influence and oppression, a national con¬ sciousness which has increasingly bound the peoples of India into a unity, at least in their desire to be rid of foreign rule. During the World War India as a whole remained loyal to Great Britain, hoping that thereby she might win a large measure of independence. Some concessions were made, but these Dft the actual control of the country in the hands of foreigners. Pro¬ tests and outbreaks occurred, some of which were met by severe reprisals. Ghandi arose, impressed an ideal of unity and hope on his people, and then his influence gradually waned, leaving the control of the movement for self-government in the hands of less peaceful leaders. And so there is conflict in India . . . conflict. In fact the whole world seems to be in conflict. We need not delve far into the history of the past; they are here; numer¬ ous conflicts,—real, and contemporary. To quote a competent observer, 1 “If we consider this landscape of uneasiness, Eastern and Western, national and international, religious, racial, and economic, we are forced to the conclusion that there must be grave defects in either the education or the motives of statesmen responsible for the direction of public affairs”. Surely here is a challenge to our best thinking and noblest endeavor. X P. W. Wilson in the New York Times, September 11, 1927. 6 A NEWSPAPER STUDY. The remainder of this chapter is devoted to an examination and consideration of the conflict situations presented in only two issues of the New York Times; those of September 11th and 12th, 1927. If the purpose of this chapter were merely to help the student to realize the extent of conflict, it might be insuffi¬ cient merely to list the news items which are included. But as the Amritsar massacre was merely an instance of a complicated situation, the roots of which lay deep in the history of the past and the psychology of man, so each item presented is to be un¬ derstood only in the light of the larger and often world situation of which it is an expression. Therefore after each grouping is appended a list of suggestions, the careful consideration of which may help make clear these larger implications. It is hoped that the student may thereby be assisted in learning to see the significance of the events which are transpiring about us, so that when he reads of them he may get, not merely information but understanding. Here is what we find in the Times of Sep¬ tember llth-12th. I. ECONOMIC CONFLICTS. A. Russia and the Capitalist-Communist Controversy. Al¬ though the conflict suggested by the name of Russia involves many complications and considerations, its crux is undoubtedly economic. 1. “Red Menace Wanes” in France as the American Legion celebration approaches, according to a headline. 2. “France to Expel Soviet Ambassador”, we are assured in a headline, although the article which it surmounts con¬ veys the information that final action has not been taken by the French Cabinet in the absence of M. Briand. 3. “British Labor Rids Party of Red Tinge.” 4. “Sees Freemasonry Allied with Reds.” This new Russian ally is discovered in France by M. Coty, a manufacturer of perfumes! 5. “British Say Reds Seek Turco-Persian Break.” 6. “English Reds Seen as Factor in Break” between the Trades Union Congress at Edinburgh and the All-Rus¬ sian Council of Labor Unions. 7. “Red Sisters March wiffi Soviet Youth” we are told in the headline of an article on the eagerness with which Russian boys and girls play war. 7 8. “Another Anglo-Russian Break” is the subject of an edi¬ torial on the 11th in which we are told that the rupture between British and Russian trade unions deprives the latter of their only European friend. 9. “Oil Men Doubtful of Relief in Russia.” The Standard Oil Company of New Jersey purchased a controlling share in the Nobel Company in Russia after the nation¬ alization of oil by the Russian government, and is now doubtful of its ability to gain possession. (Shouldn’t wonder.) 10. On the 12th we are told that Poincare, in a telephone con¬ versation with Briand, assured the latter that the cabinet had taken no action on the case of the Soviet Ambassador in Paris. (See item 2 above.) SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. Someone has defined “Bolshevism” as “anything you don’t like and have no valid arguments against”. Is this a reli¬ able description of the way in which the term is fre¬ quently used? What is the legitimate meaning of the term? Of Communism? 2. What is the psychological effect of the frequent use of the term “Red’ (six times in the headlines quoted above) ? 3. Without attempting either to attack or to defend it, con¬ sider the causes for communism, attempting, not to judge it but to understand it. Do the same for the prejudice against “radicalism”. 4. Read chapter 23, “The Poison Gas Attack” in The Rus¬ sian Soviet Republic, in which Professor Ross lists forty- nine fairy-tales and falsehoods spread by the foes of Russia. See the Nation for August 31, 1927, on “A Forger of Soviet ‘Documents’!” Do you think that the Bolshe¬ vists have as much right to attempt to undermine the United States Government as the foes of Soviet Russia have to attempt to undermine and discredit it? If so, are those who make such attacks against the “Reds” in the same class with the Bolshevists ? What shall we say of those who encouraged and supported armed movements against the Soviet government? 5. Consider the significance of such a statement as that of Upton Close in The Revolt of Asia: “The historian of a century hence will be no more concerned as to which of 8 the European nations was the technical victor (of the World War) than is the present historian as to which of the city states of Greece won the Peloponnesian War, but he will be tremendously concerned with the fact that by throwing Russia back into Asia, it completely changed the balance of power of the races and the continents, and ushered in the ‘end of the white man’s world’.” 6. For the further study of Russia: a. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, July 1927. b. Ross, E. A., The Russian Soviet Republic . Century Co., 1923. c. Laidler, Harry W., Roads to Freedom, Ch. IV. League for Industrial Democracy, 1925—Ten Cents. d. Strong, Anna Louise, The First Time in History . Boni and Liveright, 1924. B. The Interallied Debts. A cartoon depicts the indiffer¬ ent attitude of the French and the American soldier toward this economic problem. Further reference is found in the mention of Count Volpin, Italian Minister of Finance who headed the Italian Debt Funding Commission. SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. The total amount loaned by the United States to twenty different countries was $10,338,000,000. (See Informa¬ tion Service of the Foreign Policy Association, 18 East 41st St., New York City, March, 1927, entitled The United States and the War Debts. 2. Debt funding agreements have been negotiated with thir¬ teen debtor countries involving varying degrees of cancel¬ lation by means of low interest charges. 75% of the debt of Italy was cancelled in this way. 3. What have been the effects upon international relations of these debts? What are the reasons for and against the cancellation of the principal of these debts? 4. For further information on the debt question see a. International Conciliation, May 1927, entitled The In¬ terallied Debts. Published by the Carnegie Endow¬ ment for International Peace, 44 Portland St., Wor¬ cester, Mass. Contains full bibliography. Five Cents. b. Guy, C. L., Debts and Our Allies in the Century Maga¬ zine for September, 1927. 9 C. Conflicts between Capitalists and Workers. These will be considered more fully in chapter IV on The Economic Order. Conflict situations of this nature reported in the two issues of the New York Times studies were: 1. Breton sardine fishers go out on strike. Difficulties said to involve the tariff problem. 2. British strike cuts drink bill. 3. Left wing revives war in suit trade. 4. Truckmen ratify strike agreement in New York. 5. Federal judge restricts picketing in Steubenville, Ohio, to American citizens. 1 6. “Sees a Union Drive Against Open Shop” heads an arti¬ cle containing a letter from W. H. Barr, President of the National Founders Association warning its members against the activities of the American Federation of Labor against the open shop. It states that the American Plan Association of Cleveland has a fund of two million dol¬ lars raised by a group of citizens for carrying on this fight with the labor unions. 1 7. British Laborites at Edinburgh in heated debate over pro¬ posal for cooperation with employers. 8. German workers are reported to have been quiet last year, due to the economic crisis and unemployment. Is there a subtle implication in the use of the word “quiet” in this connection ? D. The Burden of Taxation. “Increasing Burden of French Taxation” is the headline of an article which states that one-fourth of the national income is absorbed by taxation today as compared with one-sixth in 1913. This condition suggests the cost of conflict—an almost universal problem in our post-war world. Consider in this connection the statement of Secretary Mellon that approximately 85% of our total national budget goes for military purposes. See The Problem of Armaments by Enock, (Macmillan, 1923) for a full statement on the costs of armaments. Uhis item presents an important conflict situation arising over the question of the open shop. More information concerning the two associa¬ tions mentioned is to be found in Professional Patriots, edited by Norman Hapgood (cf. below, ch. IX). 10 E. The Franco-American Tariff Conflict. On September 11th and 12th several articles present the threat of a tariff war between the United States and France. American protests against French rates have been made, and a proposal for a most favored nation treaty with France has been suggested by the United States. Such a treaty would give the United States the benefit of the low rates fixed in a recent trade agreement be¬ tween France and Germany. SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. The effects of high tariff rates upon the trade of the United States with Europe. 2. Is the tariff primarily for the protection of “infant” in¬ dustries, or does it “protect” the older and well-established industries as well? ? Is it true that the wage rate in in¬ dustries protected by tariffs is often lower than that in unprotected industries ? 3. What was the connection between “tariff” and the Civil War? (See Beard, The Rise of American Civilization, Ch. XVII.) 4. Read The False Peace-Protectionism Means Endless Con¬ flict by Lambert. Distributed by the International Free Trade League, 38 St. Botolph St., Boston, Mass. F. Advertising. Every great newspaper or magazine de¬ votes a large proportion of its space to advertisements. Mr. Edward Bok, writing in the Atlantic Monthly of October, 1923, estimated that the total annual outlay for advertising in the United States is $1,284,000,000. SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. Is it true that “advertising is the anti-social weapon of competing groups in their conflict with each other for trade” ? 2. Why is it that in certain industries, the cost of selling a commodity is greater than the cost of producing it? What proportion of advertising merely cancels itself by present¬ ing competing brands of the same commodities to the public ? 3. How should an article be chosen; on the basis of what its makers claim for it, or on the basis of actual worth? To what extent does advertising prevent the choice of the best product? 11 4. Why is advertising unnecessary for the sale of potatoes, but indispensable for the sale of patent-medicines? Is it true that the more useless a product is, the more it must be advertised? 5. Study The Tragedy of Waste by Stuart Chase (Macmil¬ lan, 1925) chapter VII. II. POLITICAL CONFLICTS. A. China. Nationalism, Imperialism, Racial Conflicts, Capitalism, Communism, and Militarism are all involved in the conflict which rages in China. Is not China a focal point for almost all of the major conflicts of our generation? State con¬ cretely and in some detail how the “isms” mentioned above are related to the present situation in China. Suggest other phases of this conflict. The copies of the Times examined announce: 1. The fall of Swatow. 2. The bombardment for a month of a mission in the prov¬ ince of Shantung,—reported by a missionary. 3. The rise of a new civil head of the Nationalist Party, Mr. Wang Ching-wei. B. Germany. It is now apparent that the Treaty of Ver¬ sailles not only left many conflicts unsolved, but created many more. Consider William Allen White’s characterization of the World War as “a futile war followed by a punitive peace”. In the Times we read that: 1. “Germany Dreams of Might Restored”. 2. Germany is “dissatisfied with League meeting”. 3. American officials doubt Germany’s willingness to accept compulsory arbitration of all disputes in adhering to the Permanent Court of International Justice. 4. Austria is, from the economic standpoint, unwisely cut off from union with Germany by the Treaty of Versailles. C. Latin-America and the United States. From the stand¬ point of the United States this conflict is of major importance. Evidences of this conflict are clearly discernible in the Times reports that: (Note: Because of its unusual importance in present day conflicts, fuller consideration will be given to China in the next chapter.) 12 1. Panama has petitioned the League of Nations to settle the question of sovereignty over the Canal Zone. 2. Sandino wrecks the gold mines in the region of Nicara¬ gua under his control. As a result, “Sandino is described by the mine owner as a desperado, cruel and very forcible. He has trained four boys from fourteen to sixteen years of age, Mr. Butler says, to act as his body guard and kill at his command. These boys are pictured as absolutely cold blooded, ‘thinking no more of shooting a man than cracking a mule with a whip’.” Is there a familiar tone in this “brutality picture”. It is stated that Mr. Butler will file a claim with the Department of State. D. Armaments. If armaments are the most effective in¬ struments of peace, as some believe, they should be considered under the sections on agencies of cooperation. However we will venture to discuss them here. 1. In discussing the failure of the Geneva Conference on Naval Armaments, Mr. P. W. Wilson writes, “Where na¬ tions desire cooperation, we see an insistence on what must result in friction”. Is the writer justified in making a distinction between nations desiring cooperation and gov¬ ernment representatives insisting on policies productive of conflict? Were the major aims of the Geneva Conference lost in the technicalities and ambitions of the experts? 2. In reference to our own military equipment we learn that: a. Our naval planes are held to be the equal of any. b. Our new army dreadnaught of the air carries a one- ton bomb “powerful enough to wreck a small town”. Does this information give you a sense of security? E. The Balkans. The cauldron of Europe is still boiling. 1. Headlines announce: “Terrorism Charges Revived in Ru¬ mania”. (This refers to the treatment of political foes.) 2. Mr. P. W. Wilson reminds us of the Italian-Jugoslavian rivalry in the Balkans, involving Albania, Fiume, and the Adriatic. III. RACIAL CONFLICTS. A. Race Riot. From Berlin, Maryland, comes the news that on the 11th, 300 whites and negroes rioted for three hours. Twenty-two negroes are reported injured, three of them seri- 13 ously. Nothing is said about injuries to the whites. Berlin is reported to have a population of 1,100 whites and 900 negroes. B. Palestine. Mention is made of the conflict between the Arabs and the Jews in Palestine; a conflict which is both politi¬ cal and religious. IV. RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS. A. Ireland. Several articles consider the conflict in Ire¬ land, one important phase of which is religious. B. India. Mention is made of the hostility between the Moslems and the Hindus. C. Denominational Divisions, which the religious news page sets clearly before the reader, do not present to the world that example of harmony and cooperation which is so sadly needed today. Groups within the churches are frequently in conflict with each other, as witness the Modernist-Fundamen¬ talist Controversy. THE OTHER SIDE. Perhaps we weary of hearing of conflict, and certainly there is another side, not as conspicuous, but just as real and perhaps of even greater significance for the future. In these same issues of the Times we find among other indications of the spirit of cooperation, reports concerning: 1. The League of Nations. The League may be weak, and its imperfections real, but the importance of the functions which it performs and its influence for peace are far greater than many realize. We read: a. “League in Tears as Briand Pleads for World Peace”. What must be the effect of such an appeal from the leading statesman of one of the most prominent and vindictive belligerents? What more important service could be rendered the cause of peace than that of pro¬ viding opportunity for stimulating, expressing, and fo¬ cusing the moral sentiment of the world? b. An article suggests the possibilities for growth in the League. Another states that the trend within the League is toward arbitration. At least significant statements of opinion. (Note: Racial conflicts will be discussed more fully in Chapter V.) (Note: See Chapter VI on Religion and Peace.) 14 c. A $2,000,000 gift for a library for the League is an¬ nounced. d. Stresemann declares that in adhering to the Perma¬ nent Court of International Justice, Germany accepts compulsory arbitration. 2. It is reported that Russian refugees make cultural contri¬ butions in Turkey. Do national and racial fusions pro¬ duce richness of culture? 3. “Religious Accord Found.” Twenty Brooklyn men of dif¬ ferent faiths hold monthly meetings—seven Jews, seven Protestants, and six Catholics. 4. International Association of Journalists holds its sessions in Geneva. 5. British strikers are helped by foreign unions, Germany leading in contributions for the striking mine workers, and Sweden in contributions for the General Strike of May, 1926. 6. Applied science continues to increase the possibilities of cooperation through its achievements in aviation. 7. News-gathering and printing itself is a remarkable achieve¬ ment in cooperation. OBSERVATIONS ON CHAPTER I. 1. Students who have been discussing the problems centering about War, Race, and Industry in their recent conferences have been studying, not a fictitious world, but a very real one. 2. “The World as It Is” is indeed a world of conflict, the re¬ solving of which is perhaps the greatest task confronting mankind. 3. These conflicts are the expressions and evidences of deeply- rooted and highly complicated conditions and situations. Neither the best of intentions nor even the most sincere and strenuous efforts will avail unless this effort is intelli¬ gently directed by those who have become thoroughly fa¬ miliar with the situations with which they are dealing. 4. Our first responsibility for the “world as it is” is the moral obligation to become intelligently informed concerning it. (Note: The two issues of the New York Times in which all of the above items were included were selected not because of the unusual number of conflict situations which they reported, but because they were the most recent which could be examined before placing this outline in the hands of the printer.) 15 CHAPTER II. AREAS OF CONFLICT. I. CHINA vs. IMPERIALISM. Item I: Did you read the following dispatch in an obscure corner of your paper? September 12—(Associated Press Dispatch) Shanghai: “The United States gunboat Luzon, one of six similar crafts which are to comprise the new American Yangtze river patrol, was launched from the Kiangnan dockyards on the outskirts of Shanghai today. The Luzon, of 650 tons, draws but five feet of water. Her keel was laid last March. She is expected to be commissioned in December. Completion of the fleet, which will cost a total of $5,000,- 000, and of which three units now have been launched, is set for next March.” Item II: Near the end of March, 1927, the British and the American fleets, acting jointly, bombarded the city of Nan¬ king shortly after it had been entered by the Nationalist troops from the South. The avowed intention of the bom¬ bardment was the protection of British and American citizens said to be in danger from the Chinese Nationalist troops. Item III: On May 30, 1925, the British captain of police in Shanghai ordered his men to fire upon a crowd which was composed chiefly of unarmed Chinese students. Many of them were killed and wounded. The students were pa¬ rading in the International Settlement in protest against the arrest and imprisonment of fellow students who in turn had been demonstrating in behalf of workmen in foreign-owned factories. The police captain ordered the demonstrators who had gathered outside the police sta¬ tion to disperse. Instead they rushed the station; and the officer gave the command to fire to kill. What is the meaning of this conflict situation that manifests itself in the incidents cited above? What are the elements that go to explain the actions of hostility on both sides? 16 THE ECONOMIC PHASE. 1. Industrialism appears in China—foreign capital—in¬ tolerable conditions of labor in factories. 2. The growth of a Chinese labor movement. 3. Students maintain their traditional position in China by active participation in public affairs—in this instance sympathetic demonstrations for strikers. 4. Foreign investments reach through the whole of China’s economic life:—railways, manufactures, banks, trading houses. 5. Foreign controlled customs service. 6. Chinese seek tariff autonomy—rate now fixed at 5 per cent by foreign powers. 7. Concessions obtained by powers in unilateral treaties. 8. Territorial aggression through a whole century arouses the indignation of Chinese. 9. The Consortium—foreign control of China’s finances. THE INTERNATIONAL PHASE. 1. In early days Chinese were hostile to intercourse with foreigners. 2. The Opium War and the Treaty of Nanking (1842) with provisions for treaty ports, extraterritorial privi¬ leges, tariff rate of 5 per cent, and the cession in per¬ petuity, of the island of Hongkong. 3. In 1844 the United States obtained similar concessions under the doctrine of the “most favored nation.” “The Americans crawled behind British guns,” said the lat¬ ter tauntingly. 4. The Tai Ping Rebellion put down by the Powers under the generalship of “Chinese” Gordon. 5. The Treaty of Tientsin (1858) granted foreigners fur¬ ther concessions and forbade any interference with the preaching of Christianity. The latter provision is known as the “toleration clause.” 6. In 1894 at the end of the Sino-Japanese War, China ceded Formosa and the Liao-tung Peninsula to Japan. Japan was blocked in her intention to take Port Arthur by a protest from France, Germany and Russia. 17 7. Near the end of the century Germany, England, France and Russia took leases on important ports and areas in China. 8. The Boxer Uprising,—a manifestation of anti-foreign- ism and patriotic protest,—occurred in 1900. Heavy in¬ demnities were imposed by the Powers and the Inter¬ national Settlement of Shanghai was established on Chinese soil. 9. The United States announced the Open Door Policy to prevent further territorial aggression in China. 10. The Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902, aimed at Russia, had important consequences for China. The Russo- Japanese War of 1904-05 was a staggering blow at the prestige of Western Powers in the Orient. 11. The World War brought the Japanese “Monroe Doc¬ trine/’ and the famous “Twenty One Demands” with China’s effective boycott as a reply; and the question of Shantung which caused bitter debates at Versailles. 12. The revolution in Russia brought a change of attitude toward China in a doctrine of equality which greatly in¬ creased Russian prestige in China. The long-standing Anglo-Russian rivalry thus found a new stage. 13. Special privileges, concessions, etc., all require the con¬ stant presence of foreign patrols in Chinese waters. 14. A phase of “racialism” still found among some Western advocates of “the white man’s burden” in the Orient. 15. The unavoidable tenseness produced by these incidents leads easily to conflict involving violence, as reported above. THE NATIONALIST PHASE. 1. The Revolution of 1911 overthrew the Manchus. 2. Struggle for a republican form of government under the leadership of Sun Yat' Sen. The appearance of the Kuomintang, a Chinese nationalist movement. 3. Era of Yuan Shih-K’ai (1914-16). 4. North vs. South (1916-24). 5. The spread of democratic ideas from the West. 6 The “renaissance” affects the whole structure of Chi¬ nese life. 18 7. Increased facilities for communication aid the growth of nationalism. 8. Aggression of Western Imperialism, especially any re¬ sort to terrorism, produces nationalistic sentiment. WHAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN! “But there were two alternative paths which Europe might have followed in the process of ‘opening up’ China. The first was the path of economic exploitation, pure and simple . . . The other was the path of cooperation rather than of ex¬ ploitation . . . “It will be argued that the second alternative was impos¬ sibly utopian. But it was not; it was actually tried with suc¬ cess in a limited field . . . The European customs officials considered it their duty to build up for the Chinese Govern¬ ment a service which would protect the legitimate interests and the rights of the Chinese people. Their efforts were met' with hostility and opposition both from the foreign traders and the foreign consuls, but they were successful, and, while everywhere else domestic corruption and foreign exploitation were bringing ruin on China, in the customs administration the Chinese were being consistently helped to protect their own economic interests. “These facts show that it was quite possible for Europe to cooperate with the Chinese in such a way as to adapt Chinese organization and government to the necessities of the modern economic world. No one to-day will deny that the co¬ operation of East and West in the customs administration ultimately benefited both China and Europe. But the experi¬ ment was not repeated” Leonard Woolf: Economic Imperi¬ alism, pp. 84-88). II. THE EXPANSION OF THE UNITED STATES. The expansion of the United States in the western hemis¬ phere has been fraught with conflict. Trace in detail the record of that expansion! 1. What is the crux of the strained relations between Mexico and the United States? 2. What is the gist of the Nicaraguan matter? 3. How and why was the Panama Zone obtained? 19 4. What was the story of the acquisition of Hawaii? 5. How did Lincoln, Grant and Woodrow Wilson charac¬ terize the Mexican War of 1848? 6. How does the Platt Amendment affect the status of Cuba? 7. What form of government existed in the Virgin Islands before the United States purchased them from Den¬ mark? What form of government have they now? 8. Under what circumstances was Haiti occupied by U. S. Marines? 9. Has the Monroe Doctrine undergone distinct changes in interpretation? 10. What change in the relations between the United States and Europe has taken place since the beginning of the World War? III. Other areas of conflict are too numerous to be con¬ sidered in any detail in this outline. They are merely sug¬ gested in order that the student may study them fully as time allows: A. Italy and the Mediterranean, —involving an increasing tenseness in relations with France; an avowed policy of expansion and colonization in Africa; friction with Jugo-Slavia over Fiume and the Adriatic; and influ¬ ences in Albania and other Balkan States. B. Russia and the Capitalistic Powers, —The Anglo-Rus- sian rivalry was one of the most important in the inter¬ national relations of the 19th century. It is now con¬ tinued in a new form. Russian influence is competing with, and probably with success, British influence in Persia, Afghanistan, Tibet and China. The Russian conflict not only involves Great Britain but all the leading industrial countries. C. France has her serious troubles in administering her Syrian mandate, in exploiting her North African Em¬ pire, and in maintaining the most friendly relations with her European neighbors, Italy, Germany, and Eng¬ land. The tariff and the war debt questions with the United States are still unsolved. D. Attention has already been called to the conflict in British India. Elsewhere Great Britain is experiencing international friction that might easily lead to conflict— 20 in Egypt, in Mesopotamia, and in the naval question with the United States. E. In the Near East Turkey has broken away from Euro¬ pean domination, but there are still questions unsettled in her relations with foreign peoples and powers. The rich oil resources in the Mesopotamian Valley are cause of conflict. QUESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. What do you consider the chief cause of conflict in the modern world? How does this compare with the past? 2. Is a philosophy of ultimate values expressed or implied by the “things” over which men contend? 3. What countries or areas are comparatively free from conflict? Why? 4. Is it becoming easier to isolate conflicts? Why? What direct or indirect connections can you trace between the place where you live and the principal danger zones of the world? BIBLIOGRAPHY: Close, Upton: The Revolt of Asia, Putnam, 1927. Hutchinson, Paul: What and Why in China, Willett, Clark & Colby, 1927. Ross, E. A.: The Russian Soviet Republic, The Century Co., 1923. Inman, S. G.: Problems in Pan-Americanism, Doran, 1921. Beals, Carleton: Mexico, Huebsch, 1923. Beard, C. A. & Mary R.: The Rise of American Civiliza¬ tion, 2 vols., Macmillan, 1927. Moon, P. T.: Imperialism and World Politics, Macmillan, 1926. Earle, Edward M.: Turkey, The Great Powers, and The Bagdad Railway, Macmillan, 1923. Hayes, C. J. H.: Political and Social History of Modern Europe, 2 vols, Macmillan, 1916. Gibbons, H. A.: Introduction to World Politics, Century, 1922. Gibbons,' H. A.: America’s Place in the World, Century, 1924. 21 CHAPTER III. NATIONALISM. I. NATIONALISM IN EUROPE. Nationalism shaped the political destinies of Europe from 1848 to 1871. In saying this, the danger of too mechanically “periodizing” history is recognized; for at no time in the life of a continent or people are the historical forces few and simple. Periods do not begin and end with abruptness; they always root deeply in the past, and require for their interpretation the fullest possible account of their antecedents. II. NATIONALISM AND STEAM POWER. Just prior to this period in which Nationalism was the con¬ trolling conception in political thought in Europe, steam power became a revolutionary force in industry. “The conception of racial or national supremacy, based upon cultural superiority and military and financial mastery, originated during the French Rev¬ olution and the Napoleonic wars, and was developed during the period from 1815 to 1848, coincident with the birth of the sense of nationality in Europe and the introduction of steam power into industry and transportation.” (Gibbons: World Politics, p. 17.) III. ECONOMIC BASIS OF NATIONALISM. The economic basis of nationalism at once becomes apparent. The following steps may be traced in this development: 1. Steam power transforms industry and greatly increases production. 2. Steam power is employed for transportation,—carrying raw materials to the factory and manufactured products to their markets. 3. This further accelerates industrialization and the massing of population at industrial centers. 4. With the rise of the great industrial powers, it becomes necessary to find raw materials and markets away from home, hence economic imperialism is born. 22 5. Economic imperialism brings new ideas to exploited areas, and under the none too scrupulous reign of the foreigners Nationalism is engendered as a united opposition to op¬ pression. IV. NATIONALISM IN ASIA. Nationalism would eventually have come to Asia as it came to Europe,—through forces operating within,—but industrialism came first to Europe whence influences spread to hasten the growth of nationalism in the Orient late in the Nineteenth Cen¬ tury and in the first quarter of the Twentieth. 1. Spender, in his Changing East, quotes a distinguished Indian of the older generation to this effect: “My father greatly respected England and he spoke with great reverence of her great writers and statesmen— Milton, Burke, Byron, Shelley, John Stuart Mill, Glad¬ stone and Bright. As children we were brought up to read your writers and the speeches of your statesmen, and we found them generous and inspiring. No one in those days talked of alien rule. . . . “And then a change came, and though I do not know the reasons, I know that we felt it. You began to talk about your empire, and Disraeli came on the scene boast¬ ing of your power and your greatness. You spoke as if you were masters of us body and soul, and as if we were children and barbarians. . . . “This went on more and more all through the last twenty years of the last century. All your orators and all your newspapers talked of Empire and Imperialism, and the necessity of expanding and exploiting and govern¬ ing with a firm hand. I don’t know what was behind it all, but this was not the England that we older ones had admired and respected, and we withdrew into our shells, while young men came forward who had not known the old England and were resentful of the new. You had for¬ gotten that in kindling your own Nationalist spirit you were bound also to kindle ours. There is always reaction to every political movement, and our Nationalism was the reaction of your Imperialism.” 23 2. After the Amritsar tragedy the Viceroy implored Parlia¬ ment to take immediate steps for saving British rule in India. Among other things he said: “What lies behind and below the whole of the political difficulties in India is a spirit of Nationalism, a spirit bred in the soil, nurtured by our methods and example, and spreading rapidly through all ranks and classes of Indian society. . . . The government of India is not being dragged at the tail of a revolutionary movement by a neg¬ ligible group of professional agitators.” 3. To what extent is Nationalism in Japan, the Philippines, China, Turkey, and Egypt also due to the Imperialism and other contacts of Western Powers in these countries? (For the recent history of political movements in these countries see Dutcher, The Political Awakening of the East.) V. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL BASIS OF NATIONALISM. 1. The love of power at work in the industrial barons and the unscrupulous political leaders of the new machine age made them ready soil for the planting and propagation of nationalistic conceptions. They discovered that the masses became pliable under the powerful sentiment of nationalism, and willingly furthered their selfish interests even when in conflict with the interests of the masses themselves. Give examples of wars in which the masses had nothing to gain and much to lose, but in which the case was reversed for capitalists and politicians, and yet the latter were supported to the limit by the former! 2. “On the multitudes nationalism could be made to act as a sort of laughing gas. If a labourer could be induced to take a long deep breath of it, he would feel quite exhilarated and for a time at any rate he would forget about overwork and underpay in factory, field, or mine, and lose the reality of his own squalid habitation in the dream of national greatness.” (Hayes, Essays on Nationalism, p. 74.) Consider to what extent nationalism acts as a compensation mechanism on others who feel their in¬ ability to achieve individually. To what extent does nationalism represent an urge for “the expansion of the ego”? 3. “But nationalism could hardly be the driving force in the lives of the masses of mankind which it is today had not instru¬ mentalities of mass-education been perfected and utilized for 24 popular propaganda. Nationalism, being a cultural phenomenon, is not ‘in the blood’; it cannot be transmitted biologically from one person to another; it is an ‘acquired character’, and the method of its acquisition, as of any cultural product, is education.” (Hayes, p. 78.) In this connection we note at least three power¬ ful educational agencies: a. Popular compulsory education in state schools has been intensely nationalistic in tone. In what ways? Give some well-known illustrations of educational systems built around the principle of nationalism. b. Modern journalism has not lagged behind the schools as an educational agency in implanting nationalistic conceptions in the minds of the masses. Here again we are faced with the significance of the Industrial Revo¬ lution which made possible the new journalism, “the greatest engine yet constructed for propaganda and education.” c. Universal military service, a comparatively new insti¬ tution, has been one of the most effective educational agencies of nationalism. Note its historical relation to nationalism. As long as wars were fought by profes¬ sionals, the masses were largely indifferent to their out¬ come, but when the modern state began to reach into every home of the land, it provided, in the most pow¬ erful manner conceivable, for the planting of nation¬ alism deep in the emotional life of the masses. Wars were no longer the concern solely of feudal lords and the fighting men whose services they could buy; they became the common enterprise of whole populations, for which no sacrifice was too great. 4. Between the final unification of Italy in 1871 and the end of the World War, “Italia Irredenta” (Italy Unredeemed) was a political principle which made a profound appeal to the spirit of nationalism. It stood for a policy which aimed to bring within the Kingdom of Italy those adjacent regions where mixed popu¬ lations included large numbers of Italians. Such a policy, known now as “irredentism”, has been an important nationalistic factor in winning support for many wars in recent history, as for ex¬ ample, the recovery of Alsace-Lorraine. (See Hayes, pp. 138- 145.) 25 SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. Distinguish between nationalism and nationality. Between nationalism and race. Also between nationalism and pa¬ triotism. 2. In what countries were there strong movements of na¬ tionalism between 1848 and 1871 ? 3. What wars of the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries have been supported by appeals to the spirit of nation¬ alism? In which of these did “irredentism” play a part? 4. What present conflict situations involve “irredentist” claims ? 5. Consider the method of inculcating nationalism by a. Building up the myth of the nation as super-person, having unlimited claims of loyalty upon the nationalist. b. The process of conditioning responses to symbols of nationalism. (See Allport: The Psychology of Na¬ tionalism, Harper’s Magazine, August, 1927.) 6. In view of the remarkable efficiency of steam power in aid¬ ing the development of a national consciousness, is it pos¬ sible to believe that radio and aviation will make similar contributions to the development of international or world¬ mindedness ? 7. What expressions of nationalism are at variance with the principle of international cooperation? Which are not nec¬ essarily inconsistent with it? At what point does na¬ tionalism pass from an achievement to a problem? 8. Consider nationalism as a religion! (See Chapter VII below.) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Hayes, C. J. H.: Essays on Nationalism, Macmillan, 1926. Page, Kirby: Nationalism and Imperialism, Doran, 1926. Allport, F. H.: The Psychology of Nationalism, Harper’s Magazine, August, 1927. Holmes, J. H.: Patriotism Is Not Enough, Greenberg, 1925. Tagore, R.: Nationalism, Macmillan. Spender, J. A.: The Changing East, Stokes, 1927. Dutcher, G. M.: The Political Awakening of the East, Abingdon Press, 1925. 26 CHAPTER IV. THE ECONOMIC ORDER. As clearly indicated in Chapter II, in all the major areas of conflict, economic considerations are prominently and inextricably involved. It is therefore essential to our purpose that a careful examination be made of the economic and industrial system as prerequisite to an adequate understanding of the international situations which now confront us. That the industrial system has brought many benefits to man¬ kind there can be no doubt. But it is equally true that the exist¬ ing control over this system is basically unethical. Although eco¬ nomic enterprise is not uninfluenced by ethical considerations, the avowed aim is private economic gain. The non-social nature of the system which results is clearly evidenced by A. The failure to co-ordinate industry as a whole for the pur¬ pose of providing as adequately as possible for human needs, resulting in such conditions as 1. Lack of standardization, and interference with the free interchange of ideas and discoveries by such means as trade secrets and patent rights. 2. Unnecessary duplication of the means and agencies for production and especially for distribution. B. The deliberate refusal, despite the needs which everywhere exist, to utilize all of the resources of society to meet these needs : Sabotage: 1. The wanton destruction and wasting of food, natural resources, and other social wealth in order to maintain a price level or to secure the resources more rapidly. 3. The unnecessary curtailment of production in order to raise or maintain a price level, and the resulting unem¬ ployment. 4. The employment of men and resources in harmful, or socially non-productive enterprises. In short, those in control of the industrial system have deliber¬ ately restricted production to the amount most profitable to them- 27 selves, thus giving to society but a small proportion of the in¬ creased production which modern developments in science and invention have made possible. Such conditions evidence, not merely waste and inefficiency but conflict (politely called compe¬ tition). In the struggle to secure economic advantage, natural resources, markets, trade, and the control of capital and indus¬ trial enterprise it is inevitable that the interests of different capi¬ talist groups, and of capitalists, workers, and society should con¬ flict. As results of these evils and the non-social motives of which they are inevitable consequences, are A. The denial of Justice and Brotherhood by 1. The injustice of distributing the economic rewards of industry, not according to services rendered or need, but according to interest in and ability for acquisition. 2. The arbitrary and irresponsible power which wealth inevitably gives its possessors over a. The workers who are dependent upon the use of this capital for the means of earning their livelihood. b. The consumers who are dependent upon them for the goods which they must use, and who can exer¬ cise control only by going without the things they need. c. The institutions and hence the ideals of society. The power to give or withhold donations to politi¬ cal, educational, charitable, or religious institutions gives to its possessors a disproportionate influence over governments, colleges, churches, and charitable organizations, and hence, over the thought and ideals, and to a certain extent the welfare of the other members of society. B. The Injurious Effects of Industrial and Economic Condi¬ tions upon the Workers. 1. Unnecessary industrial accidents and industrial dis¬ eases, and the harmful effects of fatigue. 2. Evils resulting from the mechanizing effects of indus¬ try upon the workers. a. Relative lack of interest in their work, and the lack of development which would result from a greater opportunity for initiative and a greater share in control. 28 b. Relative lack of interest in living. c. The increased desire for unhealthful stimulation. 3. Poverty and other evils resulting from the lack of leisure and resources to enjoy home life or to take ad¬ vantage of opportunities for personal development and culture. THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM AS THE MOST INFLUENTIAL EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION IN THE MOLDING OF CHARACTER. Discussions of the economic system have usually centered about descriptions and explanations of the processes of produc¬ tion and profit-making. Existing conditions and proposed inno¬ vations such as socialism have usually been evaluated upon the basis of their supposed significance for productive efficiency and economic prosperity. More socially minded people have insisted that full consideration be given to the human values involved. So strenuously and effectively have they maintained this emphasis that now even the most orthodox economists no longer regard labor as a mere commodity, and recognize that the effects of in¬ dustry upon the workers and upon society should be taken into account. This humanitarian concern has centered so far about physical welfare; the effects of fatigue, bad housing conditions, inadequate income, industrial accidents and diseases. Hence benevolently inclined employers and philanthropists have raised wages, cut the hours of labor, built model homes, and provided gymnasiums, libraries and classes, free medical attention, and band-concerts for their employees and the community. The sig¬ nificance of industrial and economic conditions for spiritual de¬ velopment have by no means been overlooked. But even these have been considered usually in terms of opportunity and depri¬ vation; of opportunity for initiative, or of leisure and resources for cultural and personal development. The more enlightened have now become deeply suspicious of paternalism and welfare work, and have caught glimpses of the industrial system as not only crushing or enriching personality, but as actually molding character, for better or for worse. But few have grasped the full significance of the economic system as the most potent educa¬ tional influence in the world today, or have centered their pro¬ posals for its reorganization and control about its functions as an institution for character formation. 29 “Man ist was er isst” says a German proverb. Modern psy¬ chology has conclusively shown that a truer statement would be “Man ist was er tut”, man is what he does. We now know that character is formed in the whole process of experience. Every time one attends a theatre, makes a purchase at the store; every¬ where and every time a conduct decision is made, and in general, only under such circumstances, character is being formed. It is true that “as a man thinketh in his heart so is he”, but it is true also that what he thinks in his heart is largely determined by the customary procedure, attitudes, and standards of value of the social situations in which he must function. Of these social influences, by far the most potent is the eco¬ nomic system. The majority of adults spend most of their wak¬ ing hours in striving to wrest from it as much as possible. It is not the length of time spent in such activities, however, which is responsible for their influence on character; it is rather the vital relationship they bear to the whole of life. He errs who con¬ ceives of them in crassly materialistic terms. For upon them are largely dependent such considerations as health, opportunities for education, home, and the welfare of family and children. The most tender sentiments and noblest values are so inextricably bound up with them as to make a refusal to conform to the exist¬ ing system of economic organization practically impossible. The economic system inevitably and indelibly impresses its own na¬ ture upon those who participate in it. Few considerations are more important than the determination of the nature of this most potent influence upon character. THE INFLUENCE OF THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM ON CHARACTER. I. Effects of the inequitable distribution of wealth. A. On the Poor. We have already suggested the physical hardships and deprivations of poverty. Let us not for¬ get that it involves spiritual losses. Among these are: 1. Those resulting from the absence of freedom, and de¬ pendence upon others for the means of earning a liv¬ ing, with resulting servility. 2. The necessary concentration of attention upon material considerations, with the resulting lower standard of values. 3. Fear, bitterness, hatred, hopelessness and despair. 30 B. On the Rich. Perhaps more unfortunate than the effects of poverty on the poor are the effect's of exces¬ sive wealth on the rich. 1. The undue power of wealth subjects its possessors to strong and unusual temptations. Probably the most subtle, alluring, and destructive of these is the tempta¬ tion to control one’s fellow men. The control which wealth gives over the institutions of society, plus the deference given to its owners by those who wish this wealth for their enterprises, almost inevitably gives to those who possess it an unjustified and exaggerated conception of their own competence and right to de¬ cide the policies of these institutions, and hence, con¬ duct and opinions of their fellow men. Few situations could be more damning to character than the oppor¬ tunity for incompetents to exercise unearned and irre¬ sponsible power. 2. Unearned wealth and income tends to weaken charac¬ ter and to make its possessors idle, lazy, and useless. 3. Great differences in economic status tend to isolate the rich from their fellow men and to make human sym¬ pathy and mutual understanding more difficult. a. Wealth is a barrier to mixing and to the free inter¬ change of viewpoints. b. Not knowing what it means to go without, the rich tend to become indifferent to human needs. II. The present economic system promotes the use of Force and Violence and the spirit of Revolt and Crime. 1. It is largely responsible for the existence of the social conditions, such as the slums, in which the criminal and the malcontent are bred. 2. By making it often more profitable to engage in socially less productive enterprises, it has dissipated valuable tal¬ ent and energies which otherwise might be available to correct these evil social conditions. 3. It has, and to a great extent, consciously and deliberately, done much to create discontent among the people by a. The examples of conspicuous waste and the “higher” standard of living set by the wealthy. b. Salesmanship and advertising. 31 c. The spectacle of large fortunes being amassed without the necessity for productive effort. 4. It has failed to provide, for most people, legitimate and moral possibilities for the satisfying of their desires. 5. It has tended to destroy confidence in, and to promote con¬ tempt for, law, order, and constituted authority by a. The control which it has exercised, often by corrupt means, over the election and conduct of civil authori¬ ties. b. Its encouragement of the illegal and unjustifiable use of force and violence on the part of civil authorities against laboring groups. c. Its promotion of actual anarchy; the employment by private interests, of armed forces which are not respon¬ sible for their conduct to any civil authority. d. Industrial espionage; the employment of spies, thugs, and gunmen to break up labor organizations and to discredit them in the eyes of the public. 6. It has tended to undermine and destroy the faith of the people in moral ideals by a. Accepting as the underlying basis of its philosophy and practice, acquisition (private greed) as its primary aim and most important consideration. b. Its utter disregard for truth in its propaganda against those who attempt to call it to account for its philosophy and activities. c. Its shameless disregard for human welfare, human happiness, and human life. THE INFLUENCE OF THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. It is needless to do more than suggest that, in securing for itself the best talent available, the economic system has arrogated to itself a disproportionate share of the total energies of society, and thus deprived society of talent, resources, and ability sadly needed for the task of social adjustment. Here, for example, is a man, brilliant and talented; one man in a thousand. He might if he would, be doing much to work out means for the pacific set- telment of international disputes; in helping to make it impossible that men should ever again be hanging, “screaming and gibbering ... on the barbed wire until a friendly spout of liquid fire shrivels them up like a fly in a candle”. Yet with the seeds of 32 another such war being sown; a war far more horrible than any the world has yet known; a war so destructive that if it comes, civilization will be a thing of the past; what is this man doing with his abilities? He is conducting a series of advertising cam¬ paigns, trying to persuade people to buy one brand of pink pa¬ jamas instead of another. Why? Because as society is now or¬ ganized it does not pay him to stop wars, but the pink pajama industry he finds highly profitable. Far more insidious than any mere deprivation, however, is the influence of the struggle for the natural resources, markets and trade of the world in causing international complications. It is not to be supposed that those will exploit the labor of the children of their own country, or employ spies, thugs, and gun¬ men against their fellow citizens, will scruple in dealing with the “backward” foreigners into whose territories they have gone in search of gain. Nor is it surprising that those who will bribe and corrupt their governments to gain economic advantage at home will hesitate to bring as much pressure as possible to bear to promote their interests abroad, even though such a policy may result in war with the governments of other economic interests. The frequent invasions of supposedly sovereign states by the military forces of the United States, and the seizure and forcible defense of concessions in China and other areas of the Orient not strong enough to defend themselves show clearly the operation of such influences. The facts of imperialism and “dollar diplomacy” are too well known to need further elaboration. While we would not subscribe to the rather loose and confused “economic inter¬ pretation of history”, there can be little doubt, as other chapters in this book clearly show, that economic conflicts, while by no means the only causes, lie at the basis of international discord. SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. A. Consider the profit motive. 1. What is it? The desire for economic security? For luxury? For power? 2. Why is it that those who have far more money than they wish to spend continue to strive for more? Is it because a. They are mean and do not wish others to have enough ? b. They just wish to see how much they can get? c. Money is power and they wish as much control over their fellow men as possible? 33 3. Why is it that men who are willing to give their em¬ ployees high wages and all sorts of welfare work vig¬ orously and uncompromisingly fight all efforts on the part of their employees to share in the control of the business? Why do many people regard charity and welfare work with suspicion? Do these questions throw any light on the opposition of employees to unions and the closed shop, and on the opposition of labor leaders to company unions ? 4. Consider the proposition that the struggle for power is a central issue in the conflicts between capitalists and workers, and between conservatives and radicals. 5. Is the profit motive indispensable, or is it possible that industry might be conducted as the home, the public school, the church, and the political state are conducted; not for the economic advantage of those who control them, but for the good of the people? B. The chapter includes a rather severe indictment of the eco¬ nomic system. To what extent do you think that this in¬ dictment is justified? 1. Do you agree with the chapter that the economic sys¬ tem is the most influential educational institution in the world from the standpoint of character formation? Consider advertising as an influence on moral educa¬ tion. What ideals does it present as to what is most important and worth while in life? 2. Whom does the inequitable distribution of wealth in¬ jure most; the poor or the rich? Do you believe that the state should strictly limit inheritance in order to protect the oncoming generations from the injurious effects of unearned riches? 3. As an actual matter of fact, who have been most free in the employment of force and violence in the United States, capitalists or communists? C. To what extent have the rich actually earned the enormous fortunes which they possess? Do you know of fortunes which have been founded or greatly increased by such means as 1. The deliberate manipulation of stock, or the issuance of watered stock, involving others in financial ruin ? What is the significance of the stock dividend? 34 2. The control of legislation and courts by bribery and political pressure? 3. The gouging of the government in contracts? 4. Secret discriminatory transportation rates enabling those so favored to crush competitors and establish monopolies ? 5. Undervaluation in customs returns, enabling certain importers to crush competitors who made honest re¬ turns ? 6. The seizure of public domain and the exploitation of natural resources for private gain? 7. The underpayment of labor and the exploitation of child labor? 8. The exploitation of backward peoples with the military support of government? 9. Such accidental factors as inheritance or the rise of land values ? D. Consider carefully the influence of economic conflict on international discord. What part did economic causes play in the last war? BIBLIOGRAPHY: Chase, Stuart, The Tragedy of Waste, Macmillan, 1926. Chase, Stuart, and Schlink, Getting Your Money’s Worth, Macmillan, 1927. Howard, Sidney, The Labor Spy, New Republic Press, 1924. Hunter, Robert, Violence and the Labor Movement, Mac¬ millan. Lane, Winthrop D., The Denial of Civil Liberties in the Coal Fields, Doran. Whipple, Leon, The Story of Civil Liberties in the United States, Vanguard Press, 1927. Hapgood, Norman, (editor), Professional Patriots, A. C. Boni, 1927. Tarbell, Ida, The History of the Standard Oil. (2 vols.) Myers, Gustavus, The History of the Great American For¬ tunes (3 vols.), Charles H. Kerr & Co., 1907-1909. Nearing, Scott, Dollar Diplomacy. Moon, Thomas Parker, Modern Diplomacy. 35 CHAPTER V. IMPERIALISM. Modern imperialism is the product of the new economic order and the spirit of nationalism. By 1871 the industrialization of Europe and the growth of nationalism had proceeded so far that the new or economic imperialism was inevitable. It differed from ancient imperialisms in its economic emphasis. From 1848 to 1871 was the period of nationalism; 1871 to 1914 was the period of economic imperialism. There are signs of the beginning of the end of this newest form of imperialism. With the growth of nationalism in exploited areas, imperialism is encountering difficulties that begin to seem insurmountable. Two courses seem open to the present and rising generation: deadlier conflict that has yet been known in international war with consequences that cannot be predicted, or some form of internationalism that em¬ bodies in a full measure the principles of cooperation. Can it be that these courses present the most urgent task of the immediate future? I Again our story begins with the rise of industrialism which made the factory instead of the home, the producing center. The consequences of this shift were so momentous that even now we cannot measure them. The ownership of the tools of production passed from those who toiled with their hands to those who were clever enough to seize them. With the ownership of the tools went the lion’s share of the rewards of production. Labor be¬ came a commodity to be bought with the smallest wage that would enable the worker to keep body and soul together. The profit motive became dominant. Wealth was more and more massed in the hands of those who owned the tools. One tool they lacked,—the handy instrument of government. That was still in the hands of the “planting aristocracy,” or the successors of the feudal lords, who owned the land. The industrial barons set out to dispossess the landlords, and in the United States the Civil War was the result. The industrialists won. They im¬ posed tariffs upon the goods of competing producers in other lands. They regulated prices at home on the principle of “all the traffic would bear;” and waxed fat in wealth. Labor hit upon the idea of organization to resist exploitation, and the modern labor unions were born. 36 II Soon the home market reached the “saturation point,” and other markets had to be found abroad for the surplus products of the industrial system. There was a scramble for colonies in all the “unoccupied” areas of the world. Europe took up the long-neglected “white man’s burden.” In the United States, economic initiative was still busy with the conquest of its vast western territories. But with the turn of the century the United States, too, turned its attention to the economic opportunities of the Western Hemisphere. The Monroe Doctrine underwent re¬ interpretation to permit interference in the domestic politics of the Latin American countries, whenever “the lives and property of American citizens” demanded it. III To reach the markets at home and abroad, improved com¬ munications became necessary. Steam and electricity were rapidly harnessed for the purpose. Between 1850 and 1900 railways increased from a mileage of 24,000 to a mileage of 500,000. The tonnage of steam shipping increased more than three hundred per cent in the last quarter of the 19th century. Telegraphs in¬ creased from 5,000 miles in 1850 to 1,180,000 miles in 1900. IV The supplies of certain raw materials which were of funda¬ mental importance in modern industry soon occasioned new rivalries between the industrial powers. Uninhabited areas which were useless as markets held vast stores of iron, coal, rubber, and oil. The wheels of imperialism cannot turn without these. a. “Who has oil has empire!” wrote Berenger to Clemenceau in 1919. “Control of the ocean by heavy oils, control of the air by highly refined oils, and of the land by petrol and illuminating oils. Empire of the World through the financial power attaching to a substance more precious, more penetrating, more influential in the world than gold itself!” Such a statement explains why all the Great Powers have a definite “oil policy.” Lord Curzon de¬ clared, “Truly posterity will say that the Allies floated to victory on a wave of oil.” b. Rubber is quite as essential as oil to modern civilization. The automobile industry alone requires an amount of 37 rubber sufficient to make it one of the “raw materials of imperialism.” Whereas there were less than 4,000 auto¬ mobiles manufactured in the United States in 1899, there were almost 4,000,000 made in our country a quarter of a century later. c. The United States Steel heads the list of our billion dollar corporations. Coal and iron supplies are not found in equal quantities throughout the world,—hence the rivalries of the Great Powers for these raw materials! V The next important factor in the making of modern imperial¬ ism was the “surplus capital” for investment in foreign countries. Bankers have not infrequently lent to weaker powers on bad securities and then relied on government to collect the obligations. Among others, study the case of Egypt during the 19th century. In several cases the conclusion of the matter has been the political control of the borrowing country by the country of the lending bankers. VI Where surplus capital is invested in weaker countries it claims the full protection of the military forces of the home govern¬ ment. Hence military occupations for the “protection of Ameri¬ can lives and property!” The whole economic outreach of an industrial country into the farthest corners of the earth is depend¬ ent for its success, so we are told, upon a home government with a military machine ready and adequate for its protection,—with or without regard for the interests of the peoples of the exploited regions. Thus militarism becomes a strong ally of the economic order. SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. What concessions has imperialism made to the growing nationalism of China and Turkey in recent months? Do you agree with Upton Close that this growing nationalism of Oriental peoples spells the end of the white man’s world? 2. Would universal Free Trade lessen international conflicts and make for cooperation? 3. What will happen in exporting countries when their mar¬ kets are cut off by the growth of manufacturers in coun¬ tries where they have been selling? 38 4. Study the distribution of the principal raw materials of industry. Can you suggest any control of these supplies for the use of all countries, in proportion to their indus¬ trial needs? 5. Should there be limits upon the protection given foreign investments? What? The United States has more than twenty billions of dollars in foreign investments and foreign debts; does this constitute, in your judgment, an entangl¬ ing alliance? How does it compare with membership in the League of Nations in its “entangling” possibilities? 6. Correlate the expenditure for military purposes with the total of their foreign investments, of the leading countries of the world. 7. What blessings has imperialism brought to backward peoples ? What handicaps ? 8. Does imperialism now have at its disposal machinery that could be turned into the machinery of cooperation? Give concrete illustrations. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Moon, P. T.: Imperialism and World Politics, Macmillan, 1926. de la Trameyre: The World Struggle for Oil, Knopf, 1924. Davenport, E. H. and Cooke, S. R.: The Oil Trusts and Anglo-American Relations, Macmillan, 1924. Enock, A. G.: The Problem of Armaments, Macmillan, 1923. Inman, S. G.: Imperialistic America, Atlantic Monthly, July 1. Woolf, L.: Economic Imperialism, Harcourt Brace, 1920. Thomas, Norman: The Challenge of War, an Economic Interpretation. (League for Industrial Democracy). 39 CHAPTER VI. INTERRACIAL RELATIONS “NEGROES BARRED IN GARY SCHOOL” “Striking Students Win Out in Protest Against Blacks” (By United Press.) “Gary, Ind., Sept. 30.—‘Jim Crow’ today had gained a foot¬ hold in the Gary school system and 1,500 white students who walked out of classes rather than attend with negroes returned to Emerson High School. “The city council at a special meeting last night agreed to a special bond issue of $15,000 for establishment of a temporary high school for negroes, to be used until a permanent school can be established. “Negroes will continue to attend other high schools, but they will be barred from the Emerson school, located in the city’s most exclusive residential district. “The strike originated Monday when six hundred students left their classes in protest against eighteen negroes who had reg¬ istered.” I. WHAT IS RACE? In considering the relations between races it is important at the outset to define as clearly as possible what we mean by the term race. a. Distinguish between race and nationality. b. Do racial lines follow linguistic lines? Is the term “Aryan” used more correctly in describing a racial or a linguistic group ? c. Are racial distinctions strongly marked? d. Are they permanent? e. How are geography and race related ? f. Are there any pure races? How have migrations affected racial purity? 40 g. Is race an exact or an approximate classification based upon certain arbitrarily chosen qualities? h. Which of the following characteristics determine race: Color of hair; color of skin; anatomical measurements; culture; economic levels; language; geographical area; color of eye; hair-form; grade of intelligence? Does a single trait suffice to fix racial category or must there be a combination of a number of traits? II. WHERE DO INTERRACIAL RELATIONS CONSTITUTE PROBLEMS? a. The Southern States of the United States. Note the back¬ ground of the present situation, and in what ways it dif¬ fers from the past. In Northern cities due to recent mi¬ grations. b. The South African situation. c. The Japanese in California. d. Western Imperialism in the Orient. e. In Immigration: 1. Discriminations in laws of the United States. 2. In Australia. f. Name other conflict areas involving race. g. What areas are free from race conflicts? Why? III. THE BASES OF RACIAL CONFLICT. a. Attitudes of superiority. How are these expressed? b. Fear of loss of economic security and standards. c. It has been said that government is usually, if not always, the instrument of the dominant class designed to maintain its position of supremacy over other classes. Is this borne out in areas of racial conflict? How? d. To what extent is racial antipathy based upon the mere fact of “differentness” ? Does a provincially-minded per¬ son think of differences in others as inferiority ? Give ex¬ amples. e. Ignorance concerning the achievements of other racial groups. Lack of contacts with the best in other groups. 41 IV. CONFLICT SITUATIONS. Consider the manifestations of racial conflict as found in the United States. Complete this list, and give illustrations from your own experience or study. a. Did the “emancipation proclamation” remove all economic handicaps from the Negro? 1. See Walter White, The Negro and the Flood, in The Nation, June 22, 1927: “In many of the refugee camps Negroes are carefully guarded, and when the flood re¬ cedes and the land dries they are released only to the landlord from whose plantation they came.” In the same article Mr. White quotes from Daily News, Jack- son, Mississippi, April 30, as follows: “All labor in authorized camps will be held and not allowed to go to other sections of the State, and after the flood danger has passed and conditions are such that they can re¬ sume work, they will be taken back to their homes in the various sections of the delta from which they came.” Can this latter quotation conceivably refer to white labor? How could you designate such a labor status as that occupied by these workers who are held under armed guard and released only to the landlords from whose plantations they came? 2. To what extent is Negro labor organized? How does this affect his economic position ? 3. To what extent can economic freedom be conferred from without and to what extent must it be achieved from within? To what extent may the achievement of economic freedom be retarded or promoted by the dominant race? 4. Can there be real political and religious freedom with¬ out economic freedom? Why? b. Consider the legal handicaps imposed upon racial groups as a phase of our interracial conflict: 1. Longer Sentences —“In South Carolina a white man stole an automobile and was sentenced for thirty days; on the same day and by the same judge a Negro who stole a bicycle was sent to the chain-gang for three years.” {And Who Is My Neighbor? page 47.) Do Greeks, Italians, Chinese, and other minority racial 42 groups have similar experiences? Give examples. Often there is lack of law enforcement in cases involv¬ ing only Negroes. What injustice does this involve? 2. Lynching —What is the present situation as compared with that of previous years? In numbers? Attitude of press ? Attitude of civic and religious bodies ? 1922 —58 lynchings; 1923—33; 1924—16; 1925—16; 1926 —29. Consider the effects upon those who participate in lynching, and the communities where they occur! 3. The Franchise —What devices have been used to dis¬ franchise large groups upon which the constitution by intent, confers the right of suffrage? How would you look upon the sincerity of a state or community that protests against the nullification of the Eighteenth Amendment by a state with “wet” sentiment, while it practises nullification of the Fifteenth Amendment on the ground of its “color” sentiment? c. Numerous social handicaps act to engender friction be¬ tween races living side by side. Some of these are too subtle to permit of concrete illustration, while others are strikingly at variance with a democratic society, to say nothing of one organized on a thoroughly cooperative basis. 1. What is your reaction to the news item at the begin¬ ning of this chapter? 2. The issue of residential segregation has been set forth prominently in the famous case of Dr. Sweet in De¬ troit. . . . Do you know what the Supreme Court ruling on coercive segregation is ? 3. The operation of “Jim Crow” laws on public convey¬ ances is too well known to need illustration. Similarly discriminations in hotels, shops, and educational insti¬ tutions may be found at any time in any section of the country where different races are in contact. d. The part played by the press in exaggerating or alleviat¬ ing racial conflicts is obviously important. The Chicago Race Commission listed 1,338 Negro news items which ap¬ peared in three Chicago dailies over a period of two years. Almost exactly one-half of these dealt with riots, clashes, crime and vice, while only fifty-eight dealt with construc- 43 tive matters like education, art and business. Note the manner in which the word Negro is emphasized in crime news. Analyze your local newspaper from this standpoint. e. The immigration problem has given rise to racial friction between countries of Oriental and Occidental races. 1. On July 1, 1924, an act excluding Japanese from the United States went into effect. The circumstances of the passage of this act contributed to magnify the ele¬ ment of friction. The day was observed throughout Japan as “Humiliation Day”. Cyrus E. Woods, former American Ambassador to Japan, characterized the act in these words: “The Japanese Exclusion Act was, in my judgment, an international disaster of the first mag¬ nitude,—a disaster to American diplomacy in the Far East, a disaster to American business, a disaster to re¬ ligion and to the effective work of our American churches in Japan.” 2. During the year 1923 state legislatures passed acts in California and Washington designated to deny equality of treatment in economic rights to all persons ineligible for citizenship. V. PROPOSALS FOR SOLVING RACIAL CONFLICTS. What do the citizens of a country containing important groups of racial minorities propose to do about the conflicts which arise under the present order? a. There are a few individuals who seriously propose whole¬ sale deportation of racial minorities as the only solution for the problems of conflict. This has apparently worked very well between Greece and Turkey recently, in their mutual exchange of populations. What are the differ¬ ences between that case and the situation in the United States ? b. Others propose what might be called a “parallelism” for racial situations such as that in the South. According to this idea the two races would be entirely separate, each de¬ veloping from within, with an absolute minimum of inter¬ racial contacts, having, however, some slight cooperation in matters of government and education. Can there be any real “parallelism” as long as one group is politically, so- 44 dally and economically disinherited? What can you say for and against such a plan? c. Others accept the complex racial situation in the United States as a challenge to those who believe in thorough¬ going cooperation, and are working along all lines for the improvement of racial relations. Some of the methods of cooperation now in use are briefly described below: 1. The National Committee on American-Japanese Rela¬ tions has adopted the following as its program: (1) To cultivate in regard to Japan an informed and rational public opinion, inspired by a friendly spirit and a sympathetic understanding of her needs, problems, and aspirations. (2) To advocate a square deal and impartial treat¬ ment for Japanese in the United States. (3) To urge the enactment of adequate Federal legis¬ lation for the protection of aliens and for the en¬ forcement of their treaty rights as urged by Presidents Harrison, McKinley, Roosevelt, and Taft. (4) To urge that, after July 1, 1927, Japanese be in¬ cluded in the quota provisions of the new Immi¬ gration Law, thus laying the basis for right rela¬ tions between the two countries. How would you criticize this program? Since the Exclusion Act also applies to other Oriental peoples, why has more consideration been given to the claims of Japan? 2. Interracial Commissions,—national, state, and local,— have been formed with a view to bringing together members of our two races for conference and coopera¬ tion in all matters affecting the welfare of the races in their contacts with each other. 3. The Interracial Commissions News Bureau sends re¬ leases to fifteen hundred dailies and weeklies, religious journals, college, labor, agricultural and women’s pa¬ pers, with an aggregate circulation of fifteen million. These releases deal with all subjects that might con¬ ceivably promote better understanding and cooperation between the races. 45 4. Thousands of study groups, particularly among the white group, are designed to interest white students in the achievements and needs of the colored group. The Basis of Racial Adjustment by Dr. T. J. Woofter, Jr., was prepared for use with college groups. 5. Forums which bring together members of our two races have become permanent features of interracial cooperation in several cities in the South. 6. Efforts are being made, and in some cases have already been successful, to secure equal appropriations (in pro¬ portion to population) for education among white and colored groups in Southern states and counties. In ad¬ dition there are several large funds established which aim to provide better equipment for Negro schools. 7. Campaigns for the prevention of lynching have been conducted by numerous bodies,—civic, religious, and educational. On the whole there has been a marked decrease in the number of lynchings since these organi¬ zations undertook an aggressive program for the com¬ plete eradication of this cancerous growth upon the body of society. 8. To further the economic progress of the Negro group, banks have been established (about seventy in the South) which are owned and operated by Negroes, as¬ sisted by cooperation with other banks. In many States Farm Demonstration Agents are teaching improved methods in agriculture. In Alabama “seventy-seven Negro demonstration agents are working among 85,203 Negro farmers/’ During the World War a Bureau of Negro Economics was established by the government with Dr. George E. Haynes as Director. VI. FOR FURTHER STUDY. a. In what ways do you come into direct contact with persons of other races ? Do these contacts represent, on the whole, conflict or cooperation? b. In what ways are you indebted to other races for your re¬ ligious, intellectual, economic, and social heritage? 46 c. In what ways and to what extent are you dependent on persons of other races for your present mode of living? d. Do you believe a plan of the most thoroughgoing coopera¬ tion between races is practicable? What are the chief bar¬ riers now in the way of its achievement? BIBLIOGRAPHY: Hankins, Frank H.: The Racial Basis of Civilization, Knopf, 1926. Haynes, George E.: The Trend of the Races, Missionary Education Movement, 1922. Woofter, T. H., Jr.: The Basis of Racial Adjustments, Ginn & Co., 1925. Locke, Alaine: The New Negro. Cotton, W. A.: The Race Problem in South Africa, The Student Christian Movement, London, 1926. Oldham, J. H.: Christianity and the Race Problem, Race Relations and the Christian Ideal, A Discussion Course for College Students, Association Press, 1923. And Who Is My Neighbor? Published by The Inquiry, 1924, 129 East 52nd Street, New York City. All Colors, Published by The Inquiry, 1926. Moncrief, Maud: Changing Attitudes in Race Relations, an unpublished thesis, 1927. (Scarritt College.) 47 CHAPTER VII. RELIGION AND PEACE. I. PEACE IDEALS. No religion has a monoply on the ideals of cooperation or brotherhood, and none can throw stones at its neighbor for its failures to embody the principles of peace in its practice. Almost all of them have an ideal of peace. 1. Lao-tze, the founder of Taoism, wrote in the Toa Teh King : “To those who are good to me, I am good; to those who are not good to me, I am also good; and thus all get to be good.” This ancient seer of China, who lived more than five centuries before Jesus, believed that “returning good for evil” was a stronger force for righteousness than any form of retaliation. 2. Confucius, who was a contemporary of Lao-tze, is credited with the saying that “within the four seas all men are brothers,” and also with a negative statement of the golden rule. 3. “They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruninghooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.” This is an ideal which Judaism and Christianity hold in common. “All they that take the sword shall perish by the sword,” said Jesus. 4. Gautama, usually known as Buddha, taught the law of love. His present day followers,—the Federation of Buddhists, representing approximately 70,000 temples and 50,000,000 mem¬ bers,—at a conference in Tokyo drew up a declaration of ideals which includes these statements: “The everlasting peace of men and the welfare of all nations is our fundamental goal . . . We desire that all nations will devote themselves to the establishment of a peace system based on the principles of humanity and justice.” 5. In the Bhagavad Gita, which has been called the New Testament of Hinduism, Arjuna cries out against the fratricidal conflict of armies in these words: “Woe is me! We are set on doing a great evil, since through lust of the kingdom and its pleasures, we are ready to slay our own kin. If Dhritarashtra’s sons, weapon in hand, should slay me in battle, weaponless and unresisting, that would be far more easy to bear!” Gandhi, modem 48 saint of Hinduism, says it was through reading the Bhagavad Gita that he came to his philosophy of non-violent resistance of oppression. 6. The Bahai Movement, which originated in Persia in 1844, has for one of its fundamental principles the following: “There shall be universal peace amongst governments, religions, races and denizens of all regions. Today in the world of humanity the most important matter is the question of universal peace.” II. PRACTICE FORSAKES PRECEPT. It will be urged that, whatever the ideals of peace held by the world’s great religions, they have been often ignored in practice. One looks in vain to find serious religious opposition, from within, to any war that was ever fought by any Christian country on earth. History may record that justice was on the other side, but the unrighteous cause had the substantial support of the religiously minded people, no matter what name their re¬ ligion bore. This has been no less true in our so-called enlightened age than in the past; some would believe that in the Age of Na¬ tionalism, in which we have been living for almost a century, it has been more true. Individuals have raised feeble protests against the wars in which their governments were engaged, but the masses of Christians, as of other religions, have always rallied to the support of their warring government. No wonder many have reached the conclusion that religion is not a vital, practical force in the life of man. There are many evidences indeed that Nationalism, as a religion, has supplanted Christianity, wherever relations with other nations are involved. In discussing the universal ethics of Christianity and the nar¬ rower national ethics, Professor McDougall says A “The civilized man of to-day gives a theoretical allegiance to the universal system only; but, when the two systems conflict, he follows in the main the principles of national ethics, justifying such practices, if he seeks to justify them, on the ground of urgent practical neces¬ sity.” Professor McDougal says that it is his “good sense” which causes a man to act on his national ethics instead of the universal ethics of Christianity. Similarly, he says: “the princi¬ ples of universal ethics . . . demand that the American Negro shall be given social and political equality; yet, though for sixty 1 McDougal: Ethics and Some Modern World Problems, p. 46. 49 years the Federal law . . . has prescribed such equality, the good sense of the Southern white man still steadily forbids him to obey these precepts and impels him in a course of conduct in¬ consistent with his acknowledged ethical principles .” 1 Would it not make for a clarification of issues if we frankly abandoned professions of Christianity and, instead, declared our allegiance to Nationalism or Racialism as the case may be? In view of the present situation it is not surprising to find a group of colored students in South Carolina making the follow¬ ing statement : 2 “There is a strong tendency to ignore religion as a vital practical force in social evolution or progress. The resources of religion are not co-ordinated with human resources such as economic prosperity, scientific knowledge, political and social organization, etc. There is a failure to realize the radical challenge involved in a serious attempt to follow closely the leadership of Jesus or to practice the true principles of Christianity as reported by the writers of the New Testament. The colored college students seem to be convinced that the religion of their white contemporaries is not the religion of Jesus Christ. This seems to be due to their observation that the conduct of the white people does not ‘square with’ the teachings of Jesus, especially in reference to the brotherhood of man.” III. IN DEFENSE OF RELIGION. If all that could be said for religion were stated in effect in the preceding section, then religion would be a thing of dismal failure indeed. Present-day religion is heir to some problems which the re¬ ligion of former days lacked the creative energy to solve. With the coming of industrialism, nationalism, and imperialism, religion was confronted with some very new situations. Before it was aware of the fact, breaking of political and economic thought had proceeded far, breaking up the older unity of things. Man became “an economic animal” instead of a spiritual being. This was a reaction from an equally erroneous position which held that scorn of the gross material world was an ornament to the soul. 1 McDougal: Ethics and Some Modern World Problems, p. 46. 2 Y. M. C. A. Conference of South Carolina Negro Students. 50 But if the problems of this changed world are being attacked anywhere with persistence today, surely they are being met by men for whom religion has most vital significance. Even the statement adopted by the Negro students of South Carolina, quoted above, was made in a conference held under distinctly religious auspices. In like manner, when one thinks of Indianapo¬ lis, Louisville, Evanston, Memphis, and Minneapolis, where thou¬ sands of youth have grappled with the conflicts of industry, race, and war, he is reminded that all these great conferences have been fostered by organized religion. All over the world it is the religious spirit that is ushering men into the presence of our “perennial crisis.” IV. MISSIONS AND PEACE. Consider the ways in which the missionary enterprise has advanced the cause of international cooperation. 1. Through contacts between high types of Christian per¬ sonality and non-Christian peoples. Think of the influence of such men as Bishop Bashford in China, Paul Harrison in Arabia, and Stanley Jones in India. Name others whom you know. 2. Through fostering mutual acquaintance between peoples. For long the missionary enterprise was the primary source of information concerning Oriental and African peoples for millions of Americans. What other sources are in¬ creasingly performing this function. Which contribute to better understanding and which do not? 3. Through opposition of missionaries to exploitation of back¬ ward peoples today. Consider the attitude of the mission¬ aries to recent happenings in China. Note the sharp con¬ trast between their attitude and that of the American Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai! Which makes for peace ? 4. Through the ideal of cooperation (brotherhood) inherent in the Christian message. 5. A modern tendency of the missionary enterprise may be seen in such titles as Working With India by D. J. Fleming. Consider this editorial comment on Stanley Jones in The Hindu of Madras: “The interest of Dr. 51 Jones’ lectures will be in his departure from the conven¬ tional lines. . . . He has learned the great lesson which the people of India have taught the missionaries, that of distinguishing between Christ and Christianity, between Jesus and the Christ of the churches. He has also learnt that one who comes forward to teach must be willing, nay, ready and anxious to learn from those he wishes to teach. Not only does he not say anything against other religions, but he seeks for all that is good and true in those systems and tries to correlate them to Jesus who is to him not the name of a dead hero of the past but a personality living in the present and commanding the future.” But we must also consider the temptations to which the repre¬ sentatives of the missionary enterprise have been subjected, and in many cases have succumbed: 1. Intolerance (which seems to be steadily declining). How and why? 2. Through dark and unfair presentations of conditions in non-Christian lands. What motives work here? 3. Through emphasis upon dogmas instead of sharing life. 4. Through divisions often characterized by the absence of fellowship. Consider the statement of Bishop Brent in the opening sermon at the Lausanne Conference this sum¬ mer: “The hundred missionary societies in China today are as suicidal for Christianity as the civil divisions are to the national peace and prosperity.” SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. What ideals of Christianity bear directly upon the major conflicts of today? Concerning personality? Brother¬ hood? Truth? Life? God? 2. Someone has asked “how long young people should be subjected to the moral strain of duel ethics?” As for example: (a) in the different codes used toward mem¬ bers of their own race and toward members of another race? (b) in the different codes of friendship, which says “give,” and of business, which says “take.” 3. To what extent is the spirit and desire for cooperation today born of religious idealism? 52 4. Are religious conviction and tolerance mutually exclusive? 5. Why do men want religion to maintain a comfortable ambiguity toward commerce, finance, ownership, race, and politics ? 6. What do you consider the proper attitude of a Christian toward war? (a) in time of peace? (b) in time of war? 7. What evidences can you find of a tendency to make Na¬ tionalism the supreme religion in the United States today? 8. Should missionaries have “gunboat protection?” 9. What evidences do you have that religious conventions and conferences take their “ringing resolutions” seriously? 10. List the following in their proper order as peace agencies: commerce, science, religion, preparedness, education. 11. Study William Penn's experiment of an unarmed state. Were the Puritans with their guns and Bibles safer? BIBLIOGRAPHY: Stabler, Isabel: What the Churches are Doing to Abolish War, National Council for Prevention of War, 1924. Tawney, R. H.: Religion and the Rise of Capitalism, Harcourt Brace, 1926. McDougall, William: Ethics and Some Modern World Problems, Putnam, 1924. The Inquiry: International Problems and the Christian Way of Life, Association Press, 1923. Gulick, S.: A Christian Crusade for a Warless World, Macmillan, 1922. Irwin, Will: Christ or Marsf Appleton, 1923. Coffin, H. S.: A More Christian Industrial Order, Mac¬ millan, 1920. 53 CHAPTER VIII. PROPAGANDA OR SCIENTIFIC HISTORY. I. “PRESERVE THE LEGENDS”. To “inspire the children with patriotism”, to “preach on every page a vivid love of America”, and to “preserve the legends”! These were the avowed aims of the American Legion of San Jose, California, in effecting a change of history textbooks in the public schools. “By force of public opinion let us reestablish Americanism in our public schools, make a bonfire of the books belittling our country and expose those who dare pollute the nurseries of our American patriotism,” runs the appeal of a contributor to the New York World recently. On January 22, 1924, a bill was introduced in the Assembly of the State of New Jersey, which contained the following pro¬ visions: “No book shall be used or designated for use in the public schools in any school district in this State, or of any high schools or normal schools of this State: A. Which falsifies, dis¬ torts, or denies the act of oppression recited in the Declaration of Independence . . . , or C. Which if the textbooks dealing with the Revolutionary period does not contain the Declaration in its en¬ tirety, or D. Which if a comprehensive textbook on American history does not stress the significance of the Declaration of In¬ dependence, its immediate effect and subsequent influence upon the course of events in other countries in the world, or E. Which belittles, ridicules, doubts, denies, or which, if a textbook dealing with the Revolutionary period, omits to mention the services and sacrifices of American patriots by which our national independ¬ ence was won, or F. Which ridicules, belittles, or, if a textbook for district schools, omits to mention within its pertinent scope those interesting and inspiring episodes in early history of Amer¬ ica, that are properly calculated to arouse in the children a justi¬ fiable pride in the patriotism and patriotic ideals of those by whose constancy, courage and spirit of self-sacrifice our national inde¬ pendence was won and later firmly established.” (What this bill lacks in grammatical correctness, it makes up in patriotism.) 54 These are some of the many recent attempts to control the teaching of history in the public schools of the United States. The forces back of the attempts to nationalize education are many. They are not always fully conscious of the meaning of their ac¬ tivities. Professor Hayes suggests the following: a. Politicians who conceal their paucity of convictions and ideals under the broad folds of Old Glory; b. Actors who redeem poor performances by displaying at the critical moment an American flag; c. Captains of industry who sense that patriotic fervor is less injurious to the stock and bond market than economic criticism; d. Vain women and vainer men who delight to wear the rib¬ bons of ancestrally patriotic societies that are presumably aristocratic; e. Individuals who make their living by whipping up popular emotion and popular prejudice; f. Newspapers, with their enormous circulation and influ¬ ence, which focus attention upon the imperative need for, and the fancied lack of, nationalism in the schools. II WHAT THE HISTORIES CONTAIN. Under the auspices of the Association for Peace Education studies are being made in order to ascertain the facts in reference to the contents of history textbooks. On February 14, 1925, a Conference on the Teaching of History was held in Chicago for the purpose of studying this question. The full text of the pa¬ pers read at this conference may be obtained from the Associa¬ tion for Peace Education, 5733 Blackstone Avenue, Chicago, for 25 cents. An Analysis of the Emphasis Upon War in Our Ele¬ mentary School Histories is published by the same association and sold for 10 cents. Some of the conclusions drawn from this analysis were: 1. The average history textbook devotes a disproportionate amount of space to war. The war space could be reduced at least one-half without detracting from the historical value of the books. 55 2. The amount of space devoted to peace by both the texts and the supplementary readers is almost negligible. 3. The war word content is on the whole nationalistic, biased, and, in many cases, flamboyant. Its tawdry emotionalism frequently violates every principle of good literature. 4. Very few histories even approach the real truth about war. Concealment and propaganda frequently appear. 5. Histories pay little attention to the Edisons, the Horace Manns, and the Franklins; they are too busy depicting the overdrawn exploits of the Lees, the Grants, and the Na¬ than Hales. (For ample data on this question the group should have available these or similar pamphlets.) Ill THE QUESTION OF WAR GUILT. Through the unusual circumstances of the opening of the German, Austrian, and Russian archives, important official docu¬ ments bearing upon the origins of the World War have become available to historians of the generation in which the war was fought. The revolutions in these three countries have furnished materials from both sides of the great conflict. On the basis of these documents and an understanding of pre-war influences in Europe, many are drawing conclusions that are at variance with the declaration of the Treaty of Versailles which fixed the whole responsibility for the war upon Germany. ♦ It is important to get beneath the propaganda of war days, not only for the sake of justice in apportioning blame, but for the more important purpose of understanding the causes of war in the modern world. Only when we know the “whys” of war can we be confident about the “hows” of peace. Scientific his¬ tory alone will yield information on the real causes of interna¬ tional conflict. Propaganda yields “unrepresentative truths”, perverted judgments, and confusion in planning the next stage of human progress—the abolition of war. SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. What are the advantages and the disadvantages of state control over any branch of education? 56 2. Compare French and German accounts of the World War. What will be the effects of diametrically opposed explana¬ tions of origins, etc., upon the rising generation in these two countries? To what extent can the seeds of the next war be planted in the textbooks which deal with the last? Give examples. 3. Is it true that “children who are systematically indoctrin¬ ated with nationalism are not prepared for a career of true patriotism”? In what sense? 4. Would it be dangerous for a nation to develop in its chil¬ dren a genuine capacity for criticism instead of a senti¬ mental devotion to the national myths? 5. Should there be a neutral tribunal set up to consider the question of responsibility for the World War? 6. Would nations go to war if, instead of liberal doses of propaganda, they were given the unadulterated truth ? Are the falsifications of war propaganda justified by the neces¬ sity for creating national morale to support the war? 7. In the lobby of the University of Vienna there is a marble memorial of the World War. It is the upturned face of a fallen Austrian youth of flowing hair and a countenance of unforgettable strength and beauty. On the base of the memorial are three words: EHRE, FREHEIT, VATER- LAND. (Honor, Freedom, Country.) Were the ideals for which the youth in the Allied countries consented to fight nobler than these? 8. In what ways can we partially overcome what many feel to be utter helplessness in the face of propaganda? BIBLIOGRAPHY: Owen, R. L.: The Russian Imperial Conspiracy, 1927. Barnes, H. E.: Genesis of the World War, Knopf, 1926. Hamlin, C. H.: The War Myth in United States History, Vanguard Press, 1927. Lippman, Walter: Public Opinion, Harcourt Brace, 1922. Creel, George: How We Advertised America, Harper’s, 1920. Gibbs, Phillip: Now It Can Be Told, Harper’s, 1920. Nock: The Myth of a Guilty Nation, Huebsch, 1922. Peat: The Inexcusable Lie, Barse & Hopkins. 57 CHAPTER IX. FORCES TENDING TO PERPETUATE A CONFLICT SYSTEM. Every worker for cooperation should understand the nature and strength of those forces which, consciously or unconsciously, tend to perpetuate the status quo —which means perpetuating the conflict system. It is difficult to group all such forces together under a single description, so varied in purpose and activity are they. These forces range all the way from vested interests which profit in the sale of war materials to those timid souls who are fearful of all social change. Some are devoted to the status quo because their present circumstances are comfortable, and some because they lack the creative imagination to think beyond things as they are. I. PATRIOTIC ORGANIZATIONS 1 It would be impossible to list here all the patriotic organizations which oppose social change. In some the membership is a fair cross-section of American life, and not all of their activities are reactionary in nature. It should be borne in mind that there is no intention of making sweeping indictments against these socie¬ ties. In general the activities of these organizations are directed against “radicalism,” “pacifism,” and “Bolshevism.” Little care is taken to distinguish between these menacing “isms,” and they are used with such broad meanings that they cover a multitude of things. In fact, almost anything which suggests a reorganiza¬ tion of world-wide activities on cooperative bases. A. Their activities may be studied along these lines: 1. Attacks on Peace Organizations,—often involving seri¬ ous misrepresentations;—the tendency to identify the whole peace movement with the “red menace” is strong. iHapgood: “Professional Patriots,” a complete survey of some of these organizations. 58 2. Support of a strong preparedness program;—many professional military men are prominent in these or¬ ganizations;—manufacturers of chemicals and other war materials are large contributors. 3. Opposition to Organized Labor,—it is surprising to find such overwhelming numbers of capitalists who are opposed to organized labor among the leaders of these societies;—the tendency to identify “open shop” and “Americanism” is most pronounced. 4. Opposition to welfare legislation,—based in part, it seems, on dislike of state interference in industry. II. NEW POLITICAL PHILOSOPHIES. In the main the organizations represented above stand for an exaggerated capitalistic society. At least two new theories for the method of social and political organization are claiming attention in the post-war world. Both are in part products of the world war and the conditions which led up to the war. They are Rus¬ sian Communism and Fascism. It seems that both these programs tend to perpetuate a conflict system; and must be considered with the forces opposed to a genuine democratic cooperation between all the elements that compose modern society. A. COMMUNISM. Note the striking similarity between the Russian Communist program for social change and the ancient apocalypticism of Ju¬ daism and early Christianity (still held by a few) : a. The total wickedness of the present world order (of capitalism). b. The elect community of believers, within, but not of, the present order (i.e. the Communist Party). c. The coming catastrophic overthrow of the present order (by divine intervention in apocalypticism) by the social revolution. d. The new order of righteousness is not built upon but sup¬ plants the old order of iniquity. What are the inherent limitations in all class struggles that make it almost inevitably intolerant and destructive? Is this ap¬ parent on both sides of the struggle ? 59 B. THE FASCIST PROGRAM. At least five main principles are involved in the Fascist pro¬ gram : 1. Cooperation between labor and capital under state super¬ vision and with compulsory arbitration. 2. Representation on the basis of occupation as well as of residence. 3. Extension of the control of the government over freedom of speech and of the press. 4. Increase of the power of the central government over local government. 5. In the central government, concentration of power in the hands of the Premier. (This summary is made by the Foreign Policy Association in its Information Service, June 7, 1926, which contains a full ac¬ count of recent legislation in Italy.) SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. What are advantages and the dangers of the Fascist pro¬ gram ? 2. In 1926 a bill was passed which substitutes for elective offices an executive (called a “Podesta”) appointed by the central government, in all communes of Italy having a pop¬ ulation of less than 5,000. This law applies to more than 7,000 of the approximately 9,000 communes in Italy. It means the abolition of mayoralty elections in these towns. Compare what remains of democracy in this system with that which can be found in a senatorial election where thousands of votes are bought at ten dollars each! 3. Noting the press campaign on Russia in our country, is there a corresponding attempt to discredit the Fascist government ? Why ? 4. Read an authoritative account of Fascism in The Political Doctrine of Fascism by Alfredo Rocco, Minister of Jus¬ tice in the Government of Italy. This statement has the unqualified endorsement of Premier Mussolini. (It is pub¬ lished by International Conciliation, 44 Portland Street, Worcester, Mass., and may be obtained for five cents a copy.) 60 III. THE PRESS AND AN INTERNATIONAL CRISIS. The possibilities for creating international misunderstanding and friction are well illustrated by the way in which a large section of the press in the United States reported the events sur¬ rounding the bombardment of Nanking late in March, 1927. Mr. Frederick Moore reporting for the New York Times, unquestion¬ ably a most influential role, furnished the following “news” to the American Public: 1. Attempts to discredit the strength of the Nationalist Movement in China: a. Failure of the Nationalist forces to take Shanghai “is now regarded by most competent observers as a fore¬ gone conclusion.” (March 7.) b. Concerning the safety of Shanghai “There is absolute security from without, no equal Chinese force being in the vicinity.” (March 4.) c. He was informed that “reports of large, well disciplined Chinese armies being in the vicinity are totally incor¬ rect.” d. The defending army in Shanghai was “considered the best in China, excluding Chang Tso-lin’s.” e. The latter’s was an army “infinitely better than the Southern army.” Its position was reported as “incal¬ culably stronger.” f. “The long-heralded battle of Shanghai becomes daily more and more unlikely.” (March 9.) g. Four days before the Nationalist armies marched into Shanghai, he reported : “The coolest and best informed foreigners still agree that Shanghai is unlikely to be taken by the Southern armies for many weeks, possibly months.” 2. Calling for military action by the American forces in China, Mr. Moore used the “news” columns in this fash¬ ion: a. Americans in Shanghai were reported as “complaining of the inactivities of the American Marines.” b. Failure of the Marines to take more aggressive action was “commented on as not being adequate defense of American lives and property.” 61 c. The Marines themselves were “anxious for more active duty.” d. The reporter declared that only a “punitive expedition” could “reestablish a tenable condition for foreigners among the Chinese” in the Yangtse Valley. e. “Only gunfire will save missions as well as business houses,” he wrote on March 27. f. Military action by the United States forces “would reestablish the missionaries as well as the business men, and it is also true that it could be accomplished with comparatively few troops, the Chinese armies being ridiculously weak, their warfare childish in character and the morale of their armies negligible.” 3. Mr. Moore’s picture of China and the Chinese: a. “Interference on a large scale” is “the only hope against Bolshevism.” b. Any assurances given by the Nationalists are described as “valueless.” (March 23.) c. The Nationalists are “unable or unwilling” to fulfill their assurances. (March 24.) Their promises are “empty.” (March 26.) e. China is confronted with “the alternative of brigandage or Bolshevism.” (March 8.) f. While writing he hears shots which “may be” an at¬ tempt to assassinate British police in Shanghai. (March 21 .) g. Reported that the Nationalists in Shanghai intend to “attack the French and international settlements.” (March 26.) h. “Everywhere” the Nationalist leaders “have been mer¬ cilessly decapitating and shooting their own Chinese.” (March 26.) i. He describes China as “apparently incapable of under¬ standing” the fine motives of Great Britain which “meant the Chinese well.” j. “Ignorance and distress are too widespread to permit her to understand kindness with the authority of force.” k. The Chinese are “without schools worthy of the name.” l. They have “not a single responsible law court.” 62 m. The foreigner would teach the Chinese a lesson by let¬ ting them alone entirely for a “decade” or so “to realize what they have lost.” n. Missionaries who profess to see hope for China on her own score are “inclined impractically to theorize about equality.” o. It is doubtful whether “a republic is possible for a country . . . with no native university equaling an American high school.” (For the above see The New Republic, April 13, 1927, “Mr. Moore’s Private War.”) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Hapgood, Norman: Professional Patriots, Albert and Charles Boni, 1927. Boeckel, Florence: The Power of the Press for Peace and War, National Council for Prevention of War, 1924. Lane, Winthrop: Military Training in Schools and Col¬ leges, Committee on Militarism in Education, 1925. . See Bibliography on Communism in Chapter I. 63 CHAPTER X. AGENCIES WORKING FOR COOPERATION “As the nineteenth century advanced and the Industrial Rev¬ olution progressed and the most different nationalities and the most diverse localities were knit together by railways, steamships, telegraphs, and cables, the number and importance of international undertakings rapidly increased. There was the prodigious in¬ crease of foreign travel and foreign trade. There was the re¬ markable growth of science and popular education, restricted to no one land and to no one nation. There was the marked tend¬ ency everywhere to adopt uniform standards of clothing, food, and architecture, as well as of literature, science, and politics. There was the multiplication of international societies and con¬ gresses.” 1 The Bureau of International Organizations, a department of the Secretariat of the League of Nations, publishes a Hand¬ book which lists three hundred sixty International Organizations. Almost all of these have come into existence within the past fifty years. Some of the earliest international organizations formed were: (1) The Universal Telegraph Union (1875)— 30 nations. (2) For using the metric system (1875) — 23 “ (3) Universal Postal Union (1878) — 60 “ (4) The International Parliamentary Union (1889). I An understanding of existing agencies of cooperation is ob¬ viously necessary for further progress in eliminating destructive conflict from the world. It is therefore suggested that a study be undertaken along the lines indicated below. A. The League of Nations —its covenant—its record for dealing with international crises—its limitations—its humanitarian and intellectual work—the extent to which the United States is now cooperating—a program for further possible cooperation. i-Hayes: Political and Social History of Modern Europe, p. 682. 64 B. The Permanent Court of International Justice- —its es¬ tablishment and relation to the League of Nations—its constitution— its record. C. The International Labor Office —its connection with the League of Nations—its General Conference—questions handled—results achieved. D. The Pan-American Union —its history—its objectives— its meetings—its achievements. E. The Locarno Pact —how negotiated—signatories—pro¬ visions—relation to League of Nations—its possibilities in suggesting other similar pacts. F. The Washington and the Geneva Conference on Limi¬ tation of Armaments —a comparison—the conference idea. G. The Institute of Pacific Relations —membership and meetings—questions dealt with and their importance for the future. II In the foregoing section, organizations of a distinctly inter¬ national character were considered. It will be well for us to know something about the American organizations formed for the promotion of cooperation along international, industrial, and interracial lines. It is obviously impossible to mention all of them by name. The National Council for Prevention of War has published a directory of “Organizations in the United States That Promote Better International Understanding and World Peace.” It lists thirty five National Organizations Formed Pri¬ marily to Promote World Peace. Twenty six of these have been founded since the beginning of the World War. Is this signi¬ ficant? Under the head of State and Local Organizations Formed Primarily to Promote World Peace twenty eight organizations are listed, all but one of which were founded during or after the World War. The President of the Reserve Officers' Association of the United States sent out a letter concerning this Directory, in which he said: “If—what you learn from that publication of the scope and strength of the pacifist opposition to Defense does not secure your IMMEDIATE and ACTIVE participation in 65 our work, then may God help the National Defense Act! It will soon be beyond our aid! . . . Numerically our strength is piti¬ fully small compared with those leagued against us. Spiritually, however, our Cause is a powerful FORCE provided we can put it to work.” Do you consider the strength of the peace move¬ ment so great as to justify the fears of the writer of this letter? These organizations are essentially one in purpose, but are sometimes in sharp disagreement on the method of achieving world cooperation. A. “A Clearing-house of Information and Activity.” The National Council for Prevention of War, 532 Seventeenth St., N. W., Washington, D. C. Thirty five organizations affiliated in 1927. Publishes a nlonthly News Bulletin. B. Advocating Adherence of the United States to the Per¬ manent Court of International Justice, and ultimately the membership of the United States in the League of Nations. —League of Nations Non-Partisan Association, 6 East 39th St., New York City. Publishes The League of Na¬ tions News. C. For the Outlawry of War— American Committee for the Outlawry of War, 134 South LaSalle St., Chicago. Dis¬ tributes articles and pamphlets on this topic by such men as Senator Borah, Professor Dewey, and Dr. C. C. Morri¬ son. D. Dealing with Military Training— Committee on Militarism In Education, 387 Bible House, Astor Place, New York City. For the “Abolition of compulsory drill in colleges and universities; abolition of all military drill in high schools.” E. Based on Jesus’ Way of Life— The Fellowship of Re¬ conciliation, 383 Bible House, Astor Place, New York City; Youth Section, Fellowship of Reconciliation, 386 Bible House, Astor Place, New York City; Fellowship for a Christian Social Order, Room 505, 347 Madison Avenue, New York City. F. Organizations for Youth— World's Student Christian Fed¬ eration (groups in 25 countries), 347 Madison Ave., New York City; Youth Section, F. O. R. (see above); National Board of Young Women's Christian Associcu- 66 tions, 600 Lexington Ave., New York City; National Council of the Young Men's Christian Associations, 347 Madison Ave., New York City. G. Among the Churches— Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America maintains a Department of Research and Education which publishes an Information Service; also has a Commission on the Church and Race Relations; and a Commission on International Justice and Goodwill, —all having offices at 105 East 22nd St., New York City. American Friends Service Committee, 20 South 12th St., Philadelphia, Pa. Church Peace Union, 70 Fifth Avenue, New York City. Peace Association of Friends in America, 615 National Road, Richmond, Indiana. World Alliance for International Friendship Through the Churches, 70 Fifth Ave., New York City. H. Organizations for Women— Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, 522 Seventeeth St., N. W., Wash¬ ington, D. C. Women's Peace Society, 20 Vesey St., New York City. Women's Peace Union, 39 Pearl St., New York City. I. Specializing in History— Association for Peace Education, 5733 Blackstone Ave., Chicago, Ill. J. Specializing in Research— Foreign Policy Association, 18 East 41st St., New York City. K. Specializing in Industry— League for Industrial Democ¬ racy, 70 Fifth Ave., New York City. L. General— American Peace Society, Colorado Building, Washington, D. C. Association to Abolish War, 7 Wellington Terrace, Brook¬ line, Mass. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2 Jackson Place, Washington, D. C. World Peace Association, Greenville, Iowa. World Peace Foundation, 40 Mt. Vernon St., Boston, Mass. M. War Resisters League, 132 West 12th St., New York City. 67 Ill “Ideas and not navies rule the sea; ideas, not armies dominate the land,” declared Walter Williams, dean of the School of Jour¬ nalism of the University of Missouri, addressing the National Editorial Association. “Lower tolls and thus make available the avenues of communication between nations, and free news sources from the poison of interested propaganda, and we thereby help to make a sick world well. Permit these avenues to be clogged, congested and corrupted—let them remain inadequate—and the fever of war returns apace.” The press, as an agency working for cooperation, is among the most influential. The liberal press, including several well known weeklies, supplies adequate and accurate information concerning the relationships of mankind,—racially, industrially, and internationally. Without the information available from this quarter one may easily be helpless before the great propagandist drives of “interested” journalism. 68 CHAPTER XI. WHAT YOUTH CAN DO. Governments are absolutely dependent upon youth to man the war-machine. It is therefore no impertinence for youth to offer its resources for building a world of fellowship. In war times youth is hailed as “the saviour of civilization.” Elder statesmen do not hint that youth is too immature to serve in that capacity. It is therefore the peculiar right of youth to raise its voice in protest against the destructive conflicts of the old order, and to assert its leadership in the movement for universal cooperation. I With many of the agencies mentioned in the foregoing chapter youth can work as individuals on the same basis as others. Does such cooperation with existing general agencies exhaust the possi¬ bilities of a youth contribution to the solution of conflict problems, or do we need, in addition, distinctive youth organizatoins and distinctive youth approaches to some of these problems? Can a “youth movement” be justified? If not, why not? If so, what forms should it take? What objectives should it strive to reach? Is there a “youth movement” in America now ? Should there be ? What is necessary to a youth movement? A distinguished and sympathetic leader is credited with the observation that “there is no revolt of youth in this country, except a revolt against the decencies.” Is he right? II Aside from general study, the value of which cannot be over¬ stated, students and young people are engaging in many forms of cooperation along industrial, interracial and international lines. An efficient learning process is seen, more and more, to involve participation in actual situations. Youth, at least, seems to be aware that long-range handling of social conflicts is ineffective. Good talk is undoubtedly essential for the communication of ideas, but education is not solely a “talking-process.” Some of the forms of youth activity are presented below. You may know of others, or have suggestions for some that have not yet been tried. Criticize these freely. 69 A. STUDENTS IN INDUSTRY. 1. Joint recruiting agreed upon by all interested agencies— Y. M. C. A., Y. W. C. A., American Friends Service Committee, the Church League for Industrial Democracy, the Fellowship of Reconciliation, the Fellowship for a Christian Social Order, League for Industrial Democracy, Continuation Committee of the Evanston Conference, and the Social Service Commission of the Federal Council of Churches. 2. Four groups conducted during the summer of 1927, in four cities: a. Chicago—conducted by the Y. W. C. A. with fifteen college girls. b. Philadelphia—conducted by the American Friends Ser¬ vice Committee with six college students and six indus¬ trial workers for joint discussion of industrial prob¬ lems. c. Detroit—Conducted by the Michigan State Commit¬ tee of the Y. M. C. A. with forty college men. d. New York—conducted by the Y. M. C. A. and the Social Service Commission of the Federal Council of Churches, with fourteen students. 3. To make closest contacts possible with the realities of in¬ dustrial life the students a. found their own jobs, often with much difficulty; b. lived on the wages they received; c. lived in workers’ families or in laborers’ hotels; d. kept their identity as collegians unknown. 4. Their seminar meetings discussed: a. unemployment, b. living wages, c. unions, d. open shop. e. employee representation, f. race problems in in¬ dustry. g. labor legislation, h. safety, i. free employment bureaus, j. workers’ education, k. non-financial incen¬ tives. 1. research. (The foregoing material on Students in Industry is taken from Information Service, Federal Council of Churches, Sept. 10, 1927.) R. YOUTH IN INTERRACIAL RELATIONS. 1. On October 22, 1926, a meeting of the Student Interracial Committee (of the Y. W. C. A. and the Y. M. C. A. of the South- 70 ern Division) was held at Fisk University. Youth leaders from both races met in fellowship and conference for the discussion of interracial problems in the South. The presiding officer opened the meeting with these words : “Fellowship leads to better under¬ standing, unified thinking, a sense of seriousness of purpose, a vision of the bigness of the task, a realization of dependence one upon another, appreciation of each one’s contribution, and a sense of responsibility.” 2. Several meetings of the State Student Volunteer Unions in the South have been interracial in their composition in recent years. The 1927 meeting of the Tennessee Union was of this character. A study of the educational significance of this meet¬ ing was made by one of its members, some of the results noted being as follows: a. An octogenarian who attended the sessions of the con¬ ference wrote: “I enjoyed it as an evidence of the progress made by youth of today over those of my day sixty years ago.” b. A white student wrote: “Yes indeed, I unlearned much.” Another commented: “I was delighted with the response of the student groups, and a burning de¬ sire came to make such relations permanent under vary¬ ing circumstances.” Another: “I saw for the first time educated Negroes.” c. A Negro delegate noted a change in his thinking with these words: “The Conference has wiped out of my heart the bitterness of many years, and I am going back to Liberia to encourage the missionaries in their work. Before I came to this meeting I had determined to return to my country to do everything in my power against Christianity.” Another made this discovery: “When I came to this Conference I was not interested in Christ, for I thought He was for white people only. I am going back feeling that He is for me too.” An¬ other said, “I can go back to my college and pray for the first time in a long time.” d. Growing out of the Interracial and International Teas of this conference one of the institutions is reported to have scheduled such gatherings by-monthly where the students of the different races may meet for social and intellectual fellowship. 71 3. Many students recently have been pursuing graduate studies in race relations, making careful and thorough analyses of all phases of the question. Surely the racial situation in the United States provides the amplest laboratory facilities for fruitful re¬ search in this field. What are the values for youth in such original investigations as compared with the studies of older men and women? Are there any unique values for interracial coopera¬ tion ? A survey of “Changing Attitudes in Race Relations as Re¬ vealed by a Study of Nashville Students” was made this year by a graduate student. One hundred twenty-six white students from four institutions and one hundred twenty-seven Negro stu¬ dents answered suestions submitted to them. The following table reveals some of the results of the study: Whites Negroes YES NO YES NO Attended interracial forum . 40 81 49 67 Found forum valuable . 36 8 51 2 Had read on Race Relations . 102 19 121 54 Attended social functions . 49 70 145 22 Believed interracial social functions promote better relations . 36 35 101 2 4. In several Southern cities Interracial Forums ; have been organized since the Student Volunteer Convention, which met in Indianapolis in December, 1923. Students from white and Negro colleges meet at least twice a month for the discussion of what¬ ever topics may be of mutual interest, minimizing rather than emphasizing the question of racial relations in the discussions. C. YOUTH IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. 1. Under the auspices of the American Friends Service Com¬ mittee a new venture was undertaken during the summer of 1927. Eighteen young people made up nine teams which “caravaned” in different rural sections of the United States, addressing many groups of people on the general subject of peace. The Commit¬ tee reports encouragement from the results. Information con¬ cerning these “peace caravans”'may be obtained from the Ameri¬ can Friends Service Committee, 20 South 12th St., Philadelphia, Pa. 2. A Student Project in Building International Understanding, “a plan that has worked,” is the title of a leaflet that may be 72 obtained from the Council of Christian Associations, 600 Lexing¬ ton Avenue, or 347 Madison Avenue, New York City. The plan calls for an International Goodwill Team which secures and dis¬ tributes information relating to international relations, provides speakers for meetings, and assists young people in planning programs. 3. Every year thousands of American youth travel in Europe. Not all of these establish contacts or find experiences which make for international understanding, but many do, either independ¬ ently or under the auspices of organizations having for their specific purpose personal acquaintance with youth in other lands. 4. Many youth leaders are found in the Eddy Seminar which makes annual visits to the leading countries of Europe for study. 5. Many students find profitable social and intellectual fellow¬ ship with the large numbers of foreign students who attend American institutions. International House in New York City is a great experiment in international goodwill. Students from ap¬ proximately fifty nations, attending many institutions in New York City, live under one roof, with adequate provision for their social and intellectual fellowship. 6. The Student Friendship Fund is maintained by the con¬ tributions of American students for the aid of students in Euro¬ pean countries where the World War seriously handicapped the student group. SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. Consider the origin of the modern missionary movement, and also the origin of the Student Volunteer Movement. Do they give any suggestions as to what it is possible for youth to do. In 1792, the presiding officer of the assembly said to William Carey: “Sit down, young man; when it pleases God to convert the heathen, He will do it without your help.” 2. Have you ever been told something like this: “Sit down, young man; when it pleases God to convert the economic order, He will do it without your help.” Will He? 3. Consider youth both as a chronological age and as an attitude of mind. Have you ever known any old men with youthful attitudes? Any old-fogies under twenty? What is the attitude of mind which you call youthful? 73 4. Think of the young people you know. Are they more shallow than older people ? More interested in vital issues ? To what extent can young people be appealed to by the challenge of a great and worthy task to be accomplished? 5. Must youth constitute itself another “class” among the many warring classes of a combative society? Must it enter the “class struggle” by casting its vote for one class or another? Or can youth in some way transcend the struggle of classes and yet at the same time make a dis¬ tinctive youth contribution to the solution of these conflicts ? 6. What is your place in relation to the industrial, interracial and international strife of this generation? BIBLIOGRAPHY: High, Stanley: The Revolt of Youth, Abingdon Press, 1923. Hunter, A. A.: Youth’s Adventure, Appleton, 1925. Shaver, E. L.: Christian Young People and World-Friend¬ ship, University of Chicago Press, 1925. The Inquiry: What Makes Up My Mind on International Questions, The Association Press, 1926. Davis, Jerome, and Chamberlin, Roy: Christian Fellowship Among the Nations, Pilgrim Press, 1925. Stauffer, M. T.: Youth and Renaissance Movements, Council of Christian Associations, 1923. High, Stanley: Youth Looks at the Church, 1926. 74 CHAPTER XII. THROUGH CONFLICT TO COOPERATION. “Life is strife; but clear thinking on the distinction between strife that is creative and strife that is destructive, is the vital need of our times.”—Streeter. “Strife is creative only when it is the expression of love.”— Streeter. A society from which the necessity for all struggle had been removed would undoubtedly end in utter stagnation. But the idea that man must go on warring with and destroying his fellow man is a fallacy without any support in biology or common sense. If the probability, that man will always need to struggle in order to maintain himself on high levels of life, amounts to certainty, it is also true that the struggle must be transformed, in the nature of the objects sought and the methods employed. “The struggle for wealth, fame or power in human society . . . generally leads to sterility.” War for these ends is increasingly self-defeating. The civilization which man has built up through the centuries rests upon that sacrificial passion for truth which has characterized the scientist and the prophet, and upon the capacity for cooperation which is nowhere wanting in the human family. Youth possesses unique opportunities for engaging in creative strife. Class struggle is too often marred by the sting of bitter¬ ness, planted deep in the soul by oppression. It is open to youth to strive for truth and cooperation, the stores of which,—unlike material riches,—are inexhaustible. They are increased in direct proportion to the energy and the intelligence of the strife,— and that makes the strife creative. SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY. 1. Be careful to set reasonable standards of expectation for those with whom you differ. What are the advantages for cooperation in this? 2. Be careful to think of all conflicts, first in terms of the persons involved, and then in terms of principles, property, 75 etc. This is to set a scale of values in which the personal stands first. Does this, or does it not, aid in building up a technique for creative conflict? 3. What are the desirable attitudes which should be cul¬ tivated, in reference to (1) the opposition? (2) our own case? (3) the larger whole? 4. Every title in the following bibliography is important for a study of successful group discussion and the art of creative strife: Streeter, B. H.: Reality, chapter on “Creative Strife, p. 143f¥, Macmillan, 1926. The Inquiry : A Cooperative Technique for Conflict, As¬ sociation Press, 1924. Sheffield, A. D.: Joining in Public Discussion, Doran. Elliott, H. S.: The Process of Group Thinking, Associa¬ tion Press, 1927. APPENDIX: SUGGESTIONS FOR LEADERS. The purpose of these discussions is so to train the group that their judgments with regard to the vital international problems of our day may become increasingly reliable. It has now become evident that this purpose can effectively be accomplished only by inducing people into, and guiding them through experiences in which the formulation of such judgments is involved. The pur¬ pose of this book is to contribute to situations which shall furnish opportunities for such experiences. In order to assist the leaders of groups to function more effectively in the promotion of such ends, the following suggestions are offered. 1. The issues should be clearly stated and kept before the group. 2. The group should keep to the point at issue. Difficulty may be experienced with a. Those who, either because they have not sufficiently familiarized themselves with the topic, or because of limitations of nature, are unable to distinguish between what is relevant and what is not. b. Those who have hobbies which they insist upon in¬ jecting into every discussion. 76 c. Those who have failed to distinguish between a dis¬ cussion and a talk-fest, and who regard the group as an opportunity for garrulous indulgence. 3. There should be no attempt on the part of the leader or of any member of the group to put across his opinion on the rest of the group. The existence of such a situation tends to defeat the purpose of discussion which is, not the winning of personal victories, but the arriving at more reliable conclusions. The ideal is that all should pool their experiences and viewpoints to the end that the conclu¬ sions of all may be corrected, transformed, and enriched. 4. Members of the group who are less able in expressing themselves often have points which they are not able to state with sufficient clarity to gain for them the considera¬ tion which they deserve. It is the task of the leader to assist such members to discover and express the points which they really have in the background of their minds. 5. May the discussion leader himself take part in the dis¬ cussion, or should he confine his remarks to a summary of the points which others have made? The leader should wait to see whether or not the points which he has in mind will be made by others. But he is a member of the group, and certainly be should not withhold from it any contribution which he may be able to make. 6. Within the discussion there should be orderly progression. Once a point has been thoroughly presented, proceed to the next. 7. At the end of each point or topic, the leader or someone else should summarize the results of the discussion up to that point, and point out the issues and conclusions. 8. It frequently happens that after even the freest and fullest discussion, members of the group still find themselves in basic disagreement and yet are unwilling to let the topic drop. In such cases the group should cease to discuss until further data is available. Many differences of opin¬ ion are due to an inadequate knowledge of the facts. In and throughout all discussions the group should Insist that the discussions be based upon accurate and re¬ liable information, rather than upon mere opinions. If civilization goes on the rocks it will not be because of any dearth of opinions as to what should have been done to save it, Communist, hundred-percenter, state-socialist, New Thoughter, 77 viewer-with-alarm, capitalism apologist, and the-world-is-dying- for-lack-of-my-brand-of-mythology religionist offer their solu¬ tions with bewildering avidity and pathetic naivity. What is needed today is the intelligent direction of a surprising and en¬ couraging moral earnestness which is so outstanding a character¬ istic of a certain group among the younger generation. In discussions which center about more personal problems, the leader may sometimes assume that the members have been fur¬ nished by their experiences with data sufficient to make pos¬ sible intelligent discussion. But in considering the larger social issues, the necessary data can be secured only by careful and rather extensive study. No service more valuable could be ren¬ dered than the teaching of the group that only earned conclusions are to be regarded seriously. The Preparation of the Leader. Since the success of a discussion group usually depends largely upon the ability and skill of its leader, careful preparation is es¬ sential. This preparation should include a general survey of the whole topic and as careful a predicition as possible of the points which are likely to arise. The leader should not, of course, attempt to determine just what shall be brought up in the group and the way in which it shall be considered; much less should he attempt to steer the group into adopting his own conclusions. He should, however, have a sufficient grasp of the topic to be able to see, and to assist the group in seeing the relationship of the points presented, to the total problem. This preparation is essential also in enabling him to assist those who are struggling to express points which they either understand imperfectly, or are unable to state clearly. The leader should have available all the sources of information possible, in order to assist the group in making further investi¬ gations, and to help it to make certain that the conclusions reached are based upon adequate evidence. It is evident, then, that the preparation of the leader must be careful, extensive, and thorough. The lecturer need be prepared upon only such subjects as he himself has chosen and may handle them in the way in which he finds most convenient. The leader of the discussion should be prepared, not only for any point which might arise, but also for any way of conceiving and stat¬ ing that point which may occur to any member of the group. Some job, isn’t it? But it is worth while. 78 WORLD YOUTH PEACE CONGRESS This study outline was prepared especially for use in connection with the World Youth Peace Congress to be held in Eerde, Holland, from August 17-26, 1928. The purpose of the Congress is: to stimulate and promote a study of the basic causes of war and their elimination, and to focus the enthusiasm and power of the youth of the world upon the develop¬ ment of agencies for dealing with the problem of war. Information regarding delegates and the conditions for attendance may be secured from the American Committee which has assumed responsibility for America’s participation in the Congress. Posters and additional copies of this pamphlet may be obtained by addressing: The American Committee World Youth Peace Congress of 1928 104 East 9th St., Room 386 New York City Posters—5 cents each, twenty cents a half dozen. Pamphlet—25 cents each, two dollars for ten, nine dollars for fifty. 79