THE REASONS WHY WE ARE AT WAR. SHOWING The Case Against Germany Published by THE RURAL LEAGUE, IIO-III, Strand, London, W.C. (PRICE ONE PENNY : Less in Quantities.) FOREWORD. Very many requests have been received by the Rural League for a plainly-worded booklet which would explain the causes of the war. The Committee of the Rural League submit the present booklet in response to those requests. They hope it will impress upon the rural popula- tion and all others the fact that as a nation we are actually and really fighting in a life and death struggle, as well as for our national honour. No man or woman should forget these facts for a single moment. Special attention is directed :— (1) to the quota- tions on pages 25 to 31 from the Speeches of the German Emperor, and from the writings of prominent German Politicians, Authors, etc. ; and (2) to the information on pages 33 to 40 from the British Official Blue Book, which information brings into view the sincere and sustained efforts Britain made for peace, and supplies the dates, etc., in clear and connected form. JESSE COLLINGS, President BEVILLE STANIER, Chairman ALEXR. HENDERSON, J. L. GREEN, Secretary. Ryu \i. Lbaq&k Offices, I m ill, Shimd, Loudon, W.C. sident. J hair man. Treasurer. THE REASONS WHY WE ARE AT WAR. THE CASE AGAINST GERMANY i. THE GERMAN SPIRIT. The German Empire is divided, roughly, into two parts. The people in that part of the German Empire known as Prussia are skilled fighters, bent on war. They have an instinct for organisation in that direction, but they have earned comparatively little distinction in the various arts of peace. The people of the rest of the German Empire, especially in the south, value the laurels of peace much more than the glories of war. They have not, however, been able to resist the war party in Prussia (which Prussia the German Emperor has described as the brightest 2 jewel in his crown), the fanaticism of their ruler, or the glamour of what they call "world-power" cast over them by their thinkers. It is not the intention, nor is it possible in this small booklet, to trace the history of the German race and of the German Empire. The present purpose is to show how the German desire for world- power arose, how it led to warlike preparations on a scale never before witnessed in the world's history, and how it led the German Emperor and his advisers to provoke the present war — the greatest in the history of the world. II. THE GREED FOR TERRITORY. Although the Prussian spirit influenced German opinion many years ago, it is only some thirty to forty years since the Germans, as- a whole, began to realise the importance of colonies, and to shape their affairs with the object of territorial acquisition and expansion. By successive wars upon their neighbours of Denmark, Austria and France, they obtained extra provinces, and strengthened their position as the Chief Power in Central Europe. By the time they had realised their error in underestimating the importance of colonies, however, the best parts of the habitable globe had been occupied by other countries ; and 3 although they had expanded their Empire in Europe, they still coveted Oversea Possessions. Ultimately they resolved to try and make up for the error in question by becoming the political brigands and bullies of Europe. " What we now wish to attain must be fought for, and won" (wrote their military genius General von Bernhardi). That was their object. III. GERMANY'S NEW CREED. With that " object " in view, a new creed was started — a " religion of valour," as it has been termed. The principal exponents of this new creed were the German Emperor, his military advisers, and t ie Professors and Teachers in the German Universities and Schools. From the elementary schools to the Universities, the children and students were constantly taught to hate England and all that belongs to her, and to look upon themselves as God's own people destined to rule the earth. " I attach great importance to the national school and the continuation school as a means to the military education of our people," said Bernhardi. (We quote Bernhardi because he belongs to and is typical of the class by which Germany is governed). No opportunity was lost of impregnating the people with the spirit and lust of conquest. They were fed upon the new diet from their cradles, and the desire to dominate the world — to obtain " world- power " — was the" result. The favourite theme of German writers of all classes was the ruin of the British Empire ; and hundreds of books appeared every year in Germany dealing with war, and glorifying it as a means to their end. IV. "MIGHT— THE SUPREME RIGHT." " Since almost every part of the globe is inhabited, new territory must, as a rule " (wrote Bernhardi), " be obtained at the cost of its possessors— that is to say, by conquest." One- fifth of the habitable globe is possessed by Britain ; and Germany, it was urged, could only expand at Britain's expense. With the increase of the German military might that was at one stroke to crush France " for ever " and to make Britain a German State and the British Possessions German Posses- sions, the German leaders of thought and their military friends became more offensive than ever. They revealed with brutal frankness the real motive of their new creed. They disputed the relation A Christian morality to political life ; and they stigmatised efforts directed towards the abolition of war as " absolutely immoral " and as " unworthy of the human race." The notion 5 that a nation small in the number of its people should have the same right to live as a nation of greater numbers, was regarded by Germans as " a presumptuous encroachment on the natural laws of development." The new creed was summed up by Bernhardi in the statement that " Might gives the right to occupy or to con- " quer. Might is at once the supreme right." " Our people must learn to see," he added, " that the maintenance of peace never can or never may be the goal of a policy ; " and Germans were further taught that " wars which have been deliberately provoked by far-seeing statesmen have had the happiest results." All the laws of Christianity were deli- berately and wantonly contradicted and were replaced by the new creed or policy, which they termed the " higher civilisation." The " civilised " and Christian nations of the world were, in fact, to become thieves and brutes, in order to establish the new German creed. " This struggle is a creator, since it eliminates," said Bernhardi. All the so-called benefits of the " higher civilisation " were to be reserved for the conqueror ! As the stoat preys upon the rabbit ; as the Polar bear feeds upon the seal ; as the fox ruthlessly destroys its unlucky victims for sheer thirst for blood ; as the tiger devours its prey — all the revolting habits oi the brute creation were to be incorporated in the new 6 German standard of " higher civilisation." Not for a moment did it ever cross the minds of these arrogant Germans that he who lives by the sword shall perish by the sword. Not for a moment did they pause to consider what fate overtook the Powers of old that relied on " might " instead of right. Had they done so they might by peace have gained renown. V. CALCULATIONS AND MISCALCULATIONS. While denying that Christianity was in any way related to politics, these German militarists and teachers did not deny the existence of God. They stated that God had chosen them (and them alone) as instruments to purify by war the corruption caused in the world by too much peace ! They also chose to believe and to say that Britain was rotten through and through, and that Britain therefore must be brought under the influence of the new German " civilisation." In order to provoke antagonism and strife, they accused Britain of having obtained her Overseas Possessions by treachery and violence ; of being hopelessly incompetent in the art of government ; and of having become craven-hearted cowards, and therefore unfit to 7 rule over one-fifth of the habitable globe. Eng- land, they alleged, was tottering to her grave, and they meant by fair or foul means to give her that gentle push that was to precipitate her into obscurity ! They made careful estimates of their chances of success in their war for "world-power." An Alliance was made between Germany, Austria and Italy to fight against those who might attack any one of the three ; but the possibility of Italy withdrawing from the alliance if Germany or Austria became the aggressor was not left out of their calculations. (That event has happened.) " If Italy really withdraws from the Triple Alliance, very distinctly superior forces will be united against Germany and Austria," said Bernhardi ; but " we must fight it out, cost what it may." " In oneway or another," went on that writer, " we must square our account with France if we wish for a free hand in our international policy. . . France must be so completely crushed that she can never again come across our path." That was how Germany was going to attain a " higher civilisation "I "We must remain conscious in all eventualities " (Bernhardi also said), " that we cannot, under any circum- stances, avoid fighting for our position in the world ; and that the all-important point is, not to postpone the war as long as possible, but to 8 bring it on under the most favourable conditions possible. ' ' Events have shown that in whatever other directions Germans have excelled, they are —as their own Chancellor Prince Biilow suggested — " Political Asses ; " but that is a matter that deserves separate treatment. It is sufficient here to say that the Germans underestimated the pluck and capacity which were necessary and which were expended in building up the British Colonies into the condition of prosperous and self-supporting States : and that they also under- estimated and entirely misunderstood the moral and other important results ensuing from our connection— our happy connection — with our Daughter States and Dependencies throughout the world. As a result of that connection, instead of confusion and disaffection at the time of stress, our self-governing States and other Possessions have vied and are vying with each other in the generous measure of assistance proffered. VI. WORLD-POWER BY CONQUEST. We have chown in the foregoing pages that the self-confessed object of the German militarists and their friends was to obtain world-power by conquest; and that the German people have 9 been assiduously and systematically taught to believe that this destiny was specially appointed to them by Providence. It is necessary to add that military and naval preparations on a gigantic scale were made to achieve that world-wide power. Every facility was provided by Germany for the invasion of Britain. A navy was built second only in importance to Britain's (and this it was hoped shortly to surpass, as the German Emperor himself in- dicated) ; whilst, on the German coast, harbours, docks, quays, and all the other requirements for the embarkation of enormous numbers of men were provided. The Kiel Canal was dredged and widened for the German war- ships, and plans were made for the mining of an extensive area of water around the German coast. Most of these preparations were obviously — and really could only have been — intended as the beginnings of an attack upon Britain, as they were absolutely useless for offensive purposes against any other Power. The favourite toast of the German military and naval officers was " To the Day " — the day that was to witness Britain's final and greatest humiliation and Germany's supremacy over the nations of the world ! All these things bred a confidence in the German mind — from school days upwards — that 10 made the Germans absolutely intolerant of peace- makers ; and the overtures in that direction which the British Government made to them from time to time were only regarded as signs of a coward heart'. They were ripe for war ; and with the aid of Austria they were prepared to fight France, Russia, Britain, and anyone else ! VII. GERMANY PROVOKES WAR. When, therefore, the actual crisis arose in July, 1914, the German Emperor and the gang around him thwarted every effort made by Britain, France and Russia to avert war. The time, they knew, had arrived for them to fight for "world-power." They could not continue indefinitely to tax and sweat their people for the maintenance of such huge armaments ; and they hoped by the exertion of their colossal military and naval strength to repay their expenditure, to enrich their trade, and to gratify their political ambition. The crisis referred to arose through the assassination of the heir to the Austrian throne by one who was a Serbian-born individual, but who, actually, was a subject of Austria. Austria demanded reparation for the deed from Serbia, but in terms that Serbia could not possibly II satisfy. " I had never before seen one State address to another independent State a docu- ment of so formidable a character," said our own Sir Edward Grey, as Foreign Secretary ; and even the German Foreign Secretary ad- mitted that the Serbian Government " could not swallow certain of the Austrian demands." Serbia did everything possible consistent with honour and her independence as a nation to atone for the assassination, for which she could not reasonably be held responsible ; but Austria would not abate her demands a single jot, and she was upheld by Germany, whose interests were not affected, and who (as the German Ambassador at Vienna proudly declared) " knew very well what she was about in backing up Austria in this matter." When it seemed that the dispute could not be settled by Austria and Serbia, Sir Edward Grey invited Germany, France and Italy to act with Britain as mediators for peace ; and at the same time Russia (who had vital and racial interests in Serbia's welfare — as the Russians and Serbs both belong to the Slav races) offered to discuss matters with the Austrian Government direct. The Russian Emperor also requested the German Emperor to mediate between Russia and Austria. Germany's answer to Sir E. Grey (made on July 29th, 1914) was the infamous proposal that England should stand aside while Germany violated the neutrality of 12 Belgium in order thereby to proceed through that country to crush France ; though France had done nothing to Germany or to Austria which could be argued was against the honour of either of them. That proposal was unconditionally and in- dignantly rejected by the British Government, whereupon the German Imperial Chancellor, with amazing impudence, held England solely respon- sible for the war ! Sir Edward Grey, however, continued his efforts for peace to the very end of the negotiations. " If the peace of Europe can be preserved," he telegraphed to the British Ambassador in Berlin on July 30th, " and the present crisis safely passed, my own endeavour will be to promote some arrangement to which Germany could be a party, by which she could be assured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued against her or her allies by France, Russia and ourselves, jointly or separately." The German Chancellor, our Ambassador in Berlin stated, received this offer " without comment." The next day — July 31st — Sir Edward Grey telegraphed another message to the British 13 Ambassador in Berlin, and that message shows the lengths to which England was prepared to go for the sake of peace— even to the length of cutting herself loose from Russia and France in case those Powers would not agree to promote peace. In it Sir Edward Grey said :— " I said to the German Ambassador this morning that if Germany could get any reasonable proposal put forward which made it clear that Germany and Austria were striving to preserve European peace, and that Russia and France would be unreasonable if they rejected it, I would support it at St. Petersburgh and Paris, and go the length of saying that if Russia and France would not accept it His Majesty's Government would have nothing more to do with the consequences ; but, otherwise, I told the German Ambassador that if France became involved we should be drawn in." But in the afternoon of July 31st Germany delivered an ultimatum to Russia ; and Sir Edward Grey was informed that it was impossible for the German Imperial Government to consider his proposal until they had received an answer from Russia. Russia, as was inevitable, rejected the ultimatum. Germany thereupon declared war on that country. 14 Germany, Great Britain and France had, by their Treaties of 1831-2, and 1839, guaranteed to preserve Belgium as "an independent and per- fectly neutral State;" and France suffered a dire defeat in her War of 1870-71 against Germany rather than save herself by invading Belgium (as she might easily have done) and sacrificing her honour. France gave Britain an explicit promise on the present occasion not to violate her (France's) engagements in this war as regards Belgium ; but when the British Government called upon Germany also to keep her word, Germany replied first by trying to make a dishonourable arrangement with Britain and then by sending her troops into Belgium so as to crush France through what she regarded as the easiest and swiftest path. The Belgian Government thereupon appealed to the British Government for help against Germany's flagrant violation of the Treaties she (Germany) had signed ; and on August 4th, Britain, in honour bound, agreed to render this help, and accordingly promptly declared war against Germany. On that day the British Ambassador met the disappointed and now crestfallen German Imperial Chancellor in Berlin, who had not even imagined that the British Government would keep its solemnly-pledged word to Belgium — a brave, small, honest, and industrious little nation composed in the main of peasants and small 15 cultivators. "Just for a word, < neutrality' " (said the German Imperial Chancellor to the British Ambassador), " a word which in war time had so often been disregarded ; just for a scrap of paper, Great Britain is going to war ! " The " higher civilisation " which Gerrrlany was to attain by conquest is thus revealed as a perversion of Christian morality ; as revelling in the dishonour of a solemn national obligation ; and as fulfilling the vicious and brutal maxim of " might over right." The German bully knew that little Belgium, with a population of less than 8,000,000, could not hope indefinitely to withstand against the huge army provided by a population of some 70,000,000 Germans. Nevertheless the Belgians by their heroism— which has resounded throughout the world— materially delayed Ger- many's progress towards France : for which patriotic effort she has been treated by Germany {as the following pages show) in a manner opposed to all the principles of humanity. VIII. GERMAN ATROCITIES. Since the war commenced the world has had an opportunity of witnessing the effect of the commands of the Kaiser and his military advisers to the German troops that they should show no i6 mercy to the enemy, and that they should produce a " certain frightfulness " among civilians, etc. The world has seen these things and gasped with astonishment and indignation. The ferocities that were committed by the barbarians of old— by the " Huns of Attila," quoted by the German Emperor— were not greater than those which the German officers and soldiers have committed in an era of civilisation and in the name of civilisation ! And these are the first results of Germany's " higher civilisation " ! Whole villages have been burned to the ground, children shot and stabbed to death, peasants shot and roasted alive, young girls and married women bayoneted, women and men made to march before the German soldiers to enable the latter to get close to the Allied troops without being fired upon, hospitals shelled, wounded soldiers robbed and horribly mutilated, and priceless works of art destroyed. The rules of war between civilised nations have been ignored, and the German soldiers have committed excesses so frightful that they have sent a shudder of pain through the civilised races of the whole world. These are not idle words used to justifv our own case against German}' ; they are words based upon the official and uncontradicted Report of the Belgian Commission appointed to inquire T7 into the Violation of the Rights of Nations and ot the Laws and Customs of War; as well as upon a huge mass of independent testimony. Here are some extracts from that Report "Belgian soldiers entering Hofstade, on August 25th, found the body of an old woman who had been killed by bayonet thrusts. She still held in her hand the needle with which she was sewing when she was killed. A woman and her 15 or 16 year old son lay on the ground pierced by bayonets. A man had been hanged." " At Sempst, a neighbouring village, were found the bodies of two men, partially car- bonized. One of them had his legs cut off at the knees ; the other had the arms and legs cut off.. A workman, whose burnt body has been seen by several witnesses, had been struck several times with bayonets, and then, while still alive, the Germans had poured petroleum over him, and thrown him into a house to which they set fire. A woman who came out of her house was killed in the same way." "Between Impde and Wolverthem two wounded Belgian soldiers lay near a house which was on fire. The Germans threw these two unfortunate men into the flames." i8 " The German Army entered Louvain on Wednesday, August 19th, after having burnt down the villages through which it had passed." " As soon as they had entered the town of Louvain the Germans requisitioned food and lodging for their troops. They went to all the banks of the town and took possession of the cash in hand. German soldiers burst open the doors of houses which had been abandoned by their inhabitants, pillaged them, and com- mitted other excesses." " The corpses of many civilians encumbered the streets and squares. On the road from Tirlemont to Louvain alone a witness counted more than 50. On the doorsteps of houses could be seen carbonized bodies of inhabitants, who, hiding in their cellars, were driven out by the fire, tried to escape, and fell into the flames." " On entering the villages which had been occupied by the enemy, the Belgian army found them devastated. The Germans, as they retired, had pillaged and burned the villages, taking with them the male inhabitants, whom they forced to march in front of them." " A witness, whose evidence has been taken by a reliable British subject, declares that he saw on August 26th, not far from Malines during 19 the last Belgian attack, an old man tied by the arms to one of the rafters in the ceiling of his farm. The body was completely car- bonized ; but the head, arms, and feet were unburnt. Farther on a child of about 15 was tied up, the hands behind the back, and the body was completely torn open with bayonet wounds. Numerous corpses of peasants lay on the ground in positions of supplication, their arms lifted and their hands clasped." Again : "At nightfall on August 26th the German troops, repulsed by our soldiers, entered Louvain panic-stricken " (reports the Belgian Commission). "Several witnesses affirm that the German garrison which occupied Louvain was erroneously informed that the enemy were entering the town. Men of the garrison immediately marched to the station, shooting haphazard the while, and there met the German troops who had been repulsed by the Belgians, the latter having just ceased the pursuit. Everything tends to prove that the German regiments fired on one another. At once the Germans began bombarding the town, pretending that civilians had fired on the troops, a suggestion which is contradicted by ail the witnesses, and could scarcely have been pos- sible, because the inhabitants of Louvain had had to give up their arms to the municipal authorities several days before. The bombard- 20 merit lasted till about 10 o'clock at night. The Germans then set fire to the town. Wherever the fire had not spread the German soldiers entered the houses and threw fire-grenades, with which some of them seem to be provided. The greater part of the town of Louvain was thus a prey to the flames, particularly the quarters of the upper town, comprising the modern buildings, the ancient Cathedral of St. Pierre, the University buildings, together with the University library, its manuscripts and collections, and the municipal theatre." That is a record of a few of their atrocities upon the unfortunate Belgian villagers, and it is sufficient to make the Angel of Pity weep tears of agony for the victims, and the God of Vengeance to smite the perpetrators with a rod of iron. Remember, it is only a small part of the atrocities. A complete record would fill a volume. That is the way the Germans are trying to attain to their "higher civilisation." And that is the way the German Emperor thinks that the " German people will be the granite rock on which Almighty God will complete His building of the civilisation of the world ! " At Rheims, too, the most beautiful Gothic cathedra] in the world (the " Westminster Abbey " 21 of France)-which had been temporarily con- verted into a hospital for wounded soldiers-was bombarded by the German artillery on two occasions, and damaged almost beyond repair. At the time of the first bombardment, wounded soldiers were in the Cathedral, and some of them were buried in the ruins before they could be removed. Our own troops, too, have reported numerous instances of barefaced treachery on the part of the German soldiers, and other acts which form a rank disgrace to a people calling itself civilised ; but enough, perhaps, has been said to show what are the German methods of warfare. We may, without blasphemy, thank God that our own country and people have so far been spared from the ravages and savagery of the German troops. It is, however, a terrifying example of what may happen to the people of Britain if the Germans succeed in invading our beloved country. So great is the hatred which the Germans have cherished and nourished against us, that the deeds they would commit in our country appal the imagination. 22 IX, CONCLUSIONS. Fortunately the German political, military and educational leaders have already had a rude awakening. This has been due to the noble and heroic resistance which one of the little States (Belgium), scorned by General von Bernhardi and his party, offered to superior force ; to the gallantry of the French Army ; to the power and valour of the British Army ; to the rally of Britain's Daughter States and Possessions over- sea ; and to the speed and capacity of the huge Russian military machine. The gravity of the mistake the Germans made forty years ago in underestimating the importance of Colonies, they have now more than equalled in underestimating the strength and enduring capacity of their British and other opponents, and in exaggerating their own might at a time when defeat will mean disaster. The main and most important con- clusions from the foregoing pages are that the brutal and immoral Prussian military spirit must be stamped out of Germany ; that the German Emperor must be punished for his crimes; and that not until such stamping out and punishment 23 have been effectually accomplished can we expect peace to be restored with any chance of its remaining permanent. j^LS Hgk however, remember, that itisa rea jjlife and death struggle for us ™~~ We must remember that Germany is a powerful military nation ; that it will require all our efforts and resources to overcome it ; and that whilst the struggle lasts, we must all set aside political and other differences, so that we may the more rapidly achieve such a victory as will bring not only a lasting peace, but relief from the excessive burdens of militarism that have rested so heavily upon most of the peoples of Europe. Our enemies are brave and tenacious, and will not give in until thoroughly beaten. We have to show the Germans, there- fore, that we are equally brave and de- termined: and that not until Freedomj cause has been won will we stop the contest into which we have been force d. A people strengthened by such valour and noble endeavour cannot be beaten. I APPENDIX I. Quotations from the Speeches of the German Emperor; and from German Authors and Statesmen. The following quotations will show the sort of stuff on which the people of Germany have been fed for the past generation and more— especially the children and young people. The quotations could be increased a hundred- fold. It needs no argument to indicate the effect which such a concoction of blasphemy, brag, brutality and inordinate ambition must have upon a people when in season and out of season it is placed before them from their childhood upwards. Such disgraceful conduct could only lead to war. What the German Emperor says : — " The best word is a blow." " We Germans are the salt of the earth." 26 " There is only one law — my law ; the law which I myself lay down." " Hurrah for the dry powder and the sharp sword ! " " A ruler may be very disagreeable : and I will be disagreeable if I think it neces- sary." " Let all who fall into your German hands be at your mercy. Gain a reputation like the Huns of Attila." " Our German people will be the granite rock on which Almighty God will complete His building of the civilisation of the world." " Secure is that peace which stands behind the shield and under the sword of the German Michael." "I will not rest until I have raised my Navy to a position similar to that occupied by my Army." " You Germans wear the Emperor's uniform; you have thereby been given a preference over other men." "It is the soldier and the Army, not Parliamentary majorities and votes, that'have welded the German Empire together • and my confidence rests upon the Army." 27 That General von Bernhardi, the great German military authority, says :— " Might is at once the supreme right." " The Germans are the greatest civilised people on earth." " War is an indispensable factor of culture, in which a true civilised nation finds the' highest expression of strength and vitality." " The duties and obligations of the German people cannot be fulfilled without drawing the sword." " The desire for peace has rendered most civilised nations anaemic, and marks a decay of spirit and political courage." "The Christian duty, of sacrifice for something higher does not exist for the State, for there is nothing higher than it in the world's history." " Wars deliberately provoked by far- seeing statesmen have had the happiest results. The end-all and be-all of a State is power." " Our people must learn to see that the maintenance of peace never can or may be the goal of a policy." 28 " The efforts directed towards the abolition of war must not only be termed foolish, but absolutely immoral." " We are suffering severely from the want of colonies to meet our requirements. What we now wish to attain must be fought for and won against a superior force of hostile interests and Powers." " A pacific agreement with England is, after all, a will-o'-the-wisp which no serious German statesman would trouble to follow. We must always keep the possibility of war with England before our eyes, and arrange our political and military plans accordingly. We need not concern ourselves with any pacific protestations of English politicians, publicists and Utopians, which cannot alter the real basis of affairs." " We must fight out the struggle [with England and others], cost what it may." " France must be completely crushed." " The essential point is for a country to have colonies of its own ; and a predominant political interest in the spheres where its markets lie. Our German world policy must be guided by these considerations." 2 9 " The policy of the open door [in British Colonies] cannot replace the want of colonies of our own." " We must prepare for war, with the confident intention of conquering." What Prince von Bulow, the late German Imperial Chancellor, says : — Prince von Bulow, in his recent book (" Imperial Germany "), says that " might is the preliminary condition for the growth of real political life " ; and, in regard to inter- national politics, he declares that " England is the only country with which Germany has an account." These expressions, coming from such a person, are significant, to say the least. There are many others much like them in the volume alluded to, and some of even stronger portent. Prince von Bulow was until comparatively recently the German Imperial Chancellor ; and as such he exercised the greatest political power in that country, next to the German Emperor. He was supposed to be a " moderate " man ; but a reading of his book leaves one with the distinct impression that sooner or later Germany intended to pick a quarrel with England, which she has now done. 30 What the late Prince Bismarck said :— " You must leave the people through whom you march only their eyes to weep with." What the German Generals say to-day to their Troops :— " Cause a certain f rightfulness among the population of the places through which you pass." What Treitschke— Germany's National Historian —taught the German people :— "War is ' an ordinance set by God.' " " War is the most powerful maker of nations." "The State exists to discharge two func- tions, namely, ' to make war ' and ' to administer law.' " " The living God will see to it that war shall always recur as a terrible medicine for humanity." " War is a great factor in the onward strife towards perfection." " Any attempt at the abolition of war is unwise and immoral." 3i The late English Professor Cramb, who died in 1913, and who was thoroughly familiar with Germany and with German thought, said that "far more than any other single character in German political life, Treitschke is responsible for the anti-English sentiment which reigns in the German press, and which, in the German Parliament, reveals itself in the frigid and ironic applause with which any references to ' our amicable relations with England ' are greeted." Treitschke's political principles— namely, heroic action, the glory of war, and the day of reckoning with England— were the very essence of his power over Germany, and he declared that not only could our British power be overthrown, but that " the nations would acclaim the destruction of Old England" with " a stern joy and self-congratulations." His indignation and hate (says Professor Cramb) knew no bounds ; and his views have been accepted— speaking generally— by the leaders of thought and action in Germany, and through them by the people of that country. 33 APPENDIX II. BRITAIN'S EFFORTS FOR PEACE: WHO FRUSTRATED THEM P Some Important Dates, &c. The following information is extracted from the official British Blue Book ; and shows the action which Great Britain took up to the very last moment to maintain peace. It also shows that if Germany had really desired peace at all she could have had it at any moment if she had tried to influence her ally (Austria) in that direction. Germany, however, refused to do so. She made no attempt to influence her ally in favour of peace : — June 23RD, 1914. — Assassination of the heir to the Austrian throne in Bosnia (a country which the Austrians stole from the Bosnians in 1908, in spite of the fact that in 1878 Austria pledged her word to Turkey that she would not do anything to " detract from the rights of sovereignty " of Turkey, to whom it lawfully belonged). July 23RD, 1914. — Ultimatum sent by Austria to Serbia, requiring in 48 hours a full and satisfactory answer to 10 demands. 34 The Austrians asserted that the assassina- tion was instigated by Serbia ; but they never at any time produced any evidence to the interested Powers to prove the assertion. During these 48 hours Great Britain made no less than three attempts at peace :— (i) She sought to get the time limit of 48 hours extended, so as to give opportunity for negotia- tion instead of war ; (2) She urged France, Germany and Italy to work at Vienna (Austria) and at Petrograd (Russia) in favour of conciliation instead of war— and all these countries agreed except Germany, who simply said she had no objection " if relations between Austria and Russia became threatening "; (3) She instructed her representative in Serbia to advise Serbia to go as far as possible to meet the wishes of Austria, and so did France and Russia. Austria, however, would not extend the time limit. July 24TH, 1914. — Serbia appealed to Russia for aid (the two nations being of the same race) ; and Serbia said she was ready to accept all the conditions in the Austrian ultimatum which were compatible with leaving her (Serbia) as " an independent State." July 25TH, 1914.— Russia informed Serbia that she (Russia) " could not remain indifferent " 35 to Serbia's position. Germany and Austria knew this well. uly 25TH, 1914. — Serbia replied to Austria, accepting all Austria's demands ; subject on certain points to the delays necessary for passing new necessary laws, and subject to an explanation by Austria regarding the precise nature of the participation by Austrian officials in the internal management of Serbian affairs. The reply by Serbia went far beyond anything which any Power had ever thought probable. Austria, however, remained unsatisfied. uly 27TH, 1914. — Russia promised Austria that she (Russia) would use all her influence in Serbia (the Serbians, we repeat, are of the same race as the Russians) to induce Serbia to give satisfaction ■ but she asked Austria to delay hostilities in order to give time for deliberation. Austria refused. It was well known (as above indicated) that Russia could not remain indifferent to Serbia's position ; and that there would have been a revolution in Russia had she done so. That was stated to Germany. Germany, however, showed abso- lutely no consideration for this matter. uly 28th, 1914. — Austria declared war on Serbia. uly 29TH, 1914. — Russia was thereupon forced to order a partial mobilisation of forces. Austria 36 commenced bombarding Belgrade (the capital of Serbia). Between July 26th and 29th, Great Britain also proposed to Germany, France and Italy, a meeting to see if a means to keep the peace could not be found. France and Italy accepted the proposition. Germany proposed, instead, direct negotia- tions between Russia and Austria. As a matter of fact these had begun, but they were cut short by Austria's declaration of war against Serbia on July 28th. Great Britain again urged Germany on July 29th, if she did not like a meeting such as that referred to, to suggest " any other form " of meeting or conference so that the peace of Europe might be kept and war avoided. Our Foreign Secretary added that " mediation was ready to come into operation by any method that Germany thought possible, if only Germany would press the button in the interests of peace." This message was sent to Germany at 4 p.m. on the 29th July. At midnight, however, on July 29th, an extraordinary and disgraceful telegram from Germany reached Great Britain, asking " if Great Britain would promise to remain neutral, provided Germany did not touch Holland, 37 and took nothing from France but her (France's) Colonies." German}-, moreover, " refused to give an}- undertaking not to invade Belgium." This telegram showed Germany in her true light. It showed clearly that Germany was after war and not peace : and that she wanted to attack France. It was a disgraceful request to make to Great Britain, and Great Britain, as an honourable nation, promptly refused to agree to it — adding that it was " the business of Europe to work for peace." Germany, we repeat, was clearly working for war. The neutrality of Belgium evidently was to be violated by Germany, and Belgium's inde- pendence was also likely to disappear. Remember that the neutrality or inde- pendence, both of Belgium and of Holland (which adjoin one another), has for centuries been considered as one of the strongest means of securing the peace of Europe. Now, when the peace of Europe was Great Britain's one object, " it was found that Germany was preparing to tear out the main rivet of that peace." On the same night (July 29th) Russia offered to stop all military preparations if Austria 38 would recognise that the conflict with Serbia had become a subject of Great European interest ; and if Austria would eliminate from the ultimatum the points which involved a violation of the sovereignty of Serbia. July 31ST, 1914.— Russia informed Great Britain that Austria had agreed to this, and she (Russia) asked Great Britain to assume the direction of these discussions. Hope of peace was thus still in the air. Now another strange thing happened. On this same date, July 31st, to make quite sure concerning the neutrality of Belgium, Great - Britain asked the German and French Govern- ments if they intended to respect such neutrality ? France at once said " Yes." Germany, however, gave no reply ! In the words of the British Official Report : " Henceforth there could be no doubt of German designs." Moreover, on the very same day, July 31st, Germany sent an ultimatum to Russia declaring war in 12 hours on Russia unless Russia countermanded the partial mobilisation order she had given. It is known, however, that " mobilisation had not at the time proceeded as far in Russia as in 39 Germany; although general mobilisation was not publicly proclaimed in Germany till next day, August ist." Germany again, therefore, was stealing a march on both Russia and France ; the latter of whom did not begin to mobilise until August ist. August ist, 1914.— On August 1st Great Britain made a further final effort for peace, and pro- posed to Germany joint action in that direction with Germany, France, and Italy. Germany, however, refused " until Russia's reply should be received " to the Gernwi ultimatum ; and yet she presented to Russia a declaration of war on the afternoon of the very same day (August 1st), on which day she also declared war on France ! Nevertheless, Russia, to show her evident desire for peace, assured Great Britain on this ist of August that she would "on no account commence hostilities if the Germans did not cross the (Russian) frontier " • and France also declared that her troops " would be kept six miles from her ("France's) frontier, so as to prevent a collision." August 2nd, 1914.— Such was the state of affairs when, early on Sunday, August 2nd, " the 40 German troops invaded Luxemburg; a small independent State (which adjoins Belgium), whose neutrality had been years ago guaran- teed by all the Powers, with the very same object as the similar guarantee of Belgium." Germany also sent an ultimatum to Belgium on this day (at 7 p.m.) ; and invaded France. August 3RD, 1914.— Sir E. Grey (our Foreign Secretary) stated in Parliament Great Britain's case and position. Parliament approved. August 4TH, 1914. — Great Britain sent an ulti- matum to Germany demanding an assurance by midnight that the neutrality of Belgium should be respected. Germany refused ; where- upon Great Britain declared war against Germany, and (on August 12th) on her ally, Austria-Hungary. Parliament approved. The foregoing official particulars show that it was the intention of Germany to declare war under any and all circumstances ; and that, if the Serbian incident had not served, some other pretext, cause, or reason for war would have been found by Germany. Printed by M'CoHyvoDALE & Co. Ltd., St: Thomas' Street, London, S.E.