Columbia Slniutrsfftj) intl)fCitpoflfWlork THE LIBRARIES macarij: excidium, OR THE DESTRUCTION OF CYPRUS ; BEING A SECRET HISTORY OF THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION IN IRELAND, COLONEL CHARLES O'KELLY, OF SKRYNE. OR AUGHRANE, NOW CASTLE KELLY, COUNTY GALWAY. EDITED, FROM FOUR ENGLISH COPIES, AND A LATIN MS. IN THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY, WITH NOTES, ILLUSTEATIONS, AND A MEMOIR OF THE ATITHOR AND HIS DESCENDANTS, BY JOHN CORNELIUS O'CALLAGHAN. DUBLIN : FOR THE IRISH ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. MDCCCL. DUBLIN 1'ltISTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, BY M. H. GILL. IRISH ARCHiEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. FOUNDED MDCCCXL. ^patron : HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE ALBERT. ^«siOcnt : His Grace the Duke of Leinstee. ■FicE-^rcsiUcnts : The Most Noble the Marquis of Kildare, M.P., M.R. LA. The Right Hon. the Earl of Leitrim, M.R. I. A. The Right Hon. the Viscount Adare, M. P., M.R. I. A. etounctl : Elected December 21,1 849. Rev. Samuel Butcher, D.D., M.R. I. A. Rev. Charles Graves, A.M., M.R. LA. James Hardiman, Esq., M.R. LA. William Elliot Hudson, Esq., M.R.I. A. Captain T. A. Larcom, R.E., V.P.R.I.A. Charles Mac Donnell, Esq., M.R.I. A. George Petrie, Esq., LL.D., R.H.A., V.P.R.LA. Rev. William Reeves, D.D., M. B., M.R. I. A. Very Rev. Dr. Renehan, President of St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. Aquilla Smith, Esq., M. D., M.R.I.A., Treasurer. J. Huband Smith, Esq., A.M., M.R.I.A. Rev. J. H. Todd, D.D., M.R.I.A., Secretary. ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. Page 3, line 2, parallel vith Syrian Language, read in nuirgin French. 18, — 11, paruUel with the Viceroy, read in ma.rgin Earl of Tyrconnell. — - 26, — 14, pdriiUel wUh CiUcian by birth, read in margin Englislunan. — — 42, — 15, /or France in margi7i, read French. 46, — 8, 13, /('/■ Asinio, read Asimo. 47, — 2, for the haveing joyned, read that haveing joyned. 97, — ■ 7, for Sarsfield i7i rmirgiut read Berwick. 122, — ]7, for Col. Art Maguire hi inargin, read Col. Art Mac Mahon. 169, — fj, /o7- one of whom was President, read three of whom were Presidents. — -173, — 33, /or jointe, rtarf joint. 174, — 1, /or h^retier, rearf h^ritier. ■ , — 5, for au Loix. rtad aux Lolk. — — 208, — 3, for des grands d^bats, read de grands debats. , — 8, for meux, read mieux. , — 17, for toute ce Royaume, rend tout ce Royaume. 223, — 33, at viarum obsessio ; audiebantur passim, a camima after obsessio, and after passim a semicolon. 227, — 12, for le masse, j-ead la masse. 239, — 20, after premitrement, a comma. 240, — 32, for metelass^e, read matelassee. 256, — 34, 35, after profaned, '( comma, and ajter religion, a semicolon. . 261, — 5, /or venerabilibus fratribusc. rt^/irfvenerabilibus fratribus Christiano. 298, — 28, for Note k.'^. Page 53, read Note 85, Page 33. 329, — 1, /or N0TEn2, Page49, rearfNoTE 112, Page 40. 416, — 26, for Caslebarin, read Caslebar {a French error for Castlehar) in. EDITOR'S PREFACE. >IIE Members of the Irish Arch^ological Society U are presented, in this volume, with the Macaria' '^ E.vcidium, an accoimt of the War of the Revolu- tion in Ireland from 1688 to 1691, by Colonel Charles O'Kelly. The Colonel's work, being the orili/ narrative of that contest known to exist from the pen of an Irish OfBcer on the side of King James II., and being, so far, calculated to throw light on an interesting portion of our history from the precise quarter whence it was most needed, had en- gaged the attention of the Society, from the period of its formation. At the first General Meeting of the Society, No. 202, Great Bruns- wick-street, Dublin, May 3rd, 1841, the Report from the Provisional Council, read by the Secretary, the Rev. James Ilenthorn Todd, an- nounced the Irish Colonel's work, as the "third tract," intended for publication ; and to be " edited by George Petrie, Esq., from a manu- script which had recently been added to the collection of Trinity College." This design was soon after relinquished, in consequence of the appearance, the same year, of an edition of the Macarice Excidium, by IRISH ARCH. soc. b Thomas ii Editors Preface. Thomas Crofton Croker, Esq., among the Transactions of the London Camden Society, in the volume entitled, " Narratives illustrative of the Contests in Ireland in 1641 and 1690." There was not, in fact, any such difference, between the MS. used by Mr. Croker, and the Trinity College MS., as would have justified the expense of printing the latter, after the pubUcation of the former. In the course, however, of 1842, the attention of the Irish Arch^o- logical Society was again directed to the Macarice Excidiura, by the discovery of the MS. containing the Latin version, which is printed, along with the English, in this volume. This Latin copy was then in the possession of the Rev. James Scott, R. C. C. of Carrickmacross, and since of Clones, County Monaghan, by whom it was first submit- ted to the Editor. According to the testimony of that gentleman, this MS. had formed part of a collection of books belonging to Dr. Daniel O'Reilly, who made his collegiate studies partly at Antwerp, partly at Douay"; was ordained Priest in 1728 ; was President, for several years, of the Irish College at Antwerp ; and vdtimately Roman Catho- lic Bishop of Clogher, from about 1 748 to 1 776. The Latin copy was transmitted from him to another Dr. O'Reilly, also a President of the Irish College at Antwerp, as well as Bishop of Clogher ; then to the Rev. Hugh O'Reilly, likewise President of that College, and some years since R. C. Parish Pi'iest of Carrickmacross ; from him it de- volved to his niece, and from her to the Rev. James Scott. Mr. Scott, in a letter addressed in 1842 to the writer of these lines, having made known the general nature of the Latin MS., and obligingly forward- ing it to him for inspection, he, perceiving how much more matter it contained than the MS. printed by the London Camden Society, submitted the discovery thus made to the Rev. J. H. Todd. Dr. Todd brought the subject before the Council of the Irish Archaeological Society, " See, on those Colleges, Note 4, p. 1 5g, and Errata. Editors Preface. iii Society, of which body the late kimented Professor Mac Cullagh, of Trinity Collesfe, was at that time an active member. With that ho- nourable zeal, on this, as on other occasions, for the preservation of national remains of art or literature, which too many of far larger means, (and those unearned,) would neither have the spirit to feel, nor the generosity to imitate, Dr. Mac Cullagh, unwilling that a document, connected with the illustration of the history of the country, should be transferred elsewhere, purchased the Latin MS., in order that, after publication by the Irish Arch^ological Society, the original might be deposited in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy''. In October, 1842, the Rev. J. H. Todd, Secretary to the Society, addressed a letter to the writer of these lines on the subject of the Latin copy thus discovered, in which communication he observed: " The Council have desired me to return you thanks for the interest you take in the welfare of the Society, and to ask of you the further favour of undertaking to edit the book for us." This request was acceded to ; and the Latin MS., under an im- pression, at the time, of its being the original of Colonel O'Kelly's work, was transmitted to Denis Henry Kelly, Esq , of Castle Kelly, (the descendant of Lieutenant-Colonel John Kelly, brother to Colo- nel Charles, the author,) for the purpose of being translated by him into English. In 1843, ^^ whole was translated, and transcribed for the press, by that gentleman. The copy thus made was placed for annotation in the hands of the Editor in 1844, and the "Notes and Illustrations" were finished by him, and deposited with the Secretary, the Rev. J. H. Todd, in December, 1846. Subsequently, however, to the "" The Academy is likewise indebted reign of Turlough More O'Conor, father to the liberality of the Professor for the of Koderic, the last Milesian Monarch of beautiful Cross of Cong, made in the Ireland. b 2 iv Editors Preface. the completion of the translation into English by Mr. Kelly, that gen- tleman, having learned that a MS. of the Ilacariw Excidium was in the possession of his kinsman and friend, Count O'Kelly Farrell, in France^ it was then determined not to put the work to press, till all the known copies of it should be consulted and compared. Mr. Kelly therefore obtained from the Count his IMS., accompanied by a short memoir of Colonel Charles O'Kelly, which has been made use of in that written for this volume. It now appeared, from a collation of the Count's MS. with the others at the disposal of the Society, that there was not sufficient reason for considering the Latin as the original of the work, and therefore an arrangement in printing it, different from what was first intended, was adopted, with the consent, and even at the suggestion, of Mr. Kelly. According to this arrangement, that portion only of Mr. Kelly's task has been retained which contains the translation of the outline of Irish and British history, prefixed, in the Latin, to the immediate subject of the Macarice Excidium, or is a version of some circumstances in the subsequent portion of the Latin, which seemed fit to be introduced into the English text. To preserve a due distinction between that text, and the additional matter so introduced, such matter has been enclosed in brackets. The English text of the Macarice Excidium, or of Colonel O'Kelly's history properly speaking, and which begins at paragraph 31, page 32, of this edition, has been selected by the Editor, with the aid of the Rev. J. H. Todd, from four MSS. in that language. I. A neatly-copied MS. belonging to the Library of Trinity Col- lege, half-bound as an octavo volume, and marked, on an engraved plate, inside the cover, as " Ex Bibliotheca Michaelis Ignatii JJvgan. 17 — "; what were the remaining figures not being certainly legible, but ' See Appendix, No. II. Editor s Preface. v but having been, as the Editor thinks, 58. This was the copy, i'roni which it was atfirst designed to publish the work, under the editor- ship of our distinguished countryman. Dr. George Petrie ; whose long labours, and valuable services, in the cause of the antiquities of Ireland, are too well known to need any eulogium from him, on whom the task of editorship has since devolved. II. A very finely written MS. which was procured by John O'Con- nell, Esq., M.P., in Paris, as a portion of original materials for an intended History of the Irish Brigades in the service of France. The existence of this MS., in its present complete condition, is curious. It having been written in two separate books, and each of these being put into different trunks or portmanteaus, that which contained the latter portion of the work was lost in England. This portion fell into the hands of S. H. Bindon, Esq., who, considering as a Member of the Irish ArchsBological Society, that, although but a fragment, it might be of some service for tlie edition of the work then contemplated by the Society, gave the fragment in question to the Rev. J. H. Todd. The otlier portion of the MS. which Mr. John O'Connell had not lost, he kindly presented, in 1 842, to the Editor, who much regretted the absence of the remainder, when, to his great surprise ! he found, last year, on preparing for the present edition, that Dr. Todd had received from Mr. Bindon what exactly completed the copy so long divided. The Editor accordingly presented his portion of it to Dr. Todd, tliat the whole, so fortunately rendered perfect, might be deposited in Trinity College Library. III. The MS. of Count O'Kelly Farrell in France, already men- tioned as having been obtained for the Society by Denis Henry Kelly, Esq., together with a short memoir of the author. Colonel Charles O'Kelly. IV. The text published, under the editorship of Thomas Crofton Croker, Esq., for the London Camden Society, in 1841 ; and of which the vi Editors Preface. the Editor of the present edition, when in London that year, was politely presented with a copy by Mr. Croker. From these four copies, what appeared the best readings have been carefully selected ; the oldest forms of expression and orthography have been generally preferred ; and, in fine, a suitable difference in the mode of printing has been adopted, between the more ancient portion of the text alluded to, and that only translated from the Latin, and already specified, as having been consequently enclosed in brackets. The author of the Latin version, according to the information pos- sessedby the branch of the O'Kellys in France, or that of CountO'Kelly Farrell, was a Roman Catholic clergyman, the Rev. John O'Reilly. In the Preface to the work, under his feigned appellation of " Gratianus Ragallus," the reason for his making this translation is alleged to have been the great resemblance he perceived between certain occurrences then recent in Europe, and several circumstances related in the Colo- nel's history. This is, most probably, an allusion to the attempt in 1745-6 of the grandson of King James IL, Prince Charles Edward Stuart, to recover his grandfather's crowns ; that enterprize, like the Jacobite war in Ireland, having occurred during a war with France; having been supported, though inadequately, by the same power ; and having deprived the Stuarts of any chance, they might have had, of the crowns of England and Scotland, as the contest described by Colonel (J'Kelly had stripped the same dynasty of the crown of Ireland. Harris, in the Preface to his Life of King William III, publislied in 1749, says : " I first undertook this task at a time when his Majesty'' was engaged in a War for the same Cause, that in the last Century sent King William to our rescue, and when the Son of an abjured Popish ^ Kincr Georse II. Editor's Preface. vu Popish Pretender had invaded a part of these Dominions, with an in- tention to intail on Great-Britain and Ireland Misery, Superstition, and Slavery ; and I did it with a view of" fortifying the well aiFected in their Zeal and Allegiance during those perillous times, when all hands were necessary for opposing the common danger. It cannot," he adds, " be amiss now, and at all times, for the same end." So I'ar Harris, as the advocate of the Revolution under King William III.; and as opposite feelings were certainly excited in the minds of the older Irish, or Roman Catholic and Jacobite population of the coun- try, by the stirring events of Prince Charles Edward's expedition in Scotland and England, it would be natural, that, in those times, the MS of the Jacobite Colonel's Memoir, falling into the hands of a cler- gyman of the race, religion, and political principles of the O'Reillys'', should suggest the task, or amusement, in his lonely hours, of turning it ' The O'Reillys were among the lead- ing supporters of King James II. in the War of the Revolution. The two princi- pal representatives of the race. Colonel Ed- mund Buidhe O'Reilly, and Colonel John Reilly, (for the latter had the bad taste to drop the old O'), each commanded a regi- ment in the Iviug's service; the one, of foot, and the other, of dragoons. Another gentleman of the name, the Rev. James O'Reilly, who is mentioned as having been a good poet, and was Chaplain to a Regi- ment in the Irish Army, was of great ser- vice, by his presence of mind, after the for- tune of the day turned against his coun- trymen, at the battle of Aughrim. Ablje Mac Geoghegan, in noting how "I'elite de I'armee perit dans cette malheureuse journee," adds, " & sans I'adresse d'uu Aumonier de Regiment, nomme o Reil- ly, qui s'avisa de faire battre la charge par un Tambour Blajor sur une coUine a I'entree du marais, ou les EoyaUstes de- voient passer, la perte eut ute plus grande ; par ce stratageme, il donna le temps au.x vaincus de prendre le chemin de Lime- rick." The Irish Roman Catholics, or Jacobites, it should be observed, consi- dered themselves, in this war, as the roy- alids, or loyalists, and looked upon the English, as supporting the Revolution at the expense of King James, to be rebels. English writers in favour of the Revolu- tion, on the contrary, give the appellation of rebels to the Irish Jacobites. — (Extracts ' Irom Copy of Count Alexander O'Reil- ly's Pedigree, and other MSS. — Harris's Life of William III., p. 248 : Dublin, 1749. — Jlac Geoghegan, Histoire de I'Irlande, tome iii. pp. 747, 752 : Amsterdam, 1763.) viii Editors Preface. it into Latin. At all events, there is a passage in Dr. Charles O'Co- nor's Memoir of his venerable relative, Charles O'Conor, of Belana- gare, from which we learn, that we are also indebted for other literary works to the seclusion which it was deemed prudent among the lead- ing Roman Catliolics to observe, during this alarming period of Prince Charles Edward's expedition to Scotland. The passage alluded to is here subjoined, as further tending to illustrate the probability of the previous supposition : " During that memorable enterprize," observes the Doctor, in reference to the Chevalier's progress in the neighbour- intr island, "Mr. O'Conor and his friends thoup;ht it adviseable to see each other but seldom. Frequent meetings might give rise to frequent calumny; and suspicion was so much awake, that every thing, but per- fect solitude, might be construed into combination : he therefore mixed with no society, though frequently applied to, by letters and personal solicitations ' Over us,' says he, in a letter to Dr. Dignam, ' there is a storm gathering, which is likely to involve us all indiscriminately, in one common calamity ; God help us, when it bursts ; for my part, I am endeavouring to prepare myself for the worst, and cautioning my friends to do the same. I have not seen the face of a clergyman these three weeks, and Iknoiv not ivhat is become of our Bishop! .... It was appre- hended at this time," adds Dr. O'Conor, " that the flames of civil war would spread themselves throughout England and Ireland, as well as Scotland ; when our interests and prejudices are deeply concerned, and our passions involved in a contest, it is not easy to he a frigid spectator. Besides, this solitude was not spent in idle pursuits ; it was the parent of Mr. O'Conor's best works. It was an otium cum dignitate, that gave birth to some of his best productions"^. Under such circumstances, in the absence of direct information on the subject, the Editor would consider ' Harris's Life of William III., preface. O'Conor, of Belanagare, Esq., M. R. I. A., — Dr. Charles O'Conor's Memoirs of the pp. 198-200: Dublin, J. Mehain, 49, Es- Life and Writings of the late Charles sex-street, 1796. Editors Preface. ix consider it most likely, that the Latin version of Colonel O'Kelly's work originated. As the Macarioe Excidiiim, in its present enlarged or Latin and English shape, may be considered to include a sort of outline of the history of Ireland, from the earliest times to the end of the War of the Revolution, the Editor hopes that circumstance, together with the frequent necessity for double evidence, or extracts from the writers of both sides relative to the many controverted topics occurring in the text, will tend to excuse the length to which his department of the work has run. This length he the more regrets, since it has swelled the volume to a size, which makes it requisite that the narrative by Monsieur Dumont, an officer in Marshal Schonberg's Regiment of Horse, during the campaigns of 1689 and 1690 in Ireland, should be deferred to a future occasion, for publication. But, since the Hugue- not Officer's narrative does not embrace the concluding campaign of 1691, it was thought better to print Colonel O'Kelly's work, extend- ing to the end of the war as it does, and proportionably annotated as it has been, than that such a work should be less fully illustrated, merely to make room for the Williamite narrative, in the same volume. With regard to other matters, the Editor would wish to correct here an error into which he was led at Note 142, p. 362, by stating, from an English publication, the day and year of the Duchess of Tyr- connell's death in Dublin, as March 1 2th, 1 73 1 ; the real period of that Lady's decease being mentioned, on better authority, as March 6th, 1730^. In Note 64, p. 254, also, the Editor's observation as to the three Bulls of Pope Alexander III., pp. 255-262, and pp. 501-504, not having been employed by Irish historians to illustrate the important event with which those documents are so prominently connected, was written when such was literally the case, although they have been since 8 Mason's History and Antiquities of St. Patrick's Cathedral, Notes, p. 1: Dublin, 1820. IRISH ARCH. SOC. C X Editors Preface. since noticed, and printed in Ireland. The Editor would likewise refer to the Errata for a correction of some mistakes in the printing of those Bulls, as from the version of the Fcedera ; which mistakes were owing, amongst other circumstances, to illness on his part, at the time for going to press. And, with respect to errors in the references from Note to Note, he would, for obvious reasons, particularly point the reader's attention to the emendation of the few which have oc- curred, or tlie following: — At page 175, for "See Notes 15, 16, 29, 32," read " See Notes 15, 16, 32." At page 195, for " See Notes 90 and 113," read " See Note 91." At page 278, for " Compare Note 64, p. 259, and Note 279, passim," read "Compare Note 64, p. 259, and Note 281, pas- sim." At page 318, for " See Note 57, pp. 233-234, and Note 220, passim" read " See Note ^y, pp. 233-234, and Note \ 20, passim." The Editor feels much pleasure in acknowledging the kindness, with which, for this edition of Colonel O'Kelly's work, as well as on other occasions, during the last ten years, he has been allowed access to the valuable MSS. of Trinity College, by the Rev. James Henthorn Todd. To Messrs. John O'Donovan and Eugene Curry, he is also thankful for such information concerning the Celtic department of our national literature, as he considered it necessary to consult them upon. J. C. O'C. MEMOIR MEMOIR OF COLONEL CHARLES O'KELLY, AND HIS DESCENDANTS, BY THE EDITOR. ^HARLES O'KELLY, the elder son of John O'Kelly, eighth lordof the mtmor of Screen, County Galway, by Isina, daugh- ter of Sir William Hill, of Ballybeg, County Carlow, was born at the Castle of Screen, in 1621. His origin was one of the most ancient and honourable in his native province ; he being the thirty-ninth in descent from Maine Mor, or the Great, first conqueror, in the fifth century, of the Firbolgs and Attacots, in the extensive territory hence styled " Hy-Many," and subse- quently " O'KoUy's Country ;" the Princes or Chieftains of which, I'rom that period, ranked among the most considerable in Ireland. Young Charles, as a Roman Catholic, was sent, for his education, to St. Omer, in the Netherlands, then forming part of the dominions of the Spanish monarchy. Of the able tui- tion, at that time existing there, he took every advantage. His progress was extensive in the knowledge of the iielles lettres; in addition to the Irish, English, Latin, and Greek tongues, he became acquainted with the Flemish, Spanish, French, and Italian languages ; and was already remarkable for tliat enthusiastic love of country, which gained him the designation of the Irish patriot. The great c 2 civil xii Memoir of Colonel Charles 0' Kelly. civil war breaking out in Ireland in tlie autumn of 1641, he was summoned home to join the royal cause; on which side, his father acquired the rank of Colonel ; distinguished himself by his services during the contest, under the Marquisses of Ormonde and Clanricarde ; and suiFered, in consequence, under the revolutionary interregnum, or usurpation, till the Restoration ; when he was specially decreed, under the Act of Settlement, all the estate to which he was entitled, either by possession or reversion, before the commencement of the dis- turbances in 1641. Yoimg Charles, after returning to Ireland in 1642, obtained the command of a troop of horse under the Marquis of Ormonde ; and signalized himself in the royal army on various occasions, while the war lasted there. On the ultimate success of the Parliamentarians, or Cromwellians, he retired with a body of 2000 of his countrymen into the Spanish dominions, to serve Charles II., as he had previously served his father. Thence, on hearing that the King was in France, he repaired, with most of the officers and soldiers belonging to that corps, who were formed into a regiment, which he was appointed to command. Upon the conclusion, between Cardinal Mazarin and Oliver Cromwell, of the treaty of alliance against Spain, in consequence of which the banished royal family of England were obliged to quit France, Colonel Charles O'Kelly, with other gallant and loyal exiles, transferred his services to the crown of Spain, as that power in whose territory their Sovereign had to seek protection. There the Colonel remained till the reinstatement of the monarchy in Great Britain and Ireland in 1660; when, says my authority, "he came into England, and was always highly esteemed for his Learning, Loyalty, and great Services, both at home and abroad." By the decease of his fltther, Colonel John O'Kelly, in 1674, he succeeded to the family estate (so fortunately saved from the general landed spoliation of the older Irish proprietors under the Act of Settlement), and became ninth lord of the manor of Screen. In the reign of King James II., when the ancient gentry of the country, of IMilesian, and Anglo-Norman, or old English origin, as opposed to the " settlers" of the recent revolutionary or Cromwellian " plantation,'" were the general ob- jects of royal favour and promotion, we find the Colonel's brother, John of Clonlyon, mentioned as High Sheriff of the County of Roscommon in 1686. The Colonel himself appears as one of the twenty-four Burgesses of the reformed or remodelled Corporation of Athlone in November, 1687, as his brother, John, likewise seems to have been, under the enrolment of " John Oge O'Kelly," or John Memoir of Colonel Charles 0' Kelly. xiii John O'Kelly the young, in contradistinction to his elder brother, Charles. When the Revolution took place in England and Scotland the following year, the cause of King James was supported by Colonel Charles O'Kelly and his family, in the same manner, that he and his father had formerly adhered to the cavise of His Majesty's father and brother, Kings Charles I. and Charles II. In the Parlia- ment summoned in Dublin in 1689, by King James, after his flight from Eng- land to France, and landing in Ireland, Colonel Charles O'Kelly sat as Member for the County, and his brother, John, as Member for the Borough, of Roscom- mon. The Colonel was commissioned, in the summer of the same year, to levy a regiment of infantry for the King's service, to be commanded by himself, with his brother John, as his Lieutenant-Colonel; and the Colonel's only son, Denis, joined the cavalry of the Irish army, in the regiment of Pierce Butler, Lord Galmoy. The infantry regiment of Colonel O'Kelly, however, was not long kept up ; though we find him serving the King with the rank of Colonel, and his brother, John, with that of Lieutenant-Colonel. Lord Mountcashel's force, sent against the Enniskilliners, being routed at Newton-Butler, July 31st; the blockade of Derry being likewise raised by the royal army ; and Sligo, in con- sequence of a false rumour, and the panic connected with these reverses, being not long after abandoned ; the Enniskilliners seized that place by a detachment under Lieutenant-Colonel Gore, and made it their frontier post, for hostilities against the King's adherents in Connaught. Colonel O'Kelly, from his age, (he was then sixty-eight), and his former services in Ireland and on the Continent, was reckoned the best ofBcer for undertaking the defence of that province, and directed by Brigadier Patrick Sarsfield to oppose the enemy there, with such a force of the country militia as could be collected ; the King then requiring the national army, under himself, to be as strong as possible, in order to stop the march of Marshal Schonberg, from the North, towards Dublin. The Colonel accordingly advanced towardsBoyle ; which, for some time, rendered the enemy rather appre- hensive of being attacked in Sligo, than desirous of acting offensively towards the South. On September 19th, however, the famous Enniskillen Colonel, Thomas Lloyd, marched from Sligo, over the Curlew mountains, with a select party of cavalry and infantry, and, next morning, about sunrise, falling, in a » Erroneously called, elsewhere, the regiment of having been only one of foot, and Lord Galmoy's Lord Galway ; that young nobleman's regiment one of horse. xiv Memoir of Colonel Charles 0' Kelly. fog, upon Colonel O'Kelly's force in front of Boyle, overthrew them with con- siderable loss. Colonel O'Kelly, on the rout of his foot, escaped with his horse, which were pursued about seven miles ; and the enemy, amongst their booty, obtained the Colonel's portmanteau, with a letter from Brigadier Sarsfield, which was forwarded by Colonel Lloyd to Marshal Schonberg, at Dundalk. Nevertheless, the campaign in Connaught was terminated, on the Jacobite side, by Brigadier Sarsfield's recovering Sligo, and completely clearing that province of the enemy; " tho commanded," observes King James, "by Coll. Russell the German, and Coll : LLoyd, whom they called their little Cromweiy From this period of the Irish war, wc find no mention made of Colonel O'Kelly, or any of his family, until the battle of Aughvim, in July, 1691 ; at which engagement, his son, Denis, then a Captain in Lord Galmoy's regiment of cavalry, had a horse shot under him. Galway soon after surrendering to the Wil- liamite forces under Baron de Ginkell, and Brigadier Sir Henry Belasyse being appointed Governor of that town, the Brigadier's attention was directed to the reduction of the Isle of Bofin, off the western coast, then held with a garrison for King James by Colonel Timothy Royrdan (or O'Royrdan'') as its Governor. The Capitulation took place August 20th, and of the Articles, signed the 19th, the third specifies, " That the Govornour, Officers, and Souldiers of the said Garison, the Lord Athenree, Lieutenant Colonel John Kelly, and all the Inhabi- tants of the said Island, shall possess and enjoy their Estates, Real and Personal, as they held, or ought to have held, under the Acts of Settlement and Expla- nation, or otherways by the Laws of this Kingdom, freely discharged from all Crown-Rents, Quit- Rents, and all other Charges, to the Date hereof:" &c. And, in the ninth of these Articles, it is stated, with reference to a due ratification of them, that there were " given Lieutenant ColonelJolm Kelhi and Captain Richard Martin, as Security." Meanwhile Brigadier O'Donnell, who commanded the principal Jacobite force in north-western Connaught, had been carrying on a private negociation with the Williamite government; which, however, from va- rious circumstances, became known to those, from whom he was preparing to desert. Colonel Charles O'Kelly, who was appointed to guard a strong Castle near ^ Otherwise O'Reardaa. By the second, fifth, and proceed, with the honours of war, arms, and bag- sixth Articles of the Capitulation, the Irish Gover- gage, to Limerick. There was a Count O'Reardan nor and garrison of Bofin were to have liberty to in France, as late as 1842. Memoir of Colonel Charles 0' Kelly. xv near Lough-glin, on the way to Sligo, met O'Donnell just before he concluded the contemplated treaty, and earnestly endeavoured to dissuade him from it. But O'Donnell, liaving obtained his terms, and made his arrangements, with about 1 200 of his troops, first joined 800 of the Williamite militia from Ulster, and then Lieutenant-General Arthur Forbes, Earl of Granard, with 5000 more Williamite militia, and a train of artillery from Leinster, that were commissioned to reduce old Sir Teague O'Regan in Sligo. On the march of such a large force of the enemy towards that place. Colonel O'Kelly had consequently to surrender his post, about September 9th; and proceeded to Limerick, which Baron de Ginkell was then besieging. The Colonel arrived there in time to give council, which, if acted upon, would, to all appearances, have saved the town. The enemy's attack on the place, only from one side of the Shannon, had availed them nothing ; and, to pre- vent any passage by them to the opposite or Clare side. Brigadier Clifibrd was duly stationed there, with a strong out-guard ; while the Irish horse-camp, under Major-General Sheldon, was sufEciently near to reinforce that out-guard, in case of an alarm. Colonel O'Kelly, however, having 710 confidence in Clif- ford, on the morning of September 15th, warned Lord Lucan, either to assume himself the command where Clifford was, or else to intrust that post to Major- General Wauchop. This well-timed warning was, from some fatality in the mat- ter, neglected ; and, accordingly, through the misconduct of Cliflord apprehended by the Colonel, the enemy were not interrupted during the night in making such dispositions for crossing, that they were over the river next morning ! Notwithstanding the further unfortunate results of the advantag-e thus gained by the enemy, the Colonel was still for holding out ; his motto being : " Con- stancy, NO Capitulation, and Confidence in God ! " But, to use the words of Count O'Kelly Farrell : " The Almighty's Jiat had been issued ; the House of Stuart had been doomed to cease, like so many others ; immoralities were to have their chastisements, as was afterwards the case with the Bourbons ; and Ireland was destined to undergo a new political phase, of which Providence alone has the secret." When negociations were commenced, it was proposed by Lord Lucan, and the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam, that Colonel O'Kelly, then in the horse-camp, and in whom his party reposed so much confidence, should be sent for, and consulted about managing the treaty. But, it being objected, by xvi Memoir of Colonel Charles C Kelly. by those of opposite sentiments to the Colonel, that, if he came, there would be no agreement, the proposal was not acted upon. After the conclusion of the Treaty of Limerick, the veteran retired to his family residence at Aughrane, or Castle-Kelly, where, entirely separated from public affairs, he devoted the remaining years of his life to literature and religion. His first work appears to have been the Macaricv Exeidium, since, we are informed, it was written as a sketch of the War of the Revolution in Ireland, and soon after its termination, lest, at his advanced period of life (he being in his seventieth year when that contest ended), death might prevent him leaving the fuller narrative on the subject, which he intended"'. The Macariw Exeidium is 7iot, according to a supposition respecting it, the work of a Privy Councillor of King James II. ; in no list of whose Irish Privy Council is the Colonel's name to be found. Hence, it necessarily contains several statements and opi- nions with reference to that Monarch, and his Viceroy, the Duke of Tyrconnell, as well as other members of the King's government, which require to be checked and corrected by such official documents and personal memorials as we have of that government, and of those who formed a portion of it. It might also be wished, with respect to the Macarice Exeidium, that, as a work on a military period, its contents had been more of a military, and less of a political, nature. But, considered on the whole, or as intended to be a brief, yet general, outline of the War of the Revolution from one belonging to the race, religion, and cause with which its author was connected, the Macariw Exddium may be safely pro- nounced, a contribution to the history of that period, for which we have reason to be grateful to Colonel O'Kelly. The Colonel's second historical work, long preserved in the French branch of the race of O'Kelly, or that of O'Kelly Farrell, was known among the family as " Tlie 0' Kelly Memoirs^ The volume containing them was in ex- istence down to the French Revolution under Louis XVI. ; when it was in the possession = It may be observed here, in reference to a notion nally in Syriac" or (according to the meaning of the which has existed, as to the Colonel having written word, as explained in the key) the French language, his work originally in Irish, that Mr. O'Donovan, would only appear to have been adopted, as a portion whose opinion, on a question of the kind, may be re- of the general mystery connected with the produc- garded as decisive, thinks, from the whole internal tion. The reasons for this mystery, tho.se acquainted evidence of the work, such could not have been the with the history of Ireland, for a long period after case. The Idea, too, of its having been " written origi- the Treat}' of Limerick, will sufficiently understand. Memoir of Colonel Charles 0' Kelly. xvii possession of Count John James O'Kelly Farrell, then Minister Plenipotentiary from that Monarch to the Elector of Mayence ; but was unfortunately lost in the disturbances of that disastrous period. These Memoirs are stated to have em- braced a narrative of the two wars in Ireland, in which the author served, or the Parliamentarian and Cromwellian war which commenced in 1641, as well as the subsequent War of the Revolution ; and, so far as can be judged from the copies, yet preserved, of the key to the real names of the characters introduced in the work, or " Clef -pour Vintellifjence des Memoires du Colonel Chaiies O'Kelly de Skryne, mr les guerres d'Irlande, de 1641 et suivans, et de 1689 et suivans" the Memoirs gave a fuller description of the latter contest, than the account in the Macano'. Excidium. This would appear by the key containing appellations for several characters connected with the events leading to that contest, and for others who took part in it ; which characters are not named at all in the MacaricB Excidium. Thus, we have " Bcllosis" for Lord Belasys ; " Clarindus" for Lord Clarendon ; " Damathus" for Lord Sunderland ; " Dorus" for Lord Dover ; " Lo- crus" for Lord Rochester ; " Lucretus" for Colonel Henry Luttrell ; " Maurius" for the Duke of Monmouth ; " Meleander" for the Roman Catholic Primate of Ireland, Dr. Dominick Macguire ; " Micanor," or " Nicanor" for Colonel Nicholas Purcell, Baron of Loughmoe; "Petrarcha" for Father Petre, the Jesuit; " Symonidossa" for the Honourable Colonel Simon Luttrell, of Luttrell's-town''. From this cir- cumstance, and those previously mentioned, it would seem Colonel O'Kelly at first only wrote the Macariw Excidium, in order that some account, though it were but an epitome, of the war, on the Jacobite side, might remain from his pen, ere he died ; but that, when he lived longer than he had expected, he treated the subject more fully, in the Memoirs which have unfortunately been lost. And this last account, as the larger one, very probably contained details, in military matters, which would tend to lessen what has been complained of as the comparative deficiency of such, in the Macariw Exciditim. Colonel Charles O'Kelly died at Aughrane, now Castle Kelly, in 1695, aged about seventy-four ; leaving such a character for learning, patriotism, bravery, loyalty, and piety, as reflects honour on his memory. The Colonel had by his wife, Margaret O'Kelly (daughter of Teige O'Kelly, Esq., ^ Could Colonel O'Kelly have derived the from Drj-den's famous " Absolom and Achito- idea of writing his history, under fictitious names, phel"? IRISH ARCH. SOC. d sviii Memoir of Colonel Charles 0' Kelly. Esq., of Gallagli, County Galway), but one son, Denis; already mentioned, as a Captain of Horse in the Irish army, at the battle of Aughrira. Both the father and the son having been in Limerick when the Treaty took place, and the family estate being consequently preserved, the Captain, on his father's decease, became tenth lord of the manor of Screen. Under a suspicion of planning to restore the House of Stuart, on which was founded a charge of high treason, he was, in the reign of George I., committed to the Tower of London, July 30th, 1 722 ; but, by an order from the Privy Council, was admitted to bail, May 26th, 1723 ; and appearing on his recognizance, was finally discharged the 28th of November following. Captain Denis O'Kelly intermarried with the ennobled branch in L'eland of the old Norman name of Bellew, whose leading representatives, like those of his own race, were distinguished supporters of King James H. in the War of the Revolution. Walter, second Lord Bellew, by his Lady, Frances Arabella, eldest daughter of Sir William Wentworth, North-gate Head, Wakefield, Yorkshire, sister to the Earl of Strafibrd, and Maid of Honour to Mary of Este, Queen of James H., had two daughters. To the elder of these, Lady Mary Bellew, Cap- tain Denis O'Kelly was married, November 1st, 1702. Her fortune was £16,000 ; so that, between it and his estate, he was in opulent circumstances. By this union, he had three children, viz., a son and two daughters. The son, Thomas, was born in January, 1704, and died in June, 1709. Of the two daughters, Frances Arabella was baptized March 6th, 1703, and died November 2nd, 1733, unmarried; and Anne, born in September, 1717, died in February, 1722. Frances Arabella was a correspondent of our illustrious patriot, Dr. Jonathan Swift, Dean of St. Patrick's, in whose works several of her letters are preserved. She is thus spoken of by Lady Betty Germain, writing from England to the Deau, January nth, 173 1-2: " Miss Kelly was a very pretty girl when she went from hence, and the beaux shewed their good taste by liking her." She is alluded to by Sir Walter Scott, as having had great reason to complain of her father, from his being attached to low intrigues and dissipation. On this head, she writes, from Bristol, July 8th, 1733, ^° ^^^ Dean: " The unhappy life of a near relation must give one a pain, in the very repeating it, that cannot be described. For, surely, to be the daughter of a Colonel Chartres, must, to a rational being, give the greatest anxiety ; »*»*»» *« *«**»***** In short, dear Sir, Memoir of Colonel Charles 0' Kelly. xix dear Sir, I have been fool enough to let such things make an impression on me, which, spite of a good constitution, much spirits, and using a great deal of exercise, has brought me to what I am. Were I without a mother (I mean, had I lost her in ray infancy, and not known her goodness,) I could still better have borne the steps that were taken ; but, while I saw how lavish he was upon his dirty »****»*,! had frequent accounts, that my mother was half-starved abroad. She brought him £16,000 fortune, and, having borne severe usage for near 20 years, had resolution enough to part with him, and chose to take £250 per annum, separate maintenance, ratlierthan bear any longer; and, as she could not live here upon such an income, she has banished herself, and lives retired, in a country town in France." Captain Denis O'Kelly's last surviving child, who gives this dark picture of his domestic character, only outlived the writing of this letter till the ensuing November, when she died in her thirty-first year, of a consumption, connected with the melancholy effects, on Iter mind, oi his bad and disgraceful course of life. The Captain's own decease taking place in 1 740, the family of the author of the Macaruc Excidium, in the male line, became extinct. The estate and resi- dence of Colonel Charles O'Kelly reverted, in consequence, to the son of his brother John, of Clonlyon, the Lieutenant Colonel previously mentioned ; and, through this branch of the name, they have descended, in our time, to Denis Henry Kelly, Esq., of Castle Kelly^ J. C. O'C. " The authorities for the above Memoir, besides the tract entitled, " The Tribes and Customs of Hy- the leading contemporary publications, or other his- Many, commonly called O^KellyU Country.''^ IV. A torical works, relating to the subject, and already brief Memoir of Colonel Charles O'Kelly, by Count cited in the "Notes and Illustrations," have been O'Kelly P'arrell. V. A copy of the letter of Colonel the following : I. The Mucarice Excidium itself, Thomas Lloyd to Marshal Schonberg, on the affair with notes and keys to the names contained in the at Boyle, September 20th, 1U89. This document various MSS., from which the text of the present discoiuitenances several statements on the matter, edition has been draivn. II. The biographical notice which, from the version of it, inserted, at the time, of the Author's family, among the Irish genealogies in the London Gazette, No. 2494, were first circu- annexed to the English translation of Keating's His- lated through these islands, next reprinted over the tory of Ireland, published in 1723. III. Mr. O'Dono- Conthient, and have thus passed, from writer to van's valuable edition, from tlie Book of Lecan, of writer, as Irish history, to the present day. Macarise Excidium ; OR, THE DESTRUCTION OF CYPRUS; Containing The last Warr and Conquest of that Kingdom. AVritten originally in Syriac by Philotas Phylocypees. Translated into Latin by Gratianus Ragallus, P. R. And now Made into English By Colonel Charles O Kelly. Anno Domini 1692. GRATIANUS RAGALLUS, P.R. Health to the Reader. iN my youthful! Travailes in Asia, I mett an Europe, old INIanuscript in the Syrian Language, con- taining a brief History of the last War and Conquest of Cyprus, which I brought along Ireland, with me, and laid it up among my Books, without takeing further Notice of it at that Time ; untill now of late I begann to consider that some of our present Transactions here in Europe seem to carry noe PR^FATIO. CUM Asiam olim adolescens peragrarem, more humani ingenii novi- tatis avidus et juvenili cupiditate incensus vetusta rerum monu- menta locosque fama celebrates cognoscendi, in antiquum forte manu- scriptum incidi vulgari Syrormn lingua exaratum, in quo brevis sed accurata narratio continebatur supremi illius ac funesti belli, quo universa Cyprus eversa atque in hostium potestatem redacta est ; eumque mecum nee mole gravem nee lectu injucundum in Patriam denuo revertens at- tuli, atque in Musa30, reliquos inter llbros, absque ulteriori sub id tempus cura, indiligenter reposui. At nunc demum serio mecum revolventi, et crebris cogitationibus subinde retractanti, quanta affinitate nuperiE in B2 4 Preface. small Resemblance with severall Passages in that History, which gave me the Curiosity to translate it out of Syriac into the Latin Tongue, and perhaps I had the Vanity to believe that my Labour would not be ungratefull to others, and espe- cially to you, courteous Reader, to whom I now present it. Colonel Charles 2. The Author was Pliylotas, for the singular Love he bore his Country comonly called Philo-Cyjires. His Extraction by Irish. the Father of an antient Cyprian Family, and by the Mother English. of an old Cilician Race, made him equally concerned for both ; and his being an Eyewitness of the most memorable Actions Ireland. happening in the Island of Cyprus in his own Time, renders the Authority of his Writeing unquestionable. He compiled this short Treatis soon after the Conquest of his Country and in his old Age, least the Fates by cutting of the Thread of his Life might disable him to leave the more copious Relation to Posterity, as he designed. Europa res nonnullos liistorifE illius casus exitusque contingerent, ingens cupido incessit earn e Si/riaco Latinum in sermonem vertendl, eoque seu vera2 seu vaiiEe spei processi, ut suscepto hoc labore, facturuni me aliis operK pretlum arbitrarer, nee tibi, Amice Lector, rem ingratam, cujus turn judicio turn favori hoc qualecumque munus offertur. 2. Authorem hahuit PMlotatn, ob magnam suam in Patriam charita- tem Philo-Cypren vulgo nominatum : paternum genus e vetustissimo [Milesianovum.] Gcdamidar'um sanguine, maternum a Cilicihus exortum, ajquo propinqui- tatis jure utrorumque rebus devinxit: cumque ipse casus omnes memo- ratu maxime dignos quibus Cypnis ea tempestate nobilitata est, oculis usurpaverit, eoruinque eventuum, qui aut gloriam apud posteros, autin- famiam mererentur, prajsens testis fuerit, scriptis eum suis, indubltata^ veritatis authoritatem acquisivisse par est. Hanc Epitomen vergentlbus jam in senium annis, et sub luctuosum iUud Patriae excidium composuit, ne inclementi fatorum lege prajreptus majus et uberius opus, quod animo meditabatur, postcrltatis memoria; commendare non posset. Preface. 5 3. He Avas bred in his younger Yeares in tliat part of Lycia The Nether- which owned the 3/j/piian Power, and consequently retained spantsh. the Worship of Deljihos, where He studied Rethoric under the Kome. famous Professor of Eloquence, Verulenus, in whose learned School it was a common Practice to extoll the Worth, and cele- brate the Memory of those brave Heros of former Times, who generously postponed all that could be dear to them in this world to the Glory and Welfare of theire Country: and this, being often inculcated by the renowned Master, wrought a virtuous Emulation in his Disciples to imitate the Example of those great Men, but particularly left such a deep Impression in the Soul of Philofas, that it could never be rooted out, have- Coi. c. o'Keiiy. ing retained it to his dyeing Day, alwaies preferring the Inte- rest of his Country (next to the true Worship of the immortal Gods) before all other considerations ; and tho' he wanted 3. Tenera2 setatis studia ea Lycice pars excepit fovitque, qute incor- rupto semper cultu Delpidcce religionis sacris operabatiir ; ubi oratoriam artem hausit, sub laudatissimo illo celeberrimoque eloquentiaa Magistro Veruleno: cujus In auditorio quotidians illse et usitatissimse ingeniorum exercitationes proponebantur, quibus sublimis et erecta magnorum viro- rum indoles, Heroumque illustria gesta antiquorum laudibus efl'ercban- tur, qui bona sua, fortunas, sanguinem, quidquid denique aut charum aut pretiosum erat Patriae unius honorl et incolumitati consccravere. Cum- que hajc ac talia crebris disertlssimi Proeceptoris vocibus Discipulorum auribus animisque instillarentur, vehementissimo ardore succensi sunt, ad eorum imitanda exempla, quorum facta demirabantur : at pra; aliis a;mulandaj virtutis cupido tarn altas cgit radices in tenero adliuc Plulotw animo, ut ad extremum vita; lialitum duraverit; ncc ulla iinquam aut vi aut metu evclli extirpanquc potuerit: adeo ut, secundum Dcorum immortalium cultum, Patriaj utilitati, quidquid vel fbrmidare poterat, vel sperarc, semper posthabuerit: et quanquam collabentis ruinas Insulse, 6 Preface. Power to prevent the fatall Conquest (for whicli noe Man could be more sensibly afflicted), he had, however, this Comfort in the common Calamity, to make it appear to the World, even Inland. by this brief Epitome, that the Loss of Cyprus cannot be justly imputed to the Cowardice or Infidelity of the Natives, but rather to the wrong Politicks of a weak Prince influenceing some of the Noblemen and Chief Officers, whilst the generality iiisi,. of the Cyprians wanted neither Resolution nor Courage to de- fend their dear Country, and, what they held much more dear, the Religion of their Ancestors. eversasque domos suis humeris sustentando non esset, (quarum calami- tatum non alteri acrior sensus insedit) eo tamen illi solatio publicas inter serumnas frui licuit, quod hac succincta rerum gestarum relatione orbi terrarum palam fecerit, ainissa; Cypn infortunia Incolarum nee timidi- tati nee perfidia? imputanda esse, sed miseri Principis potius imprudentite atque imbecillitati, factiosisque quonmdam nobilium et belli Ducum divisionibus : cum interim O/pria in universum gens, nee consilio careret, nee animis,ad charse tecta Patria?, laresque, longeque chariorem Majorum Religionem opibus ac sanguine asserendum. THE DESTRUCTION OF CYPRUS. 'OT yet had Imperial Rome triumphed over every quarterof the globe, not yet had the Roman eagles, with victorious wings, cast their shadow over the humbled universe, when Prince Rugeses, having Fergus, raised a mighty host, proceeded from his royal home of Cyprus to invade Pampldlia ; nor, sooner Ireland. Scot- had he done so, than by his martial skill, his royal virtues, and the suavity of his demeanor, he so conciliated its inhabi- tants, and estabhshed his power by the introduction of colonies from Cyprus, that his new dominion became perfectly consolidated (so great Ireland. EXCIDIUM MACARIvE. NONDUM urbs, rerum Domina, diversa mundi latera triumphando conti- nuerat, EomanEe nondumAquila; victricibus pennis domitum collustra- verant orbem, cum Rugeses e domo Cypri regnatrice Princeps, valido excrcitu comparato, Pamphiliam invasit : quam mox simul armorum vi, simul virtuti- bus aliis plane regiis, Incolarum animos mira suavitate conciliantibus, sub potestatem redegit; deducendisquc subinde e Cypro coloniis, atque evocandis 8 Excidium Macarice; or was the influx of Lis native subjects), and it remained a stable and assured possession to himself and his posterity. Jas. I. Fergus. 2. When many a year had passed, \s.mg A^nasis, of the race oi Riicfeses, held, in right of his mother, the sway over the neighbouring, and then England, iiisii. flourishing, kingdom of Cilicia. On his accession, the Cypnotes, who, in the assertion of their liberties, had, both before his days and after, Engiisii. been involved in perpetual war with the CiUcians, when they saw on the throne a Monarch of their own race and blood, at once unhesitatingly submitted to their compatriot. .lames I. 3. Moreover, Amasis, in the peaceable possession of his three king- Eiiglanii. Scot- doms oi' Cilicia, Pamjjhilia, and Cyprus, was looked upon as one of the Europe."^"" most powerful princes oi' Asia, and had the happiness of uninterrupted tranquillity, to add to the stability of his throne; having escaped being involved in the costly and acrimonious conflict which then raged between France. Spain Syria and Egypt, and which, like a general conflagration, had enve- Europe. Asia, loped almost all the princes and peoples o{ Asia and oi Afnca. Chas. I. .las. I. 4. Pythaqoras, the son oi Amasis, succeeded on his father's death ; France. but was connected with Syria, having married its Sovereign's sister. Scotcii. The commencement of his reign was prosperous enough, till the Pam- sure gentis hominibus, novum hoc regmim, ita popularium suorum multitudine firmavit, ut inibi stabilem certamque sibi atque posteris suis sedem fixerit. 2. Multis deinde circumactis annis. Rex Amasis e Rugesis stirpe vicinum, et, prout tunc res erant, florentissimum Cilicia: regnvcea materno jure occupa- vit. Unde Cyprii, qui perpetuis ante, sibique succedentibus bellis, propug- nandse libertatis ergo, Cilicas infestabant; cum jam sanguinis atque originis suae regem apud illos imperitantem spectarent, absque ulla detractatione, Gentili utique sue sese subdiderunt. 3. Porro Amasis trium Cilicice, Pampliilim, et Cypri regnorum, sine csede et sanguine potitus, inter potentissimos Asiw reges ferebatur, et diuturnitati im- perii perpetute pacis feUcitatem adjecit, bellorum expers, quae sumniis opibus, neo minoribus odiis Syriam inter ^yyjittwique ea tempestate ita flagrabant, ut omnes propemodum4«z«? atque Afr-iae popidi Principesque eo, velvit publico, incendio involverentur. 4. Pythagoras filius Amasi successit, affinitate Syrorum, regis Sorore, post excessum Patris, in uxorem ducta, et sub initia novi principatus, satis pros- The Destruction of Cyprus. 9 philians and CiUdans, a race always given to rebellion and innovation, English, as if suddenly stung by a gadfly, put all in confusion, by their outbreaks and commotions against their unwarlike sovereign. These disturbances commenced on the part of the PamphUians, who suspected the King of Scotch, wanting to subvert the worship of the heavenly powers, as lately recon- Presbyterian- structed, but which they asserted was not at variance with the ancient '""^' religious usages practised in Pamphilia, and which had been superseded Scotland. by the comparatively modern rites in use mAmasiss youth, but which Refomied Epis- the Delphic IHijh Priest condemned as heretical and corrupt. Koman Pontitn 5. Suddenly, however, as the discord seemed to have arisen between Pythagoras and the Painphilians, no less suddenly did it seem to subside ; Charles. Scotch, for, when he went to Sehicia, the chief city of the kingdom, he was met Edinburgh, by an immense concourse of all ranks and classes, who there received him, placed him on the throne of his ancestors, and crowned him with all solemnity. 6. On his return to Cilicia, however, he gave offence to the Tarsen- England. Par- sian Senate, who made m\ich the same complaints of him that the Pam- j^™** Scotch" philians had done before, accusing him of opposing the religion, not long previously established by Queen Eleusina. And they entered into Elizabeth. pero rerum eventu felix; donee Pamjyhilii Cilicesque, infidum regnantibus et novarum rerum avidissimum genus, subito velut oestro concitati, repentinis motibus, bellorumque in Regem sane innoxium, tumultu omnia perturbavere. Priucipiuin turbarum a Pamphiliis ortum : Regem suspectabant, tanquam novis ritibus, patrium ac receptum nuper Deorum cultum immortalium sub- vertere niteretur, non abliorrentibus (id saltern obtentui erat) a vetusto sacro- rum more in Pamphilia olim usitato, sed recentibus ceremoniis abolito, qufe Amasi adliuc puero invaluerant; at a Delphico Antistite pravsB utpote corrup- tseque damnabantur. 5. Sed diicordia; Pi/thagoram inter Pamphiliosrpie, ut cito exarsisse, ita subito resedisse videbantur; quippe adventantem frequentissimo omnium or- dinum concursu Seleuciam, urbem regni primariam, deduxere, ibique avito solio receptum, solemni ritu insignitum Diademate inaugurarunt. 6. Porro cum in Ciliciam denuo remeasset, Tarsensem Senatum baud nnil- tum diversis implicantem se consiliis ofFendit, nee absimili Pamphiliorum pre- textu, tanquam religionem oppugnatum iret, quam Eleusina Regina non ita IRISH. ARCH. SOC. C lO Excidium Macarice ; or, Scotch. a covenant with the Pamphilians, to unite their counsels and forces in Protestant Eeli- defence of the Martanensian faith (so called from a certain 3Iarta7i, the ^ ' ' " heresiarch of this modern sect ) ; and at length appeared in overt arms against him. 7. These civil commotions, which were carried on with various alter- Charles I. nations of success and discomfiture, at length proved fatal to Pythagoras; for, when experience had convinced him that he was no longer able to English. Scotch, cope with his Cilician and Pamphilian rebels, (having estranged from him those of his subjects on whom he might have relied), he submitted his person and his fortunes to the keeping of these latter. Their leader was quite a new man, with no pretensions to ancestry, and solely raised to his position by his good fortune and his military talent; and he, it is hard to say whether with grosser perfidy or more shameless venality, betrayed the imconscious monarch, never dreaming of such a thing, or rather basely sold him for filthy lucre to the Cilician Senate, who (oh, unheard-of crime !) imprisoned in a gloomy cell this best of kings, and liaving brought him to a public trial, and sentenced him to death, with felon daring, on a lofty scaffold erected for the purpose, publicly, by the hands of a base executioner, cut off that head, once honoured by so many Lesley. English Parlia- ment. pridem legibus sanxiverat. Ictis igitur cum Pamphilio populo foederibus, ut communi consiKo, et consociatis viribus Martanesios ritus defensum irent, (ita aJ/artanequodam, nascentis sect» principe, nuncupabantur), tandem in aper- tum bellum erupere. 7. Civiles illi motus, qui alternantibus fortuna; vicibus, varioque exitu protrahebantur, fatales tandem Pythagorce fuerunt; nam cum impares suas vires Cilicibus Pamphiliisque rebellibus experiendo comperisset, illos aver- satus, horum fidei se suaque permisit, civium utique suorum, et in quibus maximam collocaverat fiduciam. Cui vero summa inter eos armorum potestas commissa, homo nevus, et nullis imaginibus clarus, sed prospera militia, et beniguioris favore sortis in altum evectus, dubium majore perfidia an avaritia fcediore, Cilicum Senatui insontem, et nihil tale suspicantem tradidit, seu po- tius flagitioso quajstu venumdedit. Illi (facinus ab iEvo inaudituml) Regem optimum tetro carcere inclusum, pro tribunali reum peregerunt, damnatum- que mortis, nefario ausu in omnium oculis tot adoratum gentibus caput, erecto ad tarn ferale spectaculum sublimi pegmate, infami Carnifiois manii The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 1 nations ; and thus, the supreme power being now transferred to the people, the same blow destroyed both king and kingdom. 8. But the Cyprians, who had always stood by the royal cause with iiisii. unshaken fidelity, on the infamous murder of his father, unanimously called Pythagoras II. to the throne of Cyprus, and, by a public edict, Charles II. Ire- proclaimed, that they would consecrate, to the good cause of maintaining *"' ' their Sovereign's right, their fortunes, their lives, and all that was most dear to them. For many years, they had sustained the whole brunt of the contest against the united forces of Pamphilia and Cilicia, until, at Scotland. Eni;- length, under Eumenes, whom they had made their leader, having been ^^J,, jj^^ weakened by many previous defeats, they were, by his unhappy gene- O'Nial. ralship, completely overthrown, and defeated with enormous slaughter ; and, when at last their cities were all captured, the other fortresses and arsenals of the kingdom all seized, and either razed to the ground or garrisoned by the enemy, when they had no longer troops at home, nor hope of reinforcements from abroad, they reluctantly submitted to their triumphant foe, with courage still vigorous, though broken by misfor- tunes. The chiefs, however, of the nobles, the flower of the whole army, and many of the privates, stipulated for a free passage across the sea, where they might afford either aid or consolation to their exiled Prince. demessuerunt, atque ita imperio ad populum devoluto, eodem ictu et Eegem et Regnum sustulerunt. 8. At Cyprii, qui inconcussa fide regias semper partes foverant, sublato per scelus Patre, Pythagoram secundum, lilium, communi omnium ordinum consensu in Cypri regem adsoivere. Turn publico Edicto suas fortunas, sua corpora, ac pretiosissima qusque, meliori causa3, jurique Principis defen- sando consecraturos testati, universam belli aleam, totamque armorummolem contra adunatas Cilicice Pamphiliaque vires annos jam aliquot sustinuere ; donee mviltis tandem accisi cladibus, rebusque retro sublabentibus, sub Eumenis, quem bello prsefecerant, inauspicato ductu pra;lio victi, atque ingenti strage perculsi sunt. Expugnatis demum urbibus, caaterisque regni munitionibus propugnaculisque vi captis, et aut solo jequatis, aut occupatis liostili prse- sidio, cum nee domi copiEe essent, nee aliunde expectarentur, infracti malis, pervicaces licet, animi, insolenti sese Victori permisere. Prsecipui tamen No- bilium, flos omnis exercitus, et virorum robora pcpigerunt liberam trans mare profectionem, quo esulanti Principi aut solatio essent aut adjumento. C2 1 2 Excidium Macarice ; or, Irish. 9. And now tlie Cyprians, rallying round their Sovereign from every quarter, although deserted by his other subjects, he soon became an ob- ject of dread to his domestic enemies, and was honourably received by foreign nations. Irish. 10. But, great as was the fidelity of the Cyprians, unparalleled in preceding ages, thus voluntarily exchanging for exile every domestic comfort, and every future prospect of prosperity, to the reflecting mind (Jharies II. it seemed even more wondrous from the fact, that this very Pythagoras, to whose interests they sacrificed their fortunes and the dearest pledges of Roman Catholic, their love, was then the most determined opponent oi i\\e Delphic rites, Irish. of which the Cyp7ians had ever been the most tenacious and devoted votaries. EngHsh Pallia- 1 1 . In the mean time, the Cilician Senate passed an edict, dividing the Irish.' estates of those Cyprians, who had taken part in the contest, amongst the English. veteran soldiery and the Cilician undertakers, who had advanced money Charles I. for the War against Pythagoras I. Cromwell. 12. Atillas, the General of the rebel forces, having dismissed the Senate, after some affected scruples, seized on the supreme authority, and converted the Commonwealth into a tyranny ; nor did he long enjoy the crown his ambition had made him seek, as he died within 9. Jamque confluentibus ex omni terrarum parte Cypriis, et Eegi se, a re- liquis subditorum deserto, circumfundentibus, brevi et ab exteris gentibus coli suspicique, et domesticis hostibus formidabilis esse csepit. 10. Tanta autem, ac tam omnibus retro saeculis incognita Cypriorum &des, conjugia, patrios lares, parentes, omnem deuique futur» prosperitatis spem voluntario mutantium exilic, eo cogitantibus admirabilior et stupenda magis videbatur, quo Pythagoras ills secundus, post quern bona omnia, charissima- que pignora habuerunt, Delphicorum Sacrorum, (quorum Cyprii ab omni a;vo tenacissimi erant et religiosissimi cultores) hostis sub id tempus infensissimus jestimabatur. 11. Interea Cilicum Senatus novo decreto Cypriorum, quos debellaverant, agros partim veteranis legionibus concessit, partini fseneratores inter Cilicas, qui pecuniam in belli adversus Pythagoram primum usus expeuderant, distribuit. 12. Attilas, rebellium copiarum ductor, dimisso Senatu, ejusque auotori tate sublata, et affectata mox obtenutque tyrannide renipublicam oppressit: nee diu regnum, ambitione partum, tertium intra annum extinotus, retinuit. The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 3 three years. On liis decease, so many factious intrigues were set on foot by powerful parties, tliat the Senate were fairly worn out by such inces- sant peril, and daily increasing clamor. And they were very possibly alarmed, lest an accommodation might take place between Syria and France. Eijypt, and that the peace, so long and ardently desired, might be ce- Spain. raented by mutual intermarriages, and prove a source of universal joy to all J «a; and ihaX PytJtagoras, by the aid of tlie coalition, might Europe. Ch.-is. 1 1, assert his right to the throne of his ancestors, and invade their coasts. It was under the influence of these apprehensions, that the Cilicians sent Englisii. a regular embassy, most formally authorized, to call to his father's throne, and the rightful occupation of his hereditary estates, the son of their murdered sovereign. 13. Pythagoras immediately sailed for Cilicia, and entered Tarsus with chas. II. Eng- his royal brothers, Amasls and Eryces, in great state, amidst a vast con- f"'', . Tii""', course of nobles and people, and festive acclamations from all parts of the ■■y. iJukes of ■..TT-T-,. , ,, York and Glou- assembied multitude. And, in order to recommend the commencement cester. of his restored authority, he published a general pardon of all offences, even murder, with the trifling exception of those who had been led, by their own fanaticism and political rancour, to imbrue their hands in his father's blood. But what excited the liveliest astonishment was, that the Eg autem jam fatis cedente, tarn varia rerum faoies, tot potentium t'actiones, conjurationesque subinde enascebantur, ut Senatus tarn crebris et periculosis mutationibus indies ghscentibus defatigatus, forte etiam veritus, ne, rebus jam Syros inter yEgyptiacosque, optata dudum pace, et sociaH nuptiarum foedere, ^ non absque immensa totius ^«/te Isetitia compositis, externa coalentium regno- rum auxilia Pytliagoram in avitum assertura fastigium, sues fines invadereiit. His suspicionibus incitati, commotique Cilices, interfecti Kegis filium, solemn! legatione prepare adornata, ad hsereditarias possessiones et gentile solium jure capessendum invitavere. 13. Pythagoras '^saa in Ciliciam appulsus cum fratribus Amasi et Eryce, nobilibus populoque in occursum efFusis, magnifico apparatu, festisque accla- mationibus undique personantibus Tarsum intrat. Et quo primordia susceptse domination is parcendo maxima commendaret pubUcam transactorum veniam etiam perduellibus concessit, paucis admodum exceptis, quos f'atalis ilia tem- porum rabies, furorque plusquam civilis regio Patris sanguine cruentas manus 14 Irish. Charles I. Cromwell. Parliament. Charles If. Charles II. Protestants. James II. Excicl'mm Macarice ; or, Cj/p7ians, ■who had sacrificed, for his sake, their fortunes and their expec- tations, were excluded from all participation in a munificence, extended even to some of the instigators of his father's murder. And thus it was that, under the sway of Pi/thar/oras, they were left to groan imder the same disabilities and oppressions, to which the crael Aiillas and the rebel- lious Senate had condemned them, in all the insolence of their power. This was universally looked on, as a most ungrateful return, for such constant loyalty, and unshaken fidelity. 14. But Pi/thagoras, immersed in his pleasures, and a slave to his slothful and inglorious indulgence, transferred the grave cares of empire and the weight of public business to a few of his familiars, who, heed- less of anything but their private advantage, neglected the public wel- fare of the kingdom. Nor can any empire stand, and, firmly based, bid defiance to every storm, where justice does not flourish, and, with strict balance, mete to each his due. Five and twenty years did Pythagot^as reign, and had no issue by the illustrious partner of his bed, though, by his various mistresses, he left a numerous progeny, a burden to the state at the moment, and a fertile source of rebellion for the future. He died, from the effects of a violent illness, not unregretted by the Mwianensians in particular, who were very much alarmed lest Aniads, to whom the inficere adegit. At vero quod stuporem omnium commiserationemque me- ruit, Cyjn'ii, qui, illius ergo, bona et spes suas sus deque habuerant, protensae ad nonnullos etiam ex paternre crodis Autlioribus dementia; et liberalitatis ex- sortes fuerunt : atque adeo Pythagora rerum potiente iisdem jerumnis et cala- mitatibus oppressi gemuerunt, quibus illos crudelis Attilas, et rebellis impo- tentia Senatus damnaverant. Indignissima sane omnium mortalium judicio, tarn constanti animorum affectu, tamque immota fide merces. 14. Pythagoras avitem voluptatibus immersus, et segni atque imbelli otio deditus, in paucos ex familiaribus graves- imperii curas et negotioriim molem transtulit, qui privatis utilitatibus inhiantes, publica regni commoda neglex- ere : quod nunquam stare et primis radioibus niti potest, nisi ubi justitia floret, et equa lance suum cuique tribuitur. Quinque et viginti annos regna- vit Pythagoras, nulla prole suscepta ex egregia thori Consorte: ex Concubinis vero numerosam sobolem reliquit, regno in prsesens gravem, idemque ali- quando distracturam : violento morbo correptus obiit, non indefletus, Maria- The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 5 kingdom rightfully descended, andwho had just previouslybeen initiated into the Delphic mysteries, might endeavour to restore the former worship Roman Cathuiic. of the heavenly powers, and their now nearly obsolete rites, throughout his dominions ; a course, most unpopular with the Cilicians and Pamphi- English. Scotcii. Hans, amongst whom an erroneous iaith had taken deep root, and occu- pied the place of the discarded truth. 15. But Amasis took quiet possession of his kingdom without oppo- James II. sition, and with every accustomed ceremony and state, whilst his Cili- English. cian and PamphiUan subjects veiled their suspicions under a simvilated Scotch. and insincere loyalty. But it was with no simulated joy the Cyprians Irish, exulted, in the assured hope, that their Sovereign, sprung of their own most ancient royal race, tied to them both by blood and by religion, would forthwith restore to the heavenly powers their temples and altars, and also to the natives their properties and estates, of which they had been, for so many years, so unjustly despoiled. 16. Although reflecting persons always deemed the fidelity of the Marfanensians little to be relied on, they were somewhat checked in Protestants. embarking in their meditated treason by Amasis's not unmerited repu- James II. nesiis prjesertim, quorum animos non exiguus terror pervaserat, ne Amasis, Pijthagorw frater, in quem regnum jam haud ambiguo jure cesserat, quique non ita pridem Delphicis ritibus initiatus erat, per omnia imperii loca vetus- tissimos Deorum honores, cultusque jam obsoletos restauratum iret ; rem Cilicihus Pamphiliisque, apud qnos error jamdudum invaluerat et pulsaj suc- cesserat veritati, magnopere detestatam et omnium ingratissLmam. 15. At Amasis, nullo coutraveuieute, in tranquillam regni possessionem et antiqua; dignitatis fastigium evebitur ; Cilicibus Pamphiliisque Subditis anxia curarum, et suspicaces futurorum animos adsimulata et insincera alacritate subvelantibus ; Cypriis vero haud conficto exultantibus affectu; quippe qui- bus non ambigua spes incesserat, Principem ex antiquissimo Cypriorum Eegum genere, et sanguinis et Religionis consortem suk, turn sua Diis immortalibus templa arasque, turn exut» tot jam annis per injurias genti bona fortunasque post-Uminio redonaturum. 16. Quanquam iluxa et mstahilK Martanesioi'um fides jam inde a primor- dio sana reputantibus ceusebatur, substitit tamen intra cogitati t'acinoris voluntatem aliquantisper impietas, recenti uec immerita aistimatione egregise 1 6 Excidium Macar'ice ; or, tation for uucommon courage, and by the ability lie bad displayed, in conducting the affairs intrusted to him, during bis brother's reign; and considerations of prudence also rendered them less earnest in involving James II. themselves in actual rebellion, as Amads, now fifty years of age, had as Italian. Mary of yet no issuc by his wife, a Phrygian of royal blood, who, though yet in the flower of her age, and of an elegant figure, was looked on as inca- Princess Marj' pable of bearing children. His eldest daughter, too, was married to the William, Prince Prince of Patara, who was himself a Martanendan, and to whom, on testa""^''' ™" ^^'^ father-in-law's death, the succession would, of unquestioned right, Mary. devolve. But when Diana (that was the Queen's name) proved unex- pectedly with child, they recurred to their treason in good earnest, and William. .las.ii. invited Theodore (who had retired abroad) to take the place of Amads, when they had forcibly removed him. In the mean time, the Queen's confinement, who, in solemn child-birth, had brought forth a son, gave an additional stimulus to the conspirators, to consummate their long- meditated crime. William. i-j. In the course of a few days, Tlieodore approached the shores of England. CiUcia, with a well-appointed fleet, but not many troops on board ; yet still the number of deserters from the royal camp, which daily joined, James 11. quickly rendered him formidable. Amads, bereft of hope by the nume- fortitudinis, rerumque ab Amasi fraternis auspiciis gestarum, retardata: ad hsec, remissiore cura apert» conjurationis consilia distulere, quia Amasis jam quinquagesimum Ktatis anniim egressus, nullos liberos susceperat ex regia Phrygii sanguinis Conjuge, quam licet in ipso sevi Acre, et forma baud vulgari, sterilem tamen arbitrabantur. Major pra^terea Natarum Theodoro Principi Patarwo, qui et ipse Martanesius erat, denupserat, ad quern post Soceri exces- sum regni jura hand dubia successione devolvebantur. Cum vero Dianam (Regina; id nomen erat) ex insperato uterum ferre conspexissent, serio jam, et summisopibus conjurationem mutavere, et Theodm-mn, quem, spe regni oblata, in partes pellexerant, Amasi vi exacto sufficere adnixi sunt. Eeginae interim partus, quae Marem solemni puerperio ediderat, acriores Conjurantibus stimu- los ad patrandum jamdiu meditatum facinus subdidit. 17. Theodorus paucos intra dies in Ciliciam appulit cum instructissima navium classe, sed modicis copiis, quas tamen ingens transfugarum numerus e recfiis castris indies adfluentium mox adauxit. Amasis Proditorum crebris The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 7 rous defections from his cause, at length, with great difSculty, barely escaped from his enemies, and sailed for Syria with his Queen and infant France, son, where he was received with royal honors and truly generous hos- pitality by Antioclms the Great, who then reigned over the Syrians, who Louis XIV. promised to avenge his injuries, and pledged his solemn oath, in pre- sence of his chief nobility, that he would either himself be driven from his throne of Syria, or that Amasis should be reinstated on his paternal France. Jas. 11. throne of Cilida. England. 18. That solemn oath oi Antioclius,^\ri.ch fame soon spread abroad, Louis XIV. and rumour disseminated through the siirrounding nations, that he would avenge the wrongs oi Amasis, induced all the Sovereigns oi Ada to form Jas. II. Europe, a coalition, and they entered into a League against the daily increasing power of a Sovereign, whose might had already become a source of envy and of terror to them all. Having, therefore, mutually pledged them- selves to unite their forces, and entered into reciprocal treaties, they publicly declared for Theodore, who was forthwith proclaimed King of William. Cilida, by a Senate elected by his own partisans, in a tumultuary man- England. ner ; nor did the Pamphilians utter any reclamation, induced to follow Scotch. the same course, either by their terrors, the innate disloyalty of their defectionibus pjene nudus et exspes, vix tandem ex inimicorum manibus elap- sus, in Syriam cum conjuge et infante filio enavigavit; ubi ah Antioclio illo magno, qui apud Syros ea tempestate regnabat, summis honoribus nee imparl humanitate acceptus est, injuriarum ultionem pollicente, et coram optimatum prscipuis jurejurando sancte affirmante, aut se Syrim regno exturbandum aut Amasim in paternum Cilicum solium restituendum iri. 18. Solemne illud Antiochi, quod mox fama vulgaverat, et in vicinas late gentes rumoribus sparserat, sacramentum, et ad vindicandas illatas Amasi inju- rias propensio omnium Aske Principum animos in communem belli societatem et mutua foedera iuvitaverat, junxeratque adversus crescentem indies tanti regis potentiam, qusa jam ante invidiae et terror! cunctis esse cceperat. Junctis itaque dextris et consociatis viribus, publico consilio atque assensu Theodori causam amplectuntur, qui statim a Senatu, quem e suse factionis homiuibus tumultuose delegerat, Cilida: Ee.x creatur ; non adversantibus Pamphiliis, quos aut metus, aut insita genti perfidia, aut nationis denique vicinse exemplum IRISH ARCH. SOC. D 1 8 Excidium Macarice ; or, Irish. race, or the example of their neighbours. But the Cyprians — whose unshaken fidelity neither threats could shake, nor promises corrupt, nor hopes of advantage change — resolved, either to perish in his cause, or James II. restore Aniasis to his throne ; although, whilst his short-lived reign en- Chariesii. dured, he was deemed as little disposed as his brother, Pythagoras, to assert the hereditary rights of the natives, or restore their estates. But, Roman Catholic, as he professed the Delphic religion, and was a zealous supporter of the ancient rites, they resolved to stand by him, with all the power of the nation. Dublin. 19. The Nobles assembled in great numbers at Salamis, and ten- dered to the Viceroy not only the number of soldiers which he had demanded, equipped at their private cost, but every further aid, that either their fortunes or their influence could furnish ; although, at that France. time, they could look for hardly any aid from Syria, round which, like Germany. Swc- an universal deluge, the most potent Princes oi Armenia, Cappadocia, Spain. Lydia, and Egypt, were congregating, on every side, with well-armed William III. hosts. Add to this, the aid which Theodore received from many chiefs and republics, sent from their respective countries, not so much from love to him or dislike to Amasis, as hoping to stay the victorious course in partes traxerat. At Ci/prii, quorum inconcussa fides nee terreri minis nee promissis allici, nee spe secundioris fortun» mutari poterat, aut meliori causa; immori, oxxtAmasim in regnum reducere statuerunt; quanquam illeperomne non diuturni spacium regni niliilo pronior, quam Pythagoras Frater, ad asse- renda hereditaria Incolarum jura, possessionesque restituendas habebatur: Quoniam autem Delphicis Eeligionibus favebat, vetustosque ritus acerrime propugnabat, illi totis regni viribus prasto esse decreverunt. 19. Nobiles ingenti concursu ex universa Insula Salamina regni Caput conveniunt : oiferunt ultro Gubernatori quod aut auxilio aut opibus prsestare possunt, privatis sumptibus parati, quem jussisset, militum numerum conflare, licet sub idem tempus aut nulla aut modica admodum subsidia aSyris sperari poterant, quos publica velut eluvione undequaque armis virisque circumfre- mebant potentissimi Armenia;, Cappadocim, Lydice et yEgypti Keges, ad htec, multorum Principum Rerumque publicarum excita sedibus suis auxilia, quas Theodora accesserant; non tarn aut in ilium studio, aut odio in Amashn, quam .Tames II. The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 9 of his ally, the King of Syria, whose constant good fortune and imin- Louis XIV. terrupted successes had made him universally dreaded by his neighbour Sovereigns. 20. Even the Sovereign Pontiff, the High Priest of the Delphic reli- The Pope. Ro- gion, whose sphere was rather peace than war, moved by Antiochuss ™ouis*^xiv'" vast success, and not without apprehensions lest such mighty prepara- tions might be meant to strike a blow at the general liberty, joined the League, and took an active part; and a considerable subsidy, which he contributed towards the invasion of Syria, was partially applied towards France, raising troops, to aid in the expulsion o^Amasis from his kingdom. In James li. this, however, the Sovereign Pontiff had no intention of removing from The Pope. his temporal kingdom the Prince whom he had so lately received into the hope of obtaining an heavenly one ; but the artful and ambitious Theodore outwitted and persuaded both him and the other Chiefs of the William. League (concealing, however, his purpose of dethroning his father-in- law, and of transferring the crown to his own brows), that if the affairs of Cilida were once settled, and that nation, so powerful both by land England. and sea, assured to their side, he would prevail on Amasis to join against James II. ut Socium ejus Syrorum'Regeva, quern continuus fortune favor, et indefessus Victoriarum cursus vicinis late formidolosum effecerat, attritis tandem viribus, sisterent, opprimerentque. 20. Quin et Rex ipse Sacrorum, ac summus DelphiccB Eeligionis Antistes, quern sequius erat conciliandse pacis artibvis, quam acuendis in mutuas clades armis operam prsstare, nimia Antiochi felicitate motus, nee suspicionibus in- tactus, ne tam vasta molimina omnium libertati iminerent, ictis in Syros foede- ribus, sese adjunxit immiscuitque. Magna autem pecunife vis, quam ad infes- tandam bello Syriam distinendasque domi copias contiilerat, ad conducendos milites, expellendumque regno Amasim conversa est: non id sane agitante Archiflamine ut terrene ejiceret, quem in coelestis regni spem nuper adsciverat; seATheodorus fraudum Artifex, et furens ambitione incautum decepit, et presso concilio, quo Insignia regni, socero adempta, sue vertici imponere decreverat, tum illi, turn foederatorum Primoribus persuasit, rebus in Cilicia compositis, eaque gente, quaj tantum terra marique polleret, in partes tracta, adaoturum se Amasim, ut bellum Antiocho indiceret, ac tum maritimas Syrorum eras D2 20 Excidium Macarice ; or, Louis XIV. France. William. James II. Koman Catholic Protestauts. Eng. Parlmt. Kdiiian Catholic. England. Eu- rope. Louis XIV. Protestants. German. Spanish. Europe. Antiochus, and that he would then invade Syria with a powerful fleet, of which himself would assume the command. 21. But this war was generally looked upon, not only as unjust and unnatural on the part of Theodore, who sought to despoil him, who was both his uncle and his father-in-law, (for the sister o{ Amasis was his mother) ; but equally unjust and impolitic on the part of the allied Sovereigns, who, themselves of the Delphic faith, joined with the most bigoted leader of the Martanedans, against a most zealous observer of the same religious rites. The Cilidan Senate, to whom nothing could be more acceptable than that the Delphic rites should be annihilated, not only in Cilicia and its dependencies, but also throughout Asia, exulted and rejoiced, when they saw the Princes of that religion involved in mutual strife, and exhausting their energies, in combating for an alien cause ; for, it was generally admitted that, were Antiochus, that bitterest opponent of the Martanesians, removed, the waning power of the Arme- nian and Egyptian crowns could not long sustain the ancient religion of their forefathers. Of all the wars, therefore, that had distracted Asia for valida classe ac navallibus copiis ipse, qui baud dubie expeditioni prseficiendus erat, percursaret. 21. Ceterum bellum illud, omnium fere Mortalium judicio, non iniquum solum esse, et natura; legibus repugnare, ex Tkeodori parte visum est, qui Soce- rum, eundem et Avunculum {Ainasis quippe Sorore genitus erat) regno spolia- tum ibat, verum a;quitati justitia?que summopere adversari videbatur, DelpMcoe Religionis Principes in eorundem Sacrorum Cultorem observantissimum cum acerrimo Martanesiarum partium Duce armorum societatem inivisse. Cilicum Senatus, cui nihil gratius accidere poterat, quam Delphicos ritus non in Cilicice solum finibus, terrarumque tractibus Cilicice regno subjectis, sed per univer- sam etiam Asiam extingui antiquarique, exultare jam et tacito efFerri gaudio, cum Principes iisdem sacris initiates civili discordia inter se commissos, alienee causae militantes, suisque se veribus conficientes spectarent. Non enim ignora- batur, si Antiochum, atrocissimum illud Mai-tanesiorum flagellum, semel contu- dissent, consenesceutes jam accisasque Armenice et jEgypti Regum vires, veteri MajorumReligioni propaganda non diu suiFecturas. Omnium itaquebellorum, qua; a multis retro seculis Asiam infestavere, impiissimum illud prudentioris The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 1 many a previous age, this was the most unnatural; nor did the more religiously-minded doubt, that heaven itself would take up arms, and that the gods would be unpropitious to the Allies, and grant Antiochus Louis Xiv. such a result, as the justice and greatness of his cause deserved. 22. But, before entering further into the history of the present com- motions, it seems desirable to give the reader a retrospective view of the affairs oi Cyprus, and of the position of that country, from the begin- Ireland, ning, in a more exact narrative ; which will cause much, that occurs in the sequel, to be the better understood. Cyprus, an island of old re- irebmi. markable for its various monuments of antiquity, is divided into four Provinces, which lie towards tlie different quarters of the globe. Sala- Leinster. viinia looks towards tlie east; Paphia lies to the west; Lap'uldu stretches Connaught. Ul- towards tlie north; Amathusia juts out towards the south. If we can Munster. give credence to its ancient annals, the sons of King Galamis, heroes of Golam, ur Mile- valour and renown, subdued the island, and planted it with colonies, which they led from Egypt, about the same period that Solomon, King Spain, of Judisa, laid the first foundations of his far-celebrated temple. All the Provinces had Princes of their own, who, however, again acknowledged the authority of one supreme Sovereign of the whole island, to whom all yielded implicit obedience ; nor could any be admitted to this regal generis bominum sententia putabatur ; nee ambigebant multi, quibus religio- sior animus, armis in cielum susceptis, Decs non adfuturos, sed Antiocho potius coeptorum exitum, glorite et asquitati causae parem concessuros. 22. Porro antequam ulterius presentiuin historiam motuum contexamus, oper® pretium facturi videbimur, si res Cypri, si regionis situm a principio altius repetentes, exactiori narratione lecturis tradiderimus ; unde phirima, qua3 in sequentibus occurrent, facilius intelligentur. Cyprus Insula variis an- tiquorum monumentis jam olim nobilitata in quatuor Provincias, quatuor orbis partibus objacentes, dividitur. Salaminia orientem spectat ; Paphia in oociden- tem vergit ; Lapithia septentrioni praitenditur ; Amathusia in austrum excurrit. Hanc Insulam, si vetustis Annalibus fides, Galamis Regis filii, spectat» fortitu- dinis Heroes sub potestatem redegere ; deductisque exyEgyplo coloniis incohie- runt, sub idem fere tempus quo Salomon Judiea; Eex prima celeberrimi illius templi fundamenta jecit. Provincise omnes suis Kegibus parebant: illi porro unum et supremum totius Insulte Eeotorem reverebantur, cujus nutum omnes 2 2 Excidium Macarice ; or, Milesian. Supremacy, who was not of Galaminian blood. As population increased, however, this sovereign Supremacy caused much domestic strife and in- testine war, through the struggles of so many Princes, each canvassing and ardently seeking, by every means, to wield its power. And though, by these divisions, the public peace was often disturbed, and the nation lacerated to its very vitals, yet from this very evil arose the good, that so thoroughly were the inhabitants trained to war, and exercised in arms, that it was universally admitted they were the most martial nation Riime. on the earth, whom even that power destined to be the victors of both earth and sea dared neither to irritate, norinjure. Nor, in the days of yore, as now-a-days, was war urged to the extermination or expatriation of either party ; the event of a single battle generally terminated the con- test; each injured Chieftain challenged the invader of his rights, and he must either submit, or bide the issue of the sword ; and thus victory decided the controversy; and, once decided, all returned to their homes, untill some fresh disagreement called them forth again. Nor was this a matter of any great difficulty, when all were thus perpetually armed, and ready for the conflict. observabant: nee ulli, nisi GalamincB stirpis, in hiinc majestatis apicem adscis- cebantur. Imperium vero sobolescentibus Incolis, tot principum ambitu, domi- nationem per fas et nefas appetentium, subinde distractum conviilsumque, domesticis atque intestinis seditionibus causam frequenter prasbuit: ac quan- quam non raro hisce dissidentium factionibus, pace rupta, ipsa regni viscera dilacerarentur, ex hoc tamen malorum fonte id emolumeuti profluebat, vit Incolaj continua armorum tractatione ita exerciti paratique essent, ut gens orbis bellicosissima, publico mortalium consensu censeretur ; quamque, qui maria terrasque victoriis permensi erant, irritare ac lacessere non auderent. Nee olim usque ad exitium partium et internecionem, ut hisce temporibus factitatum videmus, certabatur : rixam unius prailii eventus ut plurimilm terminabat; qui injuriam sibi illatam conquerabatur, aliena jura invaden- tem bello provooabat: illi autem aut possessione cedendum erat, aut ferro decernendum ; et ita victoria discordioe modum faciebat. Unde, rebus ea ratione compositis, domum mox discedebatur, donee novis rursum occasioni- bus excitarentur, quod faetu promptum erat, cum unieuique equi et arma ad manum essent. The Destruction of Cyprus. 23 23. The Lydians had, for ahnost 200 years, constantly harassed with Danes, their invasions, not alone the sea-coast of the island, but, pushing into the interior, had gained a footing there, and endeavoured to plant it with colonies of their countrymen ; but, at length, they were worsted in nu- merous engagements, both by sea and land, and abandoned their enter- prise. The Cyprians, who had seized on PainphUia, and planted it with Irish. Scotiami. colonies of their own, held firm possession of all that region ; they also frequently invaded the coasts of Cilicia, and even sometimes those of England. Syria. They also, for many a year, had held the supremacy over Q'ete. France. Isle of But, renowned as were their forces both by land and sea, and though ^*"" they had in turn assailed all the surrounding nations, and spread far and wide the terror of their arms, their greatest glory was their firm adhe- rence to the worship of the heavenly powers, and their indomitable con- stancy in maintaining the rites of religion instituted by the High Priest The Pope, of the Delphic shrine, to which they so closely adhered, and with such Roman Catholic, stedfastness of spirit, that they remained unmoved amidst the general defection of the surrounding nations ; so that, when almost all in Cili- England. Scot- cia, Parnphilia, Cappadoda, Lydia, Lycia, and a great part of Armenia, n'ennmrk ^*' Ne- degenerated to novel rites, the Cyprians remained so constant to the theriands. Ger- many. Irish. 23. ij/rfn' continua fere ducentorum annorum serie continuis incursionibus non maritimas solum Insulee oras ve.xavere, sed in interiora etiam penetrantes regionem vi subigere et suis popularibus implere conati sunt: variis tandem terra marique CEedibus obtriti, incepto destitere. Cyprii, Pampliilid bello oc- cupata, coloniisque eo deductis, omnem illam regionem ditione tenuerunt: Cyprii armata manu crebro Cilicum fines, quin et Syrtam aliquando irruptioni- bus intrarunt: Cyprii quoque Cretam insulam diuturno multorum annorum imperio presserunt. Quanquam terrestribus maritimisque copiis late polle- rent, et circumjectas nationes, sparso ubique terrore, ac circumactis quaqua- versum armis contudlssent, pra'cipuum nihilominiis glori» decus enitebat ex tenacissimo Deorum immortalium ciiitu, et inexpugnabilireligionisconstantia juxta ceremonias a summo Delphici Numinis Saoerdote institutas, quas presso vestigio, et mira animorum pervicacia sequebantur ; adeo ut ad publicam adja- centium populorum defectionem immoti hsrerent, et omnibus ferme ex Cilicia, Parnphilia, Lydia, Cappadocia, Lycia, et magna Armenice parte in novos ritus 24 Excidium Macarice ; or, uncorrupted faith, that their country obtained a peculiar designation, and was called the Island of Saints. 24. But never yet was kingdom placed on such a sure foundation, that it did not ultimately arrive at the limit of its existence ; and the Irisii. Cyprian empire, which had endured more than 2000 years, at length, yielding to the decrees of fate, had to recognise this immutable law, to Henry II. which all human powers are subject. Enjces, the second of the name, England. Der- King of Cilicici, had promised his assistance to Monganis, the suppliant Leinster Ire- Prince of Salaminia, whom the King of Cyprus had exiled, for carry- land. English. Jjjg away the wife of another provincial Prince. The Cilician leaders, Henry II. whom Eryces had sent over with a well-appointed fleet, to reinstate Dennod. Lein- Monganis, forcibly possessed themselves of a large portion of Salaminia, and, having expelled the inhabitants, divided their lands amongst the English. Cilician adventurers. Nor do I know, that it had ever previously oc- Roman Catholic, curred, that one nation, professing the Delphic faith, should usurp the dominion over another nation of the same religion, and extirpate and expel its inhabitants from their native soil ; it being in that creed ex- pressly forbidden, and counted an especial sin, to covet the goods of English. Irish, one's neighbour : and, at that time, not the Cilicians and Cyprians only, degenerantibus, Cj/j)rii interim ita incorruptum Sacrorum morem amplecteban- tur, ut regio peculiari nomine Sanctorum Insula nuncuparetur. 24. Cseterum nulla imperiaadeo firmis nixa fundamentis aliquando stetere, quin suum tandem modum finemque sortirentur: Cypri reginim, quod bis mille ultra annos duraverat, ineluctabilem banc legem, cui omnia humana potentia subjacet, fa tali necessitate coactum agnovit. Erices, ejus nominis secundus, Cilicim Rex, Mongani, Salaminicc Kegulo supplici aiixilia promisit, quern Rex Cypri in exilium egerat ob raptam alterius provincia; Reguli Uxorem. Cilicum Duotores, quos ad reducendum Monganem, instructis navibus trans- miserat Erices, magnam agrorum partem, qua patet Salaminia, wi et armis occupavere, incolis inde abactis, arvisque Cilicas inter colonos viritim distri- butis. Et sane baud sciam an superioribus unquam temporibus ejusdem inter Delphicce religionis homines usurpatum fuerit aliens; ditionis accolas suis finibus protrudere atque extirpare; quippe cum impensiiis vetitum sit, ac nefas omnino habeatur, ab aliis possessa sacrilega aviditate concupiscere: ea The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 5 but almost all the nations of Asia, were religious observers of tlio Del- Europe. I'.i.uuin pldc rites. A success, so fully in accordance with the wishes of Enjces, H^nrVii led him to carry out a plan he long had meditated ; for he had long since anxiously considered, how he might subdue Ciipvus, and extend ireiiii.d. his Cilician empire, by such an accession of territory. For this purpose, English. he forged (unless, haply, it was genuine) a bull of the High Priest of The Pope. Delplws, which, he pretended, granted him the dominion of Cyprufs, on Rome In-iaiul. the condition of his becoming the patron of the priesthood, and restoring, in their ancient splendour, the ruined temples and neglected altars of the heavenly powers, in accordance with the Delpldc rites. Roman Catholic. 25. The. High Piiest claimed this right over Cyprus, in virtue of a The Pope. Ire- grant made to him by the first Emjycrorof the Assyrians, who embraced 1^"^'' RoJJfan" the Delphic faith, who, he stated, had conveyed to him and his succes- Roman Catholic, sors the dominion of all the islands, which lay scattered amidst the re- cesses of the Mediterranean Sea. Oh, vain invention of an ambitious Sovereign ! — for the annals of all nations, and the monuments of every age, bear testimony the most eloquent, that Cyprus never was under the Ireland, sway of Assyria, and, therefore, its Emperor had no power to grant to Roman Empire. autem tempestate non Cilices solum Cypriique, sed omnes propemodiim Asim po- puli Delphorum cultum ritusque religiose observabant. Tam prospero reruiu ex vote fluentium successu, Ei-ici succrevit animus ad meditata dudum consilia tandem exequenda ; diu quippe erat quod anxia secum mente volutaverat, qui- bus maxima artibus Cyprum in suum potestatem redigeret, Cilicumque impe- rium ea terrarum accessione proferret. Ad hoc, mandatum comminiscitur (nisi forte et verum erat) Archiflaniinis Delphici, quem lis conditionibus dominium Cypri in se contulisse pra'tendebat, ut Sacerdotum patrocinium ageret, collap- sumque et neglectum Deorum immortalium cultum Delphicos juxta ritus in pristinum splendorem restitueret. 25. Cypri yerb arbitrium sibi permissum a&Tvaah&t Archijlamen ah Assy- riorum Eege, qui primus Delphica amplexus est Sacra, annuitque (ut ferebat) ipsi, ac Successoribus potestatem Insularum, quee per omnes Mediterranei maris sinus sparse ohm jacebant. O vanum ambitiosi regis figmentumi — om- nium gentium annales, omnis jetatis monunienta, disertissime testantur Cy- prum nullis unquam temporibus Assyriorum imperio paruisse, atque adeo IRISH ARCH. SOC. E 26 Excidium Macaricv; or, another a right, which he never had himself possessed. Nor, at that time, Rome. was there in all the globe, not even Delplios itself, a spot where the Roman Catholic, heavenly powers were more religiously adored, and t\\Q DelpliicxiiQs more Ireland. sincerely celebrated, than in the island of Cyprus. Henry U. Ire- 26. Now, whenEryces approached the shores of Cyjjrus with a mighty ■ host, levied in every quarter, rumour greatly magnified his numbers, and the lesser Princes, intimidated, and more particularly afraid of opposing The Pope. the Sovereign Pontiff, whom they venerated as a second Deity, made their Duhlin. Rode- submission to him at Salamis. Rodicus, however, who was then Chief nek o Conor. King of the wliolc island, relying on the position and natural strength of Connaught. Papliia (over which he had been the toparch, before he was called to the Henry II. Supreme authority), and neither intimidated by Enjces's numerous host, Adrian IV. nor by the unjust bull ofthe Sovereign Pontiff (who he well knew was a Cilidan by birth), made vigorous preparations to assert by arms the rights and liberties of his kingdom. But the sudden and unexpected defection of some of the provincial Princes, and the numbers that de- serted from the ranks of his followers, rendered it impossible for him at English. that time to expel the Cilidans from the island. gentis illius regem in alium transferre non potuisse jus, quod ipsi nunquam competisset. Nee vero alibi sub idem tempus, ac ne Delphis quidem, aut Nu- mina religiosius, (juam in Insula Cypro, colebantur, aut purius et sincerius Sacra tractabantur. 26. Postea quam autem Erices cum validissima armatorum manu, con- tractis undique copiis ad Cypri littora appulisset, sparsis late terroribus fama- que vires in immensum augente, pavidi minorum gentium Principes, et reli- gionis reverentia maxime perculsi, si Arddjlaminis, quem secundum Deum venerabantur, nutibus ac voluntati restitissent, Salaniina, imperata facturi conveniunt. At Rodicus Insula totius ea tempestate Moderator, Paphite situ, ubi nondum ad supreme Majestatis fastigium evectus imperitaverat, et muni- mentis naturae artem imitantis fretus, nee numerosis Ericis copiis, nee iniquo Archifiaminis mandate (quem patria Cilicemesse non ignorabat) consternatus, ad defensanda regui jura et asserendam libertatem arma impigre sumpsit: impa- rem tamen extrudendis turn ex Insula Cilidbus, turn attenuatse, desciscentibus popularibus, copi», turn subita et improvisa provincialium Regum defectio eifeoerat. The Destruction of Cyprus. 27 27. Shortly after, there was a general assembly of the Princes, and a solemn peace was concluded, on the express condition, that the free and full possession of Paphia should be guaranteed to liodicus and his poste- Connaught. Ro- rity, and that none of the Cilicians should pass the river Li/cus, or disturb ^ ™ijsii. Shan- the tranquillity of his kingdom. But, no sooner was Hodicus dead, than """■ ■ ir ^ r \ ■ 1-1 T r • ^ 11 • Eoderick. the Cilicians, unmindful of their plighted laith, entered that province, English. and, having forcibly expelled the inhabitants, planted their own country- men in the vacant lands, and thus, in a short time, possessed themselves of the whole island, and occupied both the cities and the most fruitful of the lands, once belonging to the Cyprians. And now the natives, Irish. by the fickleness of fortune, and the inevitable vicissitudes of human affair-s, were reduced to such extremity, that they seemed deserted by the heavenly powers, and were handed over as a prey to their enemies; so that, at length, finding the glory of their nationwasted away, and their spirit crushed under continual bondage, they yielded to their fate, and took refuge in the recesses of the forests, the inaccessible clefts of the mountains, and other desert spots, where alone they could preserve a rem- nant of their ancient liberty. 28. Long did they groan under so many accumulated woes, whilst the Cilicians seemed determined to extirpate the whole race of the Gala- Englisli. Mile- sians. 27. Post lisc Kegibus utrimque ad colloquium coeuntibus, pax lis condi- tionibus convenit, ut Rodico posterisque libera Papliice possessio relinquere- tur, nee quisquam e CUicihus Lycurn amnem trajiceret, aut tranquillum regni illius statum perturbaret. At Rodico jam fatis concedente, Cilices pactorum immemores provinciam illam infestamanu intrant, et ejectis cultoribus, gen- tiles SUDS in vacuos agros introducunt, et breve intra spaoium totam insulam occupant, oppidis et feracissimis terrarum, quas Cyprii olim insederant, in suam ditionem redactis. Incolse vero fortuniB mobilitate, et inevitabili rerum humanarum vicissitudine eo jam miseriarum devenerunt, ut Deorum immor- talium ope destituti, in pradam hostium concessisse viderentur. Consenes- cente etiam paulatim gentis gloria, animisque diuturna servitute fractis, victi demiim malis, in silvarum avia, et inaccessa montium juga salebrasque ultro effugiunt, ubi sola jam, quam tuerentur, libertas supererat. 28. Tot simul asrumnis conflictantes diu gemuerunt, Cilicibus Galamiorum E2 28 Excidium Macarice ; or, mida;. But, in process of time, civil wars breaking out at home, the English. Cilidans were forced to return, to aid their friends and relatives in their own country. This unexpected change of affairs gave a respite to liisi'- the Cijprians, whose annihilation seemed previously inevitable, and ena- bled them, in turn, to become the assailants, and regain the cities and the territory, they had been so unjustly deprived of On this alteration Irish. Eugiish. of affairs, the Cyprians granted considerable estates to those Cilicians who remained, and who were connected with them, either by wedlock or affinity ; but they annexed this condition, that they should assume Irish. Cyprian names, and conform to Cyprian customs ; so that, in a few short English. Irish, years, these CiUcian strangers and the Cyprians blended together, and became an united nation ; and this union was daily cemented, by inter- marriages and community of blood and Interest; their closest bond being, Roman CatlwUc. in these last times, the defence of the Delj^liic faith, to which these Cili- Eiigiish. Irish, cians wcre as firmly attached, as even the Cyprians themselves. Henry VIII. 29. But, in the reign o{ Eryces VIII., the faith began to be shaken Englanii. in CiUda, and, shortly after, in the reign oi Eleusina, it was completely Elizahetli. irum stirpem funditus exitio destinantibus, donee baud ita multis post Cy/>i annis lacessitam, gliscentibus domi civilium bellorum motibus, coacti sunt Cilices in patriam postliminio regredi, ut periclitantibus amicis propinquis- tjue praesto essent: et hsec tarn insperata rerum rautatio crudelibus cccptis (juibus Cyprium nomen funditus toUere deoreverant, aliquantisper impedi- mento fuit, Cypriisque occasioaem prabuit urbes agrosque injuria extortos denuo invadendi. Turn Cilicibus, qui permanserant, per connubia et affinitates secum junotis, satis spatiosam agrorum partem ultro concessere, ea tamen lege, ut Cypria sibi cognomina adsciscerent, et Cypriorum moribus ac consue- tudinibus assuescerent : unde brevi advens Cilices in unum veluti corpus, unamque cum Cypriis nationem coaluerunt : et hsc cliaritatis vincula indies maf is magisque confirmabantur crebris inter se matrimoniis sanguinemque et genus miscentibus ; sed communibus prajcipue utilitatibus, et novissimis tem- poribus Delphicm religionis propugnandaj arctissimo nexu, quam Cilices illi pariter Cypriique constantissime amplexabantur. 29. Eryce vero octavo rerum potiente religio in Cilicia succuti paulatim, et pessumdari ccepit quee, Eleusind mox regnante, eversa penitus et eradicata The Destruction of Ci/pnis. 29 overthrown, and a new religion was introduced, supported by muni- cipal laws, not even yet repealed. On this, the Chieftains of Lapiihia, Ulster. and of many other parts of the island, armed themselves, and prepared to defend with vigour the faith of their fathers. The Chief Flamin of Del- The Pope. pJios and the King oi Etjypt thereupon sent them aid, and they involved Spain. Elemina in a long and bloody war. But their ranks were greatly thin- Elizabetli ned, in consequence of the defection, to Eleusina, of several of the nobles, Elizabeth, especially those of Cilickm descent, with a large number of followers. English. And these, though they were themselves Delphians, and were well aware Roman Catho- that, if the CiUcians prevailed, that religion would be suppressed, and '"^*' -"^"S''**''- though they had not hesitated to brand Eleusina herself as the illegiti- Elizabeth. mate offspring oiEryces VIII. , and thence unworthy of the throne, which, Henrj- VIII. by the law of nations and the just order of succession, belonged to Diana, Mary. Queen of PamjjMlia, whose descent from Eryces VII. was direct and pure ; Scotland, yet, so great was their dread, lest the (Jalamida, elated by success, and jiii^sfail''' mindful of their ancient rights, should strip them of the estates which they and their forefathers had now held for 300 or 400 years, and so strongly prejudiced were they in favour of Cilician interests, as being of English. est, novis insuper ritibus introductis, quos municipalium statutorum, nec- dum abrogatorura, presidio stabilivit. Super lioc familiarum principes ex Lapithia, compluresque alii ex universa passim insula nobilis arma ad patrios cultus tutandos impigre rapiuut; et Delphico Archiflamine, atque jTlgt/pti Rege auxilia subiiide mittentibus, longo nee incruento bello Reginam impli- carunt. At domestica popularium perlidia e Cilicum presertim genere, magna virium parte mutilati sunt, Optimatum nonnullis cum ingenti hominum mul- titudine ad Eleusinam deficieutibus. Quanquam enim Delphico more Deos ve- nerarentur, eamque religionem Cilicum victoria extingendam cernerent, nee Eleusinam Erycis octaviNotham esse, ac proindeimperioindignam, ambigerent, regnumque gentium jure, ac juste suocessionis ordine ad Dianam Pampldlia; Reginam; qu» ducebat rectimi atque incorruptum ab Eryce septimo genus, descendere; attamen ingens incesserat animos formido, ne Galamii victoria elati, et antiqui juris memores, agris ipsos exuerent, quos trecentos jam aut quadringentos circiter annos, ipsi majoresque continua possessione ocoupassent : ad hffic, se, utpote origine Cilicas, Cilicum rebus arctius tenaciusque adstringi 3° Excidium Macarice ; or, Milesians. Don Juan de Aquila. Spain. Irish. English. Ulster. English. Rome. beth. Eli/.a- I'rotestant. England, land. Scot- Protestants. Mary. Scotland. Eng land. Elizabeth. that race themselves, that, with heart and arms, they entered bitterly into the conflict against the Galamidw. 30. The leader, however, of the auxiliary cohorts sent by the King of Egypt, had much damped the ardour of the Cypnan troops, having, whether from cowardice or treachery, surrendered to the Cilicians the fortresses and cities which he held ; and the inhabitants, no longer able to maintain the war, had to come to terms. The Chieftains oi Lapithia, who knew, by sad experience, how frail was the reliance on Cilician faith, felt they had no hope left, and fled to Delphos, and Eleusina at once seized on their estates, and distributed them amongst the chiefs and privates of her Martanesian soldiery ; and it was determined to plant them with adventurers from Cilicia and Pamp>liilia, qnd thus gradually extirpate the ancient creed and ancient population. Although, in former times, the murderous Martanesians had driven Queen Diana from her paternal throne of Pamphilia, and, when flying into Cilicia to her re- lative, Eleusina, where she reckoned on a safe asylum, she had been, contrary to the laws of nations, first plunged in a noisome prison, and, after a long captivity, (oh, unheard-of inhumanity !) publicly and cruelly arbitrabantur ; atque adeo atrocibus Galamios odiis armisque insectati sunt. 30. Multum tamen Cypi'ionwi militum promptitudinem ferociamque con- tuderat auxiliarium coliortium ab yEfjypti Eege missarum Ductor, qui, incer- tum perfidia an metu, propugnacula omnia, urbesque quas insederat, Cilicihus concessit : turn insulani, protraliendo impares belle, cum hoste pacisci co- guntur. Lapithia; vero Principes multis jam dim experimentis edocti, quam fluxa esset Cilicum fides, desperatis domi rebus, Delphos se receperunt. Nee mora Exulum bona agrosque Fisco jam adjudicates, Eleusina Martanesios inter Duces militesque divisit: Consilium enim erat, deductis in lusulam Cilicibus Pamphiliisque coloniis, turn vetum Sacrorum morem turn Indigenas ad unum omnes paulatim extirpare. Et quanquam superioribus annis Reginam Dianam patrio exturbatam solio PamphilicB finibus perduelles Martanesii exegissent, eamquepostin Ciliciani ad cognatwai Eleusinam, tanquam ad tutissimum Asy lum confugiens, contra gentium jura in teterrimum detrusa carcerem, acpost diuturnum squalorem (o inauditam inhumanitatem I) crudelissima nece pe- rempta est. Filius ejus Amasis, Eleusina fate functa Cilicum nihilominus The Destruction of Cyprus. 3 1 executed, still, her son, Amasis, on Eleusina's death, was called to the James i. Eiiz. throne of Cillcia. But having been, from his earliest years, imbued Englaml. with the impiety of the new religion, and trained, in their preposte- rous modes of worshipping the gods, by those who had been guilty of both his mother's exile and his father's death, he persecuted the Delphic Roman Catholic. faith, following Eleusinas example with the fiercest bigotry, and him- Elizabeth, self enacted laws of the most bloody tenor in Cyprus, against the ancient Ireland, customs and venerable rites of religion ; and, even in other matters, he showed no greater leaning towards the native Cyprians, though he did hU\. not deny, that he was of their lineage and their blood. This great ob- stinacy oi Amasis, so contrary to what was generally expected of him, .lames I. and his deadly hatred of that religion for which his royal parent shed her noble blood, drove those Cyprians (originally of Cillcian race), who Irish. English, had formerly sided with Eleusina, to repent of their conduct, and, when Elizabeth, too late, to regret their inconsiderate folly, in joining the party of that persecuting Queen, In doing which, they little thought they were redu- cing their country to slavery, and abolishing the pure religion of their forefathers. Amasis at length obeyed the call of fate, and left his wealthy -James I. dominions, as we have before related, to his son, Pythagoras, whom the Charles I. Rex consalutatus est. Quoniam vero ab ineunte a;tate novorum sacrorum impietatena, ac preposteros Deorum cultus iisdem Pra3ceptoribus imbiberat, qui nefandis assuefacti sceleribus, paternam cfedem materno exilic cumulave- rant, acerrirais secnwAxxva Eleusinam odiis Delphicos ritus persequebatur, cruen- tarumque legum per Cyprum latarum in antiqui moris, ac veteres Nuniinum Adoratores Author fuit : et nihilo OKteris in Cyprios Indigenas inclinatior ha- bebatur, quanquam se eorum stirpem ac genus esse baud difliteretur. Tanta ac tam spei de ipso passim conceptee, omniumque mortalium expectationi con- traria Amasis obstinacia, et in ea Sacra, pro quibus Regia Parens generosum ultro profuderat sanguinem, odium tam exitiale Cyprios, qui, (origine Cilices) consilia dim viresque cum Eleusina miscuerunt, ad posnitendum, erroresque suos, atque inconsultam vecordiam sero licet detestandam adegit: quippe qui auxiliaribus copiis, quibus ssevientis Regina; partes foverant auxcrantque, non parum tiim patrise in servitutem redigendae, tum sincere Majorum reli- gioni abolendffi penitus contulerunt. Amasis fato functus opulentissima regna Pythagorx Filio tradidit; quern Cilices, ut jam supra memoravimus, nescias 32 Excidium Macarice; or, English. Cilidans put to deatli ; and it were hard to decide whether, in doing so, they disjslayed the greater cruelty or impiety. But we must now leave our digression, and resume the narrative of the present war.] William. 3 1 • It 'W'^s about the latter End of Autumn when Prince Theodore England. Js. II. invaded Cilicia, and it was mid Winter when poor Amasis was forced to France. make his Escape into Syria. The Season being then fitter for Consultation than Action, he stayed there with his virtuous Queen uutill towards the Loui-, XIV. beginning of Spring, when, takeing leave of her and oi Antiochus, who furnished him with a considerable Sum of Money, he was wafted over in Freiidi. Ireland, a Stately Syrian Fleet into the Island of Cyprus, where he was received with all the Demonstrations of a reall and hearty Welcome that could be expected from the best of Subjects, and the most zealous Professors of the true Worship ; all Degrees, Ages, and Sexes unanimously concur- ring to express their unfeigned Joy. The Viceroy, Condon, with a gal- lant Troup of the Nobihty, mett him near Amathus, and conducted him with great Pompe and Magnificence to the capitall City of Salamis. Earl of Tircon nell. Corli. Dublin. inipia magis an crudeliori niorte confecerunt. At nos, unde digress! sumus, ad prsesentium bellorum seriem postliminio revertamur. 31. Sub autumni finem Theodorus Ciliciam invasit: media autem hyeme, asperrimis frigoribus, et adverse navigandi tempore Amasis ab esercitu prodi- tus, et crebris subditorum defectionibus poene solus derelictus, piscatorio navi- gio, tumenter inter fluctus et sa3va ventis maria trajicere in Syriam coactus est. Turn anni tempestate consiliis magis, quam rebus gerendis oportuna, cum Ee- gina, quam eo etiam fuga detulerat cuj usque virtutes fatis longe mitioribus dignse erant, moras traxit; donee appetente vere iWdi, Antiochoque tamcoTura. priEcipuo consalutatis, a quo etiam baud temnendam auri argentique summam in belli usus aocepit, cum instructissima Sijrorum classe, prospera navigatione Cyprum intravit. Incolee, adventantem iis baud confictae IstitiiE indiciis, fes- tisque vulgi acclamationibus excepere, quas a Subditorum fidissimis, et veris Delphicas religionis Cultoribus sperare poterat. Omnis ordo, omnis Eetas, omnis nullo discrimine sexus ad contestandos animorum afFectus, erumpente ex oculis vultibusque gaudio, convenerunt. Corydon, quem regno prjefecerat, cum nu- merosa Nobilium manu Amathmiia usque, c[uo is appulerat, obviam processit, et splendidissimo Procerum comitatu, confluentibus ad spectaculum populis, viasque passim obsidentibus, urbem Salamina, Instdse caput, invectus est. The Destruction of Cyprus. 33 32. The whole Island oi Cyprus owned, at that Time, the Authority Ireland. o{ Amasis, except the City of Safrachus, inhabited by a Cilidan Colony, Jas. 11. Derry. which, together with some particular Places in Lapithia, declared for ui°ter. Prince Theodore. But Satrachus was blocked up by Momjanes, and those Will. III. Der- Troups, which Coridon sent to reduce the Rabble in tliat Place, before [„^ Tivc.m'iell the King's arrivall. Amasis, without any Stay in Salainis, tliough the Ja?. II. Dublin. Season was very bitter, posted away to the Camp before Satrachus, in Derry. order to preserve his Martanesian Svibjects there from the ill Treat- Protestant, ment which he apprehended they might receive fi'om the Cyprians; and Irish, he went there with an assured Confidence that they would, uppon his Arrivall, imediately submitt, and receive him, with open Arms, into the City; but he was a little surprized when, instead of Submission, they shott a Shower of Arrows against him, which wounded Some of his Attendants, and it was not then doubted but they aimed chiefly at liis royall Person. 32. Cyprus \mviQ.r:sa,, ea i&o.'pes.taXe., Amasianarum partium erat, prseter Satrachimi oppidum, quod Coloni olim e Cilicia, ad loci naturam satis inex- pugnabilem, munimentis adjectis, insederant, unique cum nonnullis aliis per Lapithiam propugnaculis arcibusque Theodori imperio obtemperabant: Satra- chus vero sub id tempus ab iis circumsidebatur copiis, quas ad expugnandam urbem ante Eegis adventum destiuaverat Corydon. Amasis non multum »S'a/a- mine commoratus, quanquam intractabdi adhuc coelo, et rigentibus Aquilone viis, summa celeritate in castra ad Satraclbum proficiscitur, ut Martanesios, quos arctius quam volebat, premebat obsidio, sua prjesentia et favore servaret, veritus scilicet ne Cyprii indignationeaccensi, et vindicta; aviditate praecipites, excidio loci et prajsidiariorum Accolarumque internecione, perfidiam ulcisce- rentur: nee animi ambiguus erat, quin obsessi ad primum ipsius accessum conspectumque, oblata venire spe, et prjeteritorum oblivione, imperata face- rent, ac deditionem ultro properarent, et adventantem sine ulla prorsiis ter- giversatione apertis portis intra civitatem reciperent. Cohorruit tamen, et stupore defixus hajsit, cum missilibus sagittarumque nimbo obductum a;ra, et circumstantium nonnullos in ora telis transfossos sauciatosque cerneret; nee ulli turn dubium habebatur Regem ipsum tanto ssevientium nisu petitum fuisse. IRISH ARCH. SOC. F i^ Excidium Macarice ; or, .lames II. 33. Amasis, now finding his Mistake of the good Opinion he con- Derry. DubUn. ccived of his Subjects in Satrachus, retired back to Salamis, where he convoked the States of the Kingdom, and spent in vain Consuhations the whole summer Season, which might be better employed to goe on Deny. ^oi'^ vigourously with the Siege of Satrachus, the only considerable Ireland. Wil- Place in Cyprus that owned the Authority of Prince Theodore. In this 'lames n Convention of the States, Aniasis could not be perswaded to abrogate Elizabeth. the impious Laws which were enacted by Queen Eleusina against the Kome.ThePope. Worship o{ Delphos, and the spirituall Jurisdiction oix\\eArch Flamin, Protestant. least it might alienate from him the Hearts of his Martanesian Subjects England. in Cilicia, whom he alwaies courted ; and it was not without some Regret, Charles II. that he consented to abolish that unjust Decree of his Brother, Pythagoras, English. Irish, which confirmed to the Cilician Rebels the Lands of the loyall Cyprians, Cromwell. Eng- formerly given to them hy Attilas, and his regicid Cilician Senate, when, Charles I. ^fter murthering Pythagoras the First, they declared against Monarchic, Count d'Avaux. and sett up a Commonwealth ; and it is much doubted to this Day (if De- France. metiius. Embassador of Syria, had not warmly interposed, minding him Louis XIV. often of his Engagement to Antiochus, to redress the Injustice done to his 33. Amasis deprehenso tandem inconsult» credulitatis errore, et expe- rientia comperto, quantum Satrachenis lidendum esset, opinione frustratus Salamina revertitur. Convocatis ibi regui ordinibus, totam cam ajstatem con- sultationibus minime uecessariis, velut in summo otio, et belli securus ab- sumpsit, cum satius longique utilius foret Satracho, qua una turn omnium Theodori partes Ibvebat, acriter impigreque oppugnand® incumbere. In his comitiis induci non poterat Amasis, ut injustas illas leges antiquaret, quas Eleusina adversum Delphicos ritus, et Archiflaviinis authoritatem tulerat, ne Martanesiorum animos, quorum favorem aperte ambibat, averteret, irritaretque : nee nisi mente sane reluctante, atque aversa voluntate iniquissimum illud de- cretum convelli ac rescindi passus est, quo Pythagoras secundus in perduelles Cilicas tidissimorum Cypriorum agros fortunasque transtulerat, quorum posses- sionem ab Attila tyranno et nefario illo Senatu acceperuut, prsemium scele- rum, postquam Pythagora primo per facinus obtruncate, sublatoque regno, trucem illam libertatem, atque iufandam Reipublica; speciem constituissent. The Destruction of Cyprus. 35 Cyprian Subjects), whether any other Consideration would prevail with Irish, him to restore to the loyall Cyprians the Inheritance of their Ancestors, Irish, which they lost in the Service of the Kings, his Father and Brother ; though tlie late Cilician Proprietors were, at that very Time, in open EngUsh. Hostility against him. But, in regard he relyed altogether uppon the Friendship and Assistance of Syria, he could not well deny abolishing France, that unlawful Decree; ki Antiochus, being Gaurantee for Performance Louis xiv. of a former Treaty between Pythagoras the First and the Delphians of Charles I. i;.i- Cyprm, could not in Honour see them unjustly deprived of the Benefit S^eJ'ana. thereof 34. Amasis, however, was soe intent upon following the Advice of James 11. his Favourites, not to act any Thing in Favour of the Cyprians, or for Irish, the Re-establishment of the Worship oi Delphos, that might disatisfy Rome, his Martanesian Subjects in Cilida (who, as they believed, would un- Protestant, doubtedly recall him if he continued his wonted Moderation), That, pur- °^ ^° ' suant to this Maxim, he would not admitt the Delphian Flamins to take Roman Catholic Bishops. At enimvero ambigere licet (jiiii Antiochi legatus summa vi intercessisset, ac subinde quEB Syrorum Regi poUicitus erat, de restituendis in pristinum statuni Cypriis, crebro adniouitu ingereret) ullisne aliis rationibus impulsus, amissas sub paternis fraternisque auspiciis opes et possessiones,jactatis per indignaet calamitosa redderet Incolis ; quanquam sub iisdem temporibus, qui ea nuper occupaverant Cilices, in armis ex adverse starent, et aperto ipsum marte laces- serent. At quoniam omnis in Autiocho spes, unicumque adminiculum rebus afflictis habebatur, impium illud decretum abolere, eo urgente et obnixe depre- cante, vix tuto negare poterat: Antiochus quippe foederuni inter Pythagoram secundum etDelphicos Cyprios olim initorum Sponsor, hos eorum beneficio frus- trari, et irrita fieri promissa, non sine ingente dedecore permisisset. 34. Amasis utcumque usque adeo AuHcorum consiliis obnoxius erat, ut nihil aequitati, nihil justissimis Cypriorum precibus, nihil denique stabiliend», et in pristinum statum restaurenda; Delphicce religion! indulgeret annueret- que, quod vereretur Alartanesiorum animos a se abalienaturum : eos enim reg- num ipsi continuo oblaturos, et in paternum avitumque solium reducturos sperabat, modo sceleribus immotus injuriarum memoriam dementia! specie aut dissimularet aut supprimeret, et in incoepto persisteret temperamento : adeo- F2 36 Excidmn Macarke; or^ their Places in the Assembly of the States, tho' he allowed it to four Protestant I3i- Martanesiari Flamins, all the rest of that Stamp being gone into Cilicia, wmLu'ui''" ^° joyis with Theodore, and these also declared for him as soon as he JrelanJ. appeared with any Power in Cyprus ; so that whoever considers the different Behaviour of this Prince in the Temple and Senate, would take RomanCatholic. him for a serious Delpliian in the One, and a true Martanesian in the Protestant. q^]^^^_ Lord Mount- 35. About this Time, Montocles was sent by Amads into Lapithia, uSer Ennis- ^^^^^ a Reinforcement of four Legions, to reduce the Rebells of TijrrUa. kill™. This young Nobleman was a Peer of Cypjrus, leneally descended from jiunster. the anctient Kings of AmatJmsia. He was the first Lieutenant-Gene- irish. rail of the Cyjman Army, a Man of Parts and Courage, wanting noe Quality fitt for a compleat Captain, if he were not somewhat short- Eniiiskillen. sighted. Tyrrhia is a Towne scituated in an Island, in the Midst of a spacious Lake, which, after a long Course, disburdens itself by a nar- row Channell into the trreat Western Sea. The Towne is of noe que altis hisoe acprofundis reconditioris, ut arbitrabatur, prudentiaBprajceptis captus tenebatur, ut Delphicos Flamines eo senatu excluderet, admissis tamen quatuor, qui supererant, Martanesiis : cum interim reliqui ad Theodorum in Ciliciam profugissent, iique ipsi in Cyprum non multo post adventanti prcesto fuissent. Quisquis itaque illius mores et habitum in templo senatuque pro- prius introspexisset, rigidum ibi Deljihicorum Sacrorum Cultorem, hie 3Im-ta- nesiis impense uniceque studentem comperisset. 35. Sub hsec tempora Montocles ab Amasi in Lapithiam mittitur, cum va- lido quatuor legionum subsidio, ut Tyrrhiam cum rebeilibus in ea considen- tibus in potestatem redigeret. Juvenis hie erat clara inter Cyprios nobiUtate conspicuus, et longa generis serie a vetustis Amathusice Regibus oriundus, e quorum numero baud pauci ad supremum totius insulie dominatum obni adsumebantur. Primus erat in Cyprio exercitu Legatus, vir animo ingens, mi- litia expertus, ad arma promptus, et, nisi oculorum vitium nonnihil officeret, ad omnia bellicarum artium munia quadam ingenii ac naturEB febcitate factus videbatur. Tyrrhia oppidum est in Insula situm, qua immense lacu circum- funditur, isque longo ambitu delapsus, contractis demum in angustiorem alveum aquis occidentali oceano se immiscet: oppidum v'lx. ullis munimentis The Destruction of Cyprus. ■ t^j Strengtli ; but the Castle is an old Fabrick, had impregnable before the Invention of soe many formidable new Engins : it was the ancient Seat of the noble Family of Maguris, who were, Time out of Memory, ab- Maguire. solute Lords of the large Territory on both Sides of the Lake. This Towne and Castle was at this Time possessed by the Martanedans of Protestants of Lapithia, deriveing their Extraction, for the most Part, out of Fam- ^J,^^l[,^i pliilia : they were a numerous and warlike People, giveing noe small Disturbance to the King's Party in that Province ; thereby hindring the Army before Satrachus to press the Siedge with that Vigor, which was Deiry. requisit to gain a Place of that Consequence. 36. Montodes being comanded to reduce those Rebells, attacked a L. lluuntcashel. strong Castle within 160 Furlongs to Tyrrhia, but wanting Rams, and Enniskillen. other warlike Instruments, and understanding that the Enemy (rein- forced with strong Recruits out of CUicia) were advanced to relieve it, England. he retired into an advantageous Ground, where he placed his Troups in very good Order to receive the Cilidans ; but his Men were raw, p;nt;lisii. insigne: arx vero operibus et antiquitate memorata, humanis viribus inex- pugnabilis quondam habebatur, donee ingeniosa; in mutuum exitium gentes, indefessa solertia, nova ac terribilia obsidendarum urbiuni instrumenta repe- rissent. Vetus erat et avita sedes nobilissiniEe familise, e cujus stir-pe Magvris flaminum in Insula Cypro primus, cujus Majores utramque stagni ripam jam inde a priscis usque temporibus haud dubio possessionis jure occupaverant. Oppido et area sub id tempus potiebantur e Lapithia Martanesii, qui omnes fere ex Pamphilia originem ducebant: gens multitudine uumerosa, armis ex- ercita, regiis partibus in ea provincia infesta; magno quippe impedimento erant Satrachum obsidentibus, ne ea, quii par erat, animorum alacritate, eoqvxe ardore tam munitam urbem premerent. 36. Montodi, ut superiijs memoravimus, imperatum erat hos perduelles vi et armis ad obsequium cogere; quod ut facilius perficeret, castrum munitioni- bus tutum ad centum sexaginta stadia Tyrrhia positum, oppugnare aggreditur ; sed irrito conatu: nam deerant arietes, et alia militaria tormenta, quatiendis moeuibus necessaria : ad ha;c, fama vulgaverat hostem, recentibus e Cilicia sub- sidiis auctum, in auxiUum loci magnis itineribus appropinquare : unde dimissa obsidione in occursum Tyrrhiensium progreditur, nactusque tutam situ, et pra^- iian^lit. 38 Excidium Macarice; or, Col. Anthony aud newly raised, soe that the Cavalrie (headed hy Anterior, comanding in L "Momi'tcashel Chief under Montocles), uppon the Enemyes first appearing, shamefully ran away withovit strickeing a Blow ; and the Foot now abandoned by the Horse, and being told that the Generall was killed, soon followed the ]>. Mountcashei. Example ; whereuppon brave Montocles, being left alone in the Field, his Horse killed under him, and he himself grieveously wounded, was taken EnniskillL-n. Prisoner, aud carryed all bloody into Tyi'rhia, where he lay long under Cure ; but, before he was fully recovered of his Wounds, he made his Escape after a strange and wounderfull Manner, to the universall Joy lieland. Irish, of all Cyprus. This was the first Defeat given to the Cyprians, which Sarsfieid. filled all People with such a Terror, that Lisander, a young Captain, beloved by the Soldierie, comanding at that Time some Troups about Sligo. Con- Cerhia to defend that Part of Paphia from Incursions out of Lapithia, Sligo." ^^^' uppon the first Notice of this Overthrow, quitted Cerhia, and never Athlone. Con- rested untill he marched along to Arsinoe, leaveing the Province of Pa- p>hia exposed to the Enemy. lio opportunam stationem, instructo exercitu, copias in aciem ad versus adven- tantes magno impetu Cilicas educit. At hi non exigua parte tyrones erant, novisque ac tumultuariis delectibus nuper habiti, adeo ut equitatus ad pri- mum inimicorum conspectum, priusquam manum consererent, turpi se fuga eriperet ; et mox pedes, ab equitibus derelictus, non minori aut metu aut in- famia, eorum exemplo illectus, per avia, per in via eiFunderetur. Stabat tamen, passim dilabentibus, palantibusque suis, intrepidus animo Montocles, et licet solvis jam ac desertus, truces circumferens oculos pra;lium sustentabat, donee transfosso equo, et vulneribus debdis hosti se dedidit; tunc totus ut erat cruentus in Tyrrhiam devebitur, ubi vix Medicorum ope atque industria mor- tem evasit: prius tamen, quam e vulneribus penitus convaluisset, stupendo casu, custodise, qua tenebatur, se subduxit, non sine public! Cypriormn om- nium latitia. Hie primum res a Cypriis impropere gesta est, tantusque subito terror omnes pervaserat, ut Lysander, recens militise, sed exercitibus in pau- cissimis charus, qui turn temporis copiis ad Cerbiam prafuerat, ut earn Pa- phiensis agri partem ab excursionibus e Lapithia tutam prsestaret, ad primum tant» cladis nuntium Cerhiam deseret, et effuse cursu Arsinoetn peteret, aper- tum illud Paphia: latus hostibus indefensum relinquens. The Destruction of Ci/prus. 39 37. Amasis, all this while, made but a slender Preparation to reduce James U. Satrachus, and the other few Places that held against him, haveing dis- Derry. banded the new-raised Troopes, when he should rather send them to reinforce his Army before Satrachus, which, for want of sufficient Sup- Derry. plys, could not take the City ; and, uppon the Assureance of an Invasion out of Cilicia, under the Conduct of Nisias, a great Captain, they were Engiami. ordered to quitt the Seidge, and march streight to Sulamis,v;heve Aina- i)i,'|',i"n'"ja, u sis was now (somewhat of the latest) giving out Commissions to raise more Men, in order to oppose the Invasion. Nisias, haveing landed in Seiionbertr. the North of Cvpnis, took the Town and strong Castle oi Aijidos, and Ireland. Car- advanced up with his Army near the City of Tremithus ; but finding orogheda. that Amasis was gott there before him with a numerous Body of Horse James 11. and Foot, he hastily retired to Ledron, where he fortified his Camp, Dundaik. haveing the Province of Lapithia behind him, and the Conveniency Ulster. of the Sea to furnish him with Provisions out of Cilicia. Amasis, at England. Jas.li. 37. Interea A7nasis nullo memorabili conatu Satrachum oppugnabat, exaiic- torandis novis delectibus occupatus, qiios longe consultius foret in supplemen- tum legionum mittere, quae subtrahentibus se militibus, ac raris jam ordinibus, capiendse tam munlta; urbi, nuniero inipares erant. Cumque jam baud dubiis rumoribus percrebresceret instare formidabiles e Cilicia copias, Nisia Duce, Viro rei militaris peritissimo, et inter arma ab ineunte fctate enutrito ; con- festim, relicta obsidione, vasa raptim colligere, et expedite agmine Salamina versus movere jubentur; ubi Rex aliquanto quam par erat, serius conscri- bendo militi, maturandoque delectui incumbebat, ut hosti magnis itineribus appropinquanti occurreret. Nisias, exposito ad septentrionale littus exer- citu, Arjidon, maratimam urbem et munitionibus prsevalidam prime impetu capit: nee ibi multum commoratus, Tremithum versus (emporium illud est ad Lapithi fluminis ostia) festinatum agmen rapit. Cum vero Amasiin ea loca occupasse cerneret, cum baud temnenda peditum equitumque manu, nee ipse prselio conserendo par esset,citatiore, quam venerat, cursu vestigia retro legit; et ad oppidum Ledron castra metatus, vallo et aggeribus circumdat, opportuno sane loco, cum inde a tergo Lapitkiam haberet hostibus vacuam, et pabula- tionibus liberam ; hinc tutum et apertum mare, ad commeatus e propinqua Cilicia, abaque belli neoessaria comportanda. Amasis cum florentissimo ex- 4° Excidium Macarice ; or, the Head of a gallant Army, advanced towards tim, and pitched his Schonberg. royall Camp within 60 Furlongs to that of Nidas, who made a defen- sive Warr all that Summer, not once appearing out of his Trenches, James II. tho' often provoked by Arnasis, who, by his Neglect to attempt forceing English. tlie Cilician Camp, especially about the latter End of the Campaigne, when it was slenderly manned, lost a fair Opportunity to putt an End Ireland. Eng- to the Warr oi Cyprus, and perhaps to that of Cillcia, where the Ama- Schonbeig. siam, if ]Visias were defeated in Cyprus, would be encouraged to fall Ireland. Wil- uppon the Tlieodoriti's, and declare iox Amasis. Another Oversight was liamites.Jas.il. ^'^ _ \ .... . Jas. II. Sdion- comitted by the Captains oi Amasis, to give Nisias the Honour of dis- "' camping last ; whereas, if they had stayed a little Longer (which they Drogheda. Dub- might Well doe, haveiiig Tremkkus and Salamis at their Backs, and Ireland. three Parts of Cyprus behind them, from whence they might be con- tinually supplyed with all Necessarys), it is probable that the Army .Sihonberg. gf Nisias would moulder away, the one-half of them being already con- sumed by Diseases, which Hunger, and Cold, and the Change of Cly- mat, engendred among them. But the young Commanders were in some ercitu recedentis tergo inhseret, et castrum ad vicesimum inde stadium ponit. Nisias totam earn sstatem protrahendo bello insumpsit, oblatamque ssepe ab regiis pugnam detractavit, suosque intra munimenta pertinaciter continuit. At Arnasis nee succedendo ad castra, nee vallum oppuguando, (cum potissi- mum sub finera autumni attenuatae jam copife essent) pulcherriruam debel- landi in Cypro oecasionem elabi e manibus passus est: et si hie vicisset, for- tasse eundem finem in Cilicia etiam sortii'entur res : Nisice enim exercitu deleto, quis scit an Amasiani Cilices eo successu ferociores in Theodoritas clade ilia perculsos fractosque non insurgerent, et reliqui qui timore pra;pediti in Exu- lem tamen Kegem affectu ferebantur, ve.xillum tollerent, et ad moliendas res novas animos adderent. Eo quoque regiarum partium Duces peccavere, quo priores in hyberna profecti sunt: nam si abquauto diutius in ajstivis perman- sissent, (quod eftectu baud ditScile erat, cum a tergo Tremithus et Salamis es- sent, tuta periclitantibus receptacula, ac restarent tres integrse totius Insulas Provincije, unde commeatus et alia necessaria conveherent) credibile est uni- versas Nisice copias sensim dilapsuras fuisse ; quippe quarum turn etiam partem morbi absumpsissent, inedia, frigore, et cceli mutatione grassantes. At enim The Destruction of Cyprus. 4 1 Hast to returnc to Salamis, -where the Ladjs expected them with great Dublin. Impatience ; soe that ^masw, being once more perswaded to disband the James il. new Levys, and raiseing his Camp a little of the soonest, dispersed his Men too early into winter Garrisons, haveing spent that Campaigne with- out any Advantage, vainly expecting that his Martain-s/an Subjects of Protestant. Cilicia, who were in the Camp of JVisias, would come over to him. England. 38. And now the winter Season, which should be employed in se- ''^ °' rious Consultations, and makeing ujj the necessary Preparations for the ensueing Campaigne, was idlely spent in Revells, and Gameing, and other Debauches, unfitt for a Delphian Court. But warlike N^imas, who, Roman Catholic, after the Retreat of Amasis, had Leisure to remove his sickly Soldiers, to •'j'™o"*'"S- ' ^ ' James II. bury the Dead, and putt the few Men that remained alive, and were healthy, into Quarters of Refreshment, took the Field early in the Spring, before Condon was awake, and reduced the Castle oiSoloe, the only Place Tirconnell. Cliaiiemont. Corydon cui armorum per Cyprmn permissa potestas, et reliqui copiarum Duces, qiios jetate irumaturos, et rei militaris plurimum inexpertos delege- rat, mollibus assueti, luxum et aulam respectabant, ubi nobilium foeminarum greges molestias belli, morasque impatientius execrabantur, reditumque suo- rum rogando pariter et increpando vehementer accelerabant. Et jam iterum, Amasiin perpulerant Aulicorum consilia, ut tyronibus, novisqiie delectibus, missionem faceret: nee mora, oastris propere metis, reliquas copias maturius quam par erat, in hyberna reduxit. Jamque tempus rerum agendarum tri- verat, nullo partium emohimento, aut progressu, dum inani spe lactatus, Mar- tanesios subditos, errore comperto pocnitentia ductosiVw!(scastra transfugiendo deserturos, facilemque sibi et incruentam victoriam daturos arbitrabatur. 38. Hyems quoque quam seriis consultationibus, et in sequentis sestatis apparatibus a;quum erat impendi, inter ganeas et alcam, et intempestiva con- vivia, sequentesque vinum voluptates, atque alia luxurite irritamenta, aulas Delphica maxime indecora, licentius transacta est. At Nisias, recedentibiis hostibus, opportunum tempus naotus, infectum militem in salubriora redu- cit loca, mortuis sepeliendis curam impertit, paucosque, qui supererant mor- borum expertes, in pra;sidia recuperandis viribus et reficiendis corporibiis idonea distribuit. Turn mature, ineunte vere, ex hybernis militem evocat, Coridone nihil dum movente, etSoloen, prcemunitum castrum,unicumque, quod IRISH. ARCH. SOC. G 42 Excidium Macarice ; or, .las. II. Ulster, held for Amasis in the Province o[ Lapithia, wliich was lost for Want of .lames II. Provisions ; for the Concerns of unfortunate Amasis were ill managed by those whom he trusted with the Administration of publick Affaires. William 111. 39- The Rumor that spred of Theodores comeing in Person to invade Ireland. Ci/prus that Summer, encouraged his Party tlicre to indure the last Ex- tremity, in Hope of seeing now a speedy End of the Warr. But it did .James II. not soc much alarm Amasis, who seemed as if he were resolved (in case William HI. Theodore had not come over that Season) to make noe great Effort to ijigiish. Ire- expell the Cilicians out of Cyprus. This Resolucion was beleived to proceed from a wrong Maxim of State, which his evill Councellors Kngiand. prompted him to embrace, tliat tlie onely Way to recover Cilicia was to ir.-iand. loose Cyprus ; for they perswaded him that, Cyprus being once reduced, I'.iiglisii. the CiUcians would imcdiately recall him, as they formerly brought in his Charles II. Brother, Pythagoras ; but this was a Favovir he could not hope for whilst Irish. Frame, he headed a Cyprian or a Syrian Army ; and soe, like the Dog in the Fable, he must lett goe the Substance to snatch at the Shadow. [And, iCnglish. besides, they perpetually rung it in his ears, tliat even should the Cili- tum in Lapithia Amasiano prscsidio tenebatur, propugnaculum, annona defi- ciente, expugnat. Ita res Amasis infelici incuria, ac fatali socordia, eorum quibus publica negotia commissa erant, fa?de ac niisere ubique pessumda- bantur. 39. Ferebatur interim, sparse passim rumore, Theodorvs Cypntm ea sestate summis viribus invasurus: qua spe erectis partium animis, et baud dubium belli finem approximare augurantibus, intoleranda quKque ac durissima pati destinavere. At Amasis nee presentium necessitate rerum, nee imminentium metu adactus quidquam grande aut arduum nioliebatur, certus animi, si Theo- dorus ea tempestate non supervenisset, nihil gravioris moment! euiti, quo Ci- licum copias Insulam jam persultantes expelleret. Hanc autem illius menti voluntatem subjecerunt Aulicorum pra!cipui, pra;postero consilio inter regni secreta tenendum dictitantes suadentcsque, unicam esse recuperauda; Cilicia; viam, si Gyprum amitteret: magno enim conatu nimias faoilitatis Principi in- gerere aggressi sunt, Cilicas, redacta semel sub potestatem Cypro, ut Pythago- ram fratrem dim revocassent, ita ipsum uno omnium consensu mox in avituni solium recepturos. O vauas hominum cogitationes ! quid aliud tanto labore The Destruction of Cyprus. 43 dans (of which, however, they assured him there was not the slightest fear) continue inveterately in rebellion, that it would be far better that the island should remain under their sway, than that either the domi- neering Sijrians or the Cyprians, the aborigines of the soil (but towards Fremli. Irish. whom he showed but slight inclination), should enjoy its dominion; a wondrous instance, in sooth, of the inconstancy and ingratitude of that Prince's mind, who had so often boasted that he was lineally descended from the Galaminian Kings of Cyprus, and who had been himself the Milosian. Iiv- son of a Syrian Princess, had been nurtured amidst the youthful nobility i,ro„'cii. of Syria, and there imbibed his first knowledge of the art of war, and France, who now, in his declining years, expelled by the wickedness of his own subjects, was forced to seek the aid of a stranger, and had been cherished and supported by these self-same Syiiam.'] French. 40. It is the greatest Unhapiness that can befall a Prince to mistake his true Interest. The least Trip of this Kind, occasions a Fall which is not soe easily recovered ; and every materiall Transaction, grounded uppon the Fallacy of wrong Measures, gives a dangerous, if not incurable Wound. efficiebatur, quam ut, quod de cane illo perhibent fabula, miserrimus Rex, et sui ignarus commodi, dum umbram capiat, rem ipsam e manibus elapsam per- deret? Suggerebant praeterea, et crebro adrnonitu obnoxiis auribus insusu- rabant, licet Cilices (quod metuendum non erat) pertinaci rebellione numquam obsequium fidemque debitam ppEBStitissent, satius tamen et utilius, magisque optandum esse, Insulam eorum ditioni subjacere, quam ut imperiosa Sijroruiu natio, Cypriisque vetustissimi regionis accolae (in quos ille nulla omnino incli- natione ferebatur) ea potirentur: stupcndam sane inconstantiam, ingratum- que Principis ingenium ! pra;sertim qui se toties longa stirpis serie a Galamiis Cypri Regibus oriundum jactaverat; quique Syrorum Regis Filia genitus, inter (Syro* juvenes adoleverat, et prima militiae rudimenta hauserat, jam que ingra- vescente estate, suorum extorris scelere, et alienee opis indigus, ab iisdem Syris sustentabatur. 40. Nullum malum Regnanti gravius, quam suae utilitatis inscium, alio- rum consiliis, plerumque infidis, regi; nee dispiccre quid sibl conveniat, no- ceatve. Omnis enim, quantumvis levis, hac in re lapsus casibus objacet non ex facili reparandis ; et omnia, quse uUius quidem ponderis sunt, molimina si G2 44 Excidium Macar'ice ; or, A Monarch, who rules severall Kingdoms, different in Humors and Prof- fessions, must keep them (if possible) in such a Ballance, that neither of them shall be capable to suppress the Rest, and the Prince also : and this Maxim ought to be more carefully observed by Princes who come to succeed, not in a masculin Line, in the Throne of that Kingdom, which Chai-Ies I. pretends to be Master. Pythagoras the First was not mistaken in his Koinau Catholic. Politicks when he raised a DelpMcan Army in Cy/n'us to counterpoise soe many antimonarchiall Sects, which began in his Time to spring up in iCiigianci. Cilicia ; and if it was the true Interest of Pythagoras, though a zealous Protestant. Martanesian, to act after this Manner, certainly it was much more the .las. II. Roman Interest oi Amasis, a, Delphican Fnnce, to preserve the Cyprish Nation, of whose Loyalty and Assistance he might be alwaies secure, and not to expose them to be worryed by his and their mercyless Enimyes. His (.'harles I. Father, Pythagoras, tho' he understood it his true Interest to continue liish. that Cyprian Army, yet the poor Prince had not the Courage or Con- fallacibus fundamentis malenitantur, ruina? proxima sunt, et periculosojuxta atque insanabili vulnere locum pra?bent. Porro quicumque regna populosque moribus et religione diversos ditione premit, illi summa ope eluctandum est, ut ea moderatione singulos frsenet, temperetque, ne ulli aliquando subjecta- rum gentium tantum roboris ac virium suppetat, ut excuse jugo, lacertos movere, imperitantium potentiam succutere, reliquosque opprimere possint: et hoc illis documentum impensiore cura providendum est, qui non paterno aut hEereditario jure eorum imperium nanciscuntur, quiprs ceteris opibus et dignitate pollent. Non temere igitur nee inconsulto Pythagoras ille primus Cyprios armavit, ut novarum opinionum homines in regiaj potestatis regno- rumque perniciem sub id maxime tempus in Cilicia nascentes, ostensis ex ad- verso viribus, reciproco terrors cohiberet. Si Pythagoras igitur Martanesiis Sacris addictus sua interesse arbitratus est, tumidos Subditorum spiritus, novosque motus excitantes, alieno auxilio compesceret frangeretque, quanto magis Amasi, Delphicm religionis Principi, elaborandum fuit, ut Cyprios, de quorum fide adjumentoque ambigere non poterat, turn affectu foveret, turn armis tueretur, nee illos in internecionem communium Inimicorum siBvitise crudelitatique exponeret, quanquam vero patrem ejus Pythagoram non latu- isset, quantum suis rebus oonduceret, Cyprios in armis contiauari, ac praesto The Destruction of Cyprus. 45 stancy to keep that Army on Foot, being soon prevailed uppon to dis- band tliem, tlicreby exposeing himself naked to the Mercy of liis treche- rous Subjects. The tragicall End of that unfortunate King shoidd be an everlasting Warning to all Princes, not to confide too much in the good Nature of rebellious Subjects ; and a Man might rationally con- clude that, of all Mankind, ^lmam sliould be most concerned to shunn James II. the Rock, on which his Father made such notable Sliipwrack. But it seems, that neither liis Father's Misfortunes, nor his own late Ex- periments, could make him alter the fond Opinion he once conceived of the good Affection of his Cilieian Subjects, nor the unhappy Reso- Engiisii. lution which many believed he took to loose Cyprus, in order to recover Ireland. Cilida. But this grand Design, communicated only to a few Favorites, England, must be carryed soe cleverly as not to be perceived by Antiochus, or the Louis xiv. old Cyprians ; whereupon Amasis made it his Business to gett Demetrius, Irish. .Jas. II. the Syrian Embassador, and Roshies, a brave Captain, recomended to French. i)e Ko- him hy Antiochus, to be botli removed out of Cyprus ; because the first '-^°- LomsXlV. esse, at in tam salubri proposito permanendi et animo caruit, et constantia: nam cum paucos intra dies, familiarum seu levitate, seu perfidia illi persuasum esset, ut Cyjmas legiones exauctoraret dimitteretque, Cilicum furori nudum se, et omni prorsus ope destitutum prabuit. Feralis infelicissimi hujus Prin- cipis exitus seterno Regibus exemplo esse debuit, ne se suaque Subditorum fidei ac benevolentia; concrederent, quorum perfidiam ante et odia experiendo didicissent. Id vero ex omni hominura genere Amasi maxime cavendum fuit, ne ad ilium scopulum impingeret illidereturque, ad quem Pater tam diflamato dim periisset naufragio. Sed nee paternarum memoria calamitatum, nee nu- perrima ipsius experimenta mutare et avertere potuerunt, seu pronum in Cilicas alFectum, seu fatale illud consilium, quo Cyimnii ultro tradere decre- verat, ut Ciliciam recuperaret. Grande tamen illud et abstrusum reoonditfe et sacratioris prudential mysterium, quod uni Coridoni, et paucis ex amicorum intimis commissum erat, tam religiose silentio occultandum fuit, ut ue quid Antiocho, aut antiquis Ci/priis suboleret. Jam vero ut meditata dudum consilia exitum sortirentur votis parem, Amasis Aremetum Syria: Legatum et Rosi- nem rei militaris peritissiraum Virum, ah Antiocho Ducem bello destinatum, e Cypro amuliri statuit; quorum ille profundi Vir judicii, et baud vulgari pru- ^6 Excidium Macarice ; or^ was a Man of profound Judgment, and the other could not be endured Tinonnoll. by Conclon, in regard he was more knowing in the Art of Warr than the Captain-Generall, and they could not well hope to compass their Design, if those two great Men continued in the Kingdom. At the same Tiicoiiudi Time, Coridon gott himself rid of Montocles, who was to comand the Mountcashel. 6000 young Soldiers sent to Syria, in Exchange for soe many more of the veteran Army whicli were come from thence under the Comand De Lauzun. of Asifiio, who had a double Caracter of Embassador and Captain ; and Jiountcashel. MoTitocks, who could not endure Coridons haughty Humor, was not France"**!! XIV displeased to serve in Syria under gx^at Antiochus. .Tas. II. Tircon- 41- Amcisis and Corido7i,now left to themselves, had Leisure to pro- '"■"• pose, in private Consults with those of the Caball, the fittest Methods l)f Laiizun. that could be taken, to perfect theire close Project; for Asinio was soon gained to be of theire Opinion, tho' we may rationally suppose that the Bottom of the Design was not discovered to him, for it was soe much against the Interest of the King, his Master. 42. Whilst they were in those close Consultations, they had an Assu- William III. reance of Theodores Landing in Lapithia with great Forces, not only out Ulster. dentia insignis habebatur; hunc longo armorum usu, et bellicarum artium laude longe prsstantem, Coridon non aimulum modo, sed multo etiam supe- riorem, non nisi iniquo animo, et invitis oculis intuebatur: vix enim qua; diu struxerant paraverantque, exequi unquam sperabant, dum pervigili alterius cura, forti ac strenua alterius opera impediebantur. Sub id tempus Coridon Montoclem etiam e conspectu removit, quem specie lionoris per occasionem ab- legaverat, prKfeceratque sex armatorum millibus, qui tunc in Syriam mitte- bantur, \\t locum supplerent totidem veteranorum militum, qui nuper inde &\\h Asimonis gemina Legati et Duels vice fungentis, auspiciis trajecerant. 41. Jam, amotis Arbitris, liberum erat Amasi Coridoniqiie secretis consul- tationibus inter conscios agitare, quibus maxLme rationibus clandestinas ma- chinationes peragerent. Asimonem vero mobili ingenio, et nota vanitate, baud difiicili assensu in partes traxerant; quanquamnon immerito conjicere ac sus- picari fas est, abdita et profunda consiliorum, usque adeo Regis sui rebus adversantium, omnino ipsum ignorasse. 42. Interea dum per occultas basce artes tempus teritur, constans fama The Destruction of Cyprus. 47 ofCilicia and PamjMlia, but also out oi Lycia, Lydia, Cappadocia, and England. Scot- Armeida, and the liaveing joyned those Troups that Nisias had in a theriaiuis"^ Den- Readiness before him, he made up a formidable Army ; whereas Aniads "'■■"■'^- Sweden, had at that Time but a slender one, havelng the Winter before, by the SchonbJrg. Advice of Condon, or rather by his Orders, for he was in Eifect the Kin" i?"'*'*' ^\, ' •'_ _ o Tirconnell. of Cyprus, disbanded forty Legions newly raised, because they were, for iieland. the most Part, composed of the old Cyprian Race, for whom Coridon Irish. Thronnell. seemed to have noe great Inclination, beleiveing them more dangerous than Theodore himself. Amasis, however, advanced from Scdamis on the wiiiiam ill. ri6th] Day of the fourth Month, with those few Forces, to meet an Ene- '!'"• "• ^"biin. -' •' _ _ June, O. S. my who had double his Number, and whose Troups were in much better Order and Discipline ; but he possessed himself of an advantageous Post, between the Province of Lapifhia and Salaminia; and though it might be Ulster. Leinster. well defended against a farr more numerous Army than that of Theodore, William ill. yet Amasis quitted it uppon Theodore's Advance, and retired in great .h. II. Will. III. Journyes to Tremithus,v/\\eie he pitched his Camp, and resolved to attend Drogheda. there the Enemye's comeing, with a Resolution to give him Battalle. gliscit Theodorum in Lapithiani, exscensione facta, appulisse cum numeroso ex- ercitu, non Cilicum modo Pamphiliorumque, sed ex Lycia, Lydia, Cappadocia, atque Armenia conHMcio milite, junctisque, <\vias Nisias in procinctu habebat, copiis, terribilem armis virisque multitudinem contraxisse. Amasis vero nee mihtum numero, nee virtute Ducum, parem ducebat exercitum ; quippe qui superiori hyeme, Coridonis monitu, seu potius jussu atque imperio (vis enim dominationis penes ilium erat) quadriginta novorum delectuum millibus mis- sionem dederat, eo tantum motus, quia Galamii generis ex parte multo maxi- [Milesil.] ma erant, quos ille, quidquid in pubUco simularet, ad unum omnes privatim oderat, ipsoque Theodora periculosiores sibi existimabat. Rex, quanquam suorum paucitatem cerneret, obviam tamen hosti, et robore Virorum et mili- aris disciplina? usu peritifique longe potiori, contendit: locumque situ et arte munitum, Lapithiam inter Salaminiamcpie provincias occupavit, quem licet a validioribus, quam qu» tum instabant, copiis tutum, appropinquante tamen Theodoro, deseruit, et non absimili fugse profectione, magnis itineribus Tre- mithuin versus movit, ibique castris positis hostum operiri statuit, certus pra;- lii aleam jactare. 48 Excidium Macarice ; or, jiisii. 43. The Cijiyiian Army was not a little disheartened by this sudden ,i;is. 1 1. Irish. Retreat oiAmasis ; for, as Nothing animates the Cyprians more than to be led on to Assault, soc Nothing can discourage them more than to retire from an Enemy ; and this is comon to all new-raised Troups, and par- Tiicnnnc-ii. ticularly such as are not soe well ofEcer'd : for Condon employed but very few but Creatures of his own, tho' never soe unfitt to comand. .Tallies II. But we must confess the Measures taken all along by Amasis were noe way agreeable to the Rules of true Prudence and good Politicks, or to the ancient and modern Maxims of War ; for, as it is a received Princi- ple among Conquerors to hasten the Decision of the Quarrell by Battle whilst theire Army is fresh, hearty, and numerous, soe it is the known Intrest of those who are uppon the Defensive, to follow contrary Me- thods, and to delay comeing to a generall Engagement, untill the Inva- ders may be had at a cheap Rate, when Fatigues, Diseases, and other 43. Trepida hscc et inspcrata incompositi agminis fuga hand parum animo- rum ardorem, diminuit, repressitque; id enim propemodum omnibus compa- ratum, et Cypria potissimum genti a natura insitum est, ut dum in adversum tendnnt ducuuturque, pugnam lacessunt, hostem voce, manu, armis provo- cant, irritari contingat, aocendique, et fortius insurgere ; retro autem cedendo, terga insequentibus dando, sese tumultuose recipiendo, velut quadam degene- ris confessione pavoris, atque ipsa trepidatione, cadant animis, et elangues- cant. Et hoc sane omnium fere commune est, qui subitaneo et praepropero delectu ad arma excitantur, cum prsesertim inscitia Ducum Prafectorumque laborant, quos Coridon plurimum non peritiffi aut spectataj virtutis ergo, sed studio ac favore in eum gradum attollere ac promovere consueverat. At enim- vero fatendum est Amasim in hoc rerum suarum articulo ab antiquorum bel- latorum vestigiis, et imperatoriis superiorum temporum exempUs niultum ubique aberrasse; nee aut veteres, aut recentes bellorum rationes ullibi obser- vasse. Nam ut solemnis aliena invadentium mos est premere, instare fortunse, aleam belli pracipitare, viribus adhuc integris, et militum alaoritate ac nu- mero prevalentibus ; itasua defendentium summopere interest contrariam his viam insistere, decliiiare, tergiversari, pugnandi occasiones subterfugere, donee absumpto prime impetu subsidat ardor, senescat virtus, marceat et enervetur liostis, et tandem morbis, itinerum molestiis, aliisque incommodis, quibus in The Destruction of Cyprus. 49 Incomoditics which they are to expect in an Enemy's Country, will make them notably decay, both in Courage and Number, and when they are soe harrassed that they may be easily defeated withovit any great Hazard ; and the Victory which is obtained without Bloodshed and Loss of Men brings more Rcfiutation to the Generall, for it is wholly attri- buted to his own Conduct ; whereas his Captains and Soldiers must share with him in the Glory of gaining a Battle. It was therefore the Interest oi Ainasis not to fight at tliat Time, but to retire to Salamis, and joync Jas. II* Dublin, the Rest of his Troups, left for the Garde of that City, where he might have three Parts of the Kingdom at his Back, to furnish him with all Necessaryes; Theodore havcing only the Province oi Lapitlda (which Wiii.iii.uista-. was then ruined and laid desolat) to furnish him with Provisions ; for he could not expect much out of Cilicia, for both the Cilician and Lycian England. Eng- Fleet were about that Time defeated by the Navy oi Antiochus, which Louis XiV gave him the absolute Dominion of the Seas. Notwithstanding all these Reasons which should oblige Amasis to prolong the Warr, he was James II. hostico commorantes alteri, conflictarique necesse est, multum et militarium Virorum robori et multitudini decedat ; atque ita demum fessi malis, et gra- vibus debilitati laboribus absque ullo grandi discrimine, acie fundi fugarique possint : et ea quidem victoria, quae sanguine et strage hominum non stetit, ■uberiorem Itnperatori laudum materiam parit ; ipsius enim pervigili curae et sagacitati tota tribuitur; cum interim ex pra>liorum eventu indulgentia for- tunse, locorum opportunitas, aliorum Ducum industria, militumque manus haud exiguam gloria; partem decerpant, sibique vindicent. Eegi itaque ea tempestate in tutiora recipiendus erat exercitus, certamenque aliquantisper detrectandum, regrediendumque demum Salamina, ubi earn copiarum partem, quam urbi presidio reliquerat, iis, quas ducebat legionibus adjungeret; et velut in otic e tribus regni partibus, quae a tergo in securos aditus patebant, commeatus et alia, quse usui forent tuto inveheret : cum interim Theodoro La- pithia tantum, et hfec ipsa hostili incursu exhausta vastataque, ad supplendas militum necessitates superesset ; prseterea vix eo anno quidquam e Cilicia sub- sidii expectandum erat, cum paucos ante dies Cilictnn Lyciorumqiie classes na- vali prcelio ab Antiocho fusK maritime rei imperia ilH cessissent. Quanquam vero tot morarum causse Ainashn ad protraliendum bellum invitarent, tamen IRISH ARCH. SOC. H 50 Excidium Macarice ; or, fatally resolved (witKout staying for all his Forces) to putt liis Title to three Kingdoms uppon the Event of one Day. Jas. II. Leinster. 44. Amasis encamped upon the Salaminian Side of the River of La- uister." pithus, which anciently divided that Province from Lapithia. It was foordable in severall Places, and noe Trench cast up for the Defence of William III. those Foords. Theodore was no sooner arrived than he pitched his Camp Ulster. on Lapithia Side the same River. The first Day was spent in discharging « from both Camps the great Engins of Warr, comonly used to batter the Walls of Townes and Castles, which destroyed a great many Men and William III. Horses in Theodore's Camp. But they were sent away that Night to Dublin. Jas. II. Salamis, Amasis haveing ordered his Men to pull down their Tents, and prepare for a March, which was noe sooner done than countermanded. nescio, quo fato urgente, trium regnorum jus in unius prslii discrimen prae- cipitare decrevit. 44. Jam castra metatus erat Amasis ad Salaminiam, Lapithi amnis ripaiii, qui olim provinciam illam a Lapithia media aquarum divortio disterminabat. Fluvius, crebris intercursantibus vadis meabilis, facilem trajecturis aditum prsebebat, nee turn ullis molibus, aut aggerum impedimento hosti praclusa erat via. Theodorus mos superveniens adversum fluminis latus, et collivun prominentia, castris latius quam pro numero in speciem protensis, occupavit. Prima dies iusiunpta missilibus, aliisque telorum generibus mittendis, ejacu- landisque per violentos tormentorum machinarumque bellicarum succussus, quorum impetu moenia urbium turresque horribili solent fragore quassari ; et ingentem sane hominum jumentorumque stragem ea in Theodori castris edi- dere. At Rex, cui mens csedibus abstinere, et Cilicuni cruori, quantum fas asset, parcere, nihil infestis increpantium vooibus, nihil strictis in jugulum ac micantibus gladiis motus, graviora hsec belUci apparatus instrumenta, qua et maximo suis adjumento et hostibus amnem transvadare conantibus terrori esse poterant, sub noctem Salamina preemitti mandat, jussis militibus, ut vasa rap- tim colligerent, et sub primam lucem ad iter capessandum in procinctu essent: nee multo post mira levitate contraria imperantur, militique ut pugnse se ac- cingat, prseeipitur. Consiliis ita in incertum fluctuantibus, et insolita Regis ineonstantia non parum militarium animorum alacritati decessit, dubitantium, cum dilucesceret, proficiscendumne, an dimicandum esset. The Destruction of Cyprus. 5 1 45. This Irresolution of the King discouraged the Army, who, next Day, being the first of the fifth Month, was furiously attacked by the J«ly, 0. S. Theodolites, who, after a hot Dispute, forced a Passage over the River, Williamites. and fresh Supplys pouring after them, the Amadan Troups, comeing Jacobite. down in small Partyes to support those who garded the River, were still beaten back; and Amasis, instead of comanding the whole Army, James 1 1. which was then drawn up, to advance, ordered them to march on to Sala- Dublin. mis, exposeing them to be all cutt off by the Enemy, who pursued them in the Reare. [The soldiers groaned, and, with ill-suppressed murmurs, complained, that a certain victory had been wrested from them, that the enemy was suffered to escape out of their hands, and, above all, that their comrades had been basely abandoned to the weapons of the enemy ; moreover, when they thought of themselves, with death roaring around them, and dangers, from which scarcely any human aid could deliver them, staring them in the face, indignation was the predominant feeling, whilst they murmured that so many swords should be sheathed without 45. Ita solliciti ac vacillantes noctem eam insomnem duxere. At Theo- doriice, quiete ciboque refectis artubus, orto jam sole, sublato ingenti clamore, magnoque impetuin adversos detonuere: cumque diu acriter utrimque pugna- tum esset, tandem viam sibi trans flumen vi et armis aperuerunt. Nee id defen- sorum socordio3 imputandum, sed vel ignaviai vel iuscitiae Ducum, cum qui amnis in prsesidio agitabant, paucitate laborantes, ac snbeuntium multitudine retroactos, nullonovo subsidio reficerent; et hosti, superante numero, recentes integraique cohortes e propinquis castris subinde mitterentur. At Eex quern tota mole belli in suorum auxilium descendere, et instructam aciemin exultan- tem IsEtis successibus hostem educere oportebat, omnes qui nihil jam nisi pra;- lium, arma, sanguinem spirabant, nee quidquam minus, quam fugam suspi- cabantur: ex inopinato terga vertere, et quanta possent celeritate, Salamina contendere jussit. Ingemuit miles, ac eertam sibi ereptam victoriam, liostem e manibus clabi passum, ad ba?c, miserandum eommilitonum casum, qui inter in- festa undique tela turpiter deserebantur, haud occulto fremitu conquestus est: dehinc in se conversis eogitationibus, licet mors circumstreperet, et tot peri- eula, vix humana ope evitabilia, ob oeiilos versarentur, indignatio tamtn emi- nebat mussantium tot exertos muerones, non tentata saltern fortuna, recondi : H2 52 Excidium Macarice; or, Dublin. Kinsale. French. France. Dublin. .Tames II. a blow. Who, they said, was to protect their rear ? Who to avert the danger of a general massacre ? How easy was it for their pursuers to slaugliter the fugitives, and cut off all stragglers from their broken ranks ! But the King was deaf to these murmurs of the soldiery, as well as to the advice of his Generals.] He rid before, with a select Party of Horse for his Guard, and, arriving that Night at Salamis, he went off next Morning, by Break of Day, and never stopt till he came to the Sea- port Town o£ Marium, loo Leagues distant from the Place of Battle, whei-e he noe sooner arrived than he gott on Board a Syrian Vessell, which he found in the Harbour, and, setting Sail for Syria, was the first Man that brought into that Country the unwelcome News of his vm- happy Defeat. But, before he left Salamis, he ordered the Officers there to disperse theire Men, and make the best Conditions they could for themselves. 46. The Courage and Valour of Amasis, whereof he gave a thousand Demonstrations by Sea and Land, made the World conclude that this Flight was not altogether occasioned by an Act of Pusilanimity, but pro- quem fugientum terga protecturum? Quern pviblicum certissimce cladis dis- critaen aversurum ? Quam pronum insequentibus profugos ccedere, et laxatis semel ordinibus, obruere elFusos, instare lateribus, extremum agmen carpere? ipse nee vocibus his vulgi, nee monitu Ducum motus, cum selectis equitum turmis intentissimo cursu prfficessit ; et cum eadem nocte Salamina accessis- set, non expectato copiarum adventu, proxima luce trepidum iter arripuit, nee ante substitit, quam Marium, arcem mari imminentem, appelleret, cen- tum leuearum spatio ab iis campis, in quibus improspere pugaatum erat, dis- tantem. Nee ibi moratum est : continuo Syram navem in anehoris stantem con- seendit, ac prospera uavigatione usus, primus accept» eladis, et adversi priplii Nuneius Antiocho et Syris fuit. At priusquam Salamine discessisset, armorum, qui turn aderant, Ducibus prmcepit, dimisso milite, sibi suisque rebus quibus commodissime posseut conditiouibus consulerent. 46. PrKsens semper et intrepidus inter pericula casusque difEciles animus, speeimenque virtutis mille fortitudinis experimentis spectatJE, et rerum, quas superioribusbellis terra marique sub fraternis gesserat auspiciis, gloria, omnibus argumento erat, Amasirii non degeneri aliquo metu, aut ignava perculsum for- The Destruction of Cyprus. 53 ceeded rather from a wrong Maxim of State ; for, after arriving in Syria, France, lie was soe farr from soliciting any Succors from thence to support the Warr in Cyprus, that he told Antiochus all the Island was lost, and the ireiami. People in noe Condition to be relieved : and, indeed, some ran-away """'" ' Syrians, who fled out oi Cyprus along with J mast's, to palliat their own French, irticui.i. Flight, gave out very confidently that the Cyprians, in the Day of Battle, ^^^^^ forsook theire King, and the auxiliary Syrian Forces, who were all cutt French. in Pieces. And it is likely they might belelve it was soe, for they did not stay to be Witnesses of the honourable Retreat, which the Syrian Foot French, and the Cyprian Cavalry made along to Salamis. The few Cilidan Coiir- Irish. Diihiin. tiers who stayed with the Queen in Syria, to justifye the Flight of their ^"^^,1.^'' King, did not spare calumniateing the Cyprians, whom they trumpeted Irish, about to be the greatest Villains and Traytors in the World, haveing midine, ex acie difFugisse ; sed consulto ac de industria, ob causas, quas supra memoravimus, tam indecorum generi regioque nomini, facinus admisisse; posteaquam enim in Si/riam advectus est, non mode nulla, ad sustentanduni in Cypro bellum, auxiha poposcit, verum universam Insulam penitus amissam AntiocJio narravit, nee eum esse rerum in ilia gente statum, ut ullo suppetia- rum adminiculo aut imposito jam jugo eripi, aut in pristlnam felicitatem re- dintegrari possint. Et vero Syrorum fugacissimi, qui Amasim Cypro exceden- tem comitati sunt, quo alienis probris su» timiditatis infamiam occulerent, summa impudentia vulgare ausi sunt, Cyprios Regem et auxiliarias Syrorum cohortes in ipso pralio deseruisse, easque ad internecionem funditus deletas trucidatasque fuisse. Nee eos ita suspicatos a vero abborret, quippe qui inito statim certamine, non expectato pugna; eventu, lymphatis similes profugerant; nee egregium ilium decorumque copiarum sensim recedentium ordinem, oculis subjeeerant, quo Syrorum pedes, Cypriusque eques pugnam inter iterque Sala- mina retrogressi sunt. Pauci illi ex Cilicihus Aulicis, qui cum Eegina in Syria commorante remanserant, tum ut prsecipitem Regis fugam speciosis nominibus excusarent; tum ut inveterata in Cyprios odia liberius effutirent, tum deni- que ut proditionis Socios sua; genti adsiscerent, et scelerum communione minus sontes viderentur; non cessabant universam nationem fcede traducere, et in- gestis insuper convitiis lacerare, pavidos et malefidos proditores, ac mortalium consceleratissimos publice appellaudo; ut qui non Principem mode tela inter -^ Excidium Macarice ; or, not only abandoned theire Prince, and left himexposed to the Enemy, William III. but also imediately submitted to Theodore, owning his Authority. 47. This Calumny, soe artificially spred abroad, made such a Noise France. Irish, in Syna, that the Cyprian Merchants, who lived there since the Con- O. Cromwell, quest o£ Auilas, durst not walk abroad, or appear in the Streets, the People were soe exasperated against them, and noe other Relation come- Ireland. Tircon- ing out of Cyprus to contradict it (for Coridon, who was not a Stranger "''"■ to the Plott, putt an Embargue uppon all Ships, to hinder any Accounts Vrance. from thencc into Syria, that might gainsay what was told there uppon .Tas.ii. Ls.xiv. the Arrivall o^ Amasis), Antiochus himself, who never hitherto wanted Irish. true Intelligence, finding noe Account of the Cyprian Officers contrary to these Relations, confidently averred by Persons of unquestionable Credit, had noe Reason to misbelieve it, and consequently giveing all hostesque reliquissent, sed confestim sese Theodora dedidissent, et naturse pa- riter, ac sacrameiiti quo se obstrinxerant, obliti, ei, ut legitime Regi, paruis- sent. 47. Tanta infamia tarn operoso artificio, et subtili commento in vulgus sparsa, tarn constantibus de Cypriorum perfidia atque opprobrio rumoribus, totain, qua lata est, Syriam ita pervasit, ut Meroatores Cyprii, qui oppress» patrife mala ac domestioas calamitates subterfugientes, et religionis simul ac libertatis avidi, natale solum exilic verterant, et certas sibi sedes apud exteros fixerant, jam inde ex quo cru delis Attilas everso regni jure, et Rege per scelus exacto, Tyrannidem occupavit, propter inustum genti dedecus intra domorum septa clausi nusquam prodire auderent: tanto eorum odio populus in univer- sum exarserat ! Cum autem nihil, quod dictorum fidem elevaret, e Cypro re- ferretur, et Coridon omnium qua agebantur gnarus consciusque edicto inhi- buisset, ne qua e portu solveret navis, aut in altum proveberetur, ne scilicet emanare in publicum rerum Veritas posset, quo, quie ab Amasis adventu evalu- erant, et credulos multitudinis animos prffioccupaverant mendacia, deprehensa falsitate, in ludibrium comminiscentium verterentur. Quin et Antiocho ipsi his artibus illusum est, quanquam summa in eo, et plane principalis virtus sit, aliorum consilia altius rimari, arcana pervestigare, et totum fere terrarum orbem notitia complecti: nee immerito tamen iis, quae a tants dignitatis et existimationis Viris nuntiabantur, nullo prsesertim contrarium asserente, baud The Destruction of Cyprus. 55 the Island for lost, he judged it to noe Purpose to send Relief to a People that were not capable of any : he therefore ordered the Admirall of his victorious Fleet to bring out of Cyprus his own Troops, and such of the Ireland. Cyprian Army and Nobility, as had a Mind to retire from Bondage. Iiisli. 48. To return now to our forlorn Army on the River oi Lapithus, Boyne. tho' they were abandoned by their Chief, the Cavalry, however, with the Assistance of 6000 Men, St/rian Foot, made a brave Retreat, fighting French, and marching Day and Night, till they came to Salatyiis, where, fmding Dublin, neither King or Captain Generall, nor indeed any principal Officers, and understanding that Amasis left Orders that every Man should shift for .James 11. himself, they were in a great Consternation ; but the death of Nidas, Schoniierj;-. killed uppon the first Onsett, was the Occasion they were not hotly pur- sued, haveing now Time to retire leizurely to Paphos : and it is admi- Limeiick. rable how every individuall Person, both Officer and Soldier, came thither without any Orders, and without the Conduct of any of theire difficulter assensit. Et proinde cum Iiisulam hostili penitus jugo oppressuni crederet, super vacaneiim ratus est, deplorata; jam conditionis populum sero et inutili ausilio j uvare. Victricis igiturclassis Praifecto mandavit, quotquut Nobilium militumque natalis soli desiderio, duraque servituti libertatem et socialia arma prieferrent, continue infausta; patriaj ruiuis et exitio subduceret. 48. Ut demum ea, unde nos necessaria rerum series abstraxit, repetentes, ad destitutas super Lapithi fluminis ripam copias regrediamur, quanquam Ductoris fuga derelicti, et selectissima equitum turmse Kegem sequerenter, adsistentibus tamen sex Syroi-um peditum millibus, dies noctesque non itineri magis quam praelio intenti, Salamina non trepide aut confuse, sed servatis ubique ordinibus decenter se receperunt, ubi cum nee Amasim comperissent, nee alium ullum copiarum Ducem, qui palantes et sine imperio vagos regeret, ingenti consternatione percuisi obtorpuerunt, cum prsesertim abeuntem Regem mandasse inter tumultuantes percrebesceret, quisque sibi, qua ttitissime posset consuleret. Nisiw vero mors in ipso conflictu inter initia pugnse interempti, hostem, ne acriori impetu fugientium terga cederet, retardavit, spatiumque Cypriis reliquit, sine magna aut prascipiti festinatione Papltum se recipiendi. At enimvero obstupescendum est omnes eodem confluxisse, nullius ductu, et Eectoris egentes, tanquam secreto aliquo naturse genio et instructu illuc Limerick. Excidium Macarice ; or, chief Comanders, as if they were guided to PapJios by some secrett In- stinct of Nature. In a Week's Time after the Battle, the Appearance Tircoiinell. De there was soe considerable, that CoriJon and Asimo (the Syrian Gene- T.auziiii. i-rcncli. ^^jj^ ^^^^^ equally surprized ; the First was concerned least such a sudden Rally might hinder (at least delay) the Execution of the Design which was hatched in the Cabinett ; the other was noe less troubled that soe Krendi. France many of the Syrians appeared, after he writt into Syna, and perhaps to Louis XIV. Antioclms himself, that they were all, to a very few, cut oif ; and the Contrary being now made evident (for they did not loose 6 Men that Day) he had Reason to apprehend, that it might bring his Credit and Sincerity in Question at the Court of Syiia : soe that these two great Men being of one Resolution, tho' for dlfierent Ends, were linked together in a Friendship that seemed everlasting. Asimo longed soe much to be back in his own Country, that he could not endure to hear ireiami. of purlonging the Warr in Cyprus ; and it is probable that some of his France. Captains (who longed to breathe the sweet Air of Syria), dispaireing of Tircomieii. the Country, believed it impossible to preserve it. Condon nourished France. He Laiizun. cunctos invitante. Tantus eo mortalium concursus septimum intra diem factus est, ut advolanteni multitudinem non sine stupors quodam et admiratione Coridon, Asimoque, auxiliarium Siirorwn Pr»fectus intuerentur. Ilium for- mido incesserat, ne coalescentium indies militiim uunierus consiliorum, qu» privates intra parietes structa erant, effectum aut impediret, aut certe morare- tur. Vexabatur hie tot Syrorum, qui integri evaserant, conspectu, posteaquam ipse Amicis per literas, et forte etiam Antiocho indicasset, eos adverse pra;lie ad unum fere omnes ceoidisse; cumque jam ipsa Veritas scripta evidentissime refelleret, vix sex ex iis in ilia acie oocisis, justa de causa metuendum illi erat, re in aula Syriaca et levioris fidei et dubla; sinceritatis suspectus liaberetur. Quocirca par illud magnerum Virerum, diversas licet eb causas, unius tamen voluntatis, sterno amicitiae vinculo invicem connexi videbantur. Asimo diu- turnam absentiam tarn a>gre molesteque ferebat, ut bellum in Cypro protrahi continuarique ipso ei auditu acerbissimum esset. Nee incredibile est Ducum in illius exercitu nennullos (petissimum qui patrii coeli dulcedinem impatientius suspirabant) sibi persuasisse, desperatas Cypri res nulla humana ope defend! sustentarique pesse. Ita alTectis faces subjiciebat Coridon, et natalis soli desi- The Destruction of Cyprus. ^y this Humor, because it went along with his Design, not to oppose Theo- William ill. (lore in the Conquest of Cypriis. For the more speedy Effecting that Ireland. Work, he omitted Nothing that might encourage Theodore to advance, William ill. and discourage the Ci/prians to resist: he shipt away his Wife, a Cili- Irish. English. cia7i Lady, with all his own Wealth and the King's Treasure, into Syiia, France, where she gave out, (pursuant to her Instructions), that all Cyprus was Ireland, lost, to the Citys of Po/j/(os and Cyfhera, which could not hold out long ; Limerick. Gal- that the Cyprians had noe Army, and that the Nation, for the most Part, i^.{^{^_ submitted to Theodore. All this was done, in order to fortify the King's William III. Relation of the present State of Cyprus, and to keep Antiochus in the Ireland. Dark from the true Knowledge of their Condition ; and it was hoped that by this Artifice the Country would be realy lost, before the Syrian French. King should come to know, whether or noe they were capable of being releived ? Of the other Side, noe Endeavours were omitted by Coridon Tirconneii. to perswade the Cyprians that it was Folly to e.xpect any Relief from Iri,,li. Antiochus, who had his Hands soe full, tliat he was not able to assist Louis XIV. derio ardentes stimulabat; quia S'jrorum accelerari reditum arcanis consiliis niultum conducebat, quibus jam olim statuerat, nuUo graviori molimine Tlteo- dori conatibus in perdomanda Cypro obviaiu ire, et ut opus illud diu mul- tumque meditatum tandem ad speratum pertingeret exitum, nihil intentatum reliquit, quo aut Theodonis ad instandum victoriis invitaretur, aut Cyprii a resistendo deterrerentur. Uxorem, Cilicem genere, cum opibus et regia gaza in Syriam navibus prajmittit, ubi, prout couvenerat, in vulgus spargit uni- versam Cyprum amissum esse, Pap/io et Cyt/ierd urbibus exceptis, quK et ipsse longioris obsidii mora; pares esse non poterant ; nullum Cypriis exercitum su- peresse ; et totam fere gentem in Theodorum cessisse. Fabricata h:ec omnia, ut, quse Kex ante vulgaverat de prtesenti rerum in Cypro statu, confirmareutur ; utque Anliodium penitus lateret, quo in articulo summa negotiorum staret, et hoc artificioso commento eventurum sperabatur, ut Insula prius hosti fun- ditus traderetur, quam in Syrorum Regis notitiam venisset, earn esse Incolarum conditionem, ut sublevari, et auxilii capaces esse possent. At parte ex alia Coridon omni vi nitebatur Cypriis suadere, vanam esse !i\> Antiocho suppetia- rum expectationem, qui tot simul imdique circumfundebatur bostibus, ut vix sua defendendo, nedum alieiiis calamitatibus allevandis sufficere posset, proinde IRISH ARCH. see. I 58 Excidium Macarice ; or, them, and noe visible Way now left for Self-preservation, but to treat Williani III. with Theodore, who likely, at that Time, would give them any Con- ditions, that he might be at Liberty to joyne with the Rest of the France. Confederates, in order to attack Syria on all Sides. But the Gene- Irish, rality of the Cyfrisli Nation were of an other Sentiment; not expecting English. the Performance of any Treaty with the Cilicians, who infringed soe Limerick. often the publick Faith. In a grand Councill at Paphos, it was concluded France. to dispatch two Persons of Quality into Syria, to signify their present Condition and Resolution to defend the Country, not doubting but^n- i.ouis XIV. tiochus would powerfully support them, for it was his true Interest to Will. III. Ire- give Theodore Work in Cyprus. It was also resolved in that Consult, Sarsiieki ^^^^ Lysander, the Darling of the Army, should comand in chief, next Tiroonnell. to the Captain Generall. When these Results were made known to Cori- don (for he was not that Day at Councill), he seemed to like neither. He said it did not belong to the Councill to send Deputyes abroad : it reliquum esse, eamque unlearn ad salutem patera viam, mature cum Theodora de pace transigere, quem verisimile erat nullas ajquas conditiones id temporis rejecturum, quo proiuptus posset cum reliquis fcederatorum Principura ad Sy- riam omni ex parte invadendum consociari. Tot macliinis, tot terriculamentis Cypriorum vel animos contundere, vel fidem labefactare conabatur; quorum tamen longe diversa mens erat, memoria recolentium, quoties irrita cum Cilici- bus foedera percussissent, quoties pacis leges publica tide interposita sancitas, immani perfidia rupissent. Frequenti igitur concilio Paphi habito placuit, duos conspicuK dignitatis Viros in Syriam Legates mitti, turn, ut quo jam in statu domi res essent, quan toque aniraorum ardore pro focis et aris pugnare decrevis- sent, diserte renuntiarent ; turn etiam ut afflictarum rerum levamen obnixius exorarent: nee ulli dubium erat, quin Antiochns subsidiorum, quantum esset satis, mitteret, quippe cujus usque adeo intererat Theodorum in Cypro quam diutissime implicari distinerique. In eodem etiam concilio ordinatum est, ut Lysander, militaris turbffi amor et delicise, secundum supremum armorum Ducem omnia posset. Cum hac Coridon rescisset (nam eo forte die aberat) neutrum probavit: negabat concilio potestatem inesse legationem ad exteras nationes adornandi, hoc sui muneris, sibique proprium esse affirmans, desti- naturumque quos idoneos censuisset, idque tantum pro arbitrio, et cum ipsi The Destruction of Cyprus. 59 was his Prerogative, and that he would send when and Whom he thought fitt. As for Lysander, he could not endure to hear of his Preferment. Sarsfield. 49. Theodore, in the Meanwhile, haveing slowly advanced to Sala- ■\viiliam ill. mis, was joyfully received there by tlie Cilician Inhabitants, who were English, numerous in that City since Attilas conquered Cyprus, which was 38 Cromwell. Ire- Years before the Invasion of Theodore. From Salamis he marched his ^^AU. Dublin. Army to Palwa, which was surrendered without Opposition, by Orders Watcrford. from the Captain Generall, as the Officer commanding there did alledge. He also reduced the strong Fortress of Condone, for Want of a sufficient Kilkenny. Garrison to defend it, which was often represented by the Governor ; but it was not Coridons Design to harrass too much Theodores Army ; Tirconndl. for he believed that Nothing would breake sooner the Obstinacy of the ' '*™ Cyprians, than to behold an uninterrupted Course of Success on the other Irish. Side. Uppon Theodore's March from Salamis to Palcea, he sent Part of w. in. Dublin, his Forces to reduce Arsinoe, uppon the River oi Lycus, which, riseing At'hlone." Shan- froni the Mounts oi' Lapith la, runs up towards AnuUhusia, and 20 Leagues "™- Ulster. Minister. libitum fuisset. De Lysandri honoribus ne fando quidem audire poterat. 49. Theodorus posteaquam ad ia;«V/(«7K flumen prospere pugnaverat, luodi- cis itineribus Salarnina contendit, ubi exultantibus pra; la;titia animis exci- pitur a Cilicibus incolis, qui ibi niagno niimero consederant, ab eo usque tem- pore quo Tjrixnnus AttiUas Cyprum pertinaci bello perdomitam subjugaverat, octo et triginta annis, quam parata expeditione Theodorus Insulam denuo invasit. Salaviine Pulicam cum exercitu petiit, qnam statim in deditioriL'ni accepit, idque jussu et imperio Coridonis, penes qiiem summum armorum re- gimen, ut loci illius Gubernator, pra;propera3 deditionis reus actus, affiruiave- rat. Condonam etiam munitissimum propugnacuhini absque ulla difficultate subegit; licet enim Pra;fectus Pra?sidiariorum discrimen imminere ex defen- sorum paucitate crebro per litteras suggereret, incassum tamen preces ceci- derant, nam Coridoni propositum non erat Theodoritarum animos atterere, et nimiis laboribus fatigare: non alia quippe ratione obstinatam Cyprionivi per- vicaciam frangi prorsus atque ilHdi posse arbitrabatur, quam si indefesso vic- tcjriarum cursu, nee mterruptis successibus ferocientem hostem conspicerent. Cum Theodorus Salamine Pakcam proficisceretur, partem copiarum ad oppug- nandam reduceudamque Arsinoem misit. Oppidum illud est extructum super I2 6o Excidium Macaria' ; or. Limerick. Con- jjeyond Paphos disburdens itself into the main Sea, dividing PapAia from Leiiistor. Mun- the Provinces of Salaminia and Amathusia. This Tract of Land between Shannon Ire- Lycus and the Sea may be justly called the Citadel of Cyprus, which land- has beene alwaies a Refuge to the Inhabitants of the other Provinces to Lieut.-Gen.Dou- .. ^ _. glass. retire into, when they were overpowered by the Enemy. Jbycippus, the William III. Captain who led the Forces of Theodore to take the Towne and Castle Athlone. oi Arsinoe, after ten Dayes vain Attempt uppon the Place, haveing Intel- Sarsfield. ligciice o^ Lysaiider s comeing, with a considerable Party from the Camp Limerick. near Paphos, to relieve it, retired hastily by Night, and went by great Will. III. Tir- Marches to joync Theodore. It was remarkable Condon could not dis- L. G. Douglass, semble the Dissatisfaction he received by this Retreat of Lycippus, and Limerick. havcing Ordered back to Paphos most of the Troops that came with Sarsfield. Lysander, he comandcd him, however, with a very inconsiderable Party, to follow and observe the Enemye's Motions ; whilst, in his Absence, he contrived all the Means that Art could invent, to draw the Captains of the Army (among whom he had a great many Creatures of his own) and ripam fluminis Lyci, qui e LapithiiT moutibus procurrens, AmatJnisiam versus placido alveo delabitur, Paphwnqiie transvectus, post emensum viginti leuca- rum spatium occidentali mari miscetur ; Paphiamque ingenti aquarum divortio a Salaminicv et Amathusue finibus disterminat. Vastus ille et longo ambitu protensus terrarum tractus, qui liiuc Lyco anine, inde exteriore alhutur mari, Cypri propugnaculum baud immerito nuncupari potest; nam ab omni retro state tutissimum munimentum erat, et inexpugnabilis instar arcis, quo reli- quarum provinciarum accola; sese recipiebant, quoties a prrepollentibus urge- bantur hostibus. Lycipipw, (\ui co^iis prreerat, (\xxa.s Theodoi'us ai. Arsinoem, castrumque ibi in potestatem redigeiidum delegerat, postquam decern dierum obsidione locum frustra pressisset, audito Lysandrum cum baud teniiienJu am- nu a castris non procul Papho positis in auxilium adventare, noctu tumultuosa profectioue regreditur, et, re infecta, magnis itineribus ad Theodorum conten- dit. Illud vero notabile, Coridonem occultare non potuisse anxietatem off en - sionemque, quam ex prtepropera Lycippi fuga conceperat, et jussis magna ex parte turmis, quas Lysander duxerat, Paplaan reverti, ipsl infrequenti ag- mine sequi, et hostium tergis inhjcrere imperavit: dum ille interim umni artificio copiarum Duces, quo in honoris gradu multos suarum partium eollo- The Destruction of Cyprus. 6i the Members of the Councill, who were, for the most Part, of his Choose- ing (for he did what he pleased with j4mffl«w), to condescend to a Treaty James n. with Theodore, as the best Expedient that could be then fixed uppon for William ill. Self-preservation. To induce them the more thereunto, and to dishearten altogether the Q/y)n'aw Troopes (who were raw Men, not acquainted with Irish. Seidges), iVom undertaking the Defence oi Paphos, Asimo, the Syrian Limerick. De Generall, haveing viewed and surrounded all the Outworkes and Forti- "'"^™' '"'""■ '• fications oiPaphos, which, indeed, were not fully finished, he publickly Limerick. declared the Place was not tenable ; and next Day, as if he despaired of its Defence, he marched to Cythera, incamping his veteran Troops under Galway. the Walls of thatTowne : and yet all these Discouragements, which were designedly concerted between Condon and Asimo, could not divert the Tircoimeii. De Cyprian Infantry from tlieire former Resolution, to expose theire Lives iri"^""' for the Defence of Faphos, which was of soe great Importance for the Limerick. Preservation of Cyprus. Irelami. 50. Theodore made noe great Hast to Paphos, to give Condon the Will. ill. Lime- more Time for compassing his Design to bring the Cyprians to a gene- JJ,'^ jj ^"™""'^"- rail Condescention for a Treaty ; and when he found Matters were dis- caverat, et qui in concilium admittebantur, quos plurimum ipse elegerat (nam Amaxi pro arbitrio moderabatur), pertrahere niteretur, ut in fcedus cum Theu- doro ineundum consentirent, tanquam id uuicum esset, quod turn excogitari posset, publicse salutis remedium. Ut autem eo citius inclinarentur multi- tudinis animi utque Cyprius miles (tyronum nempe exercitus, et urbium ob- sidiis insuetus) a propugnanda Papho absterrerentur, Asimo Syronim Prje- fectus, inspectis perlustratisque exterioribus munitionibus et operibus, quEe nondum sane perfecta erant, circumstanti corona; publice enuntiavit, locum defensioui inoptum esse, atque ita postera die prot'ectionem Cytheram versus suis indicit, ubi cum veteranis cohortibus castra sub ipsis urbis maanibus local. Nee tamen h»c terroris machinamenta, qua; dedita opera aCoridone pariter et Asi?iwne exoogitabantur, Cyprium militem aut avertere, aut retardare poterant, quo minus Paplium tanti ad eripiendam hosti Cyprum moment! locum, coni- munibus et animis et viribus defensum irent. 50. Tlieodorus lento et parum festinato gradu urbi succedebat, quo oppor- tunum Coridoni tempus concederet, ut juxta quam profjositum erat Cyprios 62 Excidium Macarice; or. .Sarsfield. Limerick. Sarsfielrl. Limerick. Shannon. Connauglit. August, O. Boyne. W. Limerick. Tirconnell. posed thereunto, most of the prime Comanclers being already gained, he advanced near the Towne. Whereuppon Lysander being sent for, and arriveing at PapJios, was much surprized to find such a Change in the General! Officers, who, however, durst not act any Thing contrary to the Sentiments of the Tribunes who headed the Legions, and who were, for the most Part, of Lysander s Resolution, to continue the Warr. Uppon his Arrival the Scene was altred ; the Defence of Paplios was resolved uppon, and all the Infantry were ordered to man the Place, excepting three Legions, ordered to garde some Foords near the Towne uppon the River oi Lycus ; the Men at Arms and Light Horse encamping near the City, on Paj^hia Side. S. 51. On the 9th Day of the sixth Month, and the fortieth after in. the Engagement on the River of Lapithus, Theodore appeared with his victorious Army, and began the fatall Seidge of the City of Pa- plios. Next Day after, Corido7i, without consulting the Rest of his Cap- ad implorandam pacem perduceret; cumque jam omnia eo inclinari videren- tur, primoribus totius exercitus in partes pellectis, ad oppidum tandem copias admovet. Lysander vero, quem in ea trepidatione obsessi raptim advocave- rant, Paphum appulsus, attonito similis cohorruit, cum priEcipua rerum capita, et qui in exercitu maxima poUebant, adeo mutates, et a prioribus consibis aversos reperisset : unica tamen, et extrema in Tribunis fiducia, qui pkirimum cum Lysandro tendandam belU aleam sentiebant quorum nutum legionarius miles observabat ; nee illis adversantibus cteteri hiscere, aut quidquam audore posse videbantur. Cum ille primum se in conspectum dedit, versa est rerum facies ; erecti omnium ad defensandam Paphum animi ; universse peditum copia; in urbem IntroductEe pra?ter tres legiones, quas prsesidio ad vada Lyci fluminis oppido adjaoentiareliquerant. Equitatus et levis armatures turmas baud pro- cul muris, qua Paphum spectant, stativa liabebant. 51. Ad nonum sexti mensis diem, et ad quadrigesimum quam super ia- pithi amnis ripas pugnatum erat, Theodorus victrices copias late esplicuit, et circumjecta urbi, castris in ampliora, quam pro numero spatia protensis, vali- dissimis equitum peditumque turmis in terroris speciem compositis, occupa- vit; ac tandem fa talem illam Paphi obsidionem, infelicem ipsi, Ciltcibus igno- miniosam, sed gloriosam Cypriis, qui numero et experientia longe inferiores, The Destruction of Cj/pnis. St, taines, ordered the Legions who gardcd the Foords to withdraw from thence, and march all along to Cythera, whereby Theodore had the Galway. w.ni. Passage left open to send Part of his Army on Paphia side the River, Conn.inght. and surround the City on all Sides ; and, in Eflect, some of his Ca- valry haveing gott over, next Morning made a Shew as if they would beseidge Paphos on that Side also ; but, though tliey returned back the Limeiitk. same Day, they did, however, see alarme the Cijprian Horse Camp, that Irish. Coridon and his inseparable Companion, Amno, retired in great Hast Tiivoimcil. De over Night, and rid all along to Cythera, leaving the Horse encamped ^:^^™^. lialf Way between that Towne and Paphos. Whilst they were at Cy- Limeiiek. Gai- i/ifira, they gave out that Pajy/to* could not hold above 5 or 6 Dales; that Li',;jj.ri(.k. the Cyprian Soldiers were soe cowed, tliat they would never defend it; irisii. as for Cythera, they declared openly it was noe Place tenable : and yet Oalway. both these Townes were held impregnable in former Times : and soe leaveing noe Artifice imattempted, to induce the Cypirlans to a speedy Irish. tot simul suis sedibus excitarum et continuis elatarum successibus gentium molem sustinuere, spe tamen potius proditionis, quam suarum virium fiducia aggressus est. Postridie Coridon, inconsultis armorura ducibus, legiones, qu£E ad vada in stationibus erant, jussit, desertis Huminis ripis, rapido agmine Cy- theram contendere, quo facto aperta est Theodoro via, ut, nullo obsistente amnem trajicere, et premere oppidum ex omni parte circumseptum hand diffi- culter posset: et profecto eques postero die transmisso lluvio, specimen urbem ab illo quoque latere oppugnantium fecit. At quanquam eodem die sese in castra recepissent, tantum tamen terrorem equestres inter turmas excitarunt, ut Coridon, simulate metu, et arrepta occasione, cum individuo comite Asi- mone nocturnis itineribus, et incredibili celeritate Cylheram usque convolarit, equestribus copiis medio Paphum inter oamque urbem spatio castra metantibus. Dum in oppido Cythera curarum belli obliti, sed in pacis conditiones obnixius intenti agitabant, constanti rumore sparsim vulgaverant, Paphum ultra quin- tum^ut sextum diem obsidioni ferendaj non esse; et Ct/pi'um militem ita trepi- dare et obtorpescere timore, ut defensionem cito deserturus esset ; nihil vero in Cythera munimenti esse, quo propugnari posset (licet superior! setate ambo hoec loca inexpugnabilia crederentur) : dumque ita omni arte satagerent, ut Cyprios ad maturandam deditionem urgerent, baud modico stupore correpti sunt, cum 64 Excidium Macarice; or. Sarsficld. William III. Dublin. Irisli. Tircoiinell. Laiizun. French. Tirconnell. Limerick. Ireland. William III Limerick. French. Irish. Limerick. Submission, tliey were not a little surprized to hear of ij/sawder-'s fortu- nate Success in defeating the Convoy coineing to Theodores Camp from Salamis, and destroying the great battering Engines, the Provisions, and all other Instruments of Warr, which gave such an Encouragement to the Cyprians, that they laid aside all Thoughts of capitulating. It was De much taken Notice of, how Coridon and^«mo, with all their Partizans, were crest-fallen uppon the Newes ; for the Si/tians saw that it delayed theire Return, and Coiidons Creatures understood well that it ruined thcire Project. They made it therefore their Business to villlfy and ridi- cule that brave Action, saying it was Folly to think such an Accident, which was inconsiderable in itself, could hinder the Loss of Paphos, or promote the Preservation of Cyprus. That the advantageous Articles that might be now obtained from Theodore, before the Surrender of Paplws, could not be rationally expected after the Loss of that Place, which must inl'allibly happen within a few Dayes ; and the Syrian Troops being resolved to goe off. It was to be feared that the Cyprians, looseing Paphos, and deserted by theire Allyes, would gett no other Conditions Lysandrum egregia felicitate nee minore virtute Prsesidiarios, qui Salamine in Tkeodori castra missi erant, ex improviso adortum fudisse, et machinas arie- tandis moenibus aptas, commcatus, aliaque belli instrumenta, subjectis ignibus absumpsisse, ac penitus disperdidisse, renuntiatum fuisset: qua; iu tantum Cypriorum animos virtutis ajmulatione stimularunt, ui omne icendorum foede- rum consilium prorsus aversarentur. A multis non immerito observatum est, quantum Coridon Asimoque cum reliquis earundem partium hominibus ad ilia nuntia ceciderint animis: Syri enim e.xpectatum reditum sibi eo eventu prai- clusum imprfesentiarum viderant; Coridon cum Asseclis cousilia sua eversa atque interrupta intellexerant: Quod igitur tunc supererat unum, egregium tanti facinoris decus deterendo et verbis levando maligne traducere statue- rimt, baud prudentium esse, dictitantes, arbitrari, tam esigui momenti casu aut Papld excidium impediri posse aut ullam Cypro securitatem procujari: Eequas pacis oonditiones, quas stunte Papho a Theodora obtinerent, eadem jam excisa aut dedita (quorum alterutrum mox futurum sit) nullo mode expectari a vera sentientibus posse; et Syris jam profectionem adornantibus, verendum esse, ne Cyprii a Coufffideratis deserti, et socialibus destituti auxiliis, non alias The Destruction of Cyprus. 65 but Mercy. This was industriously spred among the Nobles and Cap- tains of the Army, ■who, indeed, had good Reason to be disatisfyed with the Proceedings o{ Asimo and his Syiian Troops, for, in Leiw of Assist- De Lauzun. ance and Encouragement, they daily disheartened the People ; and the '^''"'^ ' Irregularityes they comitted in theire March and Quarters were see exorbitant, that it must needs alienate from them the Hearts of the Cyprians. But Lysander and his Party were not wanting to represent Irish. SarsfieUi. to the People, that there was noe Danger of looseing PapJtos, when it was Limerick. not besiedged on both Sides ; that Theodore was not powerfull enough William ill. to surround it ; that the Disorders of the Syrian Troops were purposely French, tolerated, to make the Cyprians weary of them, whereby they might have Irish, an honourable Pretext to quitt the Country ; and that Coridon designedly Tirconnell. connived at it, because, by ruining the Country, the People were rendred unable to maintaine a Warr : besides, he hoped that this rude Behaviour o( the Syiians would make the Inhabitants of Cyprus to incline the sooner French. Ireland. pacis leges, quam irati Victoris clementiam nanciscantur. Hfec de industria Optimates inter et copiarum Duces jactatadisseminabantur; nee sine gravissi- ma sane causa Insulani omnes Asimonis Syrorumque turn sinistro progressu, turn quotidianis flagitiis offendebantur : qui, quos solari, ad constantiam hor- tari, et modis omnibus juvare debuerant, indies magis magisque infanda pa- trando, hostium vires in immensum augendo, suas attenuando percellebant ; tamque enormia, et human» patientise intolleranda in itinere et contuberniis factitaverunt, ut tot scelera detestantium Cypriorwn odiis et execrationibus liagrarent. Non defuit Lysander cum conciliorum participibus consciisque populum militemque interim admonere, resPop^iin nullo discrimine versari, dum utrimque obsidione non premeretur ; nee Theodoro satis validas esse ad circumsidendam urbem copias ; immanem et nefariam Syrorum cohortium licen- tiam idcirco non tolerari mode, sed etiam foveri, ut Cyprios earum tandem ali- quando ta;deret, atque ita specioso demum prstextu Insulani tanquam Acco- larum injuriis puisi, desererent. Coridon etiam connivendo mirum qviantum foedis et illicitis eorum facinoribus indulgebat, ut agrorum vastitate, bonorum, direptionibus, et rerum omnium inopia laborantes Incola?, protrahendo susti- nendoque bello impares efficerentur. Sperabat pra;terea libidine, avaritia, cru- delitate, et praecipiti barbaric Syrorum militum per fas et nefas ruentium even- IRISH ARCH. SOC. K 66 Excidium Macarioe ; or, English. Irish. Bishops. W. III. Koman CathoHc. .Tames 11. Tirconnell. Iri.sli. William III. Sarsfieltl. .Tames II. Ireland. to a Treaty with the Cilicians, from whom they might hope for milder Usage. Some zelous Cyprians, as well of the Nobles and Officers of the Army, as also some holy Flamins, knowing that if Theodore prevailed, he would suppress the Delpliine Rites, were of Oppinion, that the onely Way to preserve the true Worship of the Gods, the Service o^ Amads, and the Interest of the Country, was to lay Coridon aside, and to enter into a mutuall League and Association among themselves, for those neces- sary Ends. This Expedient, which the most knowing Cyprians looked uppon as the best they could take to rescue the Country from the Arms of Theodore and the Treachery of theire own Governors, was not, how- ever, approved by Lysander, who either wanted Resolution to goe on with soe great an Undertaking (tho' noe Man doubted his pcrsonall Cou- rage), or perhaps did not think it justifyable in him to depose the Vice Roy of Amasis, and enter into a new Association without the King's Authority ; soe that this Project, unhappily, fell to the Ground, which occasioned the Loss of Cyprus. turum, ut Cyprii tot malis offensi lassique ad expetendam cum CiHcibiis paceni pronioribus mentibus inclinarentur ; quippe quos mitiores hostes, quam illos amicos expert! essent. Multi tarn ex Cypriis Ducibus et Magnatibus, quam ex eorum numero qui Sacerdotiis eminebant, et Deorum immortalium cultui sanctius propiusque vacabant, gnari Theodoro rerum potiente Delphicos ritus penitus abolendos, consopiendosque, id unum solemne remedium occurrere opinabantur, quo debitus Numinibus hones conservaretur, collapsK Amasis partes sustentarentur, et concussa et vexata Patria imminenti eriperetur ex- itio, si deposito Coridone, ad hffic facilius exequenda mutuis inter se fffiderum nexibus consociarentur. Hcec via, quam Cyprioriim prudentissimi maxima omnium idoneam censebant adfatiscentis jam regni salutem incolumitatemque et Theodori gladios in publicam pemiciem micantes, pariter atque domesticam regentium perfidiam propulsandam, Lysandro nibilominus baud placuit, cui aut animus ad tarn grave negotiorum pondus ferendum defuit (fortem enim et intrepidum inter pericula nemo dubitabat), aut fortasse aliquam perfidije um- bram formidabat, si excusso illius jugo, quern Amasis rebus prsfecerat, non expectata Regis authoritate, novis se foederibus implicaret. Ex hujus igitur consiUi frustrate successu exitium Cypri secutum est. The Destruction of Cyprus. 67 52. Coridon haveing now convoked all the Generall Officers at Cy- Tirconnell. Gai- tliera, he produced to them (but it was under the Seal of Secrecy) a "^^' Letter ^lom Amads, containing his Orders to such of the Army as were .lames 11. willing to repaire to him, to take this Opportunity of the Syrian Fleet, French, which then rid in that Harbour, dispenseing the Rest from theire Oath of Fidelity, and giveing them free Liberty to submitt to Theodore, and William in. make the best Conditions they could for themselves. Some of Coridon s Tirconnell. Party haveing hereuppon declared theire Willingness to goe off, Lysan- SarsfieW. der stood up and said, this Letter was grounded uppon Misinformation of the present State of Affaires ; that if the King were rightfully in- formed how the Case stood in Cyprus, where they had a considerable Ireland. Army, and resolute to hold out to the last Man, and how fesible it was to defend that Part of the Kingdom which lyes betweene the River of Lycus and the Sea, untill they were releived out oi Syria, His Majestic shannon. France. 52. Jam Coridon prsecipuis militarium Virdrum capitibus Cylharam con- vocatis, litteras regias, religioso tamen silentio premendas, aperit, quibus in- nuebatur, ut quotquot miUtum exiliimi Patriae prajferrent, Syris navibus com- modum in eo portu tum stantibus ad trajiciendum uterentur; reliquis Sacra- mento exolutis, permissisque iiti percusso cum Theodora foedere, quibus optima possent conditionibus sibi prospicercnt. Dum hjec magna animorum aurium- que aviditate a Coridia7ice factionis homiuibus liaurirentur, prorumpit in me- dium Lysander, et in banc maxime sententiam verba facit: "Mihi saneviden- tur regia3 littera; dolo malo et prreposteris artibus extorta; eorum, qui in id omni couatu incumbunt, ut regni statum non ex rerum veritate, sed corrupta narratione et in deteriias repraesentent. Quis enim vel levi conjectura autuma- bit, si modo Regi sinefuco et fraude indicaretur, quantum spei Cypriis ad pro- trahendum bellum supersit, quantum armorum in Insula viriumque, quam paratis animis aut victoria bostem, aut mortem fortiter occumbendo lacessere destinaverunt, quam denique ex facili, quidquid terrarum Lycum, inter et mare jacet, tamdiu ab hostili incursu defensari possit, donee expectatae e Syria sup- petiffi adventent ; quin non modo neminem invitaret ad patrios lares cum fia- gitio et dedecore deserendos, sed ultro potius hortaretur, lit focos et aras pro virili tutarentur. Proinde excedant, ut libet, natali solo, qui brevem vitam famse et posteritati prseferre possunt; ignobili fuga ignominiam pariter suam, K2 68 Excidium Macarice ; or, would, iiisted of inviteing them to leave the Country, rather encourage them to stay, and defend it ; and that, for his Part, he was resolved, not to be imposed uppon by any such Artifice, to abandon his Country or ireiaiui. the King's Interest in Cyprus : and most of the Tribunes haveing de- Tircomiell. clared the same Resolution, Coridon was forced to pass by the Proposall for that Time. Gaiway. 53. Whilst they were in these hott Disputes at Cythera, about quit- Limerick. Tir- ting the Country, Letters came from the Governor oi Paphos to Coridon, connell. ^-^^^ ^^ Account that the Enemy, haveing gained the Outworks, gott near the Towne Wall, which they furiously battered with theire Rams, and other new invented Engius, that were terrible to the Beseidged ; and therefore it was requisit the Cavalry should advance to releive the Tiiconneil. Towne, in Case of Danger. Coridon finding that, uppon this Alarme, Sarsrteki. Lime- Lysander was resolved to march streight to Paphos, believed it his Inte- "'"'*' rest to head the Army in Person, in order to prevent any brave Attempt domosque ad exteros transvehant, quibus incertam caducse lucis usurani aeterni nominis dispendio emercari est animus : mihi stat, qiiam infans reptavi terram, vel gladio hoc occupare, vel sepulchre : scilicet ut inanibus fabulis et commentis illorum a charissimas Patria complexu avellar, quos aut degener nietus exagitat, aut ipsa timiditate fcedius proditionis pretium excaecat: eat purus hie et nulla scelerumlabe contactus sanguis: in quod seu sanctius seu gloriosius opus impendi potest, quam ut religioni dicetur et Regi? cadendo coelum, superando immortale decus merebimur." Tali oratione sed multo magis dicentis auctoritate Tribuuorum fortissimi in Lysandri sententiam ive- runt, et invitus licet Coridon nolentes ultra in id tempus urgere, destitit. 53. Dum hisce altercationibus tempus in urbe Cythcera tsritur, consulta- turque an e patria commigrandum sit, superveniunt litterse a gubernatore Pajihi ad Coridonem miss», quibus ferebatur hostem, expugnatis exterioribus munimentis et propugnaculis sub ipsis moenibus tetendisse: ea furioso impetu arietibus, aliisque maohinis novissime excogitatis conquassari; unde terror ingens obsessis, et intra muros paventium et trepidantium tumultus, ac pro- inde necessarium esse equitatum admoveri, ut si quid gravioris periculi ingrue- ret, urbi auxilio esse possent. Cum Lysander, audito loci discrimine, iter confestim raperet, et quanto potuit celeritate Paphwn contenderet, Coridon The Destruction of Cyprus. 69 that might be made contrary to his Design. Asimo, Icaveing his Syrian De Lauzun. Forces encamped under tlie Walls of Cythera, went along with Coridon q^]^^' xiicun- as a Volunteer; for it seems they could not live asunder. "«■'i- 54. Never was a Towne better attacked, and better defended, than the City oi Paplios. Theodore left nothing unattempted that the Art of Limerick. Wil- Warr, the Skill of a great Captain, and the Valor of veteran Soldiers, ''^"' ' ' could putt in E.xecution to gain the Place; and the Cyprians omitted Irish. Nothing that Courage and Constancy could practice to defend it. The continuall Assaults of the One, and frequent Sallys of the Other, con- suming a great many brave Men both of the Army and Garrison. On the 19th Day, Theodore (after fighting for every Inch of Ground William ili. he gained), haveing made a large Breach in the Wall, gave a generall Assault, which lasted for three Houres ; and tho' his Men mounted the suarum esse partium arbitratus est equestres copias eo ducere, ut praesens cu- raret ne (quod nollet) arduum aliquid at gloriosum alieno ductu et auspiciis molirentur, individuus Coridonis comes Asimo qui ab eo nusquam recedebat, Syris coliortibus ad Cytheram relictis, proficiscentem secutus est. 54. Non aha uiiquam urbs, licet omnium £etatum annales, populorunique omnium res gestas evolveris, aut acriori impetu oppugnata, aut pertinacioribus animis deiensa, quam PapJms ea tempestate fuit. Nihil inausum, nihil inten- tatum reliquit Tlieodorus quod aut bellicarum artium peritia, aut experientia magni Ducis, aut veteranarum cohortium robur exequi posset, ut oppidum in suam potestatem redigeret: nee segniori conatu Cyprii quidquid spectata in adversis virtus etinfractamalis constantia, aut agere poterat, autpati, fortiter et impigre efficiebant, tolerabantque, quo locum tanto tamque acri nisu pe- titum non minori pervicacia defensarent : continui hinc vallo assultantium, inde portis erumpentium congressus, tarn ex obsidentium quam ex praesidia- riorum numero, ingentem fortissimorum Virorum multitudinem absumebant : illos spes et partiB ante viotori» in ipsa pericula prEecipites agebant : hos im- minens patriae excidium, religiouis ardor, et in regem inconcussa fides ad ultima audendum succendebant. Undevicesima die Theodorus (qui ne pedem latum sine sanguine et vulneribus progredi poterat) strata muri parte per patentes ruinas impetum fecit: ubi ad tres integras horas dubio utrimque marte pugnatum est: et quanquam hostium alii ipsam urbem perrupissent. •JO Excidium Macarice ; or, Breach, and some entred the Towne, they were gallantly repulsed, and William in. forced to retire, with considerable Loss. Theodore, resolveing to renew the Assault next Day, could not perswade his Men to advance, tho' he ofiered to lead them in Pei-son ; whereuppon, all in a Rage, he left the Waterford. Camp, and never stopt till he came to Falcea, where he took Shipping England. Lime- ior Cilicia ; his Army in the mean Time retireing, by Night, from Paj)hos. 55. The Raiseing of this Seidge was soe great a Disappointment to Tirtoniiell. CoHclons Design, that he could not, with all his Cunning, dissemble his Resentment; but that which most surprized all Men was, the sudden De Laiizmi. Resolution he took, to goe along with Asimo into Sipia, when all the France. World expected he would make Use of this happy Advantage to recover Waterford. Palcea, and perhaps all the Province of Sulaminia. 'Tis true that his Goeing off did not displease the Generality of the Nation, who did not William III. approve his Design of subjecting the Country to the Power of Theodore, obstinatis tamen propugnatorum viribus exturbabantur, et in castra non sine magna militum jactura redigebantur. Postridie Theodorus cum aleam uni- verste rei in medium conjicere, et omnibus copiis oppidum denuo aggredi statuisset, quanquam Ducem se perterritis offerret, et discriminum societatem non respueret, baud tamen evicit aut persuadere valuit, ut aut cjeptis insiste- rent, aut expertam virtutem novis conatibus irritarent. Unde accensus ira, dolore furens, et ignomini» impatiens degenerem suorum pavorem detestatus castra deserit, et cursu, quam potuit contentissimo Patem pergit, ibique con- scensa navi in Ciliciam revertitur. Interea exercitus, desperate rerum eventu, tumultuaria profectione, relicta Papho, in interiora regreditur. ^^. Irrita Paphi obsidio et recedentium Theodoriturum trepidatio, in tan- tum Coridoiii ingrata evenerant, consiliisque, quce diu animo versaverat, con- traria erant, ut nullo fraudum artiiicio molestiam Eegritudinemque saucise mentis dissimulate quiverit : at quod obstupescendum maxime omnibus visum est, erat repentina et inexpectata in Syriam cum Asimone profectio, citra om- nium spem et opinionem, qui oblat» occasionis felicitate usurum arbitrabantur ad Paleam ex liostium manibus recuperandam, tentandamque (quse inde forte secutura erat) Salaniinia: universa; deditionem. Haud diffiteor ipsius discessum non ita maximse Cypriorum parti injucundum fuisse, subverentium ne quo tan- dem dolo insulam Thcodori jugo et Cilicum inveteratorum hostium potestati Tlie Destruction of Cyprus. 7 1 and to the Mercy of the Cilidans, who were theire sworn Enomyes. But EnslisU. . yet there wanted not some even of the Cyprish Delphicans, who coveted Irish. Komau Nothing more tlian to submitt to Prince Theodore. These were Men of ■wiUiam ill. New Interest, soe called because they purchased from Usurpers the In- heritance of their own Countrymen, which ^4«/fo.s and the rebellious Cromwell. Senat of Tarsus formerly distributed among the Cilidans ; and these Parliament. Lands being all restored to the ancient Proprietors by a late Decree of e"™]",",'. the States Generall convened by Amasis, in the City oi Salamis, uppon P'"''';'"'™'-,,. •' •' .... .las. II. Dublin. his first Arrivall in Cyprus, the coveting Purchasers, prefenng theire Ireland, private Gain before the generall Interest of Religion and Country, were for submitting to a Government, which they very well knew could never allow that Decree. These, however, were the Men advanced by Cori- Tinonueil. don to all beneficiall OlScesof the Kingdom, without Regard to Meritt, or Capacity for manageing the Employments ; for, to be a Creature of Condon's was the only Qualification requisit, in those Days, to make a Tirconneli. compleat Captain, or an able Statesman. Before he tooke Shipping for Syria, he established a new Form of Government in his Absence, never France. aliquandosubjiceret. Eranttamen ex Cypriis, etiamDelphicceTaligionisYm, et fortasseex Galamidarum stirpe, qui omni prorsus conatu id agebant, ut Theodoro Principi se suaque quantocius permitterent. His a novo fundo nomen indi- tum, quippe qui ab injustis possessoribus hEereditarios popularium suorum agros coemerant, quos, Att.ila tyrannidem occupante, perdueUis Tarsi Senatus inter scelerum administros Cilicas diviserat: et hsec prsedia antiquis posses- soribus restituebantur nuperrimo Senatus consulto, sub ipsum Amasis in Insu- 1am adventum facto, cum ordines regni Scdamine convenissent. At avari illi alieni juris emp tores, cupiditate CEeci, et privata commoda publicis Patria et Religionis utilitatibus pra^ferentes, earn imperii formam optabant, quam de- creti illius vim et effectum frustraturam probe noverant. Hos tamen solos Coridon ad prsecipua regni munia summosque potissimum evexit Magistratus, nulla habita aut meritorum ratione, aut quam capaces ad obeundas dignitates, aut imposita sibi onera sustinenda forent ; nam quanto quis Coridoni carior, tanto opibus et honoribus ea tempestate tollebatur; non alio etenim nomine turn opus erat, quam Coridoni intimum esse, ut quis egregius belle Dux, aut ReipublicK administrandse peritissimus censeretur. Antequam in Syriam navi- 7 2 Excidium Macarice ; or, Ireland. before heard of in Cyprus. Twelve Senators were named, to manage the civill Affaires, the major Part being New Interest Men, without whose Diike of Ber- Concurrence the Rest could not act. He chose Tyjidates, a naturall James II ^^^ oi Amasis, to comand the Array ; and in regard his Youth gave hira but little Experience, he appointed a select Councill of Officers to direct Sarsfieid. him, among whom Lysander was the last in Commission ; and it is pro- bable he had not named him at all, but that he dreaded the Army would revolt to him, if he were discontented, which might dash in Pieces the Vice Roy's Project. 56. The Reasons moveing the Vice Roy to goe off in such a Junc- ture were variously reported. He gave out himself, and his Creatures .lames II. spread it abroad, that he was sent for by Amasis, to give the King of France. Ireland. Syria a true Account of the present State oi Cyprus ; Antiochus haveing declared that the severall Relations given him of Affaires there, were soe various and clashing, that he resolved to suspend his Belief, untill gasset, novum, et ante ilium diem in Cypro inauditum regimen instituit, quo res in Insula, dum ipse abfuisset, gubernarentur ad civilium rerum negotia peragenda, duodecim Senatores elegit, iique erant magna parte Novi-fundii, ut nuncupabantur, absque assensu quorum nihil omnino reliquis decernere licebat. Tyridatem Ainasi ex concubina genitum exercitui prafecerat, et quo- niam immatura Juvenis setas tantai moli experientia par esse non poterat, se- lectorum Ducum concilium nominavit, quorum authoritate et prudentia in arduis regeretur. Hos inter Lysander vix ultimum obtinuit locum ; nee in- credibile est ilium prorsus omittendum fuisse, nisi subtimuisset Corklon, ne iratum et contemptu aversum Lysandrum milites ad unum omnes sequerentur, idque meditata diu concilia penitiis frustrato exitu dissipasset. 56. Quse Gubernatorum caus£e ad concreditam sibi regni curam in eo maxime rerum articulo deserendam impulerint, variis sermonibus pro diver- sis hominuni aifeotibus distrahebatur : spargebat ipse in vulgus, turn sua, turn amicorum opera, Amasis litteris accitum, et imperio parentem proficisci, ut quo in statu res Cijpri verterentur non fucata narrationis serie Syrorum Kegi nuntiaret: Antiocho (aiebant) affirmante, tantam esse rumorum inde emanen- tium diversitatem, tamque dubiis Authoribus ferri, ut nuUius verbis fidem habiturus sit, nisi prsesens Coridon omnia ordine promeret. Ast aliis a veri- The Destruction of Cyprus. 73 Coridon, himself, came in Person to inform him. But, it seemed im- Tirconnell. probable to most Men, that A 7itiochus would expect so great a Warriour Louis XIV. (as Coridon was esteemed by those that were not thorrowly acquainted TircomipU. with him) should, in the Heat of a Campagne, abandon his Army, haveing a victorious Enemy against him in the Field, only to give the King of Syria a true Account of the Cyprian Affaires, which might be Franct. iiisii. done by Letter, or by a trusty Friend or Messenger ; or Antioclim might Louis xiv. send some Person of Creditt to consult him in Cypnis, without oblidging Ireland. him to quitt a Country, where his Presence was held soe necessary. The Dispatch that came to him out oi Syria (which he mett at Sea, and sent France. to the new Senat,) makeing noe Mention of his being sent for, orexpected in Syria, but, to the Contrary, encourageing him to a vigourous Defence, France. and assureing him of a speedy Relief from the Syrian King, shews the French. Fallacy of this Reason. Others, who pretend to penetrate a little fur- ther, were of Opinion that Coridon was on fickle Terms in Syria, and Tirconnell. perhaps with Aniasis himself; haveing advised him to that shamefiill 5™°'^^jj tate alienum videbatur, sperasse Antiochum, ut Coridon tanti nominis bellator (talem enim fama inter ignotos vulgaverat) eo prtesertim tempore, cum armis omnia fremerent, et victrices hostium copia; campos undiquepersultarent, ex- ercitum improviso desereret, et salutem atque incolumitatem Patriae tot cir- cumstantibus simul casibus exponeret, ut scilicet Syrorum Eegi domesticarum rerum statum exactiori cura renuntiaret, quod autem litterarum ministerio, aut fido nuntio longs commodius transigi posset, aut ipsi Antiocho promptius esset in Cyprum legare spectatse fidei virum, qui omnia ibi sedula diligentia pernosceret, quam ilium, in quo summum regni momentum vertebatur, tot simul negotiis subtrahere. Ad hac litterse ad ipsum ex Syria datse (quas inter navigandum acceperat et confestim ad novum ilium, suumque Senatum transmiserat) nee ilium in Syriam vocatum, nee ibi omnino expectatum refe- rebant, sed contra hortabantur ut forti et fideli opera Patrise defensionem sus- ciperet: auxilia praeterea a Syrorum Rege brevi adfutura poUicebantur; plane ostendunt quam fallaci obtentu suos tot inter angustias dereliquerit. Alii, qui sibi videbantur altius in consiliorum sacraria penetrasse, et sagaciori in- dagine occultas detexisse causas, opinabantur Coridoni suboluisse, sinistriori se fama in &\\\a. Syriaca traduci, nee ipsi eXiam. Amasi inculpatum videri; uni- IRISH. ARCH. SOC. L * 74 Excidium Macarice ; or, Ireland. Retreat he made out of Cyprus, in Hojoe it might induce the Nation (who, indeed, were much discouraged at the King's Flight,) to a more speedy Complyance with the Design ; and now that the unexpected Limerick. Defence of Paphos seemed (at least for a while) to overthrow tlieire Project, and thwart theire Politicks of covering hereafter theire own great Oversights, under the specious Pretext of that false Calumny of Treachery and Cowardize, which they endeavoured all along to cast Irish. uppon the poor Cypjians, he judged it of absolute Necessity to appear French. in Person in the Syiian Court, in order to take further Measures of con- U. XIV. Irish, tinuing Arvtiochus still in the Dark, as to the true State of the Cyprian Affaires, without which Blindation they could not possibly compass their Design. And he had Reason to hope that when he appeared uppon the Place (and the Truth is, he was a Man of a good Mein, and French. Stately Presence) the Syrian King would give more Credit to the Vice Roy's Relation, supported by the King himself, than to idle Reports, or Letters from private Hands, when Nothing appeared that was authen- Berwick. tick, to the Contrary ; and, by ordering Tiridates and the new Senate to cum nempe indeoorae istius et iguomiuioss ex Cypro fugEe Authorem; quo gentem illam, ad subitum sane, et inopinatum Kegis discessum non nihil vacillantem, fluctuantemque ad hosti protinus succumbendum, velut fatis ur- gentibus et postulants necessitate pertraheret. Cumque jam defensa ultra expectatum Paphos, propositum illud, saltem ad tempus evertisset artesque prsecidisset, quibus suam hactenus seu ignorantiam renim, seu perfidiam ab- dere satagebat sub praeteusis ignavije ac proditionis nominibus, quibus insontes Cyprios jam inde a principio omnium odiis exponere conatus fuit. Hisce ra- tionibus motus, suam in aula Syriaca prassentiam, quo calumniantium era obstrueret, summe necessariara existimabat, ut novis machinationibus Antio- chi circa res Cypri inscitiam continuaret, qui si quomodo negotia, ut turn stabant, peaitus rescivisset, misso subsidio, et confirmatis partibus, qua ille diu moliebatur, indubie in irritum corruissent. Nee sine causa sperabat, cum se in conspectum dedisset (corporis enim habitu et ingeuti oris specie emine- bat) Syriw Regem sibi, Gubernatori utique accedente sui Regis testimonio potius acquieturum, quam aut vanis rumoribus, aut privatorum hominum litteris, cum nihil, quod publica auctoritate fultum esset in contrarium apa- The Destruction of Cyprus. 75 suffer noe Person of Quality to come out of Cyprus, in his Absence, lie Irelami. seemed to prevent any Opposition tliat might be given him in Syria. It France. was, however, admired by some, how he could have the Confidence to appear in that Court, after acting soe barefaced against tlie Interest of Antiochus, which was to cutt out such Work for Theodore in Cypi'us, as Louis XIV. would keep him in Action there, and divert him from giveing the Confe- lanj' derates that po werfull Assistance which he promised, and they wanted ; for it was unlikely that the King oi Syiia, the most knowing Monarch in the France. World, should be ignorant of the Transactions in a Country soe near him as Cyprus, and in whose Concernes he had soe great an Interest ; or that Ireland. he could be a Stranger to Condons Embargue uppon the Ships, which Tirconneil. was soe publick that it could not be concealed, and the Design of it was easily understood. But Condon, relying altogether on the great In- Tirconneil. fluence he had uppon AmoMS, and haveing gained Asirno to confirm his .Tas. II. Dc Law- Relation, he believed himself armed with all necessary Precautions to succeed in his Enterprize. 57. Uppon the Arrivall of the inseperable Friends, Coridon and Tirconneil. reret ; et quidquid in Syria cseptis obsistere posset, prsvertisse videbatur Tyri- dati novoque Senatu callide mandando, ne quem, dum ipse absens fuisset, e Primoribus Cijpro excedere paterentur. Nonnullis tamen admirationi fuit, quanta fiducia in illatn se Regiam conferret, posteaquam tarn aperto molimine sese Antiochi commodis opposuisset, cujus magnopere intererat Theodorum Cy- prio bello implicitum distineri impedirique, ue cum confcederatis Principibus cum iis se copiis adjungeret, quas et ills promiserat, et illi indigebant. Vix enim sperari poterat Antiochnm, Eegum toto terrarum orbe negotiorum notitia instruotissimura, Cypriorum, gentis tam vicinjc, quorumque e successu suse ipsius res non minimum pendebant, statum et conditionem ignoraturum fuisse: nee ilium latuisse credibile est, cum Coridon, ne quis e portu solveret, inhi- buisset; quod ita in publicum emanaverat, ut celari vix posset, et, quo con- silio factum fuisset, ex facili nosceretur. At Coridon Amasiand fretus ami- citia, et Asimone in partes tracto, qui quae ipse narasset, assensu confirmaret, satis se ad consequendum, quem sperabat, cseptorum exitum instructum para- tumque ratus est. 57. Cum jam par illud fidelissimorum animorum Coridon et Asimo in La l^ Exddium Macarice ; or. De Lauzuii. France. Asimo, in the Kingdom of Syria, the first received Letters from his Cor- respondents at Court, whereby he understood that it was to noe Purpose to hope that he might lay the Blame of past Miscarryages on the Nation Lime- of Cyprus, who, by their gallant Defence of Paphos, acquired such a Re- putation in the Syiian Court, that he must not think of justifying him- self that Way ; that noe other was now left, but to impute all the Fault to Asimo and his Syiian Troopes. Condon, haveing received this Advice uppon the Road, feigns himself indisposed, and altogether unable to continue his Journey ; but, he earnestly pressed Asimo to hasten before him to Court, to tell the Story which was formerly concerted between them ; that when he came up, he would confirm it ; and soe, after many reciprocal Endearments and Protestations of inviolable Friendship, they parted. Deluded Asimo, raakeing all the Speed he could, to give both Kings an Account of the present Condition of Cyprus, (as it was for- merly concluded uppon between the two Friends,) told that it was a lost Country, not to be retrieved; that the Nation, for the most Part, readily 1'. c.f Orange, submitted to the Prince of Patera, to whom they were generally in- Irelani-l. rick. Frencti. De Lauzun. French. Tircon nell. D'! Lauzun. De Lauzun. Ireland. Syriam appulissent, priori litter» ex aula a familiaribus oblatse sunt, quibus innuebatur incassum eum de praeterritis calamitatibus Cyprios criminaturum, qui Paphum tanta fortitudine, tamque strenua egregia; virtutis laude defen- sando, usque adeo in aula Syriaca sermonibus bominum extollantur, ut alia prorsus excogitanda sit via, qua suam innocentiam asserere possit : nihil porro occurrere expeditius quam ut culpam in Asimonem Syrosque transferat. Cori- don his in ipso itinera admonitus, subito adversam valetudinem causatur, seque ferend» viarum agitationi penitus imparem siraulat; Asimonem etiam atque etiam urget obsecratque, in Regiam acceleret: ut jam ohm convenerat, rela- tionem adornet : ipsum, cum eo successisset, omnia confirmaturum. Atque ita mutuis inter se amplexibus defuncti, promissaque in sternum reciproca fide digrediuntur. Fallacis amicitiaj spe deceptus Asimo quanta maxima potest celeritate accurrit, ut, prout ante cum Socio convenerat, ambobus Regibus praBsentem rerum in Gypro faciem ob oculos ponat. Confidenter enarrat In- sulam funditus amissam, nee uUis viribus recuperari posse, gentem magna ex parte sub ipsa initia Paiarceo Principi sese dedidisse, reliquorum animos eo inclinari; paucissimos illos, qui arma adhiic tenuissent, et Paphi in obsidione The Destniction of Cyprus. 77 clined ; that those few who held out, and defended Paplios, were influ- Limerick. enced by Coridon, who was the Life of the Cause, he alone haveing Tirconneli. hitherto preserved the Intrest of Amasis in the Kingdom oi Cyprus ; Jas. ii, iieiarui. soe that Asimo omitted Nothing that might be said in Comendation of De Uuzun. his Friend's Conduct and Courage, not doubting, when Coridon came to Tirconneli. tell his Story, but he would give the same Character of Asimo. But De Lau/.un. here the Cyprian outwitted, or rather betrayed, the Si/rian Courtier; Irish. Krendi. for Coridon noe sooner arrived, than he told both Kings that tho' the Tirconneli. Affaires of Cyprus were desperate, Something more might be done for Ireland, the Intrest of theire Majestyes, if the Syrian Troopes could be perswaded French, to stay at PapJws, or, indeed, to act any Thing for the Service ofAmasis, Limerick. ,is. i i. or the Intrest oi Antiochus. 'Poor Asimo was thunderstruck at this un- LonisXiV. De 11* • 1 * T> Lanznn. kind Retribution from his deare Comrade ; but it was not m his rower now to gainsay the first Account he solemnly gave of Coridon s Bravery ; Tircoimell. and Antiochus was soe much disatisfied with his Behaviour in Cyprus, Louis XIV. Ire- that had not the earnest Interposition of Amasis and the Entreatys of j,^,,'.^ n. durassent, ConcZonw opera et con tinuis hortatibus id prsestitisse ; in illo omnia versari, unum ilium exultantem successibus hostem repressisse, et Amasianas partes jam coUabefactas, ruentesque suis humerisin regno Q//jrz hactenus sus- tentasse. Nee qnidquam nhAsimone prsetermissum, quo aut expertam Amici in dubiis prudentiam, aut invictum periculis animum collaudaret, baud am- biguus Coridonem, cum in scenam semel prodiret ut suas partes ageret, noii dissimili praeconio sibi gratias relaturum. At hie Cyprius iste ex infido Cili- cum genere consuetis aulicorum artibus incautum et nihil tale suspicantem Syrum aut decepit, aut verius prodidit. Nam eum jam Coridon appulisset, ambobus coram Regibus diserte affirmavit, quanquam res Cypri ad despera- tionem proxime accessissent, aliquid tamen ulterius pro Eegum causa pras- tari potuisse si longior ad Paphum mora a Syris cohortibus impetraretur, aut omnino quidquam moliri voluissent, quod aut in Amasis aut Antiochi resesset. Stetit miserabilis Asimo attonito similis, et velut fulmine ictus cohorruit stu- pore defixus, cum tarn indignum meritis ac benevolentia sua prsemium a fraudulento socio repositum vidisset. At serum jam erat retractare qua in Coridorm laudes ante congesserat. Et Antiochum gesta in Cypro in tantum e.xasperaverant, ut nisi Amasis vehementer intercessisset, et Regina Diana I-'raiicc. land. 78 Excidium Macar'm ; or, Q. Man-. Queen Diana prevented it, his Appartment would be certainly prepared in that Dungeon where he had it formerly, for his Presumption to pre- tend to a great Lady of the Royall Blood. Tinonnell. 58. Coridon, notwithstanding this good Success of his first Essay at Court, had a hard Game to play when he began to negociate with the Frame. able and knowing Ministers oi Syria, who could not be Strangers to his Irolaml. Proceedings all along in Cyprus ; but some of those, (especially of the second Rank,) were also gained by Degrees, by what coloured Argu- ments was best known to themselves. For it was not then doubted but I'ircoiinell. that the King's Gold, which Coridon sent before him into Syna, was bountifully distributed, to gain Friends at Court; which shews the Weakness of humane Forecast; that that which was purposely laid out Loui.iXlV. Ire- hj Antioclius to continue the Warr in Cyprus, and thereby give powerfull Diversion to the comon Enemy, should be now employed to corrupt his own Servants, to act against the Intrest of their Master. Some were of ferventissimis evicisset precibus, in ejusdem carceris tenebris proculdubio jacuisset quo se dim inclusum viderat ob vesanum Priucipis e regia dome foemin» amorem._ 58. Quanquam primordia hiEC Coridoni in aula Iseta et ex veto successisse videbantur, laborabat tamen, et animo atque ingenio fatiscebat, cum exactior illi reddenda fuit ratio coram sagacissimis regni Syrorum Administris, quorum prudentiam longa experientia, et rerum usus comprobaverat, quique quid in Cypro actum erat, tanto judicii acumine tantaque per.spicacitate pra?diti om- nino ignorare non poterant. At horum nonnulli inferioris prEesertim notse et secundi gradus, venales quippe avidique et auri fulgoribus capti, sensim in partes pellicebantur, quibus argumentis convicti fidem exueriiit, ipsis baud ignotimi. Rugiam enim gazatn, quam Coridon in Syriam pr^miserat, prodiga manu et immensis largitionibus inter Aulicos spargi, quo studia hominum, fa- vorque et amicitise compararentur, nulH dubium erat. Non alio niagis experi- mento huniana; prudentise ludibria, et vanitas consiliorumque inter mortales infirmitas atque incertitude monstrantur. Pecunia quippe quam Antiockus in Cyprii belli suniptus destinaverat, ut hostium vires eo distractse divisEeque debilitarentur, jam ad corrumpendos ejusdem >4./j/p7'ian Agents made all the possible Hast they could to Irish. Court, but Maxilles was there before, and gave Amasis what Account he Col. Maxwell, thought fitt of all Transactions. When they arrived, they gott a cold Reception from Amasis, who looked on them as Mutineers; and as such James 11. they were, at first, threatened with Imprisonment; but uppon a fur- ther Consideration, least the Nation oi Cyprus, resenting such a publick Ireland. Affront, might be tempted to enter into a strict League with Theodore, William ni. haveing received no better Usage in Syria, it was resolved to use them France, more mildly. Amasis, in Person, presented them to AiUiochus, as Legats Jas.il. Ls.xiv. from the Delphicans of Cyprus, tho', it is believed, he left Nothing un- Roman Catho- attempted that the Authority of a Prince could doe with his Subjects, to make them decline their intended Prosecution against Coridon, or say- Tirconnell. ing any Thing in the Syrian Court to his Prejudice, or in Derogation of French. his Government in Cyprus ; and Queen Diana herself (whom People Ireland, (^leen believed more sensible of her true Interest than ^4??!a,«'5) was pleased to jiin^es"!'!." ™''' say she knew noe Reason, when the King and she were satisfyed with Condons Conduct, why the Cyprians should dislike it. The Agents Tirconnell. Irish. in idem illud consensisse : unica tamen in Legatis spes quos quid Regi, quid regno conduceret pari fide et libertate exposituros non ambigebant. 64. Cypriormn legati quam poterant maximis itineribus in regiam urbem contenderunt; Maxilles tamen citatiore cursu pra;tervectus eorum adventum anticipavit, Amasimque de negotiis, ut convenerat, certiorem fecit. Illos super- venientes frigidius Rex, et non sincero aiFectu recepit, ut seditionum authores increpans, et ut talibus, primum vincula et carceres comminabatur, donee re maturius perpensa, ne Cyprii publica legatorum ignominia accensi, cum Theo- dora sanctioribus se foaderibus implicarent, cum in Syria injuriis et opprobrio afficerentur, mitius eos traotare destinavit, et ipse ad Antioclmm introductos, ut Delphicce e Cypro nationis legates commendavit. At nihil intentatum reli- quit quod regia authoritate cum subditis transigi poterat, quo a Coridone ulte- rius incusando criminaudoque deterrerentur, neve quid in aula Syriaca effun- derent, quod aut illius dignitate officeret, aut reruni, quas in Cypro gesserat, famam detereret. Diana quoque Eegina (quam omnes acriore, quam Amasis, cura, quid in rem esset, intendereopinabantur) dixisse perliibetur, sibi mirum videri, cur Cyprii Coridonis imperio oifenderentur, ej usque facta tanta verbo- N2 92 Excidium Macarice ; or. considered they had the Concerns of a Nation to look after, and suppose the King (out of a false Maxim of State) were convinced that it was his Will. III. Ire- Interest to lett Theodore conquer Cyprus, in Hope it might facilitate his EnVaiid Irish. ''^'^ Restoration to Cilicia, it would be a great Hardship on the Cyprians to sacrifice theire Lives, theire Estates and Fortunes, the Religion of their Ancestors, and all that was dear to them in this World, out of a vain Presumption that by theire Ruin Amasis [would be] reinthroned in Cilicia, whilst they and theire Posterity should be reduced to an inevi- table Necessity of endureing a perpetuall Bondage ? or, rather, to be extirpated, Root and Branch ? for that was known to have been alwayes the Design and Result of the Cilicians. They held themselves, therefore, oblidged by the indispensable Law of Nature, Honour, and Conscience, to take other Methods, as well for their own as for the Preservation of those who employed and entrusted them, by giveing to both Kings a true Account of the present State of Cyprus, of the Nation's unalterable Resolution to hold out to the Last; and how easie it was to recover the William III. whole Island from Theodore, or at least to keep him soe employed there, James II. England. English. Ireland. rum acerbitate insectarentur, cum sibi Eegi per omnia satisfecisset. Quasi vero so\s Amasis utilitates et commoda nationi illi obversari debuissent; et cum illi prfepostere falsoque documento persuasum esset, se propensioribus subditorum animis in avitum Cilicice regnum restaurandum iri, si Theodorus in Cypro debellasset, ideone Cypriis susdeque esse oportebat, vitam, bona, for- tunas, majorum religionem, et quidquid denique aut sanctum aut charum hominibus est, ex inani et male fundata opinione sue exitio Amasim in amis- sum Cilicice solum postliminio recipiendum, dum interim sibi posterisque ffiternge servitutis mala necessario sint subeunda? imo, dum se funditus era- dicandos, et e medio tollendos non ignorarent, quod pervicacibus Cilices odiis jamdudum agitasse liquebat: inevitabili certe nature lege tenebantur nihil inexpertum relinquere, quo saluti et incolumitati sue prospicerent : et si Le- gati, ut aliud quidquam agerent, adduci potuissent, summa perfidla conceptam de se gentis universiE expectationem fefellissent. Non immerito igitur con- jectare licet, eos suo non defuisse ofEcio, et quo in statu res (Tyyjrj'reliquissent ambobus coram Kegibus baud perfunctoria narratione exposuisse: totam na- tionem in eo esse, ut extrema omnia pro Patria non recusent ; quamque arduum The Destruction of Cyprus. 93 as to disable him from giveing any considerable Assistance to the confe- derate Princes against »S//*'Ja ; and that it was the true Intrest o^ Amasis France. Jas. Ii. to goe on after such a Manner in Cyprus, that might enable him to enter Ireiami. into Cilicia with the Sword in Hand, and as a Conqueror reestablish the England, ancient Worship o'i Deljjlios, and secure his Royall Prerogative from being Rome, hereafter invaded by his inconstant 3fartanesian Subjects, who, by the Protestant. Principles of their new Religion, were sworn Enemyes to Monarchy. They represent to Antiochns, that the Nation of Cijp7'us, uppon the Assu- Ls. XIV. ire- reance he gave them of his Royall Protection, were encouraged to declare '"'"'■ in Favour of Amads, against the Prince of Patera; that they, conse- .las. 11. Priuce quently, drew the whole Force of Tlieoclbre (which might be otherwise \vn|-!)"f in employed against Antiochus) uppon themselves, whereby theire Country Louis XIV. was now made the miserable Seat of VVarr, and the Syrian King was en- French, gaged in Honour as well as Interest, to support them powerfully in main- taining a Quarrell, which they chiefly undertook uppon his Account. It is, however, to be supposed that the Respect oi Amads made the Cyprian Jas. II. Irish. Agents forbear grateing too much uppon Coridons Conduct since the Tirconneii. Engagement on the Lapithus ; for, if all his Proceedings from that Day Boyne. lion asset universam insulam e Theodori manibus eripere, aut saltern ibi ita occupatum tenere, ut nuUo niemorabili auxiUo loederatorum Principum arma in Syriam juvare posset, 'nihilque Aniasi utilius nihil gloriosius esse, quam successus suos in Cypro ita urgere, ut Ciliciam cum instructo exercitu inva- dendo par esset, et victorise jure antiquos Delphorum ritus instauraret, regias- que majestati prospiceret, ne imposterum exposita pateret infidse Martinesio- rum turbffi, quorum nova htec religio pietati imputabat regium fastigium subvertere; .4 ?iy Lysanders Orders; for he was soe easy that he would nullo metuaut disciplina, ac pro arbitrio siio omnia agere; Tyridates volupta- tibus juvenili levitate indulgere; armoruin curam aspernari; qui civilium rerum administrationi praepositi erant, abnuere ullam in se ad cohibendam niilitarem licentiam, authoritatem esse; et Lt/sander ipse (nee id ceite in iil- lius fraudem, sed ingenita quadam naturae lenitate) tot dissona, et sibi adver- santia edicta promulgare, tarn ad civilia negotia (quorum illi nulla omninu potestas aut cura) quam ad rem militarem pertinentia, ut non parum ad au- gendos turbarum causas contulerit. At miseriarum omnium longe gravissima erat Praefectorum annouiE immensa potestas, eorumque, quorum ad haec minis- terio utebantur (ethos plurimum ex ipsa hominum face eligebant)adcongre- gandum avehendumque frumentum, pecora, butyrum, coria, sebum, lanam, linum, quidquid denique supellectilis, autdomesticarura rusticarumque rerum sive intra domorum septa, sive in agris inveniri poterat, nullo omnino nobilium, ac ne sacrorum quidem Flaminum habito respectu. Et horum pars longe mi- nima in regia (licet id praetenderent) importabatur horrea, sod ab his rapa- cium Harpyarum gregibus in privates usus convertebantur; hirundines istae latrociniis exercitffi, densisque indies agminibus grassantes, et nihil usquam tutum, nihil occultum sacrilega sedulitate relinquentes, militum presidio, et The Destruction of Cyprus. 97 not deny signincrto any Paper that was laid before him. This was held the greatest Grievance of the Nation under this Government, dureing which noe Man could be secure of any Thing, and Nothing makes theire Lives more uneasye to People than to live in a Country where they cannot pretend a Property to any Thing of theire own. Tliis was not only the present Case of the Cyprians dureing the short Government of Irish. Tyridates and the Councill, but it was soe all along in Coiidou's Reign, Sarsfield. Tir- eVen before Amasis quitted the Country, for he had only the Name of a j^^^^ jj King, and Condon the Power. The Abundance of Copper Money, Tirconneii. which was coyned by the King, was generally believed to be, in a great Measure, the Occasion of the Cyprians Ruin, and the Disorders of their Irish. Government produced so many Inconveniencies in the Country, that it deserves to be discovered by a perticular Relation from its originall Sourse. 66. When Amasis arrived in Cypims, which was about the Middle of Jas. 11. Ireland, the first Month of the second Year of the Warr, he found the Country March, 0. s., 1680. hoc Lysandri semper fere concessu, in bona fortunasque omnium armabantur ; tam facili enim ingenio erat, ut, quidquid postularetur, annueret temere sub- scriberetque. Nou aliud magis intolerandum genti malum videbatur, dum hffic imperia duraverant: his namque Rempub. administrantibus nuUi quid- quam rerum suarum aut proprium aut certum : nee est quo humanum genus angi magis, ve.xarique possit, quam in ea regione vitam agere, ubi haud iilli bonorum suorum secura possessio contingat. Non solum autem C)/prios es, quas memoravimus, calamitates infestaverant, dum Tiridates cum electis regni Proceribus brevi dominatu rerum potiebatur, sed iisdem ajrumnis toto Corido- MM regno premebantur, etiara dum Amasis in insula adhuc hwreret; illi quippe regium tantum nomen supererat, vis potestatis penes Coridonem erat. Ingens praiterea an-eorum nuramorum copia, qiiam Eex procudi jusserat, multum com- munibus Cyprice gentis malis contulisse omnium judicio credebatur, et grandi publicarum perturbationum accessu regni statum cumulasse: tot autem tur- barum causas per totam Cyprum nova hajc cudendi a;ris consilia exhibuere, ut operse pretium sit rem altius et ab ipso originis fonte accuratiore narrationis contextu aperire. 66. Cum Amasis secundo belli anno, circa mediam primi mensis tempesta- IRISH ARCH. SOC. O 98 English. England. .Ts, Louis XIV. Ireland. Scotchman. Ireland. Scotland. Ireland. D'Avaux. French. Excidium Macarice; or, very bare of Gold and Silver, the Ciliciam (who had all the Wealth of the Kingdom in theire Hands) haveing transported theire Effects into II. Cilieia ; and Ajnasis was not very fond of spending in Hast the Stock of Money which Antiochus freely granted for the Support of the Warr in Cypnis, least it might oblidge him to call for more ; for he did not love to be too farr engaged to any forreign Prince, foreseeing that the Reim- bursement of such vast Sumes would exhaust his Treasure when he came to the Possession of his Kingdom, which he soon expected, by the volun- tary Submission of his deluded Subjects, when the Film that hindred them now to behold theire Folly had been clearely taken off. He was, therefore, advised by a Famphilian Privadoe to make use of this Copper Coyne, to serve his present Turn in Cyprus, and Matters being once set- tled there, he might recall it again, and recompense the Loosers ; in the Meanwhile, it would enable him to imploy a good Part of his Gold to keep in Heart his Friends in Pamplulia, and gain others in Cilieia, which, as he alleadged, was of greater Consequence to be looked after, than the Affaires of Cyprus. And tho' Demetrius, the Syrian Embassador, and the tern, in Ci/pr/im navigasset, earn regionem auro argentoque vacuam comperit; cum Cilices, qui omnes regni opes congesserant, cunctam opulentiam, fortu- nasque suas in patriam transvexissent : nee Amasi pronum erat eas pecunias re- f'undere, quas Antioclms ad continuendum in Cypro belluiii libere concesserat, ne expensis prioribus novas suppetias implorare cogeretur, neque enim exterorum Principum sere alieno premi prudentis esse arbitrabatur, gnarus tot denuo pecu- niarum solutione exhaustum iri thesauros suos, ctirn avitum in solium revectus esset, quod mox futurum non dubitabat spontanea Subditorum, quibus vanis poUicitationibus et simulandi artibus illusum erat, obedientiii, cum semel, discussis tenebris, quK oculos eorum fatali quodam stultitia; velo obductos inumbraverant, in lucem emersissent. Consilio igitur usus est cujusdam e Pur- puratis Pamphilii, familiaris sui, ut recuse fere imminentibus Cypri neoessita- tibus subveniret, et sedatis tandem tumultibus, baud difficile fore emissam in vulgus summam in fiscum retraliere, et Creditorum damna sensim resarcire; interea posse ipsum auro, quod superesset, partium studia in Pamphilia fovere, ac recentes in Cilieia factiones excitare, idque gravioris esse momenti, atque impensiore ipsum cura exequi debere, quam praesentia C^^rtV negotia. Et quan- TliC Destruction of Cyprus. 99 Nobles of Cyprus., assured Amasis, if lie laid out that Money he brought Ireland. Jas. II. out oi Syria, it would come back again, by Circulation, into his Trea- France. sury (the States Generall of the Kingdom haveing freely granted a Subsidy of 200 Talents already), yet the Pcunphilian Advice prevailed. Scotch. A considerable Part of the Gold was sent into that Country, (the Rest being reserved hy Amads for a dead Lift,) and the Copper Coyn was James II. resolved uppon, the Mint goeing on with the Work, in the 6th Month of the second Yeare. Uppon the first Appearing of it abroad, the Mar- August, 0. S., tanesians in Salarnis shewed a Reluctancy to receive it, but they were j^„[j' -DnhVm. soon forced into a Complyance. It passed pretty well in the Beginning ; the People, who were hitherto scant of Money, being glad to have any Coyn currant among 'em, to advance Tradeing, which was dead in the Country. But, when it came to be coyned in such Abundance, that the Merchants, who could not use it in foreign Countrys, raised the Price of theire outlandish Ware to an unreasonable Rate, and the Country People, following the good Example, began to raise the Price of theire Commodities also, the Syrian Troops, who were paid in Silver, seemed French. (\VLS.mDemetrhts, «S^j^n Regis Legatus,primoresqueCy/)nonc ipsius imperio factitata viderit, dum ibi morabatur, ut, in Syriam trajecturus, navem conscenderet. Si quando peregrina navis ad hoc littus fortuito appel- leret (quis enim in earn regionem ultro navigasset, ubi solo Eere, quod uullius alibi pretii erat, omnia emercabantur) cunctis protiniis facultatibus bonisque rapaces injiciebantur manus, et Dominis expectandum erat, donee navem de- nuo onerassent iis mercibus, quaj invitis Incolis extorquebantur : et hac quo- tidiana violentia, turbulentoque et incondite rerum statu effectum est, ut vicinae quaquaversum gentes earn Cyj)ri partem adire perhorrescerent, tan- quam infamem quandam Latronum specum, Piratarumque receptaculum. Commune omnium judicium erat, a2ris hoc excudendi consilium eo spectasse, ut universK Cypri exitium inde sequeretur: facilis enira conjectura erat, ea ratione tolli omnia prorsus commercia, quibus maxime innituntur opes regi- onis, qua; a mari undique alluitur. I02 Excidium Macarice ; or, X(ivember,O.S., 67. About the Beginning of the 9th Month, Zj/santfer happily disco- 16.0. .sarsfie . ygj,g(j ^ dangerous Correspondence and private Treaty between some of Irish. Shannon, the C'/prian Senat and the Enemy. These were to cross the Lycus, and the Limerick. Gal- Conspirators were to order it soe, that the Cityes oi Paphos a.nd Ci/thera .Sarsiield. should be delivered to them. Uppon this Discovery, Lysander posted Limerick. Ber- to Paphos, to give Tyridotes an Account of the Treachery. He shewed Dublin ^^i"^ ^ List, come to him out of Scdamis, of the Tray tors' Names ; and tho' Berwick. Js. IL Tyridates owned the Receipt of such an otlier List from Amasis, which London. came to him out of Tarsus, he could not, however, be perswaded to se- Tiiconneli. cure the Conspirators (because they were all Condons Friends), and it Lord Kiverston. was by mucli adoe that he was prevailed uppon to dismiss Rivenis from (iahvay. his OfSce of Secretary, and to take the Government of Cythera from his Col. Alexander Brother-in-law, a good Commander, raised, by Meritt, from a private Soldier to the Office of a Tribune : he was generally held an honest Man, Koman Catholic, true to his Country, and zelous to the DeJplncan Worship, and noe other Motive to remove or displace him, but that he was allyed to Kiverston. Rvverus, who was really esteemed by a great Many of his Compatriots. 67. Ineunte nono mense Lysander baud irrito successu periculosa consilia, et clandestinas negotiationes quosdam inter Cyprios Senatores, et hostium Duces detexerat. Convenerat quippe ut his Lycum amnem transmissuris Conjuratores Paphum et Cythceram urbes in manus traderent. Conspiratione itaque patefacta Lysatider, quantis poterat itineribus Paphuvi adequitavit, ut ordine proditionis seriem Tlridati aperiret. Turn libellum ad se missum Sala- mine porrigit, in quo perduellium nomina descripta erant. Quanquam vero Tiridates consimilem se libellum ab Amasi recepisse non diiEteretur, qui Tarso venerat ; induci tamen non potuit ut reos aut custodia cingeret, aut carcere includeret (omnes nempe Coridonis amici nominabantur) et vix a re- luctante inipetrari poterat, ntRiverum, qui regni a secretis erat, loco moveret; aut prsefecturam CytlurrcB urbis sororis ejus marito eriperet, strenuo sane ac peritissinio Duci, quem spectata bello virtus e gregario milite ut Tribunatum evexerat : nee ille ambiguse ante fidei habebatur; charitatis quippe in pa- triam notae, et religionis Delphicw promptus atque acer propugnator; nee alia causa suspicionem moverat, quam Riveri affiuitas, quem soli etenim natales The Destruction of Cyprus. i o J He was, indeed, nobly descended, but liis greatest Sufficiency was the Friendship of Coridon, who made him Secretary of State and Warr, Tinonnili. tho', perhaps, unfitt for the Employment. Tyridates, however, to please Berwick. Lysander, and to seem more carefuU of the Cyprian Intrest, appointed SarsfieW. Irish, him* Governor of Cythera, and of the whole Province of Paplda, which * Col. Alexander contributed much to the Defence of tliat Province against the Enemy's Qal^ °'"^n, Incursions. Lysander having, accordingly, left a good Deputy, and a "augj't- sufficient Garrison, in Cythera, came to Arsinoe, and secured all the Posts Galway. Ath- thcreabouts, which were most exposed to the Enemy. About this Time, '""*"■ severall Emissaryes were employed by Coiidon's Friends in the Senate, Tinonnell. among the Nobles and leading Officers of the Army, to mind them of the eminent Danger they were in, if they did not timely accept of the Conditions offered by the Prince oS Patera ; that it was Folly to think, firange. \i Antiochus were able to relieve them, he would be altogether so un- Louis xiv. mindful! of it (seeing it was his own Intrest) these five Months past, since the Defeat oi' Lapitkus. This Argument seemed plausible to severall un- Boyne. derstanding Men, who knew it to be the true Intrest oi Antiochus to send Lmiis xiv. such considerable Succours to the Cyprians that might encourage them irisii. to hold out, and hinder Theodore to fall uppon Syria ; and it was a con- w. III. Fiance. commendabant, nam generis splendore eminebat : praecipua tamen illi nobi- litas ex Coridonis amicitia, qui eum, licet ad id muneris valde ineptum, ab arcanis civilium bellicarumque rerum constituerat. Tiridates vero, ut Ly- sandro indulgere videretur, utque impensiorem rerum Cypri curam prae se ferret, summum ipsi iraperium in urbe Cythwm, et per omnem Pa.pkiam defert, quo eifectum est, ut ilia Proviucia maxime ab liostium irruptionibus tuta oonsisteret. Sub hsec tempera, varii a Coridonis amicis subornabantur emissarii, qui in Senatu, ac Optimates inter Primoresque Ducum subinde mo- nebant, etiam atque etiam perpenderent quam in pracipiti ac lubrico starent loco, ni mature conditiones pacis a Patarceo Principe oblatas amplecterentur ; desipientium esse, arbitrari Antiochum si auxilia mittere potuisset, adeo im- memorem fore (cum sua prfesertim id interesset) ut quinto jam niense ab improspero ad Lapithum prselio desideret cessaretque : et ratio hsec etiam prudentibus veritati consona videbatur, qui Antiocho utile esse non ignora- bant, eas copias in Cyprmn mittere, quibus subnixi et belli adversa ferre, et 104 Excidium Macaricc; or, France. Irel< Louis XIV. Mik'->iun. Ireland. •William III Sar.sfii^ld. Diililin. Berwick. Cluirchill. ►Shannon. vinceing one to all these who were ignorant of the Measures taken, both md. in Syria and Cyprus, to keep A iitiochus from the Knowledge of the true State of Affaires ; soe that a great Many began to hearken willingly to the Proposeall, whereof some, out of a sordid Avarice, preferring tlieir private Intrest to that of the Publick, and others out of an inveterate Hatred to the old Cypiian Race, least they might be restored (by the Re- covery oi Cyprus) to their ancient Grandeur; and some really beleiveing there was a Necessity for it, resolved to make theire own Conditions, and submitt to Theodore. [It was, besides, privately conveyed to Lysander, by the industrious sagacity of his trusty spies in Salamis, who penetrated every design of the enemy, that even Tiridates himself had treated with his uncle, Taliarchus,on the same matters, both by secret communications, and the intervention of confidential emissaries.] It is certalne that Some- thing encouraged the Enemy to attack the Lycus in the Midst of Win- ter, when the Earth was all covered over with Snow, wliich, likely, they would not offer to attempt in that cruell Season, when noe Part of the Theodorum Syria avertere possent. Nee hoc ulli dubium erat, qui nesciret, quibus artibus in Syria Cyproque summa ope, omnique conatu tentatum labo- ratumque erat, ne AntiocJms prajsentem rerum statum, quamque non difficile promptis paratisque ad omnia seu ferenda seu agenda subvenire rescisceret ; ita ut multi jam ad amplectanda, qua? proponebantur, proniores fierent, quo- rum nonnuUi, lenocinantibus avaritife sordibus, privata publicis commoda jjrEcfereljant, alii inveterate Galamidarum odio provocabantur, ne Cypro seniel Cilicum jugo liberata in antiquum illi honorum gloriseque culmen ascenderent: reliqui necessitatem ipsam hoc revera suadere arbitrati, nee aliud superesse deploratis rebus eiFugium, ictis fccderibus, se suaque bostium potentife ac fortuua; permittere decreverant. Lysandro prxterea fidorum hominum, omnia Inimicorum consilia explorantium rimantiumque sagaci industria clam Sala- miiie renuntiatum est, Tiridatem ipsum clandestiuis consultationibus et nun- tiis ultro citroque commeantibus super iisdem rebus cum avunculo Taliarcho transegisse. At enimvero pro comperto est, ac certissimum, nisi spe aliqua et promissis allicerentur adversce partis Duces, numquam commissures ut Lyci amnis transitum tentarent, turn aliene et importune tempore, adulta jam hyeme, coele aspere et sajviente, rigentibus glacie viis, terraque altissimis Tlie Destruction of Cyprus. 105 River was foordable (haveing been repulsed the Sumer before, tbeire Army then victorious, and every Foord passable), if they did not expect some Friends on Paphia Side the Shore to hand them over. They made Connaught. a Shew, as if they designed to force a Passage over at Taretum, and ano- Lanesboro. ther at ManapoUs, 100 Furlongs higher, yet were prevented in both Jamestown. Places, by the Vigilancy oi Lysander, who ordered those Posts to be Sarsfidd. well manned, and the Country to appear in Arms for the Defence of the Line. The Truth is, the Season was too rigid to continue long in the Field ; and the indefatigable Paines of Z/?/.saH(te' discouraged theire Party SarsficM. (if any they had in Paphia) to declare for them. These Disappointments Connaught. made them resolve to retire, with the Loss of some Men, and a great many Horses, without gaining any other Advantage by their vain At- tempt, but the Plunder of a few Islands on the River, to compensate, in some Manner, the Damage they sustained by that unseasonable Expe- dition. The Enemy noe sooner retreated, than Li/ciuyiis, a Member of Denis Daly, the long Robe, of great Knowledge in the Law, and one of Coiidotis Tirconneii. cooperta nivibus ; nee militem tot simul periculis atque incommodis objec- tarent tarn iniqvia prfesertim anni tempestate, cum nullibi vadis alveus per- meabilis esset (quod superiore estate exequi nequiverant victoria elati, et fluvio multis in locis vadoso) nisi paratos in adversa Paphice ripa, qui adna- tantibus arnicas porrigerent nianus certi expectassent. Admotis primiim Tereto oppido copiis, speciem pra;buerant aditum sibi vi et armis aperire co- nantium : quod idem rursiim ad Manapolim centum inde stadia distantem aggressi sunt, pervigili tamen Lysandri cura, qui valido pra;sidio ea loca firmaverat, et armatam Incolarum manum ad propulsandum hostem finesque tutandos exciverat, frustrate effectu reverti coguntur. Credibile est frigus adeo intractabile uon permisisse, ut diutius sub pellibus manerent et inde- fessos Lysandri labores, conscios (si qui in iis partibus erant) exterruisse ita, ut turn se prodere, et apertius agere nee auderent, nee possent : atque ita ex- pectatione decepta receptui tandem cecinerunt, non sine Virorum aliqua, et equorum magna jaetura, nihil ex vano cffipto hicri reportantes prster exiguam quarundam prtedam insularum, quse per patentiorum jam amplioremque flu- minis alveimi sparsai jacebant, eovelut solatio tam intempestiva; expeditionis danma ac pudorem resareientes. Ex hoc etiam liquet non injussos venisse, IRISH ARCH. SOC. P 1 06 Excidium Macarice ; or, Berwick. cliief Confidants, was confined by Tyridates, and on the i otli Day of the January, O. S., iith Month was sent Prisoner into the Citadell oi Cytkera, being sus- ]• a way. pgQfQjj ^Q keep privat Correspondence witli the comon Enemy: 'tis True he appeared too much for the new Sect. But his Deliverer was near at Hand ; for, within a few Days after his Confinement, lie had the good Tirconneii. Li- Fortune to hear of Coridoris landing at Paphos, and he was noe sooner Daly ' arrived, than he made Use of his Prerogative to enlarge Lycurgus, and restore him, without any further Tryall, to his former Station and Dig- Kiverston. nity. Rivcj^is was also restored to his Place in the Senate ; as for that Sir Richard of Secretary, he only officiated for a While, in the Absence of Cleomenes, '' ^^ *'" a Man of the Robe too, a Person of Ability and Parts, generally believed an honest Man. 68. As those who were weary of the Warr, and willing enough to Eng'.isii. bring theire Necks once againe under the CiliciatiY oke, were overjoyed Tirccinneli. at the happy Returno o{ Condon; soe, of the other Side, Nothing could irisii. be more ungratefull to the braver Cyprians (who were resolved not to outlive the Loss of their Liberty) than the Arrivall of a Man who made [* Lycurgus ?] cum vix pedem ex hostico retulissent Cilices, Lyogenes* e Jurisprudentium nu- mero, et qui Coridoni in paucissimis erat (quippe queni pra?cipue nominaverat, sine cujus prasentia ac voluntate novi Senatus decreta antiquari fas non erat) a Tyridate compreliensus est, et mox Cytheriacam in aroem custodiendus mit- titur, quod privata consilia cum hoste miscuisset. Sed aderat, ut scelerum particeps authorque, ita libertatis adempta; vindex ; nam paucos intra dies quam in carcerem conjectus est, bonis ipsius avibus Coridonem Paphii exscen- sionem fecisse defertur. Nee spem ille fefellit : nam ubi primiim appulit, [* Lycurgum ?] pro imperio Lyogenem* vinculis eximit, nee uUa juris forma aut legibus abso- lutum, in priorem locum ac dignitatem restituit. liioerus quoque in Senatum admissus est ; secretiores litteras tantum ad tempus scriptitaverat, absente scilicet Ckomene, Juris-consulto quidem, sed quem omnes majoris integritatis doctrina;que virum a3Stimabant. 68. Ut ii, quos belli tadebat, quique Cilicum jugo cervices denuo sub- mittere non abnuebant, incolumem Coridonem e Syria remeasse laitabantur; ita alia ex parte nihil minus gratum accidere poterat Cypriis illis, quibus fixum erat amissiE libertate non superesse, quam illius Viri adventus, qui in The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 07 it his Business all along to deprive them of the greatest Blessings they could rationally hope for uppon Earth ; for they believed that the Sup- pression of the ancient Worship, and the perpetuall Bondage of the Country, must have been the fatall Consequences of their Submission, which Coridon designed, ever since the Defeat oi Lupitlms; and tho", Tircomiell. perhaps, he did not really intend soe much Mischief to his native Country ''■^"'*' and the Religion of his Ancestors, it was, however, the general! Opinion that it could not possibly be avoided, if the Nation was once compelled to acknowledge the Martanedan Government oiCilida. 'Tis true that Protestant. he came better prepared to manage a Treaty than to continue the Warr ; '"*'' ""' ' for the chief Cyprian Gown-men, who fled into Si/ria after the Battle of Irish lawyers. Lajrithus, were now returned with the Patron into Cyprus ; but he BoVne. Ireland, brought with him noe Soldiers, and very few Arms, little Provision, and noe Money. It was confidently said, that he did not bring in all above a Fortnight's Provision for the Garrison o£ Paphos and Cythera, and per- Limerick. Gal- haps he thought that to be Time enough to perfect Conditions, which he had Reason to believe were already concluded ; and it is not vmlikely way. id unum jam inde a principio incubuerat, ut eos optatissima!, quam in terris quiJem et inter mortales sperare poterant, felicitatis bonis exucret, spolia- retque : deditionis enim quam Coridon ab ipso belli primordio omni conatu maturare destinaverat, finem fore non ambigebant antiqui Deorum cultus in- evitabile naufi'agium, et perpetuum miserabilis patriae servitutem. Et quan- quam fortassis ille tantum aut natali solo, aut avitae religioni non intendisset mali, communis tamen opinio omnium erat ea incommoda nulla humana ope evitari posse, si gens fraude ac coacta Martanesium Ciliciwi imperium semei agnovisset. Et sane eo paratu advenerat, ut ineund» paci, quam protra- hendo belle instructior esset, precipui enim jurisprudentum, qui post infaus- tum super Lapithum pugnam in Syriam profugerant; inutilis plane turba, jam Dominum ac Patronum in Cyprum remeantem longo atque imbelli agmine cingebant : at nihil militum, telorum parijm, baud magnos commeatus, et pecuuiam omnino nuUam advexerat. Quindecim non ampliiis dierum cibaria, vix Pra;sidiariis qui in urbibus Papho et Cythcerd agitabant, suffectura, secum attulisse dicebatur. Et illud forte temporis spatium satis esse putaverat ad ineunda cum hoste foedera, nisi et jam perfecta erant, ut non immerito con- P2 1 08 Excidium Macarice ; or, Irish. but that he wisely considered, if he brought more, the stubborn Cyprians inance. might hold out till they were powerfully releived out of Syria, and that would spoile the great Project, and dash it to Pieces. He thought also to nick the Time when his Friends, whom he left behind, were to order tonnaught. it soe that he should find the Enemy before him in Paphia, and the People in such a Consternation, that they would readily accept any Conditions he should think fitt to make for them ; yet it may be charitably sup- English, posed If he did not question but the Cilicians would exactly perform the Capitulation : and if they had done soe, it was the first Time they ob- iiish. served any Conditions stipulated with the Cyptrians, and those who were sensible of this Truth could not endure to hear of a Treaty. Tirconneli. 68. When Coridon left the S(/n'a?i Court, there was noe talk of Agents T'T A Br ,t out of Cyprus, nor Expectation of any such Thing ; but ariving at Lyssus, St. Maio. ready to sett Sail from thence, he understood that they landed at Mallus, and were streight gone to Court. He did not doubt but they were pur- jectare potuit ex inopi et desolato statu, in quo Insulam discedens reliquerat, eorumque industria, autboritate, et numero, quibus eas partes demandaverat: nee a vero aberrat, serio ilium perpendisse, si uberioreni annonse copiam asportasset, pervicaces Cyprios ad ultimum tentaturos, donee sperata Syrorum auxilia supervenissent; quo facto, qua3 ipse tantis laboribus jamdudum strux- erat consilia, in extremo actu, ac veliit in portu corruissent penitus et in irritum cecidissent : terere etiam tempus moras nectendo destinaverat, ut spatium asset consciis, quos ea mente in Insula reliquerat, rem eo paulatiin deduceudi, ut reversus hostem Paphim fines ingressum reperiret, Accolasque tanto terrore eonsternatos, ut qualescunque paois conditiones non recusarent : at fidem non superat autumasse eum, Cilicas dictas foederum leges sancte ob- servaturos fuisse: quanquam si id tum prastitissent, absque exemplo tbret; cum a prime in Cypritm ingressu nullas unquam cum Indigenis conditiones ratas habuissent : qui ba?c igitur seu uovissimis experimentis, seu superiorum temporum memoria noveraut, omnem pacis mentionem, ne fando quidem aut audita, pati poterant. 69. Cum ab aula Syriaca profectus fuisset Coridon, nulla tum ibi Legato- rum erat mentio, ac ne tales quidem e Cypro expectabantur : dum autem Lyssi esset, navem eonscensurus, e regia urbe allatum est eos Mallum appulisse, et Tlie Destruction of Qjprus. 1 09 posely come to impeach his Conduct; whereuppon lie dispatclietl a Cou- rier to Amasis, letting him know that it concerned liim, both in Honour James II. and Intrest, to suppress this solemn Embassy, and punish the Agents for theire Presumption. And he noe sooner landed in Ci/pnis, than he Ireland. gave streight Orders that all Passengers comeingout oiSi/?ia should be France. examined, and narrowly searched for Letters, which (if any they had) were to be imediately brought to Cleomenes, who, after Peruseall, was to Sir K. Nagle. order them to be kept, or given to the Persons they were addressed unto, as he should think fitt. It was also ordered, under severe Penaltyes, that noe Man whatsoever should presume to goe out of the Kingdom, with- out Coridons Licence, and delivering all the Letters he carryed abroad, Tircnneil. to be first perused by the Secretary, and then stopped, or sent away, as he thought most convenient. As for the Letters comeing from the Syrian Court into Cyprus, by the ordinary Way of Couriers, when they French. Ireland, were arrived at Lyssus (the sea-port Town oi Syria, which corresponded Brest. France. with the Island oi Cyprus), they were brought to the prime civill Magis- Ireland. absque mora in aulam expeditis itineribus contendere: nee anceps anirai erat illos ad crirainandum ipsius in administrandis rebus seu imperitiam socordi- amque, seu perfidiam venisse. Tabellioueui itaque ad. Amasim confestim ador- nat, admonens non honustura et utile, sed necessarium etiam illi esse, solem- nis hujus legationis efFectum impedire; Legatorumque arrogantiam baud iu- debita p■. 0. S., 1691. the same Day to Papho.1, to give Condon the Dispatch he brought him Umeritk. Tir- from .] masis. In the Letter from the Agents, all Coridons Proceedinn-s ™""''"- ,. ° ^ .Jas. II. lirtoTi- at Court were lively represented, and, among the Rest, that notable neii. Saying of his, that a Cyprian Army can live uppon Bread and Water. Irish. The same Letter gave great Hopes of a speedy and powcrfuU Supply of all Necessaryes, to carry on theWarr, as it was fully represented by them to the King oi Syria ; and that Phi7-rus, a Captain of great Esteem there, Fra would come over to command the C?//^ria?i Army, without any Dependance i,.;',!,' uppon the Vice Roy. The Contents of this Letter (whereoft' Coppyes were industriously distributed among the Army and Gentry,) did not a sustentabant ; qui vero per praesidia dispertiti erant, regiis ex horreis aleban- tur, at, quod Coridoni gnarum, jam omnia fere cibaria tam in oppidis quam in agris absumpta erant. 70. Quanquiim sedulo videbatur Coridon omnem ultro citroque com- meandi transitum obstruxisse, non tamen Legatorum ad Lysandram litteras impedire aut intercipere valuit; quas nobibs Syrus, exeunte jam tertio anno Cytheram advectus, eidem ibi reperto tradidit : nee demoratus eodem die Paphum summa celeritate adequitavit, ut missas ah Amasi btteras tempestive Coridoni porrigeret. Legatorum codicillis, quidquid a Coridone in ilia aula transactum erat, ad viviim exprimebantur ; et inter alia insigne illud ipsius dictum, " posse Cyprium militem pane et aqua sustentari." Non ambiguam prsBterea spem ostentabant suppetiarum, quantum ad presentis belli usus ne- cessarium foret, a Syrorum Rege, cui ipsi omnia ex fide patefecissent, tempori mittendarum. Addebant Pyrrhum militari gloria inter suos clarum mox ad- futurum, Cyprii exercitus absoluta cum potestate Ducem. H»c ita vulgata (et exemplaria de industria Nobiles inter Militesque certatim distribuebantiir) ingenti animorum gaudio Cyprios omnes in commune affecerunt. At Cori- 1 12 Excidium Macarice ; or, Irish. SarslieW. counell. French. Galwiiy. Sarstield. Tirci>nnell. St. Kuth. De Kozen. Sar.';Heli. uppon the Hill, very near the Walls, by the Treachery of an Officer pendent! quam non »quis Viribus, quamque pertinaoibus animis belli vices constanter ferre destinassent, cum prajsertim a tam formidoloso domi prenie- rentur boste, uec a Si/ris uUius momenti auxilia mitterentur. Cum Pyrt-ho itaque turn spes, turn felicitas Ci/pri corruit: eo mortuo retro omnia cessere, nee postea aut grande aliquid, aut arduum moliri contigit. 80. Post memorandum illud ad Acram prjelium Orori nihil deerat ut tota insula potiretur, nisi Cyiluvram Papkum-qne in potestatem redigere. Papliiie caput ac metropolis Cytluera est, ab Aci-a vix ultra unius diei iter remcta. Condita est in angusto terras spatio, quod hinc in mare excurrit, inde fluvio Cytha aUuitur, qui ex immense lacu eifunditur : oritur is ex editissimis Paphue montibusad occidentalem plagam, et inde ad triginta millia passuum longitu- dine protenditur; eam regionem a reliqua provinoia disterminat; nee enim alia est via, quam ut per stagnum navibus vehi, aut amnem lapideo ad Cijtlnr- ram ponte transmittere. Oppidum itaque quod ad austrum immense clauditur mari, &\immeCythd lacuque ad occidentem et septentrionem munitur, ad ortum solum obsidentibus patet; ubi Ororis undevicesimo quinti mensis die castra metatus est, eademque nocte propugnaculum adliuc imperfectum colli non 136 Excidium Macarice ; or, Oalway. wlio deserted from thence to the Enemy. Cythera was not well man'd at that Time, by Reason that the Result once taken to divide most of Limerick. the Foot between that Place and Paphos was altred, and since the Connaught. Battle, none gott thither but a few Paphian Soldiers who escaped from Aughrim. Acra, to the Number of 6 or 700 Men, most of them well armed. O'Donnell. After the Defeat of the Army, Leo\vicit\xm.) in varia prssidia, eaque longe dissita, jam ante sparserat, at festinanti viam hostilis diligentia prsripuit. Insequenti enim die, quam ad urbem accesserant, fluvium paratis ad hoc sea- phis trajecere, et ponte, nullo obsistente, utramque ripam junxerant, parte copiarum in Paphiavi occidentalem transmissa, urbem ab eo latere circum- sepiunt, Leogonem-qpe, qui ea suos inierre destinaverat, prteoccupato aditu ex- chidunt: nee alibi spes transitus, cum penuria navium mari obsessis sucour- rere non posset. Cytlicera non Propugnatoribus soliim nuda erat, sed tormentis etiam bellicis carebat, quae circumsessis urbibus prie aliis sunt necessaria; sed maxime omnium indigebant constanti ad sese defendendum proposito, earun- The Destruction of Cyprus. 137 of all was Resolution and Union; for if the Townsmen were united and resolute, they were numerous enough, with the Assistance of the Gari- son, to defend the Town, whereby they might give the Ct/iman Army Irish. Time to recruit and putt themselves in a Posture to releive that City ; and in case they had failed of that Design, the Ci/iherists, however, could Galwegians. not miss getting as good Conditions the last Day as they gott at first, and much more to their Credit. But they were divided into Factions, and the most prevalent at that Time was the new-intrested Men, who longed for a Change of Government to reestablish tha Aitilan Settlement, Cromwellian. confirmed by Pythagoras, but reversed by Amasis. They concealed Chas. II. Js. II. their Arms, and would not lend them to the Soldiers who wanted them ; much less would they make Use of any themselves, to defend their Country. One of the civill Officers (the Sonn of a Cilidan, professing Englishman. the Martanesian Doctrine) made his Escape to the Camp of Ororis, by Protestant. the Contrivance (as it was then believed) of the first Civill Magistrate, '^ who was secured uppon it, and likely would suffer, had the Enemy demque voluntatem conjunctione; si namque inter se Oppidani consensissent, si ferro patriam tueri sedisset, multitudine satis arraisque poUebant, quibus inuros tamdiu saltern defenderent, donee Cyprius exercitus improspero con- stematus prEelio respirare paululum ac recolligi posset, ac turn refectis demuiu viribus urbi cummodum subveniret: quod si assequi nequivissent, certum erat Cythariacos non iniquiores pacis leges ad ultinium impetrare potuisse, quam tunc obtinuissent. Et certe hoc illo sive ad fidem, sive ad Posterorum menioriam longe gloriosius foret. At variis scissi erant factionibus, et vali- dissiniEe turn partes ex eorum numero censebautur, qui agros jam olim pro- priis possessoribus in juste extortos occupaverant, atque adeo rerum mutationi inniiinebant, ut leges ab Attila Tyranno lata», a Pythagora adinissfe, ab Amasi eversae, denuo sancireutur. Omne igitur telorum genus ocoultaverant, nee inermi ea nudoque niiliti ad usum prwbebant, nee ab ipsis ad focos et aras defensandas sumebantur. Inter hsee quidem e civilium rerum Administris, Cilice patre natus, et religione Martamsius, arrepta occasione, in Ovoris eas- tra profugit, clam adnitente (ut turn vulgo credebatur) qui summo inter cives Magistratu eminebat, qui idcirco custodia eircumdatus est, et meritas luisset poenas, nisi prseniaturus hostium ad urbem invadendam accessus obsti- IRISH ARCH. SOC. T 138 Excidium Macarice ; or^ De Ginkcll. William III. O'Donnell. De Giukell. Aughrim. Galway. D'Us- son. Tirconnell. He Giukell. William III. Tirconnell. James II. James II. not come soe suddenly to attack the Town. This Spye gave Oroiis an exact Account of all Things ; how the Work on the Hill was not fully finished, the Town ill manned and ill furnished with other Neccssaryes ; the Citizens being, for the most Part, weaiy of the present Government, and longing to be under the Comand and Jurisdiction of Prince Theo- dore ; adding, that if the Place was once surrounded, before the Arrivall oi Leogones, who was sent for in all Hast, they could not hold out long, without the Assistance of the Townes Men, who (as he assured) would give none. Uppon this Information, which Ororis received at Acra, three Dales after the Battle, he advanced streight to Cythera. Diisones, who commanded inchief, was a great Friend of Condons, and the Go- vernor was his Nephew, which occasioned a Report among the People, that they did not much dislike the Townsmen's Inclination to treat with Ororis; and it is likely that those who were for a Treaty and Submis- sion to Theodore, were the more encouraged to propose it, because they knew very well that their acting after that Manner would be counte- nanced by Coridon, and, perhaps, noe Way displeasing to Amasis him- self; and it seems they had some Ground to think soe, for Amads writt tisset. Explorator iste omnia, ut erant, Orori aperuit; opera, qus in colle moliebantur, adhuc imperfecta esse ; jirssidium nee numero, nee armis, aliisve necessariis firmum ; tsedere plurimiim cives status et imperii praesentis ; optare vehementer omnesT/ieodo»-iPrinoipispotestati subjici ; prfecipuos ordinum illius regimen ultro amplexuros. Addebat ad li»o si urbe circumsessa aditum iyeo(/onz prffistruxissent, quern ad opem quam celerrime ferendam missis nuntiis sedulo invitaverant, Prjesidiarios dluturnfe obsidioni non sufFecturos, prsesertim ab Oppidanis deserendos, quos nulla certe auxilia Propugnatoribus laturos affir- mabat. Hac perfuga oratione, qui sub tertium a preelio d.\emAcram ad eum per- venerat, Isetus Ororis omnes copias recta Cyiharam ducit. Dusones armatorum PrEefectus ex Coridonis familiaribus, et urbis Gubernator, Nepos erat ; unde variis in vulgus rumoribus differebatur Oppidanis ad icenda cum Orori foedera inclinatis, clam ambos favisse. Nee absimile veri est illos qui pacem suadebant, et deditionem Theodora faciendam urgebant, ad talia agitando eo audentiores fuisse, quo non ignorabant ita faoiendo demereri se Coridonem, nee ipsi etiam .4maseingratam fortassis operam navaturos: baud ambiguum est quo die Cili- The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 39 al'terwards to Dusones, giveing him Thanks for his Moderation atPaphos, D'Usson. Li- and his early Surrender of the Place, before the Garison or Inhabitants '""^'"^ should be reduced to any Hardships. It is certain that the same Day the Cilicians passed the River (whicli was the next Day after they ap- English, peared before the Towne), those of Cyihera beat a Parly and besran to Galway. capitulate. The Treaty held for six Dales, tho' the Articles for the Surrender of Cythera were included the 2nd Day ; but they expected Galway. Coiidons Result vippon the Propositions made by Ororis for a gcnerall Tirconnell. Capitulation, which was brought to Paphos by the Governor's Brother- f^ •'"ikell. in-law, who (as some People averred), after delivering his Message there, endeavoured to perswade his Friends in the Army to accept of the ad- vantageous Offers made by Ororis, which lost him the Friendship oi' De Ginkeii. Lysander, and the Esteem of those who resolved to continue the War, Sarsfield. and hearken to noe Conditions. By tlie Capitulation of Cythera, all Galway. Persons submitting to Theodore were to enjo}^ their Estates, as formerly, William III. in theReign oi' King Pythagoras the 2nd. The Officers and Soldiers were Chaiifs 11. at Liberty to march to Paphos, or joyn Theodore's Army, or return to Limfrick. Wil- liam III. ces amnem transgressi sunt (quod postero quam appulerant die effectum est) Cythieriacos colloquium petivisse, et tractare de coiiditionibus coepisse : in sex- tum quidem post diem consultatio tenuit, quanquam secundo ipso die in de- dendse Cythcerce leges consensissent. Sed Coridonis expectabatur responsum super iis, quse de publicis totius regni fcederibus ab Orori proposita erant, quKque Paphum ab ejus, qui urbi prseerat, Uxoris Fratre delata erant, atque ille (qui turn rumor invaluerat), peractis mandatis, connisus est Amicis in exercitu etiam atque etiam suadere, ut oblatas ab Orori oonditiones amplecte- rentur ; quo facto Lysandri gratia atque amicitia excidit, caspitque deteriijs ac suspiciosiiis audire Q/pn'os inter, quibus fixum ac statutumerat bellum perti- naciter prosequi, nee ullam omnino tarn fadae ac periculosas pacis mentionem admittere. Pactis ad Cytharam convenerat, ut omnes, qui Theodora se permit- terent, occupatis sub Pythagora agris sine fraude potirentur: Ducibus pariter militibusque potestas facta, ut seu Paphum libere petere, seu inter Theodoritas inilitiaj adscribi, seu domes quisque suas reverti, liberum esset. Ad sextum et viccsimum quinti mensis diem, ac quintum decimum post Acrense prajlium, Preesidiariis Cythwra excedentibus. Cilices in urbem admissi sunt. Ducum T 2 140 Excidium Macarice ; or. merick. Tircun nell. Galway. O'DonnclI .Tuiy,0.S.,iG9i. their own Homes. On the 26th Day of the 5th Montli, and 15 Daies Galway. Eng- after the Battle, the Garrison marched out of Cythera, and tlie CilicUms '* ■ entrcd the Town. Some of the Officers and a few Soldiers joyned with the Enemy, others retired Home, but the greatest Number went with D'Usson. Li- Dusones and the Governor to Paphos, where they gave Coridon an Account of their Proceedings, who easily approved thereof. 81. The Loss oi Cythera, without any Resistance, was seconded with the Desertion oi Leogones ; who, being forced to make a large Circuit about the Lake, and to march thro' Mountains almost impassable, was noe sooner come within 10 Miles o{ Cythera, than he found tliat the Towne was not only beseidged on that Side, but that the Treaty of Surrender was already concluded, which putt him to noe small Per- plexity. It seems he had a Friend in the CiUcian Camp, by whose Procurement Orons writt him a Letter, importing his Willingness to serve a Person of his Honour and Worth, who behaved himself soe well in the Egyptian Service ; that he was not ignorant of the Ill-treatment he received since his comeing into Cyprus; and that now he had an Galway. English Ginkell. Spanish Ireland. nonnulli, sed perpauci militiuu nomina hostibus dederunt : alii ad sues se receperunt : pars voro maxima Paphum profecti sunt : ducebat euntes Dusones et tradita? urbis Gubernator, qui, cum quid, ac quibus rationibus actum esset, accurata oratione exposuissent, idque prolixiiis et confidentius apud consilio- rum participem et non aversas aures perorassent, nullo negotio Coridonis assen- sum et approbationem obtinuerunt. 81. Amissffi absque certamine Cythenp proximum fuit descivisse Leogo- nem : is coactus loneis viarum anfractibus, et per ardua ao pane inaccessa moutium juga circuire, statim atque intra decimum milliare ad urbem Cythceram penetravit, non oppidum solum ea etiam ex parte obsidione premi comperit, sed in foedera et pads leges descensum esse : his auditis, in summam perturbata anxietatem mentis devenit ; cum scilicet procedentem liostis, regredientem locorum asperitas exceptura erat. Forte illi in CiUcmn castris amicus erat, cujus importunis precibus dedit tandem Oi-oris, ut iitteras ad eum daret voluntatis atque Eestimationis sure in tanta; dignitatis merito- rumque Virum testes, non latere ipsum quam egregiam JEgyptiorum olim Regi operam ille praestitisset : quam indigna, quamque bumana; patientia The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 4 1 Opportunity offered, to be revenged of his Enemycs, and advance his own Fortune. This Letter being communicated by Leorjones to the O'Domieii. Tribunes and others, the chief Officers of his Party, who were gene- rally ill-arm'd and worse disciplined, it was resolved among them to continue that Treaty untill they gott out of the Neighbourhood of Q/- Galway. tliei'a, and then they might take what future Measures they should think most convenient for their own Advantage. It happened that Leogones O'Donneii. had a Cilician Gentleman in his Service, who came with him out of English. Egypt, and this Cilician had a Brother, who was a Tribune and in good Spain. English- Esteem in Theodores Army. He was sent to the Cilician Camp uppon "^^"1' jjj g. Pretence of visiting his Brother, but realy to keep the Treaty on Foot. l^^h. Leogones in the Mean- while retireing with his Forces out of the moun- O'Donneii. tainous Country; and finding by Letters out oi Paplios that the Loss of Limerick. Cythera was attributed to his Delay to come timely thither, and beinf Galway. too mindfull oi' the Affronts he received from Coridon, and his present Tiivonnell. Wants rendring him desperate, he entertained the Treaty in good non toleranda a prime in Cyi')rum ingressu pertulisset: offerri jamoccasionem qua tum inimicos ultiim eat, turn melioribus ac mitioribus fatis litare possit. His a Leogone recitatis litteris coram Tribunis, aliisque ordinum Ductoribus ac universa militarium Virorum corona, qui nudi fere atque inermes erant, et experiential ac discijilinfe militaris expertes, unanimi omnium voce conclusum est, ut eam de pace consultationem tamdiu traherent, donee ex vicinis Cythoerm locis sensim retrocederent : cum ilia avia montium claustra ac confra- gosa rupium egressi fuissent, in promptu fore quid lionestati maxime atque utilitati conveniat, maturioribus consiliis statuere. Quidam e Cilicia nobilis Vir Leogoni ex yEgypto clam se subtrahenti forte adhseserat comes, et huic inter Theodoritus frater erat, non infima? notte Tribunus : mittitur ille in Cilicum castra ea specie ut fratrem inviseret, re tamen vera ut de fa'deribus agitaret. Interea Leogones sterilibus scopulis salebrisque looorum superatis cum copiis in campestria descendit : tum per litteras Papho missas intellexit sibi uni amissam Cytluvrani imputari, qui eo tempestive non advolasset : ad haBO receptarum a Coridone iiijuriarura memoria stimulabat : urgebat prae- terea et in desperationem agebat prajsentis necessitatis intuitus, et rerum 142 Excidium Macarice ; or, earnest. But, before it was perfectly concluded, lie went to the Relief Sligo. Con- of Cerbia, a seaport Towne between Paphia and Lapithia, which being naught. Ulster. ]jiQgjjg(j ^p ^jy t|^g Enemy, and reduced to some Hardships for want of Provisions, they capitulatedto surrender the Place within 15 Dales, if o'Donneii. they Were not releived by that Time; and Leogones comeing in the Mean-while with his Party, (who resolved to releive them, whatever Sir Teatjue they might doe,) and the Governor and Garison declareing that they Regan. y^Qxe releived, and consequently discharged of their former Engage- Ulster. ment, the Enemy were forced to retire back again into Lapithia. But O'Donuell. Leogones, by his triming Behaviour in this Transaction, haveing given Cause eirough to suspect his Fidelity, and apprehending a Design of his Siio-o. own Men to secure his Person, retired by Night out of Cerbia; and, notwithstanding all the Demonstrations to the contrary, made to him Col. C. O'Keiiy. by a speciall Friend, P/iilotas, (whom he accidentally mett on the Road, and for whom he seemed to have a great Esteem,) he hastily concluded omnium inopia: his simul causis instigatus prfficipitare consilia, ac serio jam circa pacis conditiones negotiari CKpit. Priiis tamen quam in pacta consen- tiret, ad solvendam obsidione Cerhiam (maratimum id oppidum est Papldam inter et Lapithiam) proficisitur. Hac cum ab hoste undique circumcincta arctiiis prem3retur, et caritate iuseper annona; ad graves angustias redacta esset, deditionem intra decimum qulntum diem Praesidiarii polUcentur, nisi intra id temporis illis subventum fuisset. Commodum sub eosdem dies aderat Leogones, qui magnis itineribus cum defessis ac fame laborantibus cohortibus acceleraverat, ut arcem oppidumque periculo eriperet. Erectis ad illius pr^sentiam Prisfecto et PriEsidiariis, ac pacto auxiho se intra pra;- fixum spatium adjutos asserentibus, et proinde promissis exsolutos, hostes retro in Lapithiam recedere coacti sunt. Leogones vero qui tergiversando, et baud sincere in novissimis rebus procedendo, satis manifesta corruptee fidei suspioantibus exhibuit signa, veritusque, arguente conscientia, ne arctiori custodia cingeretur, tenebrarum ac noctis opportunitate usus, Cerbia exces- sit: et quanquam in contrarium not» fidei Amicus, quern fortuito in ipso iti- nera obvium habuit, cuique nonnihil deferre videbatur, magna contentione disseruisset eodem nihilominus die in foedera consensit; atque ita vilis Dei, The Destruction of Cyprus. 143 the Treaty tliat very Day, and, thereby revolting from his naturall Prince, he imliappily joyncd with the sworn Enemyes of his Country. 82. The forceing of a Passage over the River oi Lycns at Arsinoe, Shannon. Ath- the Victory at Acra, and the takeinij of Cytltera without a Stroke, ,"'"^; . ,, , '.' ' o i' ' Augnnm. Gal- (which, in the hist War before held out for 19 Months,) as they made way. the Name of Ororis worthily glorious among his own Party, so did De Ginkell. Coridon's seasonable, tho' coactive Retreat, render him as great and as Tirconnell. fortunate in the Opinion of his own Friends, who did not spare to extoU above Measure his Wisdom, his Conduct, and, above all, his good Fortune, to have retired before such accumulated Misfortunes hap- pened to his Country. After the Battle, he immediately dispatched an Emissary to Amasis, representing that all was lost, and that it was .James II. impossible to retrieve Cyprus by any other Meanes, at present, but by la-land, an early Submission to Theodore. Dusones, who longed to be back in w. in. d'Us- Syria, and was a great Confidant of Coridoiis, suspected by some not ?!'"' .„. •^ ° ^ I J !• ranee, fircon- to be very zealous in the Cause ; for (as People said) he was but a late neli. Regis, Patrise Transfuga, inveteratis et acerrimis Cijprke gentis hostibus sese adjunxit. 82. Ad Arsiniiem Lijcuin amnem seu dolo, seu armorum vi superasse; ce- lebrem illam ad Acram victoriam obtinuisse; Cythmram, quaj superiori belle in decimum mensem obsidionem tulit, sine cajdibus ac sanguine cepisse, sicut Ororis nomen gloria inter suos famaque decoraverat ; ita Corklonis opportuna quanquam et coaota fuga non minori aut prudentise aut felicitatis opinione assentantium vocibus attoUebatiir : hi ultra omnem humani ingenii modum perspicax illud judicii acumen, singularem in rebus agendis animi niaturita- tem, et super ha;c fortunam omnia illius ctepta suo favore secundantem demi- rabantur, qui tempestivo illo receptu tot coacervatas patri» calamitates priBvertisset. Secundiim receptam ad Acram cladem, fidum homiuem et si- milibus ministeriis ssepe expertum ad Araasim deproperat, qui nihil spei re- lictum nuntiet, nee aliam ostendi salutis viam quam si Theodoro matura dedi- tione tota Cyprus permittatur. Dusones, qui diuturnam e Syria absentiam impatienter ferebat, ac Coridonis consiliorum non ignarus erat, quique multo- rum suspicione stringebatur, tanquam non sincere afFectu aut studioCypriorum partes a principle fovisset (quippe Maiianesiis nuper ambitu vel metu desertis. 144 Excidium Macarice ; or. Protestant. Rome. French. Tircon- nell. DcGiiikell. France. August, O. S., IC'Jl. D'Usson. KngUsIi. Sarsfield. French. Charles I. Convert from the Martanesian Sect to the Worship of Delphos, writt much to the same Effect to the Synan Court. Condon, in the Mean- while, continueing a private Treaty with Ororis, (wliich he expected to conclude uppon the Returne of his Courier out of Syria,) kept his Party in Heart, who longed for an End of the Warr, and reposed all their Hope and Trust in his Management. But he failed their Expec- tation ; for, haveing on the iith Day of the 6th Month dined with Dusones, with whom he was very merry and jocant, [being] retired in the Afternoon to his Chamber, where he suddenly fell into a terrible Fitt of an Appoplexie, which took away his Speech and Feeling, he dyed on the 14th Day. His Death was much lamented by his Friends, and noe less by the Cilicians, who cryed him up for an honest Man, and a Lover of Peace. They gave out that he was poysoncd by Lysander and the Syrian Commanders. 83. He was the 8tli Son of a private Gentleman, who made his For- tune by practizing the Law. About the i8th Year of his Age, he followed the War in the Reign of Pythayoras the First, and in some Ddphicos ritus amplexus ferebatur) nou absona bis in aulam Syriacaiu per- scripsit. Interea Coridon privata cum Orori consilia miscere non dcstitit, quae, reverso e Syria Nuntio, exequi speraverat. Suos spe atque fiducia imple- bat, qui baud tardum hujus belli exitum omnibus votis optabant, et integram conficiendse paois expectationem in unius Coridonis mente atque sapientia collocabant ; concepta nihilominus animis vota inopina morte deseruit, et documento fuit sane grandi quam improvidum sit humanis nimiiim consiliis fidere. Nam cum ad undecimum sexti mensis diem apud Diisonem epulis adfuisset, ubi hilaritati ac jocis ultra assuetum indulsit, atque a prandio domum reversus, subito membrorum torpore correptus, sensuque ac sermo- nis usu amisso, ad quartum decimum diem animam efflavit. lugenti amico- rumluctu mors ejus excepta est, nee imparl fere Cilicum moestitia, qui Virum eum probum, prudentem, et pacificum depradicabant, et veneno a Lysandro et Syris Ductoribus parato sublatura vulgaveraut. 83. Filiorum octavus erat Patri, private homini, et uuUis primiim titulis insigni, sed quem mox peritia legum in equestris ordinis dignitatem evexit. Circa sextum decimum eetatis annum, regnante Pythagora primo, et flagrante The Dest7'uctlun of Cyprus. 1 45 Yeares after he was made Standard-bearer to his own Nephew, an emi- nent Commander ol' the Cyprian Army. When Attilas conquered Irish. Crnmwfii. Cyprus, he went with the Rest to J^yypt, I'rom thence into Lycia, where, Ireland. Spain, by the Meanes of his Brother (a reliifious Man, and afterwards Flumen f,^}]'"^^"'}'^', J \ o ' iv. C.Archuislicp of Salamis), he was presented to Amads, who received him into his "f Dni.iin. Service, and made him one of his Bedchamber. When the Royall Fa- Vork. ' mily was restored, he lived with his Master at Court, and by his Favour and his own Industry he acquired a considerable Estate in Cyprus. As Ireland, soon as Amads came to succeed his Brother, Fythagoras, in the Throne, Jas. 11. ciu.s. 11. he made him a Peer of Cypi'us, and Lieutenant-Generall of the Army Ireland, there, which was, at that Time, composed oi Martanesians ; but Condon Protestants, shifted them by Degrees, placing Cyprian Oflicers and Soldiers in theire j,.;'^),' Room, whereby he became the Darling of the Nation. In a little Time after, he was made Vice Roy of Cyprus, and then he began to change Ireland, his Principles, being observed to be less kind to his Countrymen ; for, when he gott all the Power into his own Hands, noe Man undervalued them more. This Change was partly attributed to the Avarice of his civilibus bellis patria, prima militisc rudimunta posuit, et post aliquot anno- rum decursum signifer factus Nepoti suo, qvii turn in Cyprio exercitu Kegi ac patriae egregiam operaiu navabat. Cum jam Tyrannus Attilas totam Cyprum ditione pressisset, inter alios in yEgyptum, et inde in Tyyciam profugit, ubi a Fratre (qui religion! vitam initiaverat, ac deinde in Siilaminium Archiflami- nem electus est) Amasi sistitur, quera in famulitium receptum inter interioris cubiculi Satellites admisit. Successu tenq)oris restaurata in pristinum decus regia familiu. Hero in aula adha;sit, ubi turn illius indulgentia, tum propria industria satis opulenta per Cyprutn prajdia comparavit. Postquam vero Amash, mortuo Pythaf/nrci, fraternum regrium adeptus est, inter Optiniates Cypri eum cooptavit, copiarumque prsefecturam ei conimisit, in quibus tunc soli militabant MaHanesii, iisque Coridon paulatim subductis exauctoratisque milites ac Ductores DeJphicos sufficiebat; unde genti in amoribus ac delioiis esse cospit. Haud Ita niultos post dies in Cyprum cum summo iniperio re- mittitur, et tunc mutate, quern hactenus callide simulaverat, aiFectu, muita aversi erga populares animi indicia prodidit; nemo enim majori eos fastidio despe.xit, postquam supremum rerum arbitrium consecutus est. Tam subitse IRISH ARCH. see. U 146 Excidium Macariw ; or, English. WilHam III. Jas. II. Ireland. Irish. Boyne. English. IrelaDd. Irish. Will. III. connell. France. James II. Tirconnell. Tir- Wife, a Cilician by Birth, and also to the Advice of those whom he chiefly consulted in the Management of publick Afiaires, and who were unhappily concerned in the New Intrest. After Theodores Invasion, wlien Aincwis came to Cyprus, he made him Captain-Generall of the Cyprians, and advanced him to the highest Dignityes tliat a Subject could be capable off, giveing him a vast Estate, fitt for a Prince. After the Battle of Lapithus, he longed for Nothing more tlian the laying down of Arms, which he held necessary for preserveing the Cilician Intrest in Cypms, and uppon that Account he was noe Friend to the ancient Cyprians. He was a Man of stately Presence, bold and reso- lute, of greater Courage than Conduct, naturally proud and passionate, of moderate Parts, but of an unbounded Ambition. In his private Friendships he was observed to be inconstant, (and some did not spare to accuse him,) even to them by whose Assistance lie gained his Point, when he once obtained his own Ends. 84. The Design of submitting to Theodore did not dye with Cori- don ; it was eagerly pursued after his Death ; for the Gownmen he brought out oi Syria with him succeeded in the Government, by a par- ticular Commission from Arnasis, and it was generally believed they were to follow Coridons Method. His Friends and Creatures, who mutationis atque inconstantife culpam nonnulli iu immoderatam Uxoris Cili- cis avaritiam cupiditatemque partim rejiciebant, partim tribuebant consiliis quorundam Jurisoonsultorum, quorum opera et ministerio in Repub: admi- nistranda plurimiam utebatur, quique pariim feliciter novis agrorum posses- sionibus in patrise perniciem implicabantur. Vir erat specie corporis haud vulgari, audax, acer, animo elatus, in iram pronus, dotibus haud immodicus, ambitione insatiabilis, in privatis amicitiis instabihs, cum semel votorum com- pos erat, ingratus etiam in eos, quibus adjutoribus potestatem nactus fuit. 84. At Cypri Theodora in manus tradendas consilia cum Coridone una uon sunt extincta; post illius excessum acerrime in eo sudatum est. Juris enim prudentes, qui eum e Syria remeantem comitati sunt, obtentis in idipsum prKTOS Amasis Htteris, ei in rerum administratione successerunt, et, ut communiter credebatur, ejus vestigiis pressim insistere in arcanis mandatis habuere. Amici ilhus Asseclseque, qui partes satis validas per castra urbem- The Destruction of Cyprus. 147 were numerous in the Camp and City, did importunately press for a Conclusion of the Treaty begun by Coridon, and with the Order and Tirconnell. Approbation (as they gave out) of vl?na6rts. The Syrian Lieutenant- Jas. 11. French. Generall, Dusones, longed to be in his own Country, and his Colleague, D'Usson. Terassus, (tho' brave in his Person, and honest in his Principles,) Chev. de Tesse. acted Nothing but by the Approbation of Dusones, who was the first D'Usson. Lieutenant-Generall of the Army ; Scilla and Gildas were true Con- Lieut.-Gen. Du- donists; so that Dorillas, a Famphilidn by Birth, but zelous enough for the "ord o.^lmoy!" Worship oi Delplws, and [who] seemed then to be noe less concerned for Tim.nnelUsts. , I,-, ii/^>/y T 711 1 Major-General the Cypnan Intrest, was tlie only (jenerall Uthcer Lysander had to rely joim Wauchop. uppon. Tis believed that these writt more comfortably into Syria, ^l^™^^^' than was suggested by the Vice-Roy, and that they engaged to hold Irish. Sarsfield. out to the last Extremity, in Hope of a powerfuU Releif from thence, of Men, Money, and all other Necessaryes to prosecute the Warr; which, if timely sent, had certainly preserved Cyprus, and hindred such a Ireland. powerfuU Reinforcement to joyn the Confederate Army against Syria. France. Oroiis, on the other Side, applyed all his Thoughts to compleat the De Ginkell. Conquest of Cyprus; and perhaps he was not altogether without Hope, Ireland. que sparsi explebant, pacis conditiones a Coridone, non adversante Amasi, inceptas veheiiienter jam et apertius urgebant. Dusones, Syrus Ductor, patri» desiderio macerebatur: Terassus collega, quauquam animo impiger, et affectu incorruptus, nihil tamen in utramlibet partem movebat : Scilla et Gildas inter Coridonios non immerito numerabantur: atque adeo i^on'te, natione Pa?«- philus, sed Delphici cultus, et Cypriorwn causa propuguator acerrimus, unus erat e Primoribus exercitus, in cujus sinum Lysander curas suas tuto effun- dere poterat. At credibile est omnes laetiora in Syriarn scripsisse, quam qua Coridon per Nuntium ante suggesserat; promisisse etiam durissima pati, et ad extremum omnia ferre, modo inde suppetiarum uUa spes aiFulsisset, et miles, annona aliaque ad trahendum bellum necessaria mitterentur ; hsec si tempestive prisstita fuissent turn non ambigua Cypri salus et libertas seque- retur, turn etiam non tarn valido virium accessu, ac victricium legionum supple- mento Foederatorum copise in Syriarn augerentur. Dum inter has factiones Ci/prii distrahuntur, altera ex parte Ororis, cui, sublato Coridone, rerum pace coinponendariim desperutio fere iiicesserat, in id unum obnixus erat, quibus U 2 148 Excid'mm Macarioe; or, Tirconnellists. but that the Assistance of the Coridonists might render it more easie ; for he was noe Stranger to the severall Factions and Dispositions of Irish. tlie Cyprian Army, which, being pretty well recruited by that Time, Minister. haveing destroyed all tlie Furage on Amathusia Side the Towne, uppon De Ginkell. Ororis Approach retired with their Forces into the City, where they kept most of the Infantry, posting the Rest on the Foords of the River Shannon. Con- of Lycus, and the Cavalrie on Paphia Side, at soe neer a Distance, that """*^ ■ they might be daily furnished with Provisions Ironi the Towne, whereof De Ginkell. there was a vast Quantity still left. The Intention of Ororis was to Limerick. batter and destroy the Houses of Paphos, and make the whole City a heap of Rubish ; and also by his Neighbourhood to countenance the Tirconnellists. Coridonists, and perhaps inable them to act Something that might compell the Rest of their headstrong Countrymen to lay down Arms; and it seems he was not mistaken in his Measures. Ijmerick. An- 85. He appeared before Paphos on the 25th Day of the 6th Month, gust, O.S., 1691. ^jjj pitchinir liis Camp on the same Ground where Tlieodore pitched William HI. r s 1 i artibus parta jam decora, Cypro penitus subacta, cumularet; sed nee spetbr- tassis in totum exciderat Coridonionim ope I'aciliorem victoriam fore : nee enim ignorabat quibus dissidiis et quam diversis partium studiis Cypria copia di- videbantur. Cum victore igitur exercitu Paphum aggreditur, tentandis affectibus potiiis quam iirbis turn potiund» spe; arduum namque illud opus, et fortasse etiam insuperabile judicabat. Cypriienim Ductores, qui jam baud temnendum mibtum numerum contraxerant, exbaustis, qua. jsicet Amathusia, pabulationibus, sub adventum Oiwis cum universe exercitu in oppidum se recepere, ubi vabdissimis peditum in priEsidio dispositis, rebquos ad custo- dienda vada, quibus Lycus amnis permeabilis est, dispertiti sunt: equites trans fluvium ad Paphium latus castrametari jubentur, ea propinquitate, ut commeatus, quorum ingens 1-um etiam copia, indies in stativa exportare pos- sent. 0;-0)-i mens erat omnia Paphi a;dificia solo sequare, muros diruere, atque ipsam suis ruderibus urbem sepebre: ad b sec sua vicinia animos Coridoniis addere volebat, et excitare ad moliendum aliquid tentandunique, quo contu- macibus Q/;)rii« amplectenda; pacis necessitas injiceretur. 85. Sub quintum ac vicessimum sexti mensis diem Cilicum exercitus in Paphieimum conspectum se dedit, et castrametatus est eodem in loco, m quo The Destruction of Cyprus. 149 liis Camp the Ycare before, lie placed his Rams and other battering Engins, which furiously played, Night and Day, without Intermission, reduceing that famous City almost to Ashes, without any other memor- able Action ; untill, in the Nicrht between the icth and i6th Day of September, the 7 th Month, he made a Bridge of Boats over the Lycus, which being shannon. furnished by Break of Day, he then passed over with a considerable Body of Horse and Foot, on Paplna Side the River, without any Oppo- Connaught. sition; which soe alarmed >S«7/a (who commanded the Cavalrie at that Sheldon. Time) that he imediately (without staying for Orders) retired to a Mountain a good Distance from Paplios, and marched with such Pre- Limerick, cipitation and Disorder, that if 100 of the Enemye's Horse had charged him in the Reare, they would, in all Likelihood, defeat his whole Party, tho' he had neer uppon 4000 Men at Arms and light Horse ; for the Man (if he was faithfull) wanted either Courage or Conduct, and the Party were altogether discouraged to be under his Command. But, Ororis did not advance far, and, shewing himself onely on that Side De Ginkeii. the Bridge, he returned back the same Day into his Camp ; and yet superiore anno Theodorus tetenderat. Turn Ororis admotis arietibus balis- tisque atque aliis expugnandarum urbium madiinamentis, qufe ingeniosa in sui perniciem mortalium industria aut invenerat olim, aut novissime excogi- taverat, Paphum celebre illud et tot vetustatis monumentis illustre empo- rium in cineres ptene redegit, nulla aha memorabili re perfecta, ad eam usque noctera, qu» quintum decimum ac sextum decinmm septinii mensis diem in- tercesserat, cum iinposito navibus ponte Lijcum junxit, quo absolute, sub ortum solis cum baud spernenda equitum peditumque manu nullo reluetante in adversam ripam trajecit. Hoc tarn insperato successu Scilla, qui tunc equi- tatui pra^erat, adeo exterritus est, ut statira atque injussu monies, qui Pap// o louge assurgebant, elFuso cursu peteret, tantaque festinatione ac tumul tu incede- ret, ut si ab exiguo tantum hostium numero in extremum trepidantium agmen impetus fieret, quanquiim quatuor propemodum equitum ac levis armaturai millia secum traheret, totam illam manum proculdubio funderent fugarent- que : certe (si abfuit perfidia) timiditatis et imperitisE maculam effugere non potuit, nee post hac militi sub ejus auspiciis aut animus supererat aut fiducia. Ororis eo die non multum processit, et, ostensis solum in alia ripa copiis, in 150 Excidiura Macarice ; or, Sheldon. Scilla never rested till he came, about Midnight, 1 5 Miles from the Shannon. Lycus, and encamped in a fallow Field, where there was not a Bitt of Grass to be had, as if he had designed to harass the Horses by Day, and starve them by Night; and it was not doubted, if the City of Gaiway. Ci/thera, and other Townes garison'd by the Enemy, had not layen in Sligo. his Way, he would never stop till he came to Cerbia, which was 100 Limerick. Milcs from Paplios. This Scilla was a Cilician by Birth, of the VVor- lishman. RonS. ship oi Delphos; he was brought into Cyprus by Coridoti, in the first Ireianii. Tircon- Yeare of the Reign oi Amasis, and by him made a Captain of a Com- nell. .James II. "^ ' -^ . '■ , pany of Men at Arms. He advanced him afterwards to be his under Tribune, to command his Legion in his own Absence ; and by his uncon- James II. troulablc Po.wer with Amasis, he procured for him a Commission to be one of the General Officers, tho' still a Sub-Tribune ; and gott his Com- Sarsfield. mission dated before that of Lysander, whom he designed to suppress. Sheldon, This Scilla was the Man who, by Condon's private Orders, marched the Connau"-ht Horse into Paphia, when Prince Tlieodore raised his Seidge from PapJios, Will. III. Lime- which hindred Lysander s Design at that Time to pursue the Enemy. rick. Sarsfield castra sub vesperam reversus est. Scilla nihilominus haud substitit donee sub median! noctem ad quintum decimiim a Lyco milliare pervenit, et castris inter novalia positis, ubi nulla pabuli copia erat, id agere visus est, ut jumenta equosque diumis itineribus fessos nocturna insuper inedia conficeret: nee dubium erat nisi Cythcera ruentem retardasset, aliaque oppida medio illo itinere hostium Prssidiis occupata, tam pracipitem fugam Cerbiam usque ad centesimum a Papho milliare, continuaturum fuisse. Scilla iste natione Cilix erat, religione De/phicus, sub ipsa Amasiani regui initia Coridonem in Cyprum secutus, ab ipso turma; equitum prsefectus est, et mox suas sum legionis in- stituit Legatum cum Integra potestate dum ipse abessit. Prse.terea juxta immensam illam cum Amasi potentiam, licet Scilla turn quoque Legatum ageret, regias in ejus favorem litteras obtinuit, quibus priEcipuis Ducum auctoritate adaequabatur, idque effectum est, ut temporis privilegio prsestaret Lysandro, quern omnibus artibus subvertere decrevit. Hie idem Scil/a pri- vatis Corido-nis inssis obtemperans equitatum in Paphiam divertit, qua tem- pestate superiore anno Theodorus Princeps obsidionem Paphi solverat, eoque evenit ne Lysander, ut decreverat, hostes insequi, et reoedentium terga car- The Destruction of Cyprus. 1 5 1 What Project he miglit now have by such a disorderly Retreat was not known to many, and perhaps he himself could not tell. Before Day ho had Orders from Dusones and Terassus to return to Paphos, D'Usson. Chev. which he observed, and arrived there in the Afternoon : they were ^^^*^*'*'^' ^'""^' encamped in a strong Ground, where, haveing the City on the riglit Hand, and strong Pass on the left, and noe Horse could come to attack them any other Way. In this Ground they continued but 3 Dales, when they were fatally commanded to march into the Country for Con- veniency of Furrage ; whereas they had sufSclent Quantity of Oats within Paphos to feed all their Horses for two Months to come, and Limerick. the Enemy could not keep the Field for Half that Time. Before they marched from thence, Clytus, who commanded at the Pass, where the Brigadier Ro- Enemy made their Bridge, and passed over the Lycus, was examined siiannou. before a Councill of Warr, where it was proved that the Officers who went the Round that Night gave him Notice at severall Times that the Enemy were working on the Bridge ; but he alwaies told them there was noe such Thing ; soe that the light Horse who were posted pere posset. Quo vero seu terrore, seu fate, seu consilio denique indecora jam fuga se abripuerit, nee multis notuni, nee ipse forsan interrogatus facile expedire possit. Antequani illuxisset, mandatum a Dusone et Terasso accepit, ut PaphuiH extemplo regredereter : dicto obediens fuit, eoque aliquot post meridiem horis perventum est: loco satis niunito castrametantur: dexterum latus urbs tegebat, ad losvum difficilis et angusta ducebat via, nee alius equi- tatui ad invadendas stationes aditus: vi.^ eo loci consederant, cum nescio quo infortunio jubentur ulteriora petere, ut liberiuspabulandi copia esset: cum interim tautum intra urbem avenaj superesset, ut equis in alteram bimesti'e alendis abunde sufficeret, nee testis dimidiam illius temporis partem sub pelli- bus durare potuisset. Nondum inde profecti erant, cum Clytus, qui ad vadum illud presidium agentibus praerat, quod ponte continuaverat hostis, quoque Lycum transmiserat, ad militare tribunal sistitur, et quKstione habita patuit vigilum Prasfectos sape ilium monuisse, hostem ad ripam operibus instare, et id subinde indicantibus reposuisse vana illos adferre, ac proinde importune seduli esse desisterent. Quo factum est, ut levis armaturaj equites, qiii non 152 Excidium Macarice ; or, Clifford. Clifford. Irishman. England. Ireland. ^^ Eli- zabeth. Rome. Sarsfield. Tirconnell. Sarsfield. Col. C. O'Kelly, Limerick. Wauchop. near, to sustain the Infantry garding tliat Pass, had noe Time to bring Home their Horses next Morning, or to save any Part of their Lug- gage ; the Alarm being come soe hott and soe sudden, that it was well they saved themselves, and came off with their Lives. Clytus protested himself innocent as to any Treachery, tho' he could not deny but he was guilty of an unpardonable Neglect. This Clytus was a Cyprian by Birth (his Grandfather being of a noble Family in Cilicia, and came into Cyprus in Queen Eleusina!s Dales) ; he professed the Doctrine of Delphos ; he was vain and very airy, of shallow Parts, and of noe great Conduct; and tho' it cannot be positively averred he was a Tray- tor, yet it was not prudent in Lysander to intrust him with such a Post, for he knew him to be a Creature of Condon's, to be malcontent, and very unfortunate in all his Undertakeings ; and Lysander was earnestly desired, in the Morning before that fatall Night, by a Gen- tleman named Philotas, for whose Opplnion he alwaies seemed to have a great Value, either to come in Person from Pap/ios, to command at those Passes, or, if he could not come himself, to send Dorilas thither ; procul iade tetenderant, ut, ubi res postularet, pediti ripain custodienti prfesto essent, nee equos sub proximam auroram e longinquis pascuis abducere, nee impedimenta in tutum recipere possent; tamque confusus erat et improvisus ad arma conclamantium trepidantiumque tumultus, ut vix saluti prospicere, ae vivis evadere liceret. Clytus ad liac proditionis nomen abominatus, inficias non ibat id se negligeudo flagitium perpetrasse, quod veniam non mereretur. Clytus ille natalibus Cypritis erat, avo uobili Cilice, qui in Cyprum, Eleusina regnante, advenerat; deditus sacris Dclphicis, ventosus, et inflatus, modicse indolis, necmagnaj in bellicis artibus experientia; : etquanquam certo affirmare non ausim objeot£e ilium proditionis reum extitisse, at Lysandrum impruden- ter fecisse constat, qui tanti momenti locum ejus fidei commiserat; non enim fallebat hominem Coridoni in paucis fuisse, sibi infensum, atque iniVlicihus coiptis cognitum: et Lysandrum Amicus, eujus prudentia tideique uiultum tribuebat, ea luee quse infaustam illam noctem prEecesserat, impense oravit, ut vel ipse prsesens riparum eustodes sua authoritatefirmaret, aut id si nequi- ret, Dorilam eo delegare!; transgressurum alias hostem, et oppidum utrim- The Destruction of Cypi-us. 1 53 otherwise that the Enemy would come over and beseidge the Town on botli Sides ; but there was some Fatallity in the INIatter. 86. On the 20th Day, about Noon, the Horse decamped, and stayed that Day within six Miles oi' Paphos ; next Day they marched 10 Miles Limerick, further, incamping behind a strong Pass ; but, to theire Discouragement, they were still comanded by Scilla, of whom they had noe great Hope. Sheldon. Dusones, Terassus, Lysander, and Dorillas, all staying in Paphos, not- D'Dsson. Chev. withstanding all the Demonstrations made io Lysander, (and by the same fieid'^^Wauchop" Party who advertized him before of the Danger of the Enemye's coming Limerick. Sars- over the River, if not prevented,) that it was now necessary for him or Terassus to head the Cavalric, but it was for that Time left trusting to C'liev. deTesse. Scilla. Ororis understanding that the Cyprian Horse removed at such a Sheldon. Distance, passed, the 23 rd Day, over the River with the greatest Part of j^fgi, his Cavalrie, and a considerable Body of Foot, by the Convenicncy of Clytuss Bridge, (for so it was called in the Cilician Camp,) and having Cliftbrd. Eng- cutt off the Cyprian Out-guards, he encamped Half-way between Paphos j,!igj, Limerick, and the Cyprian Horse Camp, whereby he hindred all Communication Irish. que circumcessurum. Sed nescio quid inevitandse necessitatis urgebat, impe- diebatque fatali quodam infortunio consiliorum eventus. 86. Ad vicessimum diem medio jam sole equestre agmen incessit, substi- titque ea nocte intra sextum ab virbe lapidem : insequenti die ad decern ultra milliaria processum est, ibique stativa habuerunt, ubi pone castra propugnacu- lum munitionibus validum et sestuario impositum surgebat. At quod maxime militares animos contudcrat, Scillce ductu imperioque regebantur, sub cujus auspiciis nihil melioris alea; sperandum credebant. Dvsones vero, Terassus, Lysander, et Dorilas Papid se tenebant, quamvis Lysandro multis argumentis ostendisset ille idem Amicus, qui ante de trajiciendi fluminis periculo monu- erat, ui mature obviam iretur, ipsi jam, aut Terasso necessarium esse equitatus curam suscipere : sed nihil in proesens mutatum, et omnia Scillce arbitrio re- licta. Cum Orori per Exploratores nuntiatum asset, Cyprium equitem tarn procul Papho tetendisse, ad tertium ac vicesimum diem cum magna equitatus parte et non temnenda peditum manu per Clyti pontem (ita Cilices appellabant) amnem trajecit, et Cypriis extra urbem stationibus occidione Decisis, medio itinere Paphum inter et Scillce castra tetendit, quo facto omnem commeandi IRISH ARCH. SOC. X '54 Excidiuni Macarice ; or, Limerick. Englisli. Sheldon. De Giiikell. Sheldon. Limerick. October, 0. S., 169L L'elaud. field. Sars- between them and the Towne. On the 24th, the Captains within Paphos sent out a Trumpet, desireing a Parly with some of tlie Generall Officers in the CiUcian Camp ; and after a short Conference between them, a Ces- sation of Arms was agreed unto by both Partyes, for 3 Daies, [and hos- tages exchanged] ; whereof Scilla had Notice given him that very Day, and over Night he received half a Dozen safe Conducts, signed by Ororis : they came in Blank to Scilla, and he filled them up with the Names of the Deputyes, who, next Morning, went to Paphos. The Treaty began on the 26th Day, and continued till the 3rd of the 8th Month, and then it was concluded, to the Satisfaction of some, and to the sensible Afiiiction of others. But that which raised the Admiration of all People, and begat an Astonishment which seemed universall over all Cyprus, was the sudden, unexpected, prodigious Ciiange of Lysander, who appeared now the most active of all the Commanders to forward the Treaty, and took most Pains to perswade the Tribunes and Centu- rions to a Complyance ; representing that there was but a small Quantity viam castra inter urbemque praicidit. Sub quartum ac vicesimum diem obsessorum Duces Caduceatorem mittunt, qui cum Cilicum Primoribus collo- quium imploraret, et post breves hinc inde sermonum vices, in triduum indu- cias, datis utrinque obsidibus, paciscuntur; quod ad Scillam eadem ipsa die perlatum est; appetente jam nocte licentiam ultro citroque commeandi ab Orori subscriptam, nullis adjectis nominibus, recepit; adjecitipse, acdeputati proximo die sub ortum solis Paphum profecti sunt. Sexto ac vicesimo die de pacis conditionibus agitari coeptum est, tenuitque ea consultatio ad tertium octavi mensis diem. Turn demum fojdus ictum est, non tarn in nonnullorum vota, quam in aliorum immodicos luctus. Sed in commune ingentem morta- lium admirationem excitavit, et per universam pane Cuprum immodico omnes stupore suspendit repentina, inexpectata, ac portento similis Lysandri muta- tio, qui, modo prffi aliis vehementissime ad arma manu projicienda coborta- batur, nihilque intentatum reliquit, quo eosdem Tribunes Centurionesque, quibus toties ante ad constantiam virtutemque exemplo pra;ivit, in ignomi- uiosas pacis, aut (verius ut dicam) durissimas servitutis leges inclinaret; pertimescendam, asserens, brevi annona; caritatem borjam etiam deficientibus ; nee supplementi quidquam aut auxilii e Syria sperandum antequam proximum The Destructio7i of Cyprus. ^SS of Provisions loft, and noc Expectation of any Supply out of Sijria till Frauce. next Spring ; that if they rejected the Conditions now ofiered, they were to hope for none when their Provisions were all spent ; and that, therefore, the Necessity to capitulate, at present, was absolute and unavoidable. The Authority of Lysander, and the Opinion which all tlie World con- Sarsfiekl. ceived of his untainted Loyalty and Zeal for his Country, expressed uppon severall Occasions, made them approve what he expressed or pro- posed, tho' with a groat Deal of Roluctancy, and a Rogrett equall there- unto. We may clearly behold, in this Particular, the Inconstancy of all worldly Aifaires, the Incertainty of our greatest Hopes, and the Folly of relying too much uppon any humane Support. Lysander^ in whom the Sarsfiekl. Cypnsh Nation reposed their greatest Confidence, and who (as they all Irish, believed) would be the last Man to hearken to a Treaty, was now the most earnest to press it on ; a History which requires some further Time to unriddle. It was moved by Lysander, and by the first Flamin of Sarsfiekl. Paphia, that Philotas, who was then in tho Horse Camp, and in whom (,f x'uam. the Nation reposed great Confidence, should be sent for, and advised Connaught. I- & C.O'Kelly. appeteret ver: sioblatas imprassentiarvmi conditiones non acceptarent, veren- dum ne, absumpto quod supererat frumento, pervicacia offensus et irritatus hostis in nullas oninino consentiret, nisi quas iratus Victor imponeret. Ac proinde necessitatem foederum ea tempestate ineundorum absolutam prorsiis esse, atque ineluctabilem. Movit circumstantes Hkc gravis et intenta Lysan- dri oratio, sed multo magis dicentis authoritas, et spectata mille experimentis fides, opinioque quam in unum omnes de eo conceperant, et ardor illu animi, quo in publicum patriae commodura, quoties sese occasioobtulit, ferebatur ; adeo ut iis, quffi ab illo proponebantur, renitentibus licet animis, nee minori doloris sensu afflictis, acquiescerent. In hoc negotio plane videre est, quam fluxiE sint et incert» rerum bumanarum vices; quam in hidibrio spes mortalium et vota consistant ; quamque imprudenter agant, qui in vano instabilique hominum auxilio nimium confidunt. Lysander quern unum in oculis, in ore Cyprii ferebant, in quo universse uationis reposita omnis fiducia erat, quemque ulti- mum pacis conditiones ausculturum crediderant, jam ad urgendum alios, proe- cipitandaque consilia primus erat. Mysterium non nisi prolixioris temporis spatio, et alio forsan CEdipode solvenduml conditionum capita incautius et 156 Excidkim Macarioi; or, Sai'sfield. Archbishop. C. O'Kellv. Bishops. William III. France. Ireland. Irish. with, about manageing the Treaty ; but It was answered by some who had a Mind to conclude it uppon any Terms, if he came, there would be noe Agreement; and for that Reason, he was not called uppon, tho' Lysander assured the Cheif Flamin, that Nothing would be done, but by the Advice of Philotas. The Articles of the Capitulation were not soe warily drawn, but Room was left for captious Exceptions ; neither was there any Article made for assureing the true Worship, or secureing the Flamins; noe Condition had for Prisoners, or the Orphans of those who were slain in the Service of their Prince, and Defence of their Country. The OfBcers and Soldiers were at Liberty to joyne with Theodore^ (where they were fairly promised as good Entertainment as the Rest of his Troups,) or to be transported into Syria, where they were sure of a Reception suitable to their Meritt. 87. And now, alas ! the saddest Day is come, that ever appeared above the Horizon of Cyprus. The Sun was darkened, and covered over with a black Cloud, as if unwilling to behold such a wofull Spectacle : there needed noe Rain to bedew the Earth, for the Tears of the disconsolate Cyprians did abundantly moisten their native Soile, to whicli they were, that Day, to bid the last Farewell. Those who resolved to leave it never incircumspectius, quam pro rerum memento, perscripta ingeniis malitiosorum exercendis, et praeposterffi interpretationi locum dedere: nee illata ulla in foederibus mentio, quae aut ad Delphicw Eeligionis liberum exercitium, aut sacrorum Flaminum securitatem faceret. In nullo belli sorte captis, in nullo liberis eorum provisum est, qui magnarum prodigi animarum, Eegi ac Patriae pulchi-am decoramqiie mortem impeuderant. Tarn Ducibus quam Militibus arbitrio suo licebat seu sub Theodoro mereri, ubi paria cum reliquo exercitu stipendia illis promittebatur, sive in Syriam navigare, ubi a;qua meritis praemia baud dubie oiFerebantur. 87. Jamque (proh dolor!) aderat luctuosissima dies, quse ferali unquam funestoque lumine Cyprimi perstrinxerat. Obscurari sol, coelumque spicissimo nubium velo obduci visum est, ne tarn nefando pra?sens iniiceretur spectaculo : non pluvia non imbribus terram irrigaturis opus erat ; miserorum enim lacrymis Cypriorum satis susperque inundebatur natale solum, cujus supremo tunc aspectu, non amplius visuri, avidius fruebantur : quibus fixum erat The Destruction of Cyprus. 157 hoped to see it again ; and those who made the unfortunate Choise to continue therein, coukl, at the same Time, have Nothing in Prospect but Contempt and Poverty, Chains and Imprisonment, and, in a Word, all the Miserys that a conquered Nation could rationally expect from the Power and Malice of implacable Enemyes. Here might be seen the aged Father (whom Yeares and Infirmityes rendred unfitt to travail,) giveing the last Embraces to his onely Son, Brothers parting in Tears, and the dearest Comerades forcibly devorced by a cruell Destiny, which they could not avoid. But Nothing was more dismall than the sad Separation of Man and Wife ; for tho' the Husbands were assured not only of a Conveniency to transport their Wives and Children, but also of a Maintenance to be established for them in Syria ; yet when the France, ablest Men were once gott on Shifiboard, the Women and Children were left on the Shore, exposed to Hunger and Cold, without any Man- ner of Provision, and without any Shelter in that rigourous Season, but exilic Patriam mutare, abituris nulla remeandi in posterum spes relicta : qui deterioribus fatis acti a propriis laribiis ac penatibus nusquam avelU, ibique languentes exhalere animas, ubi primum hauserant spiritum, elegeruut, nihil ahud tunc expectare, aut cogitationibus obversari poterat, quam in- opiam, coutumeUas, ludibria, catenas, fccdos carceris squallores, et, ut verbo complectar, quidquid airunmarum a truculentissimorum hostium immanitate atque sxvitia in evictsE belle gentis posnas atque supplicia exoogitari potest: illic videre erat state graves ac senio confectos Parentes, quos annorum pari- ter morborumque mala ferendis pelagi erroribus, atque itiuerum molestiis impares fecerant, ultimis complexibus Natorum coUa implicantes : divisos suspiria inter mutua Fratres: fidissimorum Sodalium crudeli atque iuevita- bili sortis necessitate coacta divortia; nihil tameu eum moerorem aiquabat, quo Conjux a Cousorte inexpletiim lacrymans abstrahebatur. Nam quanquam repetitis crebro, et jurejurando obsignatis pollicitationibus Viris spes non am- bigua esset facta, non uavigia solum, aliaque avehendis Uxoribus ac Liberis uecessaria prajsto fore, sed et, cum in Sijriam appulissent, nihil illis ad usus vitse defuturum; cum tameu Mariti conscenderant, Mulieres lufantesquo in prominentibus littorum stautes relinquebautur, iuediie ac frigoribus expositi, uullo commeatu, nuUo tecto, solo coeli convexo in immitem ac rigentem aeris 158 Excidium Macarice; or, the Canopie of Heaven ; and in such a miserable Condition, that it moved Pitty in some of their Enemyes. The lamentable Cryes of this poor forlorn Troup, (when the Fleet that carryed away their Fathers and Husbands was under Sail and gon out of Sight) would begett Compas- sion in Wolves and Tygers, and even in Creatures that were insensible. Ireland. Some of them had the whole Length o{ Cyprus to traverse, before they came to their former Habitations, which were then possessed by the Enemy ; they had noe Victualls to eat, or Money to buy it, and their plundered Countrymen (among whom they were to travail, and from whom they might expect some Relief) had not wherewithall to feed themselves. Europe. 88. This wofull Revolution made all the Nations of -i4m, who were equally concerned and surprized with Grief and Astonishment, to won- der to behold the most warlick of Nations, (by the Testimony of one of their greatest Adversaryes,) a People, heretofore undaunted in Adversity, soe shamefully to lay down their Arms, and soe freely undergoe that servile Yoke, which, by former Experiments, they found insupportable. asperitatem prEetenso: ac denique tantis obruebantur calamitatibus, ut inter infensissimos etiam hostes misericordiam invenirent. Desertas hujus turba; lamenta fletusque, cum classis, in qua Parentes et Mariti vehebantur, jam vela fecisset et prospicientium oculis se subtraxisset, belluarum immanissi- mas Lupos Tigresque, imo muta elementa et res sensu carentes, quadam com- miseratione permulcere posse viderentur. NounulUs emetienda erat universa, qua patet, Cyprus, ut in antiquas sedes postliminio redirent, quffi tamen ab hostibus tunc tenebantiir: nulla ad conficiendum tot dierum iter annona; nihil, ad comparandum victum, pecuniarum supererat: Populares, per quos illis transitus, et a quibus extremic egestatis solatia sperari poterant, a prce- dabundo Milite bonis exuti, ne suorum quidem necessitatibus sublevandos pares erant. 88. Hie infirmitatem meam eo usque fatear oportet, ut stupore pariter luctuque attonitus hffiream, cum gentium omnium bellicosissimam (idque inter Adversaries infestissimi cujusdam testimonio) populumque inter adversa semper infractum, ac libertatis dim tenacissimum tam turpiter et ignomi- niose arma abjicere, ac durissima; servitutis jugum ultro subire videam, The Destruction of Cyprus. 159 But that the most zelous Delphicans of the Universe should happen to Roman Catho- conclude a Peace with the sworn Enemy of the true Worship, without Conditions for their sacred Flamins, or obtaining Security for theire free Bishops. Exercise of the divine Ceremonyes, is a Mistcry that surpasses the weak Capacity of Man to comprehend. What the Reasons might be for these prodigious Transactions, and what Performance tlie conquered Cyprians Irish, (whether liveing in a voluntary Exile abroad, or in a forced Bondage at home,) have hitherto received, after soe many large Promises of both Sides, must be the Work of an other Time, and likely of an other Pen : the publick Calamity of my Countrymen, unfortunate Countrymen in generall, and the lamentable Condition of some particular Friends, added to the Incommodities of old Age, rendring me unable to pursue that Remnant of a wofull History, that requires Ink mixed with the Writer's Teares ; and the Fountain of my weak Eyes hath been drained up already, by the too frequent Remembrance of the Slaughter at Acra, and Aughrim. the sad Separation at Paphos. Limerhk. cujusquam non ferendum asset pondus, sape experiendo didicerant. Ad hsec Vindices Delphicce religionis accrrimos cum eorundem Sacrorum iniquissimis hostibus tarn pra;ceps at inconsultum foedus perculsisse, ut nee sanctorum Flaminium ratio haberetur, nee exercenda; religionis libertati provisum asset, altius est quam ut ingenio comprehendi aut judicio diseerni possit meo. Ex quibus causarum fontibus hsee tarn stupenda rerum series emanaverit, quam- que parum aut nihil eorum domitis Cypriis, seu qui in spontaneo exiHo pro- cul, seu qui domi in eoacto servitio agunt, post tot ampla promissa aut Syri prjestiteriut, aut Cilices ; alterius temporis, et fortasse etiam Autboris opus erit: communia enim Popularium meorum mala, cum tristi et calamitoso quorundam amicorum ac familiarium statu, additis senectte ineommodis, impediunt ne tarn ingrataj lugubrique ultra insistam narrationi, qua non nisi temperato lacrymarum rivis atramento pro dignitate delineari posset : neo oculi in tot jam flatus sufEciant, quos tum accepta ad Acram clades, turn iEterna ad Paphum separatio penitus esbausere. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Note 1. Macaria Excidium. "Tl /|"ACARIA," one of the ancient Greek namesof Cyprus, according to Pliny, as parapios, J-tA the " fortunate," or " blessed," and vrjcroe, "island," on account, says Moreri, "of its great fertility." It is not unlikely, that the Irish Colonel may have peculiarly selected the name so derived, as characteristic, in more senses than one, of his "native island ;" or, with reference both to the circumstance of its fertility, and to the fact of its having been called " holy," not only in Christian, but in Heathen times. This appears by the information, which Avienus tells us he extracted from the Punic account, preserved until his time, of the north-western voyage of the Carthaginian navigator, Himilco, supposed by Heeren to have occurred, most probably, about the middle of the fifth century before Christ ; but considered to have happened, at all events, before the age of Alexander the Great, or not later than the fourth. Having noticed, from this Carthaginian source, the natives of the " Insulae CEstrymnides," or " Scilly Islands," as a race who did not carry on traffic in the usual large vessels formed of pine, &c., — " Sed rei ad miraculum. Avienus thus proceeds : Navigiajunctis semper aptant pellilms, Corioque vastum sjepe percurrunt salum," — ' Ast hinc duobus in Sacram (sic insulam Dixere prisci) solibus cursus rati est. Ha^c inter undas miUtam cespitejn jacet, Eamque late gens Hibertwrvm colit. Propinqua rursus insula Albionum patet." Mr. Moore observes : — " In this short but circumstantial sketch, the features of Ireland are brought into view, far more prominently than those of Britain. After a description of the IRISH. ARCH. SOC. Y hide- 1 62 Notes and Illustrations. hide-covered boats, or currachs, in wliich tlie inhabitants of those islands," the (Esir_Ymnides, " navigated their seas, the populousness of the isle of the Hiberni, and the turfy nature of its soil, are commemorated. But the remarkable fact contained in this record — itself of such antiquity — is, that Ireland was then, and had been, from ancient times, designated ' The Sacred Island,' " — which, he elsewhere adds, " was a sort of type of her social position many centuries after, when again she shone forth as the Holy Island of the West"". See Note 58. Note 2, Page 4. The family of Colonel Charles O' Kelly, cS-e. The branch of the O'Kellys, or that of Screen, from which the Author was descended, had, from the reign of Philip and Mary, been on good terms, or officially connected with, every English administration in Ireland, except that of the usurper, Oliver Cromwell. The Author's connexion by blood with the race of the English settlers in Ireland was through his mother, Isma, daughter of Sir William Hill, of Ballybeg, in the County of Carlow. Besides Colonel Charles O' Kelly, Author of Macarice Excidium, Member in the Irish Parliament of 1689, for the County of Roscommon, and Colonel of a Regiment of Infantry, and his brother John, of Clonlyon, Sheriff, in 1686, for the County of Roscommon, Member, in the Parliament last mentioned, for the Borough of Roscommon, and Lieutenant Colonel and Captain of a company in his brother Charles's regiment, — there were several other O'Kellys, Kellys, or Kelleys, in the service of King James II., during the War of the Revolution in Ireland. Amongst the Infantry of thelrish army, Edmund Kelly was Lieutenant to Captain Sir Anthony MuUady's company in " The Royal Regiment," or " The King's Foot Guards," under Colonel William Dorrington. Teige O'Kelly was Lieutenant, and Bryan Kelly was Ensign to Captain Charles Daly's (or O'Daly's) company ; William Kelly was Ensign to Cap- tain John Bourke's company ; and another William Kelly was Ensign to Captain Edmond Bourke's company, in the Regiment of Richard de Burgh, or Bourke, Earl of Clanrickarde. William Kelly was Lieutenant to Captain Edmond Lally's company, in the Regiment of Ulick de Burgh, or Bourke, Lord Galway. Richard Kelly was Captain in the Regiment of Chris- topher Fleming, Lord Slane. Maurice Kelly was Lieutenant to Captain James Eustace's company, in the Regiment of Sir Maurice Eustace of Castlemartin. Hugh Kelly was Ensign to Captain Mathew Lynch's company, in the Regiment of John de Burgh, or Bourke, Lord Bophin, or Botiin. Daniel Kelley and John Kelley were Captains, and another Daniel Kelly Lieutenant, » Pliny, Historia Natiu-alis, lib. v. cap. 35. vol. ii. — Heeren, Historical Researches into the Poli- pp. 1018, 1019: Valpy, London, 1826 Moreri, tics. Intercourse, and Trade of the Carthaginians, Grand Dictionnaire Historique, &c., tome v. p. 4: Ethiopians, and Egyptians, vol. i. pp. 92, 99-101, Paris, 1725 Avienus, Descriptio Orbis Terr», 1(39-172,502-506,520-522: Oxford, 18.32 — Moore, et OraMaritima, pp. 140-141, 150, &c. : Argen- History of Ireland, vol. i. pp. 7-9, 52: London, torati, ex Typograpliiil Societatis Bipontinae, 1809. 1838.) Notes and Illustrations. 163 Lieutenant, in the Regiment of Colonel Oliver O'Gara. George Kelley was Ensign to Captain Robert Bellew's company, in the Regiment of Sir Michael Creagh, knight, Lord Mayor of and Member for Dublin. Hugh Kelly was Ensign to the Colonel's company, and Bryan Kelley Ensign to Captain Thomas Bowling's company, in the Regiment of Colonel Hewar Oxburgh. Denis Kelly was Captain in the Regiment of Colonel James Purcell. Amongst the Hokse of the Irish army, Denis O' Kelly, or Kelly, the son and heir of Colonel Charles, the Author, &c., was Captain of a troop, and had a horse shot under him at the battle of Aughrim, in the Regiment of Peirs, or Pierce Butler, Lord Galmoy ; and John Kelly was Quarter-Master to his Lordship's own troop in the same regiment. Bryan Kelly was Lieutenant to Captain John Connor's troop in the Regiment of Colonel Henry Luttrell. Amongst the Dragoons of the Irish army, Thomas Kelly was, in the Regiment of Lord Dongan, Dungan, or the Earl of Limerick, a Cornet to his Lordship's own troop. Constant Kelly was Quarter- Master to Captain William Battler's troop in the Regiment of Sir Neal O'Neill. In the list of the Irish General and Field Officers made prisoners at the battle of Aughrim, there is a Major Kelly mentioned ; and different officers of this old name are likewise spoken of, on several occasions, during the War of the Revolution in Ireland, though without the regi- ments to wliich they belonged being particularized''. Note 3, Page 4. Colonel O'Kelly's intention of writing a " more copious work" on the War of the Revolution in Ireland. Contemporary Jacobite materials for such a zoork. Though we have reason to be grateful to the Colonel for the account he has left us of the three years' eventful contest in Ireland, it is much to be regretted, that some Irish Jacobite duly •> O'Donovan'sTribesanii Customsof Hj-Many, oenseJ July U, 1689), pp. 12, Hi. 17: London, commonly ualleil O'Kelly's Country, &c., pp. 11-1- Printed for Robert Clavell, at the Peacock, in St. 116; Dublin, 1«43 — List of the Officers in King Paul's Church- Yai-d, MDCXXXIX Whitelaw's James the Second's Irish Army, under the heads and Walsh's History of Dublin, vol. ii. appendix, of the several Regiments, as given in manuscript No. IX. p. Ixvi. : London, 1818 The History of book, marked C. F. T. i. No. 14 : Trinity College Parsonstown in the King's County, from the Ear- Library, Dublin — Archdall's Lodge's Peei-age of licst Period to the year 1798, &c., p. 119; Dublin, Ireland, vol. i. pp. 138-140, and vol. iv. pp. 48-49 ; 1826.— The Case of Thomas, Earl of Limerick, Dublin, 1789 — Harris's Life of King 'William III., commonly called Colonel Thomas Dongan, in a folio p. 316, and appendix. No. XXXI. pp. xxxii.-iii., vulume, marked on back, •* Scotlunil & Ireland, No.XXXII. pp. xxxiii.-iv., and No. LIV. p. Ixx. : vol. xvii. 1-74;" British Museum Library Uev. Dublin, 1749 — Abbi Mac Geoghegan's Ilistoire de George Story's Continuation of the Impartial Ilis- I'lrlande, tome ii. p. Ixxiii., and tome iii. p. 751 ; tory of the Wars of Ireland, &c., p. 137 ; London, Pai-is, 1762, and Amsterdam, 1763 — The Journal 1693.— Rev. John Mackenzie's Narrative of the of the Proceedings of the Parliament in Ireland, Siege of London-Derry, &c., pp. 34, 36, 63 ; Lon- with the Establishment of their Forces there (Li- don, 1690, &c. 1 64 Notes and Illustrations. duly qualified has not bequeathed us a " more copious work," like that alluded to. The present work is chiefly valuable for the light it throws on the internal politics of the Irish Jacobites; and, more particularly, for the clear view it presents of the feelings of the old Irish, or great mass of the people of Ireland, respecting the transactions of those times, — feelings nowhere else so well described. But it is to be lamented, that the Colonel should, though a soldier, have written so much more on the mere politics, than on the military occurrences of the three campaigns, during which he adhered to King James's cause in Ireland''. A "more copious work," as regards the details of military events on the Irish or Jacobite side, must have ap- peared the more necessary, from the very erroneous, or one-sided idea, which the Colonel could not but have perceived, that the world would be led to form of the conduct of the King's adherents in that war, unless their actions should be made known at length, through some other medium, than the publications of their opponents'). And the defect of the Colonel's present work, as not affording such a relation, must have been the more obvious, since, in his time, in addition to the knowledge which he himself, as well as so many others of his countrymen, possessed, respecting the military occurrences of the three campaigns, there were in existence several accounts in detail of th ose occurrences, printed and issued during the war, by King James and his government in Ireland. From such of those Jacobite accounts as have come down to us, we see how very few have been the details, regarding those occurrences, transmitted in the Colonel's present work, compared with the particulars which he might have given. In the first place, amongst those Jacobite military documents, there was a newspaper published in the Irish metropolis, under the appellation of The Dublin Gazette, as we find from the following sentence in some intelligence of the day, printed in London, about the month of April, 1689, upon a broad-sheet, and purporting to be the contents of a letter from a correspondent in Dublin. " There is," says the Williamite writer, in this broad-sheet, "no publick •= Mr. Hardiman has cited a similar remark, as to against the Parliamentarians, a letter is given by the injurious effects of mere politics on the trans- Rushworth, as directed by Bonaventure O' Conney, mission o{ facts, from Bisliop Fleetwood, in con- from St. Isodore's College, at Rome, to Sir Phe- nexion with the subject of his useful work, the lira O'Neill, in which the utility of regular, written Chronicim Preciosum. Having noted that, for accounts, on the side of the Irish (as well as their forty years before the close of the fifteenth cen- enemies) is thus advocated; "I would advise every tury, he was unable to collect the prices of commo- chief officer among you to have a secretary along dities in England from any of her writers in those with him, to write a diurnal of your passages, and days, and also observed, that the same remark was the overthrows yom- enemies receive, which will applicable to forty years more, the learned prelate redound much to yoiu- glory." There is such a adds, in reference to those writers: " Oiu- chroni- " diurnal," or jom-nal, of that period, yet extant ; clers wanted the care and observation of their pre- but, for the 'W'ar of the Revolution, we have no decessors ; and, setting up for politicians, quite ne- production at all to compete, in point of detail, on glected (as they thought them) lesser matters." — the Jacobite side, with Story's work on the 'Wil- (Hardiman's Statute of Kilkenny, pp. 20-21.) liamite side. — (Moore's History of Ireland, vol. iv. ■i During the preceding war in Ireland, or that p. 255. Personal information.) Notes and Illustrations. 165 publick News- Letter, nor Gazette, suffered to be in any coffee-house, only the Dublin Gazette, which is a legend of their own composition." A remark, however, that would equally apply to the London Gazette, which was just as much " a legend of their oivn composition" in London ; since, in those days, neither it, nor any other sheet of news, was allowed to be published, without being previously " licensed according to order !'" From this Dublin Gazette of James, compared with the London Gazette of William, very good means could have been obtained for narrating in detail the events of the Irish war ; though, so far as the existence, at present, of any file, or even single copy, of that Dublin Gazette (for which the writer of this note has searched in vain), such means, unfortunately, no longer exist. King James's admi- nistration also issued printed sheets of military news in Dublin, for the information of his Irish subjects ; some of which sheets seem to have been sent to Scotland, for the encouragement of his supporters, the Highlanders, there ; as would appear from the printed sheet, on the latter portion of the campaign of 1089 against Marshal Schonberg, mentioned by Macpherson, in his ' "Till the Revolution," says Hume, "the li- berty of the press was very imperfectly enjoyed in England, and dm'ing avery short period. The Star Chamber, while that Court subsisted, put eiYectual restraints upon printing. On the suppression of that tribunal in 1641, the Long Parliament, after the rupture with the King, assumed the same power, with regard to the licensing of books ; and this authority was continued, during all the period of the Republic and Protectorship. Two years after the Restoration, an Act was passed, reviving the republican ordinances. This Act expired in l(i79; but was revived in the first of King James. The liberty of the press did not even commence with the Rftvolution. It was not till 1694 that the re- straints were taken off, to the great displeasure of the King (William III.) and his ministers, who, seeing nowhere, in any government, during pre- sent or past ages, any example of such unlimited freedom, doubted much of its salutary effects, and probably thought, that no books would ever so much improve the general understanding of men, as to render it safe to intrust them witii an indulgence so easily abused." Thus, in tlie Introduction of his Answer to the AVilliamite Doctor King's " State of the Protestants in Ireland, under the late King James's Government," the Protestant Jacobite, Doctor Charles Leslie, complains, in 1092, of the difficulties opposed, by the fear of detection, to the getting of his publication through the press. " That this Answer," observes the Jacobite Doc- tor, " has not before this time appeared in print, has been occasioned by the severe watch tliat is kept over all the presses, which has made many interruptions and long delays; considering which, it is more to be wondcr'd at that it has now gut through the briars, than that it has stuck so long. This," he adds, " must excuse a difference you will find in the paper in some sheets, and other eye- sores of the impression, being done at different times and places." Hence, on the title-page of this work of the Jacobite Doctor, we find no author's, printer's, or publisher's name, only " London, printed in the year 1692." A number also of the broad-sheets of news from Ireland, during the War of the Revolution, under the "licensing" system, to which tlie English press was still legally sub- jected, may be seen in the very cui'ious and valua- ble collection, entitled "Thorpe's Pamphlets," belonging to the Library of the Royal Dublin So- ciety. These circumstances, regarding the general condition of the press in England, have been the more particularly noted, as, without bearing them in mind, an undue value may be attached to much contained in the publications of those times. The interference, too, with private correspondence, by both the Jacobite and Williamite governments, will beshownfurtheron (Hume's History of England, vol. X. chap. Ixxi. pp. 213-214 : London, 1828. Les- lie's Answer to King, &c.) 1 66 Notes and Illustrations. his State Papers, and designated, " A Journal of the most remarkable Occurrences that hap- pened between His Majesty's Army and the Forces under the Command of Mareschal de Schomberg, in Ireland, from the 12th of August to the 23rd of October, 1689. Faithfully collected by James Nihell, Esq., Under Secretary to the Right Honourable the Earl of Mel- fort, His Majesty's prime Secretary of State." James likewise issued at least one pamphlet upon the war in Ireland. Of this exceedingly rare production, the writer of these lines was so fortunate as to meet with a copy, and to be allowed to transcribe it. It is entitled, " A Relation of what most remarkably happened during the last Campaign in Ireland, betwixt His Majesty's Army Royal, and the Forces of the Prince of Orange, sent to joyn the Rebels under the Count de Schomberg. Published by Authority. Dublin: printed by Alderman James Malone, Bookseller in Skinner Row, 1689." There were also remaining in Ireland, even so late as the period of those sectarian disturbances in Ulster, about two years pre- vious to the insurrection of 1798, still more rare and valuable, or unpublished, documents for a History of the War of the Revolution. The most important, as it would appear, of those collections, was in the possession of the Rev. James Coigly, of the County Armagh, executed in the year last mentioned, for high treason, at Maidstone, in Kent. In the sketch of his life by himself, dated " Maidstone Goal, 30th April, 1798," the reverend gentleman, who, from what he states, may have obtained the papers alluded to through some of his ancestors connected with the cause of King James II. in Ireland, in describing the wrecking and plunder of his father's house, by a " mob calling them- selves Orangemen," writes thus : " 'With more than Gothic rage, they totally destroyed a choice collection of books, my property, in the Irish, English, French, Italian, Latin, and Greek languages ; together with materials to compose a History of the last War in Ireland, being papers never published, and in the hand-writing of the late King James ; Tyrconnell, then Lord Lieutenant; Sir Richard Nagle ; Sir Maurice Eustace; Pierce Butler, Viscount Galmoy ; Richard Butler, Baron Dunboyne ; Patrick Sarsfield, created Earl of Lucan ; Brown, created Viscount Kenmare ; Sir William Mowat, w-ho carried on the Scottish correspondence ; Sir Neil O'Neil; Arthur Magenis, Viscount Iveagh ; Lord Abercorn; Earl of West Meath ; Lord Louth; Lord Enniskillen ; Lord Clanricard ; Sir Daniel O'Neil; Sir Brien O'Neil; Brigadier-General Gordon O'Neil ; Lord Athenry ; Lord Bellew ; LordSlane; O'Donneil; Sir Anthony O'Dogherty; Sir Cahir O'Dogherty; Colonel John O'Cahane; Colonels Brien and Hugh Mac Mahon ; Colonels Edmund, Daniel, and Owen O'Reilly; Sir John Fitzgerald, Knight of Glin ; Brigadier- General Mac Gillcuddy ; Earl of Clancartie ; Charles Mac Cartie- more ; Colonels John and Dominick Browne ; Colonel Walter O'Kavanagh ; and many others." So much for the destruction of such a valuable mass of Jacobite materials for compiling a detailed narrative of the War of the Revolution in Ireland; and there were others existing here in Colonel O'Kelly's time, that might be mentioned, if necessary. But it will suffice to have specified the foregoing documents'. Note 4, ' An Account of the Present Miserable State of 1689 : London, Printed by T.Wilkins, 1689.— Mac- Affairs in Ireland. Licensed, According to Order, pherson's Original Papers, vol. i. pp. 221-226 : Notes and Illustrations. 167 Note 4, Page 5. Education of Colonel O'Kelbj, in the Spanish Netherlands, or Belgium ; in ancient times, so much indebted, for its conversion from Heathenism, to missionaries from Ireland, Sfc. Doctor de Burgo, in his Hihernia Dominicana, cites a recommendatory letter, dated November 8th, 1026, from the University of Louvain to some Irish ecclesiastics of the Domi- nican order, and gives, in a note to a portion of that letter, some extracts from Belgian writers, by which it appears that the Belgian clergy considered themselves bound to atford every opportunity for instruction in religion and learning to exiled students from Ireland, as a repayment for the debt due in ancient times to the Irish nation, for having converted the Belgians from Paganism to Christianity. The portion of the letter, above referred to, affirms it to have been given " libentius, ut sic etiam videamur vices aliquas rcpendere nationi Hiber- nicae a qua olira Belgium nostrum priraos precones S. Evangelij ac Fidei Catholicae accepit." To which passage, the Doctor's note is as follows : " Hue faciunt quae habent egregius hujusce levi scriptor, a me ssepe laudatus P. Bernardus de Jonghe, Belga, in Belgio Dominicano, pag. 417- Hihernia .... Sanctorum Insula olira dicta, multos viros apostolicos protulit, ex quorum numero plurimi Belgarum ad Christum conversioni strenue insudarunt, et nonnulli mai'tyrium subierunt. Horum nomina recenset Nicolaus Vernulasus in libello suo de ' Propa- gatione Fidei Catholicae in Belgio per Sanctos ex Hihernia Viros,' ubi folio 3 sic habet: 'Hos adhuc Martyres suos Belgium colit, templis, et aris honoraf, Patrcnos agnoscit. Atque idcirco gentem Hibernorum cum apud nos, turn alibi, hoc tempore exulem, complecti omni benevolentia juvareque par est. Nimiriim, ne ilia apud nos inopiam patiatur, quos opibus cselestibus dotavit. Nam, si cse\o nasci amplius est, quam in communera banc lucem prodire, plus illis debemus, per quos salutis seternae viam accepimus, quam ijs a quibus ut tantiim vive- remus, habemus." — " Porro," observes de Burgo, " Sanctos illos indigitat in limine pr;elibati sui operis LovaniJ, 1639, typis vulgati idem Nicolaus Vernulaus in hunc modum alphabe- ticum. Sancti ex Hihernia Viri, qui Fidem Christianam in Belgio propagarunt. S. Abel. S. Guathagonus. S. Acca. S. Himelinus. S. Adalgisus. S. leron. S. Adalbertus. S. Kilianus. S. Bertuinus. S. Livinus. S. Colambanus. S. Luglius. S. Eloquius. S. Luglianus. S. Ecco. London, 1775 — Official Panqjlilet of King James, Address to the People of Ireland, as written by printed by Alderman Makme, in 1689, as above himself, during his Confinement in Maidstone Gaol, cited.— The Life of the Rev. James Coigly, an pp. 7, 8, 9, 14, 15, 16, 17 : London, 1798. 1 68 Notes and Illustrations. S. Ecco. S. Marcellinus. S. Fredegantlus. S. Mombolus. S. Foillanus. S. Mono. S, FurscBus. S. Obodinus. S. Forannuanus. S. Othgerus. S. Gerebernus. S. Plecbelmus. S. Rumoldus. S. Swithertus. S. Wendelinus. S. Wire. S. Willobrordus. S. Warenfridus. • 3 I' ■ Ejus Filij. Landricus. Deutelmus. Sancta; ex Hibernice Famina. S. Oda. S. Cunera. S. Wigbertus. S. Willeicus. S. Ultanus. His adjectce. S. Vulganius. S. Waldetrudis. S. Vuasnulpbus. S. Aldetrudis. S. Vincentius. S. Adelberta. " Deraum in Conclusione Operis, pag. 89, laudatus scriptor," continues the Doctor, " subjungit longiuscula quidem verba, pulchriora tamen quam ut non excribantur : ' Quod mihi (inquit) propositum erat, nisi fallor, hactenus sum executus. Id fuit ut agnoscant Belgae nostri Hibernorum in se merita, quorum opera aut religionem aoceperunt, aut quas- dam adhuc remanentes ex antiqua superstitione tenebras depulerunt, aut in fide accepta con- firmati sunt. Viros produxi, et Divos non eorum vitas, nisi forte suramatim. Neque enim propositum nobis hoc fuit. Plures scio ab ilia Sanctorum Insula prodijsse, sed bene mereri de orbe toto, non de Belgio tantum voluerunt. Alibi proindu etiam religionis Christianae legem promulgarunt. Loquentur eorum merita nationes alife, nee obliterari temporura obli- vione permitterent, quos ipsa> solent salutis suae celebrare patres, vitse patronos. Fateri autem cogor, et impellit me Veritas, gentem nullam aliam tantoporc in aliorum salutem incu- buisse. Utinam (et hoc votum supremum sit) ciim alij omnes, turn nos Belgae, tantum acceptsD religionis beneficium agnoscamus. Sub jugo haereticse tyrannidis ingemiscit hodie gens Hibernica, et tamen constantissimis animis religionem retinet ; nee uUa vis extorquet. Nee frangitur egestate, nee morte exhauritur, fortior ipsa tyrannide. Immo quod olim fecit in alienas nationes diffundit, ut aliis prosit, in patria inter tot pericula subsistit, ut sibi non desit. lUucesset aliquando dubio procul ilia dies quo in Christianfe religionis libertatem, Deo propitio, tot Divorurn suorum meritis asseretur, sed juvemus intereii qui obligati sumus, manum porrigamus, qui beneficium accepimus. Id voveo, voveant omnes, faveant, quos scripsi Dei." Respecting the Irish College of St. Omers, in the Netherlands, at which Colonel O' Kelly received his education, Harris, in his account of such Irish establishments, only gives us the following Notes and Illustrations. 169 following short notice: " At St. Omers, in Flanders, as I am informed, was heretofore a seminary for secular Irish priests; but at present," — that is, about the middle of the last cen- tury, his book being printed in 1762, — "there is no such thing. I am," he adds, " a stranger how it came to have an end." Of the Irish College at Antwerp, — the mention of which is connected with the present work through the name of O'Reilly, one of whom was President there, and another, the Rev. John O'Reilly, the translator of Colonel O'Kelly's work into Latin, — Harris says the institu- tion, like the other Irish Colleges in Flanders, was subject to the College of Douay, founded, in 1596, by the Rev. Christopher Cusack, who, by the expenditure of his own patrimony, and the pecuniary assistance of his friends, was enabled to form this, as well as other educational establishments, for his countrymen, in Belgium. The Rev. Mr. Roche, President of the College of Douay, and subsequently Roman Catholic Bishop of Ross in Ireland, at what year is not exactly stated, but apparently not long after the foundation of Douay College, and certainly previous to the year 1629, through the exertions of himself and his friends, first formed an estabhshment for Irish priests at Antwerp, where they were supported " partly by the alms given at masses, and partly by the benevolence of the people." " But," adds Harris, " the College of Antwerp, dedicated to St. Patrick, for Irish secular priests, may justly be said to owe its foundation to Mr. Laurence Sedgrave, a priest, probably of the diocese of Meath, who, in 1629, bought the house and garden for 13,320 florens, and erected it into a national Irish College, by the consent of the then Bishop of Antwerp, for twelve or sixteen priests, and he was the first President of it himself." Having stated that, in the reception of students at this College, there was observed "an equality of Provinces," or, in other words, that a similar number of students were admissible from Leinster, Ulster, Connaught, and Munster, Harris refers, for further information on this College, to a work denominated " Principium, Progressus, ac Praesens Status Collegii Pastoralis Hibernorum, Antwerpiie," published in 1680^ Note 5, Page 5. Colonel O'Kelly's Preceptor in Rhetoric. From the eminence, in his day, of the previously-mentioned Nicolaus Vernulaeus, as a professor and writer in Belgium ; his friendliness to the Irish ; the period during which he appears, by the dates of his works, to have flourished, or that of Colonel O'Kelly's youth ; and the little difference between the unknown '• Verulenus" of the text, and the known or real appellation of " Vernulceus;" the former seems to have been intended only as a slight disguise of the actual name of the Colonel's eloquent preceptor. At all events, the writer of this note has searched in vain for the name or works of amj professor, either in Belgium or elsewhere, called " Verulenus." Of " Vernulieus," O'Flaherty, the learned author of Ogygia, speaks e De Burgo, Hibernia Dominicana. pp. 432,433 — Harris's Ware, vol. ii. pp. 252, 253, 254. IRISH ARCH SOC. Z 170 Notes and Illustrations. speaks thus : " Clarissimus Vernuleeus Catholicse ac Csesareae Majestatis Historiographus in suo Opuscule de Propagatione Fidei per Hibernos, in Belgio, cap. 12. Hihernia nee Fran- corum, nee ullum externum Imperiuin unqiiam est passa." The following are the titles of Vernulaeus's works, in Trinity College Library, Dublin : — I. " Nicolai Vernvlaei Institvtionvm Politicarvm Libri iv. Qui omnia Ciuilis Doctrinae Elementa continent. Lovanii, Typis Phi- lippi Dormalij, Typog. lur. 1623. Cum Priuilegio." II. " Nicolai Vernvleei Historiographii Regij et Publici Eloquentiae Professoris Orationvm Sacrarvm Volvmen. In Festa Deiparce Virginis et aliquorum Diuorum. Lovanii, Typis Philippi Dormalii, Anno ci3.i3c.xxx." III. " Nicolai Vernvlsei Institutionvm Politicarvm Libri iv. Qui omnia Ciuilis Doctrinae Elementa continent. Tertia editio correctior. Lovanii, Tj'pis Francisci Simonis, 1635. Cum Priuilegio." IV. " Nicolai Vernvlsei Apologia pro Avgvstissima, Serenissima, et Potentis- sima Gente Austriaca, In qua illius Magnitudo, Imperium, Virtus, aduersus eius hoc Tem- pore jEmulos asseritur. Lovanii, Apud Franciscvm Simonis et lacobvm Zegers. Anno 1635." V. " Nicolai Vernvlaei de Propagatione Fidei Christianse in Belgio Per Sanctos ex Hibernia Vires Liber. Lovanii, Apud lacobvm Zegers. Cum Priuilegio. Anno CI3.I3C.XXXIX"''. Note 6, Page 6. Misconduct amongst James II.' s Nobles and Generals in Ireland. In noticing the various difficulties under which the King laboured previous to the battle of the Boyne, more especially when so very inadequately aided by the French Minister, Louvois, the royal memoirs thus refer to the misconduct in question : " Besides all these contradictions his Majesty had an other to struggle with, which was discord and disunion amongst his own people, which are never failing concommitants of difficult and dangerous conjunctures But the King was forced to work with such tools as he had, or such as were put into his hands by others, which requir'd as much dexterity to hinder their hurt- ing one an other, and by consequence himself, as to draw any use from such ill suted and jarring instruments'." Note 7, Page 6. The War ufthe Revolution, asserted to have been principally regarded as a religious contest, by the Irish Jacobites. The anxiety of the Irish, during the .Jacobite and Williamite war, for the safety of their religion above all other things, as well as the great influence of the Irish Roman Catholic clergy, to which that anxiety was so mainly attributable, are particularly alluded to in the manu- script >> Account of Colonel O'Kelly previously cited p. 39. from Dermod O'Conor's Translation of Keating's ' Memoirs of King James II. vol. i. pp. 387, 388, History of Ireland — OTlaherty's Ogygia, pars i. 389: London, 1816. Notes and Illustrations. 1 7 1 script correspondence of Lord Thomas Coningesby and Sir Charles Porter, William Ill's Lords Justices for Ireland, as matters, on account of which, it was most necessary to satisfy the Irish, in the conditions of the Proclamation, directed l)y William to be issued, for the purpose of terminating the Irish war. The manuscript letter of those Lords Justices, in the State Paper Office, London, dated Dublin, May 29, 1691, and in the handwriting of Lord Co- ningesby, after showing the necessity there was for the very favourable tenor of " the inclosed Proclamation," with respect to the Irish (" His Majesty having, ye last post, by letter from Lord Portland, sent orders toye Generalli, upon any terras to bring ye Irish to a submission"), argues, that the conditions in question, however they might be objected to as " very large," ought not to be made less so ; because, adds the document, " sinse they (the Irish) are a people naturally jealous of ye English, if there be any roome left for suspitions, it will be by ye clergy, whoe are likewise avers to all manner of treaty, and who have in this kingdome a greater in- fluence over the people, than any where els in ye world." In the manuscript letter of the same Lords Justices to Lieutenant- General Ginkell, from Dublin Castle, July 13, 1691, in the handwriting of Secretary John Davis, and amongst the MSS. of Trinity College, Dublin, it is again stated by those Lords Justices, that they availed themselves of every allowable means to render the Proclamation acceptable to the Irish, on the score of their religion, since the preservation of that religion was to them an object of such paramount importance : — ." As to the matter of religion," says the letter, " which, we do believe, is what they are most desirous to have secureed, we have sent a clause, as extensive as it is possible for us to undertake"'". Note 8, Page 7, 8. False and true dates assigned for the Origin of the Scotch Monarchy from Ireland, if-c. The version in the text, of the commencement of the Scottish monarchy in Britain by colonists from Ireland, adopts the story of the occurrence of that event under an imaginary Fergus, asserted, by an apocryphal class of Scotch historians, to have lived about 330 years before Christ, and to have been succeeded by from forty to forty-five kings, now agreed to have no more reigned in Scotland, than their fabled predecessor. This system of antedating the origin of the Scottish monarchy, which was but too long attempted to be imposed upon the world as a portion of Scotch history, took its rise from the disputes about the right of succes- sion to that crown in the time of Edward I. ; whose claims, before the Pope, to that kingdom, founded upon a fabulous pedigree of ancient kings on the English side, could, in an unen- lightened age, be controverted by no better means, than a counterlist of imaginary princes on the Scottish side. The first authentic settlement in North Britain of the Irish, or, as they were i Lieutenant-General Baron de Ginkell. in unpublished correspondence. Trinity College ' Manuscript letter, endorsed, " L'' Just. May Library, Dublin, of George Clarke, Esq., Secre- 29th, R. June 2. 91 ", State Paper Office, London. tary at War in Ireland, to Baron de Ginkell. — Manuscript letter, marked " DCCXXXV.," Harris's Life ofWilliam III., pp. 264-265. Z 2 1 7 2 Notes and Illustrations. were then, and for several centuries after, called, Scots, — was made in Argyleshire, about the middle of the third century, by Carbry or Cairbre Riada, who was chief of Dalriada, a country so named from him, and comprehending a large portion of the present County Antrim. The name of Dalriada was transferred by this Irish colony to their settlement in North Britain, and the posterity of Cairbre ruled over the two Dalriadas. The next and the most important settlement from Ireland in North Britain took place about the year 503, under the three sons of Ere, namely, Loarn, Fergus, and Angus, of whom the first took possession of Loarn, so called after him, and the second of Cantire, while Angus is stated to have colonized Ila. These colonies were subordinate to the Monarch of Ireland till the famous Council of Drumkeat in Ulster, in the year 590, when Aidan, the grandson of Fergus, was freed by Aodh, or Hugh, then Monarch of Ireland, from future homage to the Irish crown. The gradual en- croachments upon and final subjection of the Pictish monarchy in North Britain, by the race of the Irish settlers, founded the modern kingdom of Scotland. Tliis last event, or the subjection of the Picts, was effected by the descendant of Fergus, Kenneth II., son of Alpin, A. D. 843, or 340 years from the year 503, the period of the landing of his ancestor in North Britain from Ireland. During the 254 years from this overthrow of the Pictish kingdom, in 843, by the descen- dants of the Irish colony in Scotland, under their King, Kenneth II., to the death of King Donal Bane, in 1097, and which is known as the Scoto-Irish period of the history of Scotland, that country, as Chalmers observes, was under a " Celtic king, a Celtic government, a Celtic church ;" and down to " the demise of Donal Bane," he adds, " the whole people inhabiting every district of proper Scotland spoke the Irish tongue"'. Note 9, Page 8. James VI. of Scotland, a descendant of Fergus, and the son of Queen Mary, succeeds to the Crown of England. According to Charles O'Conor's genealogical table of the royal line of Scotland, from Kenneth II., the conqueror of the Picts, and, as such, the first Prince who reigned over the chief portion of the territory comprehended in the modern kingdom of Scotland, James VI. of Scotland, or James I. of England, the son of Mary, Queen of Scots, was the twenty-third in descent from Kenneth ; and the remaining portion of James's pedigree, from Kenneth up to Fergus, may be seen in Chalmers's Caledonia. The other circumstances of James's title to the two crowns of Britain are thus set forth by Mac Geoghegan : — " A la mort de la Reine Eli- zabeth," says the Irish Abbe, "Jacques 'VI., Roi d'Eeosse, herita du Royaume d' .\ngleterre comme descendant de Marguerite, fille ainee du Roi Henry VII. II etoit fils de Marie Stuart, decapitee ' O'Conor's Dissertations on the History of Ire- 375,477-479: London, 1807 — Moore's History of land, pp. 205-309: 3rd edit. Dublin, 1812 — Chal- Ireland, vol. i. pp. 127-129, 136-139— Scott's Hist, mers's Caledonia, vol. i. pp. 271-278, 282-283,374- of Scotland, vol. i. pp. 7- 12, 49-50, &c. : Lend. 1830. Notes and Illustrations. 173 decapitee sous Elizabeth, dont le pere Jacques V. etoit ne du mariag-e de Jacques IV., Roi d'Ecosse, avec la ditc Marguerite. Le pere de Jacques VI. etoit le Lord Darnly ; celui-ci etoit fils du Comte de Lenox, doscendu de Robert Stuart, successeur inimediat de David Bruce, Roi d'Ecosse, vers le milieu du quatorzieme sitcle .... Jacques I., reunissoit en sa personne le droit de tons les Rois Bretons, Saxons, Danois, et Normands, dont le sang couloit dans ses veines; de sorte qu'il n'y avoit pas dans 1' Europe un Souverain, dont le droit a la Royaute fut plus incontestable, que celui de ce Prince a la Couronne d' Angleterre. Par I'avenement de ce Prince au trone Britannique, furent enfin reunies sous un nieme chef deux Nations rivales ; s^avoir, 1' Angleterre et I'Ecosse, qu'une emulation continuelle avoit divisees pen- dant tant de siecles, et les Monarques Anglois depuis cette epoque prirent le titre de Roi de la Grande Bretagne et d'lrlande'"". Note 10, Page 8. James I. acknuivledged, as a Monarch of the blood of their ancient Kings, by the old Irish, Sec Doctor Lingard, after alluding to the wars in Ireland, during the reign of Elizabeth, in which, owing to the unhappy connexion of the contest with religious feelings, and the excom- munication of that Princess by the Pope, the hostility of the Irish was the more violent, speaks as follows (on the contemporary authority of Lynch, illustrated by Dr. O'Conor) respecting the very different sentiments, which the old Irish entertained of the Queen's successor : " The exceptions made to Elizabeth did not apply to James. Against him no excommunication had been pronounced, nor was he a prince exclusively of Sa.xon or Norman origin. He claimed his descent from Fergus, the first king of Scots in Albion ; and Fergus, as a thousand genea. logies could prove, was sprung from the ancient kings of Erin. Ills accession, therefore, was hailed as a blessing by the aboriginal Irish ; they congratulated each other on the event ; they boasted that the sceptre of Ireland was restored to the rightful line in a descendant of Milespane," or Milesius". The following description of the feelings of both races of the Irish, or those of aboriginal and colonial descent, with reference to the succession of James to Elizabeth, is given by the Abbe Mac Geoghegan : " Les anciens Irlandois consideroient le sang Milesien qui couloit dans les veines de Jacques, ils le regardoient corame un Prince qui leur devoit I'origine, ils n'avoient pas oublie qu'Edouard Bruce, frere de Robert Roi d'Ecosse, de qui Jacques tiroit son origine, avoit ete choisi par leurs peres au commencement du quatorzieme siecle, pour les gouverner en Souverain ; ils n'ignoroient pas qu'Edouard avoit ete effectivement couronne Roi d'Irlande: celajointea leur soumission actuelle a Jacques, leur parut un titre valable a la Couronne d'Irlande, du moins il valoit bien, selon eux, le droit dont ce Prince avoit herite des Rois d' Angleterre ses predecesseurs, qui ne furent jamais universellement reconnus par les .anciens ■» O' Conor's Dissertations on the History of lande, Ancienne et Moderne, par M. 1' Abbe Mac- Ireland, pp. 206, 206. — Chalmers's Caledonia, vol. i. Geoghegan, tome iii. pp. 635, 636. pp. 278, 301, 304, 30a, 376, 377 Histoire de I'lr- ■■ See Note 81. 1/4 Notes and Illustrations. anciens habitans d'Irlande. Les Irlandois modernes regardoient Jacques coinrae I'heretier du droit de la Couronne d'Angleterre, et par consequent de celle d'Irlande, en vertu de son extraction de Marguerite, fille ainee de Henri VII. ; de sorte que les deux peuples qui habi- toient rirlande alors, en oubliant leur ancienne querelle, se reunirent parfaitement pour se soumettre au Loix de ce nouveau Roi. Voila les motifs de la soumission generate des Irlandois a la Couronne d'Angleterre"". Note 1 1, Page 8. James's reign over England, Scotland, and Ireland, generally tranquil. Peace having taken place with Spain soon after James's accession to the throne of Eng- land, the King was, for the greater portion of his reign, free from any foreign war ; or until the necessity of sending assistance to his unfortunate son-in-law, the Elector Palatine, against the house of Austria, and the circumstances resulting from the breaking off, by the Duke of Buckingham, of the proposed match between the Prince of Wales, afterwards Charles I., and the sister of Philip IV. of Spain, again involved England in hostilities with the Spanish monarchy. Note 12, Page 8. Connexion of Charles I., by marriage, with the Royal Family of France. The Princess Henrietta Maria de Bourbon was the youngest daughter of the celebrated Henry IV., sister to Louis XIII., and aunt to Louis XIV. of France. She was born in No- vember, 1609, married by proxy to Charles I., at Paris, in May, 1625, and was the mother of Charles II. and James II. of England. After the death of her first husband, she privately married Henry Jermyn, created at the Restoration Earl of St. Albans. She died at the Castle of St. Columbe (an Irish Saint by the way), near Paris, in August, 1669. " She ex- celled," according to the account of her son, King James II., "in all the qualitys of a good Wife, a good Mother, and a good Christian. She was buryd with great magnificence at St. Denis the buriall-place of the Kings of France, in the same maner as the Queen Mothers of France are us'd to be buried''." Note 13, Pages 8, 9. Unfavourable period at which Charles I. came to the Crown. The reign of the unfortunate Charles is erroneously described in the text as " sufficiently prosperous," until the bursting forth of those commotions, amongst the Scotch and English, which " Lingard, History of England, vol. ix. chap. ii. -3.13 Jesse's Memoirs of the Court of England pp. 139-140, 4th edit.: London, 1839 Mac Geo- under the Stuarts, vol. ii. pp. 202-236: London, ghegan, Histoire de I'lrlande, tome iii. p. 637. 1840.— Memoirs of King James II. vol. i. pp. 445- P Lingard'sHistory of England, vol. ix. chap. iii. 446 — L'Art de verifier les Dates, &c., tome i. pp. 228-231, 237, 238, and vol. xi. chap. vi. pp. 332, pp. 667, 827 : Paris, 1783. Notes and Illustrations. 175 which immediately QCCSi&wxiQi the great civil war. The position of Charles I., from the com- mencement of his reign, was one of war and defeat abroad, and fiscal or pecuniary difficulties, and political and religious contentions, at home. After premising, that " there are certain omens and prognosticks, which sometimes precede and forebode the misfortunes of great men, and have therefore been thought by the best writers, not unworthy of a place in history'"'. Carte relates the following remarkable incident, which, and other occurrences of the kind, are men- tioned by different authors to have been looked upon, as presages of the king's melancholy destiny : •• Sir A. Van Dyck, having drawn the king in three different faces, a profil, three quar- ters, and a full face, the picture was sent to Rome, for the Cavalier Bernini to make a bust from thence. It was given to that great master in his art by the Cardinal Protector of the English nation, who pressed him to make a good one with dispatch. Bernini was unac- countably dilatory in the work; the Cardinal complaining of the slowness with which it ad- vanced, pressing him to finish, and wondering how he could be so tedious in making the bust of so great a prince, the other said that he had set about it several ti mes, b ut there was somethi ng so unfortunate in the featuresof the face, that he was shockedevery time that he examined it, and forced to leave off his work ; and if there was any stress to be laid upon physiognomy, he was sure that the person whom the picture represented was destined to a violent end. The bust was at last finished, and sent to England. As soon as the ship which brought it arrived in the river, the King, who had an excellent taste in those polite arts, and was very impatient till he saw the piece, ordered it to be carried immediately to his house at Chelsea. It was brought thither, placed upon a table in the garden, whither the King went, with a train of nobility about him, to take a view of the bust. As they were viewing it, an hawk flew over their heads, with a partridge in his claws, which he had wounded to death. Some of the partridge's blood fell on the neck of the statue, where it always remained without being wiped off, and was seen by hundreds of people, as long as the bust was in being. It," observes Carte, " was put over the door of the King's closet at Whitehall, and continued there, till it was burned in the fire which consumed that palace about forty years ago," — that is from the year 1736, when his book was published. And, with respect to his authority for this anecdote, he adds ; " I have it from a very reverend author, who hath often seen the statue, and well knows the fact to be true"'. Note 14, Page 9. The Scotch suspect Charles I. of intending to overthrow their form of worship, asserted to have been similar to the primitive religion established in Scotland, ^-c. Mr. D. H. Kelly says, in a marginal remark on the portion of the text here illustrated : " Pinkerton, Wodrow, and others, wrote to prove the Culdees Presbyterians, having no Bishop, or episcopal ordination, amongst them." Whether the Presbyterian form of Christianity, which, Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica. vol. ii. pp. 340- teur de ses Amis, touchant les Principales Iini>os- ••J47, .380-021 Carte, Life of Ormonde, vol. i. Im-es du P. Brisacier lesuite (pp. 2, 3, 4, ft). Avec pp. 158, 348-349, 575-670, vol. ii. pp. 83, 94 vne Lt-ttre d'vne Seigneur CathoUque d'llibernie, Mac Geoghegan, Histoire de I'lrlande, tome iii. (Sir R. Sellings) qui le justifie plainementde toutes pp. 677-C)78, f)85-687 — Warner, History of the Re- les Calomnies de ce lesuite qui regardent ce Roy- bellion and Civil War in Ireland, vol. i. pp. 226- aume (pp. 1, 6): Paris, 1652 Harri8's Ware 227, vol. ii. pp. 86-87, 180-182: Dublin, 1768 (Account of Irish Writers), vol. ii. p. 125 Earl Manuscript Memorial above cited, in State Paper of Clarendon's State Letters and Diary, vol. i. Office, London. — Relatione della Battaglia seguita p. 23 : Dublin, 1765 Earl of Castleliaven's Me- fra Catholic! Hibernesi et Heretici Piu'itani in moirs, p. 15: Dublin, 1815 Hibernia Domini- Ultonia, Provincia d'Hibernia, ildi cinque de Gi- cana. Supplement., pp. 873, 884, 889, 909. ugno, 1(546: in Roma, 1646 — Foreign Quarterly ' By the word "English," Co.\ thus far means Review, No. LXVIL, p. 14 — Lettre de Monsieur Anglo-/risA,orthe Irish of English origin more or Callaghan, Docteur en Theologie de la Faculte de less remote, as contrasted vvitli the older or Mile- Paris, et Cure-PrieurdeCour-Cheuerny, a un Doc- sian Irish. 184 Notes and Illustrations. army of New English, commanded by the Earls of Ormond, Insiquin, &c., &c. And thirdly, there was an army of Papists under the Nuntio, and an army of Protestants commanded by the Marquess of Ormond." On the final success of the Cromwellians, from thirty to forty thousand of the Irish, who were unwilling to submit to the revolutionary government of England, left their country, under different leaders, and entered the services of France, Spain, Austria, and Venice. Mac Geoghegan adduces the testimony of Charles II. himself, respecting the generous loyalty displayed towards him, during his banishment on the Continent, by the Irish exiles, in the French and Spanish services. " Ce Prince," observes the Abbe, " nous en est garant ; voici comme il parle dans ses premieres harangues aux deux Chambres du Parlement, imme- diatement apres qu'il fut retabli sur le trone d'Angleterre. Dans sa premiere harangue du 27 Juillet, 1 660, il s'exprime de cette sorte. ' Je compte n'avoir pas besoin de parler de I'lrlande qui ne merite pas d'etre seule exclue du bienfait de ma clemence, ses habitans m'ont temoigne une affection extreme dans les pays etrangers ; vous aurez done soin de mon honneur, et des promessesque je leur ai faites.' Et encore au 30 Novembre suivant, dans sa declaration au sujet de I'arrangement des affaires d'Irlande, il se sert de ces paroles remarquables : ' En dernier lieu nous nous sommes souvenus, et nous nous souviendrons toujours, de la grande affection qu'une partie considerable de cette Nation nous a temoignee pendant notre sejour au-dela des mers, nos troupes Irlandoises ayant toujours regu avec la plus grande joie et obeissance nos ordres, et s'y etant soumise de meme, ne balangant pas de se retirer au service que nous leur avons indique comme le plus utile a nos interets, quelque nuisable qu'il dut etre au leur, laquelle conduite de leur part ne s(;auroit etre que tres-digne de notre protection, justice, et faveur.'" The conduct of those troops towards Charles is thus described by the Abbe : " Pendant que ce Prince etoit en France, ils signalerent leur courage au service de cette Couronne. La situation des affaires obligea-t-elle le Monarque Anglois de chercher un asyle chez les Espagnols ? le premier commandement desa part sufiit a tons ces Regimens pour le suivre dans les Pays-Bas, de sorte qu'on pent dire, sans craindre un dementi, que I'attache- ment et la fidelite des Irlandois pour leur Roi, dans un temps qu'il etoit abandonne de presque tous ses autres sujets, lui attira les honneurs, et la consideration dont il avoit joui parmi les Etrangers, pendant le temps de son exil." A similar account of the conduct of those Irish exiles to Charles II. is given in an inte- resting manuscript volume, in the possession of the writer of this note, entitled, " The Case of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland." It is "divided into two parts," contains 144 pages, in a fine, round, legible hand, and, from the mention of two circumstances at pp. 35, 142, 143, appears to have been written, early in the eighteenth century ; the object of the author (who, as an Irish .lacobite, of com-se, conceals his name) being, to demonstrate the injustice of the Act of Settlement, by which, after the Restoration, so large a portion of the landed property of Ireland was transferred from its original possessors, who had fought and suffered so much for the royal cause at home and abroad, to those, who had only obtained that property, as the enemies of monarchy, or followers of Cromwell. After mentioning the final submission of Ireland, from Notes and Illustrations. 185 from " an impossibility of continueing the war," the manuscript says : " When the kingdom was reduced to this extremity, most of the army, choosing rather to quit their native country, their wives, their children, and old decrepite parents, than live under the Usurper's tyranny, and withal being desirous to spend the remainder of their dales in their Prince's service, and to let him see, by their constant adhesion to his interest abroad, as well as at home, how ma- liciously they had been aspers'd by their enemies, and misrepresented both to himself and his roial father', they made formal capitulations, and were not, as Clarendon says, sold to foreign Princes ; by which capitulations, they stipulated to pass, as they did, into foreign countries, especially France and Spain, where they stuck to no service nor bread but what squar'd with his interest, resorting and flocking to him from all places and engagements, and siding chear- fully with y= Princes they saw favour'd most his interest. When he was in France, they quitted the Spanish service and the sure bread they had on that side, to joyn him upon un- certainties; when he quitted France to live in Flanders under the protection of Spain, they abandoned what establisments they had acquired by their gallant actions in the Most Christian King's service, to be still near their master, doing him pleasure in the field, and supplying him in his wants, as far as their pay and industry cou'J reach, and doing him all the good offices that fell within their sphere or power : all which they did vvith such alacrity and zeal, such love and duty, that his Majesty found himself in his banishment master of a considerable body of an army, which made him the more regarded abroad, and the subject of nourishing- hope to his friends, and of anxious care and inquietude to his enemies at home." The importance then attached by the French government to the Irish regiments m its service was so great, that, even after Cardinal Mazarin's treaty of alliance with Cromwell against Spain, by which the Stuart family were to quit the French dominions, various efforts were made by the Cardinal and Marshal Turenne to induce the Duke of York (afterwards James II.) not to leave the French for the Spanish service. Nay, Cromwell's permission was ashed and obtained for the Duke to remain in the service of France ; on account of the loss it would be to the combined forces of England and France, and the gain to Spain, that the Irish regiments should join the latter; as it was known they would, when the Duke and his royal brother (Charles II.) should be both under the protection of that power. This circumstance is ' Of the manner, in which it was sought to the observation of Mac Geoghegan, " les Anglois "asperse'* and "misrepresent" the Irish to eurent a peine mis ie pied en Irlande, qu'ils com- Charles I., the King himself appears to have been niencerent a trailer de rebelles les nationnaux, qui duly aware. For, it is remarked, in Mr. Moore's defendoient si justement leurs foyers contre eux. last volume : " Soon after the battle of Naseby, a Tel a toujonrs ete depuis le stile de eette nation manuscript copy was found of .Sir Edward "Wallier's imperieuse. II ne faut pas s'etonner, puisqu'on Discoursesof the Eventsof the CivilWar, in which, a vu a la fin du dernier siecle leurs ecrivains among several other corrections in the King's hand- traiter de rebelles les troupes qui .soutenoient la writing, it was observed, that, in one place, where cause de Jacques II., lem' Prince legitime, contre the writer had occasion to speak of the insurgents, un usurpateur." — (Moore, History of Ireland, and had styled them reie/s, the King had drawn his vol. ii. p. 215, and vol. iv. pp. 2.58-239. — Mac pen through the word 'rebels,' and had substituted Geoghegan, Histoire de 1' Irlande, tome ii. p. 5, the word 'Irish' in its stead." But, according to and tome iii. p. 671.) IRISH ARCH. SOC. 2 B 1 86 Notes and Illustrations. is stated in James's Memoirs, which add, that, when James afterwards went into the Spanish service, four Irish regiments came over to him from the French, and would have been fol- lowed by more, but for the obstacles presented by the jealousy of the Spaniards, to his brother's having too great a body of men obeying him in the Spanish army". Note 2-2, Page 12. Charles II., though considered a Protestant, yet well served by the Irish, though Roman Catho- lics, as well as William, Prince of Orange, afterwards, at the Revolution, hy numbers of Dutch, who were Roman Catholics. Notwithstanding the wonder expressed in the text at the loyalty of the Irish to Charles II., the contemporary memorials of the Revolution of 1688 show how a Prince, even when a still more " zealous opponent of the Roman Catholic rites," was not the less faithfully served by numbers of that religion, though the circumstance has not been duly noticed in our printed histories. The number of Roman Catholics was so considerable in the army which William brought with him from Holland to England to dethrone James II., that one of the objections of the Protestant Jacobites to the Revolution, was the danger to be apprehended from so many Papists, as there were in the Prince of Orange's forces. One of those Protestant advocates for the restoration of James to his throne, under proper constitutional securities, after noting, to the prejudice of William, " that most of the things that made the King's government so obnoxious had already been done in this," observes : " We have, in great part, a Popish array too, tho' that was one of the most crying offences we objected to the King, and from which we drew the mo.st popular notions of oui- insecurity." Another writer, on the same side, re- marks : " I might mention the great number of Papists in the Dutch army, as another dissua- sive from venturing ourselves in this bottom 'Tis ill trusting Popery in any shape. This is a root, which, wherever it is planted, can bring forth no good fruit. The bogs of Hol- land cannot (we think) make it less malignant than those of Ireland." A third of those oppo- nents of a change of dynasty in favour of William, objects to him, that " he brought along with him more Cathohc soldiers than ever King James had in his army." A fourth of the same class of writers, namely, the celebrated political and religious controversialist. Doctor Charles Leslie, in adverting to " the Roman Catholicks in K. William's army," adds of them, " who are many more in England, than K. James had in his army here." Even William's own splendid Regiment of Blue Guards, decidedly the finest in the Dutch army, and that to which the gaining of the battle of the Boyne was afterwards principally owing s Leland's History of Ireland, vol. iii. pp. 313- Lingard's History of England, vol. x. chap. vi. .392; 3rd edit. Dublin, 1774 Curry's Review of pp. 305-366 Mac Geoghegan, Histoire de I'lr- the Civil Wars of Ireland, vol. ii. book is. chap. i. lande, tome iii. pp. 704-705 — Manuscript Case of pp. 53-56: Dublin, 178G.— Cox, Hibernia Angli- the Roman Catholicks of Ireland as above quoted. cana, vol. i. vt sup Dalrymple's Memoirs, &c., — Memoirs of King James II., vol. i. pp. 265-269, vol. iii. part ii. book vi. p. 168: London, 1790.— 275-276, 280-281, 297. Notes and Illustrations. 187 owing\ contained numbers of Dutch Roman Catholics. This appears from what occurred between James and a body of that regiment, who were commissioned by William to attend the King at Rochester, in December, 1G88, shortly before his escape to France. Harris, in his Life of William, after mentioning the appointment of about 100 of those Guards to wait on James (they consisted of " a Captain and a hundred common men," according to their royal prisoner), thus relates the circumstance alluded to : — " The Dutch guards left him at full liberty, and paid him rather more respect than he had lately received from his own. Most of that corps happened to be Papists, and when the King went to Mass, joined very reverently with him. He asked them, Hoiv they could serve in an expedition deiigiwd to destroy their own Religion ? One of them answered. That his Soul was God's, but his Stvord belonged to the Prince o/" Orange ; which," adds Harris, "pleased the King so much, that he repeated it to all about him." To the considerable proportion of Roman Catholics in those Guards, the King's Memoirs (though not to the extent of Harris's statement) bear testimony; by mention- ing, that "the Officer who commanded was a Catholick, and near half the soldiers came next morning to hear Mass with him after their arrival there." For the kindness shown him, amongst these Dutch Roman Catholics of William's Guards, James, the following year, to- wards the close of the campaign near Dundalk, against Marshal Schonberg, took an oppor- tunity of demonstrating his gratitude. " Three Dutch-men," says the Willianiite Chaplain, Story, then with Schonberg's army, " were taken as they were stragling in the Country, who being brought to King James, and ask'd, who they belonged to ? when he understood their Captain was the same that had the Care of him formerly at Rochester, he dismissed them, with his Service to their Captain, giving each of them some Mony, because, he said, their Captain had been formerly civil to him." To this noble Regiment of Guards, that were commanded, at the period of William's landing in England, by Count de Solmes, and consisted of so many as twenty-five companies, their royal master was so warmly attached, according to Dalrymple, that the English Parliament, after the Peace of Ryswick, or in 1699, having determined on a reduction of their army, by which those Guards should be sent back to their own country, the King was so irritated, as to have, for some time, thought of placing the Crown in the hands of the Parliament, and retiring to Holland. From the considerable number of Roman Catholics, alleged to have been in those Guards at the time of the Revolution, it is probable they were levied, to a great extent, in North Holland ; for Mr. Hampden, junior, in his speech in the English House of Commons, March 14, 1689, on the vote for reimbursing the Dutch for the expense of William's expedi- tion to England, says: " In North Holland, there avemore Papists than Protestants"'. Note 23, *' See Note 122. 1H89 to 1691, p. 174 : Dublin, 1K39.— Harris's Life ' Somers's Tracts, vol. ix. pp. 1270,304, and vol. X. of King William III., p. 157.— Dalrymple's Me- pp. 184, 367: London, 1813. — Leslie's Answer to moirs, vol. iii. part iii. book vii. pp. 176-181: King, p. 178. — Story's Impartial History of the London, 1790.— Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. Wars of Ireland, pp. 31, 79, 80, 89— Captain Ri- pp. 135, 267-273.— Parliamentary History of Eng- chardson, in Graham's History of Ireland, from land, vol. v. p. 175: London, 1809. 2 B 2 1 8 8 Notes and Illustrations. Note 23, Page 12. Bistrihut'wn of the estates of the Irish, hy the English revolutionanj Parliament, amongst English contractors, republican soldiers, and regicides. The " contractors" above mentioned were those English capitalists, who, soon after the Ulster insurrection in October, 1641, or upon the credit of two English Acts of Parliament passed eai-ly in 1642, advanced money for the subjugation of the Irish, on the condition, when Ireland should be conquered, of being repaid by large grants of land, from the confiscated estates of the Irish Roman Catholics. " It," says the historian, Borlase, "was resolved upon solemn debate, on the 8th of December, 1641, by the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England, that they would never give consent to any toleration to the Popish religion in Ireland, or any other His Majesty's dominions." The author of the manuscript " Case of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland," previously described, speaks, as follows, of the confiscating Acts, which succeeded this resolution : " This was but a prelude to the two rigid Acts the English ParUament pass'd in February and March following, for the confiscation of two millions and a half of Irish acres, arable, meadow, and pasture land, belonging to Irish Papists, all the woods, boggs, and other land passing under the name of improfitable acres, and belonging to the premisses, to be thrown, with the rest, into the bargain, and all to be set aside as a fund for satisfaction, to such as would furnish money towards carrying on the war against ye rebels of Ireland, this fund of confiscations to be made over and assign'd to the Adventurers proportionably to their respective lones, when both Houses would declare the hng- dom conquer'd." The writer of this manuscript then complains, that, from "the distinction the Acts made between profitable and improfitable acres, and the manner the later are superadded, without any restriction or limitation," all the Roman Catholic landed proprietors of Ireland might consider themselves as liable to confiscation ; though the Ulster insurrection was, he says, little, if at all, extended beyond that province ; and he then proceeds to make this view of the matter more apparent, from the localities assigned by the English Parliament for com- pensation, in every province of Ireland, to English Adventurers, out of the lands of the Irish Roman Catholics. " But, to let them and the Adventurers see ye Catholics of the whole kingdom were indistinctly" [i. e. without distinction] " involv'd in ye calamity of these confisca- tions, and that the people in arras in Ulster were not alone to suffer, that Parliament prodi- gally settled for each Adventure pounds, acres. Ulster. Connact. Munster. Leinster. ■ To obviate all acts of clemency in favour of innocents or penitents, or even of meriting persons ' pounds. acres. ' 200 1000 of < 300 430 1000 1000 in c . 600 1000 Notes and Illustrations. i8g persons of that nation, the Parliament riveted these Acts to that degree of irrevocability, that they brought his Majesty to divest himself of the power of alienating any of these confiscations from the uses of the Acts, or applying them to any other use whatsoever, tho they left them- selves at liberty to employ, as they really did thereafter, the most part of the money given in by the Adventurers, against the King himself in England'', which makes it plain the hidden view of the party in projecting these confiscations was, to make themselves masters of such a good beginning of a fund, for carrying on their premeditated war against the King in Eng- land ; for their rebellion being as yet in its infancy, it was not seasonable they should propose to raise any considerable sum of money by way of a tax, so the Irish confiscations were the readiest contrivance they could imagine for their wicked purpose." A similar representa- tion of the insurrectionary designs for which this Adventurers' money on Irish confiscations was principally raised and applied by the English Parliament, is given in King James II. 's Memoirs'. When the ruling powers in England eventually, or on the ^Gth of September. J 053, announced Ireland to be reduced to submission, the greater part of the island was thus apportioned between the above-mentioned Adventurers, or subscribers under those acts of confiscation, and the Cromwellian soldiery. At a Council of War of the leading Parliamen- tarian or Cromwellian commanders, " Lord Broghill," says his Chaplain, the Rev. Thomas Morrice, " proposed, that the whole kingdom might be survey'd, and the number of acres taken, with the quality of them; and then all the soldiers to bring in their demands of arrears, and so to give to every man, by lot, as many acres of ground, as might answer the value of their arrears. This was agreed on ; and all Ireland being survey'd, and the value of acres given it, the highest was valued only at four shillings the acre, and some only at a penny. Accord- ingly they took the names of all that were in arrear, who drew lots in what part of the king- dom their portion should be ; and, in this manner, the whole kingdom was divided among the conquerors and .adventurers of money." After the Restoration, the Attorney-General, Sir W. Domville, in overhauling the particulars of this division of the country, discovered, according to Carte, amongst other improprieties, that there were "great abuses in the manner of setting out the Adventurers' satisfaction, in which the proceedings were very clandestine and con- fused. For they had whole Baronies set out to them in gross, and then they employed Sur- veyors of their own to make their admeasurements, and those finished, they had never since brought in their surveys or field-books into the Surveyor- General's office, or to publick view. Thus they had admeasured what proportions they thought fit to mete out to themselves ; and what lands they were pleased to call unprofitable, they had returned as such, let them be never so good and profitable. In the County of Tippernnj alone, he had found by books in the Sur- veyor's oflice above 50,000 acres returned as unprofitable, and in the moiety of the ten Coun- ties, wherein their satisfaction was set out, he had found 245,207 acres so returned by the Adventurers as unprofitable;" &c. then, having shown how very profitable much of this land was t King's Letter, 2. July. Ifi43. Rush. Coll"» part .3. pag. 544, ' See Note 90. 1 go Notes and Illustrations. was discovered to be, this writer adds: " The lands held by the sohliers as unprofitable, and returned as such into the Surveyor's office, amounted to 665,670 acres, as appeared by a par- ticular recital thereof, in the certificates of the proper Officers"". See Note 27. Note 24, Pages 12, 13. Chronological error respecting Cromwell corrected. The statement, as to Cromwell having died within three years after he obtained the supreme authority, is a mistake. Oliver Cromwell became chief ruler of England, under the title of Protector, in December, 1653, and died in September, 1658. He was, consequently, by title, the de facto ruler of England nearer j?ye than three years. And, if we date his political and military supremacy in that country farther back than his actual assumption of the name of Protector, as might fairly be done, the limitation of his authority to but three years would be still less correct'. Note 25, Page 13. The re-establishment of Monarchy in England, wrongly attributed to apprehensions from abroad. The assertion of the " Restoration" having occurred in England, through any fear of an intervention by France and Spain for the purpose, is not borne out by King James's Memoirs, which state that, at the latter end of the year 1659, and even at the commencement of the following year, or that in which the Restoration actually took place, the hopes of the royal family, with respect to the occurrence of such an event, were reduced to the lowest ebb. James himself had so little expectation of the revolution about to occur in England, that, when intelligence reached him of the fortunate changes there for his brother Charles and himself, he was preparing to depart for Spain, to take the command there, as High Admiral and General of the Spanish forces, against the Portuguese. Note 26, Page 1 3. Charles II. and his brothers, the Dnkes of York and Gloucester, enter London, ^-c. Charles II., with his brothers, James, Duke of York, and Henry, Duke of Gloucester, entered London, on the anniversary of his birth-day, 29th May, 1660°. Note 27, ■>' MS. Case of the Roman Catholicks of Ireland, 49-30,62-63 — Morrice'sLifeand Lettersof Roger pp. 36-42 Curry's Review of tlie Civil Wars of Boyle, first Earl of Orrery, and Lord President Ireland, book v. chap, xxiii., and book ix. chap. i. of Munster, &c., vol. i. p. 39: Dublin. 1743. — vol. i. pp. 266-268,and vol. ii. pp. 54-57.— Memoirs Carte's Life of Ormonde, vol. ii. pp. 301-302. of King James II., rol. ii. p. 339.— Hume's His- " Sir H. Nicolas's Chronol. of History, p. 321. tory of England, chap. Iv. vol. viii. pp. 83-88 — " Memoirs of King James II., vol. i. pp. 379- Lingard's History of England, chap. i. vol. x. pp. 382, 385-386. Notes and Illustrations. 1 9 1 Note 2", Pages 13, 14. Charles II. pardons all offenders, except the regicides, whose lands, in Ireland, are granted to his brother, James, Dnhe of York. From the lands of those regicides who had acquired confiscated estates in Ireland during the Cromwellian usurpation, an immense grant was made to James, Duke of York, after- wards James II. The number of Irish statute acres, so obtained by the Duke, is specified in a manuscript document, inserted in Mr. Sheffield Grace's Memoirs of the Family of Grace, at 169,431 ! Mac Geoghegan thus expresses himself at this acquisition of Irish lands by James: " On donna au Due d'York les terres confisquees de ces infames. Pouvoit-on transferer a ce Prince un droit que ces Usurpateurs n'avoient pas ? lis avoient possede ces terres en vertu de la donation que Cromwell leur en avoit faite, pour recompense de leur parricide. Ce tyran en avoit depouille quelques Seigneurs Irlandois pour la raison opposee ; leur droit etoit par consequent injuste. Ne semble-f-il pas, que ces terres devroient plutot etre resti- tuees aux anciens proprictaires, que de servir d'appanage au frere du Roi'T'? Note 28, Page 14. Irish landed property confiscated under Charles II., as well as under the Parliamentarinn and Cromwelliaii regime. A general idea of the system, by which, in connexion with the Acts of Settlement and Explanation (above alluded to), the greater portion of the landed property of Ireland, that had belonged to the Irish royalists before the year 1641, was transferred to their enemies, the " Cromwellian settlers," may be obtained, from the numerous original testimonies cited by Dr. Curry, or from the more condensed narrative of Dr. Lingard. After mentioning a final grant of compensation by Charles to only ninety-four out of several thousand suffer- ing loyalists, the latter writer observes : " But when compensation had thus been made to a few of the sufferers, what, it may be asked, became of the officers who had followed the roval fortune abroad, or of the 3000 Catholics who had entered their claims of innocence ? To all these the promises which had been made by the Act of Settlement were broken ; the unfortunate claimants were deprived of their rights, and debarred from all hope of future relief. A measure of such sweeping and appalling oppression is perhaps without a parallel in the history of civilized nations. Its injustice could not be denied ; and the only apology offered in its behalf was, the stern necessity of quieting the fears and jealousies of the Crom- wellian settlers, and of establishing on a permanent basis the Protestant ascendancy in Ireland." The number of Irish thus stripped of their properties would seem, however, to have been p Memoirs of the Family of Grace, p. 39. — Mac Geoghegan, Histoire de I'lrlande, tome iii. p. 7l(i. 192 Notes and Illustrations. been many more than this extract from Doctor Lingard would make them; for Chief Justice Nugent (the same who was afterwards created Lord Riverston by James 11.) says, in an unpublished letter to Lord Sunderland, among the manuscripts in the State Paper Office, London, and dated Dublin, 23rd June, 1686:— "There are 3000 in this kingdome, who were never outlawed, and out of theyre estates, yet cannot now by law be restored." That is, could not be restored to "theyre estates," as the law, under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, then stood. The Lord Chancellor Clare, speaking in the Irish House of Lords, February 10th, 1800, of the results of Cromwell's usurpation in Ireland, •' as having redounded essentially to the advantage of the British empire," and then adding, " but admitting the principle in its fullest extent, it is impossible to defend the Acts of Settlement and Explanation by which it was carried into effect," sums up the consequences of those Acts as follows : — " Having thus, in the first instance, vested three-fourths of the lands and personal property of the inhabi- tants of this island in the King, Commissioners are appointed, with full and exclusive autho- rity, to hear and determine all claims upon the general fund, whether of officers or soldiers, for arrears of pay, of adventurers, who had advanced money for carrying on the war, or of innocent Papists, as they are called. In other words, the old inhabitants of the island, who had been dispossessed by Cromwell, not for having taken a part in the rebellion, but for their attachment to the fortunes of Charles II. But, with respect to this class of sufferers, who might naturally have expected a preference of claim, a clause is introduced, by which they are postponed, after a decree of innocence by the Commissioners, until previous reprisal shall be made to Cromwell's soldiers and adventurers, who had obtained possession of their inheri- tance Seven millions eight hundred thousand acres of land were set out, under the authority of this Act, to a motley crew of English adventurers, civil and military, nearly to the total exclusion of the old inhabitants of the island, many of whom, who were innocent of the rebellion, lost their inheritance, as well from the difficulties imposed upon them by the Court of Claims, in the proofs required of their innocence, as from a deficiency in the fund for reprisal to English adventurers, arising principally from a profuse grant made by the Crown to the Duke of York And thus," adds Lord Clare, " a new colony of new settlers, com- posed of all the various sects which then infested England, Independents, Anabaptists, Sece- ders, Brownists, Socinians, Millenarians, and Dissenters of every description, many of them infected with the leaven of democracy, poured into Ireland, and were put into possession of the ancient inheritances of its inhabitants : and I speak with great personal respect of the men, when I state, that a very considerable portion of the opulence and power of the king- dom of Ireland centres at this day, in the descendants of this motley collection of English adventurers"'. Note -29. ■1 Curry's Review of the Civil Wars of Ireland, vol. i. p. 245 M.S. Letter of Chief Justice Nu- book ix. chap, i.-xxvii. vol. ii. pp. 54-134 — Lin- gent Speech of the Lord High Chancellor Clare, gard's History of England, chap. iv. vol. xi. pp. inthelrish Houseof Lords, Monday, February 10th, 236-243 Archdall's Lodge's Peerage of Ireland. 1600. pp. 16-19. Bv Authority. Dublin, 1600. Notes (ind Illustrations. 193 Note 29. Page 14. Charles II. has no family hy his Queen, though many natural children. Charles II. was married in May, 1662, to Donna C.itarina, the Infanta of Portugal. Her dowerconsistedof£500,000,thefortress of Tangier in Africa, of Bombay in the East Indies, and the privilege of a free trade to the Portuguese colonies. This marriage of Charles to Cathe- rine was, according- to the late Very Rev. Richard Henry Dawson, Dean of St. Patrick's, made the subject of the earliest medal, connected with Ireland, that is known to exist, in express commemoration of an important public event. The Dean speaks of this medal as "a small silver piece, of a very beautiful execution." He says; " It bears on the obverse a figure of St. Catherine with her wheel, and the legend, pietate insignis. The reverse has Fame blowing a trumpet, and in her hand she carries an olive branch. On the banner ap- pended to the trumpet there is a small harp, the arms of Ireland ; and were not that sufficient to appropriate this medal as belonging to our series, the inscription, puovincia connagh, decides the matter." To the bad consequences of such irregular attachments as those of Charles to his different mistresses, James II., in his excellent advice to his son (commonly called the Chevalier de St. George) alludes, in these terms : " To come to what I haue seen myself, and ought to waigh very much with you, the late King my Brother had the misfortune to be much adicted to that fatal Vice, had Children by all his owned Mistresses, and none by the Queen, besides which, he had the mortification to haue the Duke of Montmouth, who he beleeved to be his Son (tho all the knowing world as well as myself had many convincing reasons to thinke the contrary, and that he was Rob : Sidneys) fly in his face and joyne with the Earle of Shafsbury and the factious party, in the design they had to sease his person and rise in Rebellion against him, tho at the same time he shew'd him all the tenderness of a Father, and the kindness of a Friend, doing things for him which ought to haue made him make a better returne then he did." Mr. Jesse, in his fourth volume, after the sketch of the life of the Duke of Monmouth, has given a sufficiently det.ailed account of the other illegitimate children of Charles II., hy his various mistresses''. Note .30, Page 14. Death of Charles II. Charles II. expired on the 6th of February, 1684-5, of the effects of a violent apoplexy, with which he was first struck, on the 2nd of the same month. The circumstances of this event are well known, from the narratives of our popular historians'. Note 31, ■■ Hume's History of England, chap. Ixiii. vol. ix. (Polite Literature), vol. xix. pp. 4-.5: Duljlin, IMS. pp. 160-161 — Lingard's History of England, chap. —Jesse's Memoirs of the Court of England durnig v. vol. xi. pp. L'49-2o0, 254-236.— King James II.'s the Reign of the Stuarts, vol. iv. pp. 57-72. Memoirs, vol. i. pp. 393-395, and vol. ii. pp. 630- » Memoirs of King James 11., pp. 746-749.— 631. — Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy Lingard's History of England, vol. x. cimp. v. IRISH ARCH. SOC. 2 C 1^4 Notes and Illustrations. Note 31, Pages 14, 15. James, Duke of Vor/c, a Roman Catholic, lung previous to his becoming King of England. The Dul;e of York had, contrary to the statement of tlie text, been a member of the Roman Catholic Church, many years before his accession to the royal dignity. It was, according to his Memoirs, in the beginning of the year lOGi), that his reconciliation to the Roman Church took place'. Note 32, Page 15. James II. crowned King, ivith much /lomp, yet under unfavouruhle auspices, in England and Scotland, On the subject of James's coronation, his Memoirs say : " Tho he had reason to scruple tlie communicateing in those prayers, preaching, and Cerimonys, which were perform'd ac- cording to the rites of the Church of England, yet his Majesty was so desirous to comply as far as any shew of reason or plausible excuse could warrant him, that he readily yielded to it, so on the 23d of April (1685) the King and Queen were crown'd accordingly, with all the splendor and magnificence which is usual on such sollemn occasions, and with full as much publick joy and testimonys of affections as had been ever seen in former times." James, never- theless, " retrenched," according to Rapin, " several things which caused a needless expence, as, for instance, the cavalcade from the Tower to Westminster, which was wont to be per- formed the day before the coronation; saving thereby a charge of £60,000." The same historian further observes, that, during the ceremony, " the crown, not being fit for the King's head, was often in a tottering condition, and like to fall oft'." Upon which he remarks : " The people reckoned this an ill omen to the King, as well as another thing which happened the same day. In one of the churches of London, the King's arms, painted in a glass window, suddenly fell down, and broke in pieces, while the rest of the window was standing, without possibility of discovering, why that part should fall sooner than the rest." " Finally," he adds, " the canopy carried over him did also break." " I saw," says another contemporary. Doctor Hicks, '■ the tottering of the crown upon his head, the broken canopy over it, and the rent flag hanging upon the white tower over against my door, when I came home from the coronation. It was torn by the wind, at the same time the signal was given to the Tower, that he was crowned. I put," remarks the Doctor, " no great stress upon omens, but I cannot despise them : most of them, I believe, come by chance, but some from inferior intellectual agents, especially those which regard the fate of kings and nations"". See Notes 13, 15, and 16. Note 33, pp. 336-337, vol. xii. chap. ii. p. 132, and chap. iv. 441, 4K3, 487. pp. 352-354 Barillon's Despatch of Februa- " Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. p. 10 ry 18tli, 1683, in Dalrymple's Memoirs, Appendix Tindal's Rapin, vol. ii. pp. 742-743 : fol. edit. Len- to vol. ii. pp. 90-94: London, 1781. don, 1743.— Jesse's Memoirs of the Court of Eng- ' Memoirs of King James II., vol. i. pp. 440, land nnder the Stuarts, vol. iv. pp. 388-389. Notes and Illustrations. 195 Note 33, Page 13. Accesaion nf James II. a great source of joy to the Irish Roman Catholics, from their hopes of the restoration of their Church and Estates. Of the general sentiments of the Irish Roman Catholics towards the Protestant settlers in Ireland, on the accession of James 1 1, to the throne. Dr. King, afterwards Archbishop of Dublin, asserts : " They affirmed, both publickiy and privately, with many oaths, that they would, in a short time, have our estates and churches ; that if they suffered us to live, they would make us hewers of ivood and drawers of water ; that Ireland must be a Catholick country whatever it cost ; and, as for the English, they would make them as poor devils, as when they first came into Ireland." Dr. John Molony, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Cork, one of the most ultra of the leading Irish political characters of those times, thus expresses himself, as to the course which he would recommend, for the adoption of his countrymen, towards their domestic adversaries. In a letter from France, March 8th, 1689, to his brother prelate, Dr. Patrick Tyrrell, Roman Ca- tholic Bishop of Clogher and Kilmore, and Secretary of State in Ireland, he says, — " I would have them" [the Irish Roman Catholics] " restored to their estates, both spiritual and temporal, usurped by the Cromwellians, or under the title of being Protestants, yet, with that proviso for the spiritual, that a competent pension should be allowed to the Protestant possessor during his life, for he can pretend no longer lease of it ; or that he should give the Catholick Bishop or Incumbent a competent pension, if it were thought fitter to let him enjoy his possession during life." Then, turning from the consideration of ecclesiastical changes, to the difliculties existing with regard to the resumption of their old properties, by the original Irish proprietors, on account of the purchases made, in various instances, on Cromwellian titles, by several Irish lawyers and others. Bishop Molony observes: " Now remains, I think, one objection to solve, which may give some obstruction to this intended settlement, which is, that of the gown-men or others, who made purchases of some new interests, bona Jide: must they lose their purchase and money '! To which I answer, that although it may be reply 'd, caveat emptor, especially to the gown-men, who knew best of all that horrid Act of Settlement, or so called, was most unjust and could by no true law hold ; yet, because they are persons useful to the commonwealth, and acted bona Jide (seeing the estate out of the ancient proprietor's hands by so many publick Acts, as it was not like ever to come to him again), there ought an expedient to be found for the like, that they be not losers, and that either they or the ancient proprietors may be recompensed one way or other, rather than it should be an obstacle to the common good." From a comparison of all the printed evidence we possess on the conduct of James II. respecting ecclesiastical matters in Ireland, with whatever is contained in the State Paper Office, London, on the same subject, it is most probalde, that he intended the Roman Catholic Church should be an Established, if not the Establi5hed Church here" ; but, according to his Memoirs ' See Notes 90 and 113. 2 C 2 196 Notes and Illustrations. Memoirs, with a general "liberty of conscience" here, as well as in England, for the members of other Christian persuasions. As to the animosity which the Williamite Dr. King would represent to have been geiiu- ral amongst the Irish against all those of English race, with landed property, in Ireland ; such a feeling rather seems to have been entertained against those English of the last, or Crom- wellian immigration, established on the ruin of so many of the more ancient proprietors of hoth races, by the Acts of Settlement and Explanation. The descendants of the older English settlers in Ireland would appear to have looked upon themselves as holding their possessions under a title sanctioned by time, and to have proportionably sympathised with the disinherited Irish, in their aversion to the CromweUians. The Anglo-Irish and Williamite annalist. Cox, E.\- Recorder of Kinsale, lamenting, in 1689, in England, where he was a refugee, the absorp- tion of the older English colonists into the native Irish interest, which adhered to the cause of James II. against the Revolution, observes : " Whereas the Old English were heretofore on the British side in all national quarrels, they are now so infatuated and degenerated, that they do not only take part with the Irish, but call themselves Natives, in distinction from the New English, against whom they are (at present) as inveterate as the Original Irish, though," he adds, "time may open their eyes, and rectifie that error"**. Note 34, Pages 15, 10. General reputation of James for courage and ability, ichen Duke of York. James II., while Duke of York, and in exile with his bi-other, Charles II., on the Conti- nent, had served four years with distinction, under the great Marshal Turenne, in the French armies, and two years more, under the famous Prince of Conde, in the Spanish armies. Turenne's biographer, the Chevalier de Ramsay, says: " L'un et 1' autre de ces deux grands capitaines admirerent toujours la valeur et la capacite du Due d'York." " It was," observes Mr. Jesse, " a saying of the celebrated Prince of Conde, that if ever there was a man without fear, it was the Duke of York ;" and, as has been previously seen, the Spanish Court sufficiently attested the high opinion it entertained of the Duke's merit, by the command which it offered him of its forces, both liy sea and land, against the revolted Portuguese^; but which the Duke was prevented from accepting, by the occurrence of the Restoration. Of his personal gal- lantry, as a naval commander, in the wars against the Dutch, during his brother's reign, the instances may be found in Hume and Lingard. " Nor does it appear," says the Rev. J. S. Clarke, ** King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, pondence, with Ireland, of the Earl of Sunder- under the late King James's Government, sect. iii. land, Secretary of State, &c., iu the State Paper p. 18; and Letters in Appendix, pp. 303-309, and Office, London. — Memoirs of King James XL, pp. .360, 369, 370, &c. : London, 1690.— Leslie's vol. ii. pp. 102, 106, 111, 112, 30d, .•361, 619, 621, Answer to King, p. 23 Macpherson's Original 622 Cox's Hibernia Anglicana, vol. i. preface: Papers, vol. i. pp. 319, 320, 337, 339, 341, 342: London, 1689. London, 1773. — Copies of the original Corres- " See Note 23. Notes and Illustrations. 197 Clarke, editor of his Memoirs, " that the essential and lasting service which James rendered to this Country, in compacting and as it were building up its Naval Power, has been suffi- ciently weighed. It is not generally known, that the Naval Regulations now in force are taken almost rerhatim from those which he established, or that when lately the Board of Naval Revi- sion wished to add to and improve the Naval Regulations, they sent fur the papers of Pepys, the Marine Secretary of James, as being the best materials whence they could obtain the object they had in view. As Campbell frankly acknowledged, James thoroughly understood the whole husiuexs of the Admiralty, and. knew also the disorders which had crept into the U'hole (economy of the Fleet in the six years immediately preceding his Accession. This fact is amply corrobo- rated by the honourable testimony of Mr. Secretary Pepys, in his Memoirs ; the excellent methods there recorded, by which James regenerated the Naval Power, clearly show how well he understood it in all its bearings." Of James, as Duke of York, Hume gives this character : — " Severe but open in his enmities, steady in his counsels, diligent in his schemes, brave in his enterprizes, faithful, sincere, and honourable in his dealings with all men; such was the cha- racter with which the Duke of York mounted the throne of England"». Note 35, Page 16. Krror as to Ja7nes's time of life, at the birth of his son, corrected. Whatever period between the accession of James II. to the throne, in February, 168J, and the birth of his first child after that event, or in June, 1688, the text alludes to, it is in- correct in speaking of the King, as only " entering his fiftieth year." James, having been born October 14, 1633, was necessarily in his fifty-second year at the period of his coming to the Crown in February, I683, and in his fifty-fifth year in June, 1688, when bis son, styled the Pretender, was born. Nevertheless, the King was considered to be of such a sound consti- tution, that the Irish Roman Catholics looked to his having sufficient time, during his reign, to make the many political and religious changes in their favour, so earnestly expected from him. In the copy of a letter sent to His Majesty, August 14, 1686, which Archbishop King states to have been found amongst the papers of Dr. Patrick Tyrrell, Roman Catholic Bishop of Clogher and Kilmore, and Secretary of State in Irelan Harris's Life ofWilliam III., pp. 137-141 — Louis XIV., tome iv. p. 286: Paris, 1836 — Me- Dalrjmple's Memoirs, part i. book v. vol. ii. p. 36 : moirs of the most Remarkable Military Transac- London, 1790 Memoirsot'King JamesII., vol. ii. tions from the Year 168:5 to 1718, by Captain p. 186 Sue, Histoire de la Marine Franfaise sous Robert Parker, pp. 8-10, 13, 48: Dublin, 1746. Notes and Illustrations. 205 poui- lors a Londres." Soon after, he himself effected his escajie fi'ora his Dutch guards, at Rochester, bv night, and sailed for France in a little vessel, accompanied by his son, the Duke of Berwick, two sea officers. Captains Trevanion and Macdonnell (most probably Captain Ran- dall Macdonnell, an Irishman), Mr. Biddulph, a Gentlemen of the Bedchamber, and Labadye, one of the royal valets. " Besides the danger of crossing the seas in so small a vessel, and in the depth of winter," observe the royal Memoirs, "he was pen'd up all that while in a small cabbin where was just room for him and the Duke of Berwick to sit, in continual aprehen- tions of being attacked and seized again by his rebellious subjects ; however it was some cause of mirth to him, when growing very hungry and dry. Captain Travanian went to fry his Majesty some bacon, but by misfortune the frying pan haveing a hole in it, he was forced to stop it with a pitched rag, and to ty an old furr'd can about with a cord, to make it hould the drink they put in it ; hoivever the King never eat or drank more heartely in his life." They landed in France, at Ambleteuse, about three o'clock on Christmas morning, old style ; and James dispatched the Duke of Berwick to Louis XIV., at Versailles, to demand an asylum in his kingdom. " J'en fus regu," adds the Duke, " avec toute la politesse et I'amitie imagi- nables; et il etoit aise de voir par ses discours, que son coeur parloit autant que sa langue." For the general details of the reception of James and his family, according to English, Dutch, and French accounts, see the under-cited authorities'. Note 43, Page 17. Mistaken notion as to Louis XIV.'s having sworn, that he would either lose his own throne, or restore James II. to that of England. For Louis XIV.'s having either taken an oath under circumstances of such remarkable solemnity as those above stated, or any uath at all, with respect to the restoration of James II. to his throne, the writer of this note has not found any authority in French histories or me- moirs. The assertion with regard to such an oath may, perhaps, be best explained by sup- posing the notion of such an occurrence to have been adopted, from the common or popular mode of expressing in Ireland at the time, that the King of France had most strongly pledged himself to aid James, in the recovery of his kingdoms. Besides, we know, both from the general inadequacy of the assistance given by Louis to the Irish in their defence of James, and from the contemporary testimony of the President de Montesquieu, that the Irish war was not considered in France to have been of such importance, as the taking of any oath, like that attributed to Louis, would imply. Speaking of that contest as one, in which, as regarded the Irish, ' Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. pp. taiits of Ireland, Appendix, p. 366 : London, 1690. 29-40: Paris, 1778 Memoirs of King James II., — Mercure Historiqne et Politique, tome vi. pp. vol. ii. pp. 205-206, 208-210, 211-212, 21.5-219, 55-56, 165-166 : a la Haye, 1689.— Voltaire, Siecle 221-227, 229-237, 239-242, 244-249, 259-273, 275- de Louis XIV., CEuvres Completes, tome xx. pp. 278. — Archdall's Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, 403-404: Paris, 1785 Leslie's Answer to King, vol. i. pp. 202-203 King's State of the Protes- preface. 2o6 Notes and Ilhistrations. Irish, and those who so badly supported them, "la valeur ne tnanqua jamais, et la condiiite toujours," that great political writer observes : — " On peut dire de cette guerre d'Irlande. qu'on la regarda a Londres comrae I'ceuvre du jour, et comme I'afiraire capitale de I'Angle- terre, et en France, comme une guerre d'affection particuliere et de bienseance." — He means with respect to James II " Les Anglois. qui ne vouloient point avoir de guerre civile chez eux, assomnierent I'Irlande. II paroit meme que les Ofificiers Frangois qu'on y envoya, pen- serent comme eux qui les y envoyoient : ils n'eurent que trois choses dans la tete, d'arriver, desebattre, et de s'en retournerJ. Le temps a fait voir, que les Anglois avoient mieux pense que nous"!*. Note 44, Page 17. Causes of the great Confederacy of European Powers, called the League of Augsburgh, against Louis XIV., and connexion of that League unth the dethronement of James II. The alliance of so many European powers against Louis XIV., known as the League of Augsburgh, had been in progress for a considerable time previous to the dethronement of James II. ; and it was to add the important aid of England to the League, that the Prince of Orange was favoured by those powers, in his proposed invasion of England. The partly religious and partly political causes of this great confederacy are thus set forth, under the years 1685 and 1686, in that learned compilation, "L'Art de Verifier les Dates." Commencing in 1685 with Louis XIV. 's " Edit portant revocation de I'Edit de Nantes, donne par Henri IV., I'an 1598, en faveur du Calvinisme," the Benedictine compiler says: " Le Chancelier le Tellier le signa dans son lit, oil il etoit malade a la mort, en disant \e Nunc dimittis. Christine, Reine de Suede, ne pensoit pas de meme. Ecrivant de Rome sur ce sujet au Chevalier Terlon, je considere, disoit-elle, la France comme un pauvre malade a qui I'on a coupe bras et jambes, pour le gucrir d'un mal qa'un pen de patience et de douceur auroit entierement dissipe. Bien des Catholiques eclaires et judicieux ctoient de cette avis. Ce qu'il y a de certain, c'est que la Revocation de I'Edit de Nantes nous a prives d'un grand nomhrede commertjans et d'artisans, qui ont transports chez I'etranger nos richesses et notre Industrie. Les Princes Protestants, en recevant ces fugitifs dans leurs etats, adopterent leur ressentiment. Celui qui montra le plus de zele pour les venger fut Guillaume, Prince d'Orange. Mais il employa d'autres pretextes que celui de la religion, pour attirer dans son parti les Catholiques. -Par ses intrigues, I'Empereur, les Rois d'Espagne et de Suede, les Electeurs de Saxe et de Baviere, les Cercles de Suabe et de Franconie, auxquels se joignirent dans la suite les Electeurs Palatin et de Brandebourg, et le Due de Savoie, signent, le 21 Juin de I'an 1686, la fameuse Ligue d'Ausbourg. L'objet principal de cet alliance etoit de maintenir et de faire observer, dans toute leur etendue, les Traites de Munster, de Nimegue, et de Ratisboune. On couvrit I'Assemblee d'Ausbourg du pretexte de la guerre contre les Turcs," &c. On j gee Note 141. Berwick par le President de Montesquieu, in Me- I* Ebauche de I'Eloge Historique du Marechal de moires de Berwick, tome i. pp. xx.-xxi. Notes and Ilhistrations. 207 On this great League against France, the Abbe de Saint Pierre observes : — " Elle ne fut d'abord proposee que comma defensive, mais dans le fond elle etoit aussi offensive, et il y avoit meme reellement beaucoup plus de princes allies qu'il n'en paroissoit. Les reunions des fiefs faites par les ohambres de Metz etde Brisac, aveo si peu d'egards pour les princes et pour la noblesse d'Alleraagne, la surprise de Strasbourg, la prise de Luxembourg, la persecution des Calvinistes, le peu d'exactitude du Roi a tenir ses promesses dans les anciens et dans les nouveaux traites ; la guerre de 1667, faite contre I'Espagne, malgre les renonciations ; la derniere invasion de la Hollande, le bombardement de Genes, tout cela avoit excite une haine presque universelle des princes et des nations d'Europe, contre lui et contre les Francois; de sorte que la Ligue fut presque aussitot formee que proposee. Ce furent les suites de cette Ligue qui commencerent les malheurs du Roi et du rojaume; malheurs, qu'il auroit pu facile- ment eviter, n'it s'etoil toujours pique de ne rien entreprendre contre -sen vnisins de ce qu'il n'eilt pas vnulu qu'ils eussent entrepris contre lui, suppose qu'ils eussent etc fort supcrieurs en- force ; et s'il eut ete assez sage pour preferer de beaucoup le titre precieux d'arbitre equi- table, de puissant pacificateur des nations Chretiennes, et de grand bienfaiteur de I'Europe, au titre fastueux de conquerant, qu'il ne pouvoit acquerir sans etre grand perturbateur du repos des autres nations." This formidable League of Continental Princes, which, according to the Abbe, cost France " plus de cent mille hommes en huit ans, et plus de soixante mil- lions d'onces d'argent extraordinaire," was eventually augmented by the adhesion of Pope Innocent XL Respecting this last adhesion, and the proposed invasion of England connected with the general objects of the League, the Duke of Berwick adds, in his Memoirs, under the year 1688;— "Le Pape Innocent XL, I'Empereur, et le Roi d'Espagne, etoient d'intelligenee aveo le Prince d'Orange, sur I'invasion premeditee ; cela dans la vue d'obliger le Roi d' Angle- terre a renoncer a I'alliance qu'il avoit avec la France, et a se joindre a la Ligue nouvelle- ment faite a Ausbourg, contre cette nation. Leur intention ne fut jamais pourtant de dctro- ner )e Roi d'Angleterre ; et pour preuve, Dom Pedro Ronquillo, Ambassadeur d'Espagne a Londres, dans une audience particuliere qu'il demanda expres, fit entrevoir clairement au Roi que I'orage le menacjoit ; raa'S en meme temps I'assiira, au nom de la Maison d'Autriche, que, s'il vouluit entrer dans la Ligue, il n'y auroit plus rien a craindre pour lui, et que tout I'effort se tourneroit contre la France. La reponse du Roi, quoique peu conforrae a ce que la poli- tique auroit peut-etre pu exiger de lui dans les cii-constances presentes, fut selon la droiture de son coeur et de sa conscience. 11 assura I'Anibassadeur qu'il avoit intention de vivre bien avec tout le monde, et de ne se departir jamais des regies de I'equite et de la justice ; que par ces memes regies, il ne pouvoit rompre avec un Prince son parent' et son allie, de qui il n'avoit jamais regu que des amities. Ronquillo le pressant fortement, et lui faisant envisager les malheurs oij il alloit etre expose, s'il persi.stoit dans cette resolution, le Roi lui repondit qu'il perdroit plutot sa Couronne, que de jamais commettre une action injuste""'. See Note 30. Note 45, ' See Note 12. pp. 665, 691, 692: troisieme edition, Paris, 1783. ■» L'Art de Verifier les Dates, &c., tome i. — Annales Politiques de feu Monsieur Charles- 2o8 Notes and Illustrations. Note 45, Page 17. Election uf the Prince of Orange as King of England, to the prejudice of King James and his Son, after their departure to France. " Des que le Prince d'Orange apprit le depart du Roi," says the Duke of Berwick, " et son arrivee en France, il convoqua une Convention, oii assisterent tous les Grands du Royaume et les Deputes des Provinces elVHlles : apres des grands debats, ily fut a la fin conclu, a la pluralite des voix, que le Roi avoit abdique, et qu'ainsi le trone etoit vacant. Le Roi ecrivit de Saint Germain une lettre a la Convention, pour lui expliquer les raisons qu'il avoit cues de se retirer en France, et lui defendre en meme temps de proceder en rien contre ses interets ou son autorite : mais on ne voulut pas recevoir sa lettre, et peu apres on defera la Couronne, ou, pour meux dire, on elut, pour Roi et Reine d'Angleterre, le Prince et la Princesse d'Orange. Je ne pretends pas ici faire un long discours, pour prouver I'irregula- rite de tout ce qui se faisoit en Angleterre ; je dirai seulement qu'il n'a jamais ete detVndu par aucune Coutume ou Loi a un Prince de sortir d'un de ses Royaumes sans la permission de ses sujets, et qu'il est absurde d'avancer que par-la il abdique ; I'abdication etant une de- mission volonfaire faite, ou de bouche, ou par ecrit, ou du moins par un silence non force, apres qu'on a ete presse de s'exjjliquer. Le Roi n'est tombe dans aueun de ces cas ; il etoit prisonnier, et pour se tirer des mains de ses ennemis, s'etoit sauve ou il avoit pu. De plus il ne lui etoit pas possible d'aller joindre ses fideles sujets en Ecosse, ou en Irlande, que par la France; car toute I'Angleterre etant soulevee, il n'eut pu traverser toute ce Royaume qu'avec un grand peril : mais quand meme il auroit etc vrai que le Roi eiit abdique. la Couronne se trouvoit, selon les loix fondamentales du Royaume, ipso facto, dcvolue a I'heritier immediat, lequel n'etant alors qu'un enfant au berceau, ne pouvoit avoir commis aucun crime, ni abdique. Le Prince de Galles, son fils, avoit ete reconnu pour tel par toute I'Europe, par toute la nation Angloise, et merae par le Prince d'Orange : ainsi le Prince de Galles etoit Roi ; et pour en reconnoitre un autre, il falloit prouver qu'il etoit un enfant suppose : mais c'est ce qu'on n'a jamais ose entreprendre, attendu que nul Prince n'est venu au monde en presence de tant de temoins que celui-ci ; mais U fut prouve en plein Conseil et assemblee de Notables, un peu avant la descente du Prince d'Orange. J'en pourrois parler savamment, car j'y etois ; et malgre mon respect et mon devouement pour le Roi, je n'aurois jamais pu donner les mains a une action si detestable, que celle de vouloir supposer un enfant, pour oter la Couronne aux veritables heritiers ; et apres la mort du Roi, je n'aurois pas continue a soutenir les interets d'un imposteur : I'honneur et la conscience ne me I'auroient pas permis"". See Note 39. Note 46, Irenee Castel, Abbe de Saint Pierre de I'Aca- wick, tome i. pp. 2fi, 27. demie Franioise, tome i. pp. 330,331,332, 398: " Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. Londres, 1768. — Memoires du Marechal de Ber- pp. 41-44. Notes and Illustrations. 209 Note 4C, Pages 17, 18. The Scotch folloii) the example of England, in electing William as their King. The Rev. J. S. Clarke, editor of King James's Memoirs, cites from Dalrymple, in refer- ence to the first abandonment of James's cause by the " Assembly of Peers and Scottish Gentlemen at Whitehall," in January, 1689, the following remarkable speech of the Earl of Arran. Dalrymple, after remarking that, in this meeting, " but one man alone had the spirit to speak out their sentiments and his own," namely, the Earl, gives his speech thus : " I respect the Prince of Orange as much as any man here does. I think him a brave Prince, and that we all lie under great obligations to him, for delivering us from Popery. But, while I bestow these just praises upon hira, I cannot violate my duty to the King, ray master. I must distinguish between his Popery and his person : I dislike the one ; but have sworn, and do owe allegiance to, the other. This makes it impossible for me to concur in an address, which gives the administration of his kingdom to another. We are Scottish not English men. The King's father and grandfather did not abdicate the crown of Scotland even by quitting their native country ; how then can the King do it by quitting England only ? Tlie Prince asks our advice. My advice is, that we should address him, to invite the King to return, and call a free Parliament, which may provide, in a constitutional way, for the security of our pro- perty, liberty, and religion. All other ways are unconstitutional. By this alone, the nation can avoid present and prevent future discord." Dalrymple adds, that, notwithstanding this speech, the Prince of Orange said to the Earl, " that he respected men of honour, to whatever party they belonged. Yet," observes the historian, " amid this liberality of sentiment, he did not lose sight of prudence ; for he soon after committed Arran to the Tower, under another pretence." The Scotch writer then says : " The Prince made use of another politic art, with regard to the Scotch. Though the way from Scotland to London was open to all, the roads from thence to Scotland were, by his orders, stopped up. Public safety was the pretence for this. But the real intention was, to detain the Scotch nobility and gentry, until they should kiss hands, upon his elevation to the throne of England : a ceremony which, it was thought, would, in many, be a pledge of their acquiescence in his title, lay his enemies open to the suspicions of their own party, and create an impression in Scotland, and still more in England, of the unanimity of the Scotch in his favour." The Prince and Princess of Orange were finally sworn as Sovereigns of Scot- land in London, May 11, 1689, by three Commissioners deputed from the Scotch Parliament, consisting of the Earl of Argyle, as representative of the Lords; Sir James Montgomery, of the Barons or Knights; and Sir James Dalrymple, of the Boroughs of that Kingdom". Note 47, " Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 278- vol. ii. pp. 265-267 : London, 1790.— Harris's Life 279.— Dalrymple's Memoirs, &c., part i. book vii. ofWilliam III., p. 184. IRISH ARCH. SOC. 2 E 2 1 o Notes and Illustrations. Note 47, Page 18. The Irish adhere to James II., though he was suspected by them, of being no belter disposed, than his brother, Charles II., to restore them their estates. This notion, as to the disinclination of James to do justice to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, by reinstating them in those lands which had been vested in the Cromwellians by the Acts of Settlement and Explanation (and for which opinion, indeed, some ground would appear to have existed from the grant of Irish lands, received by James himself, as Duke of York, after the Restoration)'', is not, however, correct. That the King «-as of himself in- clined to make such a restoration, notwithstanding the strong obstacles existing in England to the passing of any such Act in favour of the ejected Irish, is apparent from the following passage of the French Ambassador's despatch to Louis XIV. Writing from England to his master, October 16, 1687, Barillon says: — "Milord Souderland m'a dit que le Roy son maitre est resolu de renverser I'etablissement fait des biens des Irlandois Catholiques aux Anglois Protestans apres le retour du Roy d'Angleterre**; que cela est encore tenu fort secret ; niais qu'on y travaillera bientot, et que les mesures sont prises pour en venir a bout. Le renversement de cette etablissement fait en faveur des rebelles, et des officiers de Crom- wel, est regarde icy comme ce qu'il y a de plus important ; et s'il peut etre execute sans opposi- tion, ce sera une entiere separation de I'lrlande d'avec 1' Angleterre pour I'avenir. C'est le sen- timent general de tons les Anglois." That Barillon was right in the description he here gives, of the general feeling in England against a repeal of the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, or, in other words, that the Eng- lish, whether Roman Catholics or Protestants, were equally unwilling to have the Irish Roman Catholics restored to their estates, is also evident from the letter (previously cited in these notes) of Dr. John Molony, Roman Catholic Bishop of Cork, to Dr. Patrick Tyrrell, Roman Catholic Bishop of Clogher and Kilmore. Dr. Mulony, writing to Dr. TyTrell from France (when James II. was on his way from Paris to embark for Ireland), and, endeavouring in his letter to impress upon his brother prelate, that the time was then at hand for the Irish to redress their own wrongs, by taking immediate measures to recover their properties from the Cromwellians, instead of consenting to postpone that recovery, according to the advice of James's English adherents, until after the restoration of the King to his throne in Eng- land, says : — " For never a Catholick, or other English, will ever think or make a step, nor suffer the King to make a step for your restoration, but leave you as you were hitherto, and leave your enemies over your heads to crush you any time they please, and cut you off root and branch, as they now publicly declare: and blame themselves they have not taken away your lives along with your estates long ago'' ; nor is there any Englishman, Catholick or other, of P See Notes 21, 23, 27, and 28. &c.— See Note 26. 1 That is, the Restoration of Charles II., ■■ See Note .35. Notes and Illustrations. 211 of what quality or degree soever alive, that will stick to sacrifice all Ireland for to save the least interest of his own in England, and would as willingly see all Ireland over, inhabited by English, of whatsoever religion, as by the Irish : and yet," concludes the Bishop, " by their fine politics they would persuade the Irish to come and save their houses from burning, whilst they leave their own on fire ; which is no better than to look upon people as so many fools, when every body knows that charity begins at home : that one's charity for himself is the rule and measure of that he ought to have for his neighbour : diliges proximum tuum sicut leipsum." From these extracts, the great difficulties of James's situation in this delicate matter, may be fairly estimated, — assailed as he was, on one side, by the natural impatience of his Irish Roman Catholic subjects to regain the possession of those estates, which, to the aggrandise- ment of his enemies as well as their's, they had been kept out of since the Restoration, and, on the other side, having to dread such a general opposition as was to be expected in Eng- land, on his venturing to touch that settlement of Irish landed property, upon which the due maintenance of the English power in Ireland was then considered, by all parties in England, so absolutely to depend*. Note 48, Page 18. Large force raised and offered, by the Irish nohility, to the Viceroy, the Earl of Tyrconnell. to support James II. " Ce fut alors, " says Abbe Mac Geoghegan, " que la Noblesse d'Irlande par commission du Comte de Tirconnell, leva, habilla, equipa, et arma en partie a ses depens trente mille hommes pour le service de son Roi ; il y avoit deja quelques vieux corps en Irlande, S(;avoir les regimens de Montcashel, de Tirconnell, de Clancarty, d' Antrim, et autres. Le Vice- Roi donna des commisions de Colonels a plusieurs Seigneurs. Les Gentilshommes du pays leverent des compagnies, se joignirent ensemble sous les drapeaux des Colonels, et formerent les regimens ; on vit bientot paroitre en campagne les regimens d'Inniskillin, de Hugue Mac-Mahon, d'Ed- mond Boy o Reilly, de Mac-Donell, de Magennis, de Cormoc 6 Neill, de Gordon 6 Neill, de Felix 6 Neill, de Brian 6 Neill, du Chevaher Donnell 6 Neill, de Coconnact Maguire. d'o Donnell, de Nugent, de Lutterel, de Fitz-Gerald, de Galmoy, d'o Morra, de Clare, &c. II ne manqua pas de soldats ; mais les soldats manquoient la pliipart de toutes les choses neces- saires a la guerre, hormis de courage et de bonne volonte ; et les Seigneurs qui avoient fait la premiere depense, etoient hors d' etat de la supporter long-temps ; les armes, les munitions, I'argent etoient rares dans un pays, que la nation qui y dominoit avoit epuise de tout depuis si long-temps : il y avoit meme peu d'Officiers qui sijussent la discipline militaire, et il eut fallu plus de loisir que Ton ne s'en pouvoit promettre, pour discipliner de nouvelles levees'". Note 49, » Barillon's despatch, October 16th, 1687, in Dal- &c., Appendi.\, pp. .360, 363,364,372: London, rymple's Memoirs, Appendix, part i. vol. ii. p. 262 : 1690 — Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 6.36, London, 1773. — Bishop Molony's Letter, in Arcii- 637. bishop King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, • "En rendant eompte de cette guerre," oli- 2 E 2 2 1 2 Notes and Illustrations. Note 49, Page 19. William, gets from Pope Innocent XL a sum of money, under the impression of its being intended for an attack on France, hut applies it to dethrone James II. in England. Mr. Jesse, in treating of the period when William was making preparations for a landing in England, says: " The manner in which, at this period, William contrived to obtain a sum of money from Pope Innocent XI., to assist him in the invasion of England, though affording suf- ficient proof of his ingenuity, is, perhaps, not altogether to his credit. Innocent, like William himself, had strong reasons to be exasperated with the French king, and was ready and eager to join any project, which seemed likely to humble or embarrass that monarch. Accordingly, as soon as it became known in Europe, that the Dutch were engaged in making great military preparations, the object of which, however, the world was then in ignorance of, — William had the adroitness enough to persuade his Holiness, that, in conjunction with the Emperor, he was about to undertake an expedition against France. Innocent fell unsuspectingly into the snare, and, by this means, William was enabled to extract from him a considerable sum of money, which was afterwards employed in dethroning a Roman Catholic prince, whose estab- lishment upon the throne, it was the primary object of the Pope to uphold"". Note 50, Pages 19, 20. William andthe Dutch finally overreach the RomanCatholic powers of the League ofAusburgh, by representing to them, that the expedition prepared in Holland ivas merely to invade Eng- land, for the purpose of reconciling matters between James and his subjects, and then getting James to join the League against France. " If the Prince of Orange, in coming to England," says Dalrymple, " had really the inten- tion of mounting the throne, he deceived the Emperor as well as the Pope. In his box there is a copy of the following letter from hira to the Emperor, a short time before he sailed." Dalrymple then gives this important document, in the original French, and a translation into English ; the former of which is subjoined". " SlllE, serves the Abbe, " on s'est servi, parmi ci'autres Cusack son epouse, fille et unique heritiere de Jean memoires qui nous en restent, d'un journal qu'en a Cusack, Lord President de Munster ; et a I'exem- laisse feu Edmond Butler de Kilcop, iSIarechal Ge- pie des Lords Cahirs leurs aines, ils s'etoient tou- neral des Logis de la Cavalerie en Irlande ; il est jours distingues par un invariable attachement aux d'autant plus digne de foi qu'il a vu les choses par interets de la religion et de I'etat." — (Histoire de lui-meme : il mourut en 1725 a Saint Gerraain-en- I'lrlande, tome iii. p. 733, et errata du tome iii.) Laje, Mestre de Camp de Cavalerie au service de " Jesse's Memoirs of the Court of England, from France. Les Seigneurs de Kilcop au Comte de the Revolution in 1688 to the Death of George II. , Waterford descendirent de Theobald Butler, Lord vol. i. pp. 46, 47. Baron de Cahir, Pair d'Irlande, et de Catherine " The several errors of transcription or printing Notes and Illustrations. 2 1 3 "SiBE, " Je n'ay pu n'y voulu manquer de donner avis a votre Majeste Imperiale, que les mesintelligences, qui sont depuis quelque tems entre le Roi de la Grande Bretagne et ses sujets, sont venues a des extremitez si grandes, qu' etant sur le point d'eclatter par une rupture for- inelle, elles ra'ont oblige de me resoudre a passer le mer, a cause des instances vives et reiterees qui ra'en ont ete faites par plusieurs pairs et autres personnes considerables du rojaume, tant ecclesiastiques que seculiers. J'ay cru fort necessaire d'y mener quelques troupes d'infanterie et de cavalerie, a fin de n'etre point expose aux insultes de ceux qui par leurs mauvais conseilf, et par les violences qui s'en sont ensuivies, ont donne lieu a ces mesintelligences extremes. J'ai voulu, Sire, assurer par cette lettre votre Majeste Imperiale que quelques hruits que I'oii puisse avoir deja semez, et non-obstant ceux que Von pourrafaire courir a l'aveuir,je n'aij pas la maindre intention de /aire aucun tort a sa Majeste Britamiique, n'y a ceux que out droit de pretendre a la succession de ses royaumes, et encore moins d'empicter moy meme sur la couronne, ou DE VOULOIR ME l'aPROPRIER. " Je n'ay non plus aucun dessein d'extirper les Catholiques Romains, niais seulement d'em- ployer mes soins pour tacher de faire redresser les desordres et les irregularites, qu'on a fait contre les lois de ces royaumes par les mauvais conseils des mal-intentionnez. " Je tacheray aussi de procurer, que dans un parlement legitimement assemble et compose de personnes deiiement qualifices selon les lois de la nation, les affaires soient reglees d'une telle raaniere que la religion protestante, avec les libertes et les droits du clerge, de la noblesse, et du peuple soient mis dans une entiere surete ; par ce moyen seulement il y a lieu d'esperer qu'il s'ensuivra une bonne union et une sincere conjiance enire le Roy et ses sujets, afin d'etre EN ETAT DE pouvoiR coNTRiBUER puissEMENT Au BiEN puBLiQUE. J'ajoute que dans le dessein que j'ay de tacher aussi de prevenir le continuation de ces mesintelligences, et d'aft'ermir une si bonne union sur des fondemens solides, je dois prier votre Majeste Imperiale de s'assurer, que j'employeray tout mon credit pour inoyenner que les Cattwiiques Romains de ce pays la jouisse de la liberie de conscience, et soient mis hors de toute inquietude d'etre persecutiz a cause de leur religion ; el que portrveu qu'ils en /assent I'exercise sans bruit et avec modestie, ils ne soient point sujets ii aucicns puniliez^. "J'ay eu de toute tems une TRiis grand aversion pour toute sorte de persecution en MATIEBE DE RELIGION PARMI LES ChRETIENS. «Je in the French of this letter, as given by the Scotch bite contemporary, " desired to linow his pleasure, writer, have not been meddled with, Ijut left to the how they should deal with Catliolick priests, lie correction of the reader. told them — ' He was under an obligation to the Ca- ^ William, in his conduct towards the English tholick princes, not to molest them, in the exercise Roman Catholics, appears, so far as the popular of their religion ; and that he was not so apprehen- prejudices against that religion would allow liim, to sive of disturbance from them (because few and have been desirous of fuliilling the promise given in weak) as from the professed members of the Church his letter to Leopold : " Wlieu the Judges, in the of England'" — namely, the Protestant Jacobites first circuit," says an English Protestant and Jaco- (Somers's Tracts, vol. x. p. 367 : London, lbl3.) 2 1 4 Notes and Illustrations. " Je prie Dieu qui est le tout puissant, de vouloir benir celte mienne sincere intention, et j'ose me promettre (ju'elle ne deplaira pas a votre Majeste Imperiale. " Je pi'ie aussi Dieu de la vouloir combler de ses meilleurs benedictions. Je suis avec toute sorte de respect." The light in which William represents the objects of his expedition to England, in this letter to the Emperor Leopold, is the same, as that in which the motives for the undertaking are placed by the " Extrait des Registres des Resolutions des Hants et Puissans Seigneurs des Etats Geniraux des Provmces-Unies des Pays-Bas," dated 28th September, 1688. In this official paper (published by Sue from the archives in Paris), after mentioning, in addition to the other causes assigned by William for his attempt upon England, the danger to be appre- hended to the existence of Holland, as a Protestant state, from the intimate intelligence and reported alliance between James and Louis, the States-General declare they have resolved to grant William, "pour son assistance, quelqvies vaisseaux et quelques troupes, comme auxiliaires ; qu'en consequence son Altesse a declare a Leurs HautesPuissances qu'elle etait resolue de passer, avec la grace de Dieu, en Angleterre, non en vue de s'eniparer de ce royaume ou de le sabjnguer, ni pour chasser le Roi de dessus son troiie et s'en rendre le maitre, ou pour reuverser ou apporter quelque changement a la succession legitime, moins encore pour exterminer la religion catho- lique ou pour la persecuter, mais seule?neitt et wiiquement pour secourir la nation, pour le re- tablisseraent des lois et privileges qui ont ete casses, comme aussi pour la conservation de leur religion et la liberte, et enfin de poursuivre et faire en sorte qu'ii soit convoque un parlement libre et legitime, compose de personnes de la qualite requise, selon les lois et la forme de ce gouvernement-la, et que dans icelui il puisse etre delibere et arrete ce qui sera necessaire pour faire donner aux lords, au clerge, a la noblesse, et au peuple, une entiere assurance que les lois et les privileges de leurs royaumes ne seront pas violes ni revoques; que Leurs Hautes Puissances esperent et assurent qu'avec la grace de Dieu le repos et la Concorde seront reta- bl'is dares ce royaume, et que par ce moyen ilseramis en etat de pouvoir concourir pcissamment au bien commun de la chretiente, et au iietablissement et maintien de la paix et de la tkan- QUiLLTTE de /'Europe ; et sera, I'extrait de cette resolution de Leurs Hautes Puissances, 7nis par iagent Rosebomn es-maim- des 7ninistres ttrangers residans ici, pour leur instruction et pour s'enservir ou et ainsi quHl appertiendra." Copies of this paper (signed by the Pensionary Fagel) were likewise to be forwarded to the ambassadors of the Republic in the different European courts ; in order, as it states, " de donner connaissance & tous les ministres de cet Etat qui sont dans les pays ctrangers des raisons qui out engage Leurs Hautes Puissances d'assister de leurs troupes et leurs vaisseaux S. A. M. le Prince d' Orange passant en personne en Angleterre'"/ . The following account is given in James's Memoirs, of the mixed causes for his dethrone- ment y "The history of diplomacy," says Dr. Lin- positive falsehood so boldly and unblushingly put gard, with reference to such documents as those, forward, as in these memorials of the Prince and "is, in a great measure, made up of attempts to of the States." — (History of England, vol. xiii. beguile and to mislead: but never, perhaps, was pp. 169-171.) Notes and Illustrations. 2 1 5 ment, arising from the Prince of Orange's intrigues against him, with the Emperor, the King of Spain, the Pope, and others, as well as the disaffected English. " The Prince of Orange," it is observed, " had long ambitioned the Crown of England, and bore with great impatience the delay of a reversion, but now being cut off even from that ex- pectancy by the birth of a Prince of Wales, was resolued to wait no longer, finding so favor- able a disposition on all hands to second his attempt ; first, from the factious temper of the people of England, and their inclination to chang ; and now especially, by reason of their disgust at the King's favoring Catholicks, and dispensing with certain laws, which disposed them not only to receiue the Prince of Orange, but invite him to their aid ; however all this would not haue done his work, had not the situation of affairs in other neiboring countrys seconded his design : The House of Austria had for some time been projecting a formida- ble League against France, whose former acquisitions had given them great disquiet, and made them aprehend new ones, so were resolved (if possible) to be beforehand with it now. The Prince of Orange's ambition to be at the head of a powerfull army, and his inveterate enmity against that King (Louis XIV.), made him an earnest stickler in this League, which at last was concluded at Auslnirge, betwi.xt the Empire, the Kingdom of Spain, and the States of Holland, and they had found means to render the Pope himself (who was at that time ill satis- fyd with the Court of France) to be more than favorable to their enterprize ; so that nothing was wantuig but the conjunction of England to make their force as formidable as they them- selves could wish it ; But the King (besides the little inclination he had to fall out with a Prince, his near relation and antient friend) haveing the prospect of enjoying a perfect peace, and free trade, when all his Neibors should be engaged in war, made him giue no ear to the earnest soUicitations of the Emperour's and King of Spain's Ambassadors, who press'd him violently to enter into this Confederacy His Majesty looked upon the immagination of an universal Monarchy (with which they stroue to fright him as a thing aim'd at by France) as a fantastical dream, both impolitic and impracticable, as appear'd by Charles the 3th and Philip the Second, but that were it otherwise, the situation of England still secur'd it so well against a French, or any other encroachment, that newtrality was its true intrest ; which made his Majesty graspe at this occasion of eating out the Dutch, the Kingdom's rivals in trade, rather then to eat out his own people's bowels, in the defence of that Commonwealth, which never fail'd to leaue their Allys in the lurch, at the least faint apearance of advantage by it." " The Prince of Orange," continue the royal Memoirs, "knew how to turn this disposition and resolution the King was in, so as to second his intentions, by perswading the Emperour and King of Spain, that certainly the King of England had made a private League with France, and that there remain'd no means, but that of amies, to remoue the remora', which the present misunderstanding betwixt him and his people gaue a fauorable occasion of efecting ; it is not otherwise '■ " The sucking fish, supposed by the ancients to mous Works of Frederick the Great of Prussia, have power to stop a ship under sail, or a whale vol. vii. p. 521: Holcroit's translation, London, swimming, and figuratively used here."— (Posthu- 1789.) 2 1 6 Notes and Illustrations. otherwise to be iramagin'd that those two Prince's so zealous in their Religion wouhl haue con- curr'd so easily witli Rebellious Protestant subjects, to dethrone a Catholick King for no other reason, but because he was so; and against whom, they had not the least ground of quarrell or complaint : however by this stratagem the Prince of Orange drew them in to so unjust an enterprise, which without that turn, they would never haue given in too, nor without their aid he could never haue efected ; but he had the dexterity to delude all sides, by shewing them but HALF his design at first ; he made the greatest part of the people of England believe, his comeing was but a compliment to their Laws, Religion, and Liberties, and to reduce the King to what they thought the just bounderys of his power ; this was the wheedle that deluded the Church of Eng- land partie, and made the SeavenBisshops write to invite him even when they were in the Tower. He easily persumded the Emperour and the King of Spain, there was no other method of forceing the King of England into the League, and that he had no further aim in the undertakeing ; but when once he was possessed of the full power, which the treachery of the English put into his hands, and the Confederate Princes through their enmity to France had so effectually con- curr'd too, he forced the former to confirme his usurpation, and the latter finding the Sweet of such vast issues of Englishmen and mony, which the Prince of Orange fail'd not to feed them with, soon framed palleating reasons to tollerate, what, perhapes, at first they would not haue consented too : besides, they knew the King was a lover of his people, and a good husband of his treasure, and therefore would never willingly haue parted with either, but upon an equi- valent return of glory and profit ; whereas they saw, the Prince of Orange's greedy ambition of Command, avidity of fame, and enmity to France, would make him as lavish of the English blood and coin, as they themselves could wish, which he being forreign too in inclination as well as birth, did not disapoint their expectation in." In alluding to the particular reasons of the States of Holland for promoting this attempt of the Prince of Orange upon England, the same authority alleges, that " his (William's) loue to his natiue Country would make him (they hoped) favour its intrest on all occasions, and be ready to empty the English treasure into the Dutch excequer, which was what they sought, and what he fail'd them not in ; and his haveing no Children prevented the thoughts of the like usurpation upon Holland, especially they finding their account in letting him govern it as absolutely, as if he had been their King the short time he was like to Hue : tis true they had the hipocrisy to cloath their Manifesto with the zeal for Protestant Religion too, and cheated some people with the beliefe, that their disinteressed succours was a sort of Almes to England, to reestablish their Liberties, &c. ; but such people did not reflect, that zeal and generosity are not the vertues of Merchants, they expected to be reimburs'd every penny they layd out, which was accordingly made good to them afterwards, and tho the account was swell'd high enough otherwise, yet they forgot not intrest, nor the hazard of the principal, which they were satis- fyd for, before all was discharg'd" : this made them contribite so heartely to the enterprize, and » By several circumstances mentioned in the ab- March 14th, 1689, the Dutch estimates would seem stract left us of the '* debate on the vote for indem- to have passed the House, rather from its having nifying the Dutch," in the EngUsh Pai'liament, been considered exyjedi'eni to vote them, than from Notes and Illustrations. 1 17 and cause their Ambassador, Van Citters, to delude the King so treacherously, by his repeated protestations, that their preparations were not against him. There is no doubt therefore but the States of Holland knew the bottom of the design, which made the Prince of Orange at his going off" assure them, he would Hue their friend, or dy their servant ; thus was the Nation (England) debauched from its duty, and tricked into a manifest undoing of itself, to support a forreign intrest, and feed those needy Princes of Germany, with mony and troops, for which the English could expect no other recompence, then the honour of establishing their neibours by their own ruin ; yet all these hidden designes pass'd upon the people, under the notion of the Prince of Orange's pangs of conscience for the Protestant Religion, and the tender regard of the expireing liberties of England, whereas all these fair pretences of assert- ing the people's liberties and secureing their Religion, were but introductory too, and a cloak, to the real design, of executeing the ends of the confederacy in general, and to serve his own ambition, and unsatiable therst after Empire in particular ; nay, there were those, who, con- ceiveing it to be more glorious to be wise than vertuous, and succesfuU in wickedness than unfortunate in the pursute of justice, haue thought to ad a lustre to the Prince of Orange's character in afirmeing, that the very League itself against France, was only subservient to this unnatural design ; which being first in his view, be put the Princes of Germany, and House of Austria, upon a Confederacy against the King of France, to find him business enough at home, and prevent his giveing him any impediment in his attempt upon England "''. Note 51, a belief that the charges made were fair. Sir Thomas Clarges said, "it is not reasonable we should bear all the charge." Mr. Harbord, amongst other matters to press payment, observed, in reply, "if the King of France, b_v fair or foul means, mali>. 119-121 Mitford's Hist, of Greece, vol. i. p. 140: Loudon, 1S38. 2 22 Notes and Illustrations. " Such a course of discord and faction, prolonged, as it was through centuries, could not fail to affect materially the general character of the nation, and to lay deep the seeds of future humiliation and weakness. A people, divided thus among themselves, must have been, at all times, a ready prey for the invader ; and the fatal consequences of such disunion were shown most lamentably, a few centuries after this pei'iod, when, as we shall see, to Irish assis- tance alone were the Danish marauders indebted for the footing they were able to maintain, so long and ruinously, in the country. By the same causes, though existing, perhaps, in a much less aggravated degree, were the Celts, both of Britain and Gaul, brought so easily under the dominion of the Romans. The politic use to which the rival factions among the Gauls might be turned could not escape the acute observation of Cjesar ; and history, which has left untold the name of the recreant Irishman, who proffered his treasonable services in the camp of Agricola, has, with less charity, recorded that of the British chief, Mandubratius, who, from motives of mere personal revenge, invited Caisar into Britain"''. Nevertheless, when all the unfavourable circumstances connected with the situation of the Irish, as so primitive, remote, and secluded a people, are fairly allowed for, that their conduct, in this practice of making war on each other, was certainly not worse than that of other European nations, is evident from the continuance of " private wars" down to a comparatively recent period among those nations, notwithstanding every effort of the spiritual, as well as temporal power, to put a stop to such contests, and the crimes and miseries, necessarily accompanying them. The following representation, for instance, by Voltaire, "de la France vers le temps de Hugues-Capet," or in the tenth century (and, as will be seen, long after), displays a picture, in several points, resembling the political condition of Ireland, in and pre- vious to the twelfth century, from the general prevalence of internal warfare, owing to the want of a monarchy sufficiently strong to enforce anything like a due degree of subordi- nation, union, and tranquillity in the country: " Louis, le dernier des descendans de Charlemagne, n'avait plus pour tout domaine que les villes de Laon et de Soissons, et quelques terres qu'on lui contestait. L'hommage rendu par la Normandie ne servait qu'a donner au roi un vassal qui auraitpu soudoyer son maltre. Chaque province avait ou ses contes ou ses dues hereditaires ; celui qui n'avait pu se saisir que de deux ou trois bourgades rendaithommage aux usurpateurs d'une province; et qui n'avait qu'un cha- teau relevait de celui qui avait usurpe une ville. De tout cela s'etait fait cet asseinblage mon- strueux de membres qui ne formaient point un corps. Le temps et la necessite etablirent que les seigneurs des grands fiefs marcheraient avec des troupes au secours du roi. Tel seigneur devait quarante jours de service, tel autre vingt-cinq. Les arriere-vassaux marchaient aux ordres de leurs seigneurs immediats. Mais, si tous ces seigneurs particuliers servaient I'etat quelque jours, ils se fesaient la guerre entfeux presque toute I'annee. En vain les conciles, qui dans des temps de crimes ordonncrent souvent des choses justes, avaient regie qu'on ne se battrait point depuis '' " According to the etymologist Baxter," it is to this chieftain, in consequence of his treason : added in a note, "the name of Mandubratius sig- — ' Inde popular! Cassivelanorum eonvicio, Mandu nifies' the Betrayer ofhis Country,' and was affixed bratur tanquam patrice prnditor appellatus est.' " Notes and Illustrations. 223 depuis le jeudi jusqu'au point du jour du lundi, et dans les temps de Paques, et dans d'autres solennites: ces reglemens, n'etant point appuyes d'une justice coercitive, etaient sans vigueur. Chaque chateau etaitlaeapitale d'un petit etat de brigands : chaque monastere etaiten arnies; leurs avocats qu'on appelait avoyers, institues dans les premiers temps pour presenter leurs requetes au prince et menager leurs affaires, etaient les gencraux de leurs troupes : les mois- sons etaient ou brulees, ou coupees, avant le temps, ou dcfendues I'epee a la main ; les villes presque reduites en solitude, et les campagnes depeuplees par de longues famines. II semble que ce royaume, suns chef, sans police, sans ordre, dtit etre la proie de Vetruuger ; mais une anarchie presque semhlahle dans tousles royaumes Jit sa sicretc," &c. Again, he remarks upon the state of France still later, or "pendant le douzieme siecle jusqu'au regne de St. Louis," that it was estabhshed there, "par les lois des fiefs, que si le seigneur d'un fief disait a son homme-lige : ' Venez-vous-en avec moi, car je veux guerroyer le roi, mon seigneur, qui me denie justice: I'homme-lige devait d'abord aller trouver le roi, et lui demander, s'il etait vrai, qu'il eiit refuse justice a ce seigneur ? En cas de refus, I'homme-lige devait marcher contre le roi au service de ce seigneur, le nombre de jours prescrits, ou perdre son fief. Un tel reglement pouvait etre intitule, Ordonnance pour fuire la guerre civile .... Dans les premiers temps de la race des Hugues, nomme improprement Capetienne, du sobriquet donne a ce roi, tous les petits vassaux combattaient contre les grands, et les rois avaient soiivent les armes a la main contre les barons du duchu de la France. La race des anciens pirates danois, qui regnait en Normandie et en Angleterre, favorisait toujours ce desordre. C'est ce qui fit que Louis le Gros eut tant de peine a soumettre un sire de Couci, un sire de Mont- Iheri, un sire du village de Puiset, un seigneur de Baudouin, de Chateaufort : on ne voit pas meme qu'il ait ose et put feire condamner a mort ces vassaux." Doctor Robertson, whose researches, in his History of the Emperor Charles V., relative to the "private wars" among the nations of the Continent, during the middle ages, strengthen the picture of Voltaire respecting such contests, and the calamities occasioned by them, says, "that the invasion of the most barbarous enemy could not be more desolating to a country, or more fatal to its inhabitants, than these intestine wars;" and that "the contemporary historians describe the excesses committed in the prosecution of these quarrels, in such terms as excite astonishment and horror." He contents himself with citing but " one passage" from Guibert, Abbot of Nogent in France, who lived at the latter end of the eleventh, and early part of the twelfth century : — " Erat eo tempore, maximis ad invicem hostilitatibus, totius Francorum regni facta turbatio ; crebra ubique latrocinia, viarum obsessio ; audiebantur passim, immo fiebant incendia infinita ; nullis pra?ter sola et indomita cupiditate existentibus causis, ex- truebantur praelia: etutbrevi totum claudara, quicquid obtutibus cupidorum subjacebat, nus- quam aitendendo cujus esset, praedaj patebat. Gesta Dei per Francos, i. 482." A clearer and more shocking idea of the atrocities connected with "private wars" may, however, be formed from the accounts of the cruelties practised in England, when, in the general confusion of the contest for the crown between Stephen and the Empress Matilda, mother of Henry IL, about thirty years before the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland, every proprietor 2 24 Notes and Illustrations. proprietor of a castle,. which edifices are described as having "filled the land," acquired the power of carrying on hostilities, upon his own account. The Saxon Chronicle says of those petty tyrants : — " They greatly oppressed the wretched people, by making them work at these castles, and, when the castles were finished, they filled them with devils and evil men. Then they took those whom they suspected to have any goods, by night and by day, seizing both men and women, and they put them in prison for their gold and silver, and tortured them with pains unspeakable, for never were any martyrs tormented as these were. They hung some up by their feet, and smoked them with foul smoke ; .some by their thumbs, or by the head, and they hung burning things on their feet. They put a knotted string about their heads, and twisted it, till it went into the brain. They put them into dungeons, wherein were adders, and snakes, and toads, and thus wore them out. Some they put into a cru- cet house, that is, into a chest that was short and narrow, and not deep, and they put sharp stones in it, and crushed the man therein, so that they broke all his limbs. There were hateful and grim things, called Sachenteges, in many of the castles, and which two or three men had enough to do to carry. The Sachentege was made thus : it was fastened to a beam, having a sharp iron to go round a man's throat and neck, so that he might no ways sit, nor lie, nor sleep, but that he must bear all the iron'. Many thousands they exhausted with hun- ger. I cannot, and I may not tell of all the.wounds and all the tortures that they inflicted upon the wretched men of this land ; and this state of things lasted the nineteen years that Stephen was king, and ever grew worse and worse. They were continually levying an exaction from the towns, which they called Tenseriei, and, when the miserable inhabitants had no more to give, then plundered they, and burnt all the towns, so that well mightest thou walk a whole day's journey, nor ever shouldest thou find a man seated in a town, or its lands tilled. Then was corn dear, and flesh, and cheese, and butter, for there was none in the land, — wretched men starved with hunger, — some lived on alms, who had been erewhile rich : some fled the country, — never was there more misery, and never acted Heathens worse than these. At length they spared neither church nor churchyard, but they took all that was valuable therein, and then burned the church, and all together. Neither did they spare the lands of bishops, nor of .ab- bats, nor of priests ; hut they robbed the monks and the clergy, and every man plundered his neighbour as much as he could. If two or three men came riding to a town, all the township fled before them, and thought that they were robbers. The bishops and clergy were ever cursing them, but this to them was nothing, for they were all accursed, and forsworn, and reprobate. The earth bare no corn, you might as well have tilled the sea, for the land was all ruined by such deeds, and it was said openly, that Christ and his saints slept." Having ' That is, as elsewhere explained, a very heavy i " A payment to the superior lord for protec- weight of iron chains, attached to the person! For tion," says the editor. See, however, Du Cange the tortures inflicted on the native peasantry in sub vv. Tensamentum— Tenseria — Tensura. ( Glos- France, or Normandy, by the Norman aristocracy, sarium ad Scriptores Medi* et Intinne Latinitatis, anterior to the Conquest of England, see Note 56. torn. iii. p. 1093 : Paris, 1678.) Notes and Illustrations. 225 Having observed in reference to France, tliat, after the various efforts made for centuries, by the Church, by voluntary associations, and by the royal power, to put down "private wars" there, all of which efforts proved ineffectual, that Charles VI. had, in 1413, to issue "an ordinance, expressly prohibiting private wars, on any pretext whatsoever," Dr. Robertson ex- claims : " How slow is the progress of reason and of civil order! Regulations, which to us appear so equitable, obvious, and simple, required the efforts of civil and ecclesiastical utUliurity, during several centuries, to introduce and establish them." Yet, "even posterior to this period," he adds, that " Louis XI. was obliged to abolish private wars in Dauphine, by a particular edict, A. D. 1451." After noting, that it would add too much to his wcrk, " if he should attempt to inijuire. with the same minute attention, into the progress of this pernicious custom, in the other countries of Europe," the Doctor says, with respect to "private wars" in Spain, that, "in Castile, the pernicious practice of private war prevailed, and was authorized by the customs and law of the kingdom," — that, "as the Castilian nobles were no less turbulent than powerful, their quarrels and hostilities involved their country in many calamities," — that, " in Aragon, the right of private revenge was likewise authorised by law, exercised in its full extent, and ac- companied by the same unhappy consequences," — and, in fine, notwithstanding the efforts made in Spain, for several centuries, " to abolish the right of private war," — that " the evil was so inveterate, that as late as A. D. 1519, (the Emperor) Charles V. was obliged to publish a law, enforcing all former regulations, tending to suppress this practice." The same historian, even after what he has stated of the consequences of" the right of private war" in France and Spain, adds, that " in Germany, the disorders and calamities occa- sioned by the right of private war were greater and more intolerable than in any other country of Europe." He asserts that, with reference to the imperial authority, " not only the nobility, but the cities, acquired almost independent powei-, and scorned all subordination and obedience to the laws." He alleges, too, that "the frequency of these/airfcf, or private wars, is often men- tioned in the German annals, and the fatal effects of them are most pathetically described." Then, having mentioned the different efforts made, from time to time, to remedy such a state of things in Germany, he informs us, that " the final and perpetual abolition of the right of private war," in that country, "was not accomplished until 1495." On the " private wars," then, of the Irish chieftains with each other, at the head of their little " nations," as each of them considered his clan or followers to be, no judgment should ever be passed, without likewise taking into account, how long " private wars" continued to exist on the Continent, and how difficult it was found, even there, to effect their final abolition"". Note 56, k Annals of the Four Masters, to A. D. 1 172, in introduction, passim, and pp. 37-38. — Voltaire, Doctor O' Conor's Rerum Hibernicarum Scrip- Essai sur lesMoeurs et 1' Esprit des Nations, et sur tores Veteres, vol. iii., and in MS. to A. D. 1610, les principaux Fails de I'Histoire depuis Cliarle- in the Koyal Irish Academy Moore's History magne jusqu'a Louis XIII., CEuvrcs Completes, of Ireland, vol. i. pp. 174-175 Doctor O'Conor's tome xvi. chap, xxxviii. pp. 332-534, et tome xvii. Memoirs of Charles O'ConorofBelanagare, vol. i. chap. 1. pp. 68-69: edit. 1785 — Robertson's View IRISH ARCH. SOC. 2 G 2 26 Notes and Illustrat'wns. Note 56, Page 23. Superior resistance experienced by the Danes or Northmen in Ireland, to that encountered by them in France and England. Irish MS. narrative of the wars against the Danes in Ireland. The translator of the Lodbrokar Quida, or celebrated Death Song of King Ragnar Lod- brog, the piratic Hercules of the Scandinavian nations, observes, in a note on that composi- tion : — " The fertile Erin was long the great resort of the Scandinavians, who, from the in- ternal dissensions of the natives, gained a considerable footing. They, however, met with a stubborn resistance. Hence, the Islandic authors represent the Irish as most profuse of life, and the Ira far was no less terrible to the sons of Lochlin, than the furor Normannorum to the rest of Europe." The best proof, however, of what a counterpoise the Ira far was to the furor Normanno- rum is supplied by the fact that, although a comparatively small force of that fierce race, " adversus quos," says an old French writer, " nullus rex, nuUus dux, nuUus defensor surrexit qui eos expugnaret," were so much dreaded as to obtain, early in the tenth century, from the descendant of Charlemagne, that considerable portion of France, in which, under their leader, Rolf or Rollo, they founded the powerful feudal sovereignty of Normandy, — and although their Danish brethren, under Sven or Swayn, the father of Knut or Canute, and their two royal successors, triumphed over and reigned in England from 1013 to 1042, — the same race were kept down in Ireland, and, in the end, completely crushed by the results of their memo- rable defeat, at the Battle of Clontarf, April 23, 1014. How honourable was the stand made by of the Progress of Society in Europe, from the D. H. Kelly, "that O'Kelly is the only Irish family Subversion of the Roman Empire to the Beginning that preserves any heraldic memorial of that inte- of the Sixteenth Century, sect. i. pp. 345-346, resting conflict. The crest of O'Kelly, the Qm- Note xxi. pp. 404-408, and Note xlv. pp. 431-432, piab, is founJed on the tradition, that, on the morn- prefixed to History of the Emperor Charles "V., in ing of Clontarf battle. Holy Friday, 23rd April, Complete Works ; one vol. London, 1831. — Gib- 1014, a kind oi green horse, or strange manifold bon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, animal, seeming to rise from the sea, rushed through chap. liii. pp. 961-963: one vol. London, 1831. — the ranks of the Danes, and continued on into those Histoire de la Conquete de I'Angleterre par les of the Hymaine clans, in which he seemed to take Normands, par.\ugustin Thierry, livre viii. tome ii. refuge ; and, that Teigue O'Kelly, taking advantage pp. 213-216: Riga, Impi-iraeur-Libraire, Bru.xe!les of this event to animate his troops, cried out to et Liege, 1841. — The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, edi- them, ' that this animal was a forerunner of vic- ted by Giles, in Bohn's Antiquarian Library, pp. tory.' — It is said, also, that, after Teigue fell, the 502-504: London, 1847 Lingard's History of same animal again appeared to protect his body England, vol. ii. chap. iv. pp. 184-187 Hardi- against the insults of the enemy, till brought off man's Statute of Kilkenny, pp. 33-35, 52, 88-89 : from the field by his clan. This crest is still borne Dublin, 1841. by the O'Kellys, and was the crest of the Author ' " It may here be worthy of remark," says Mr. of the ' Macariae Excidium.' " Notes and Illustrations. 227 by the Irish in that age, under Malachv II., Brian Boru, and other princes, against such for- midable opponents, can only, indeed, be ftiirly estimated by a survey of how very different was the position which the Norwegian and Danish race then held in France and England, from the fate they met with in Ireland. In Normandy, the name of Norman, or one of the conquering race, who restricted that appellation only to themselves, was, as Thierry informs us, " un titre de noblesse ; c'etait le signe de la liberte et de la puissance, dii droit de lever des impots sur les bom-geois et les serfs du pays. Tous les Normands de nom et de race etaient egaux en droits civils, bien qu'inegaux en grades militaires et en dignites politiques. Nul d'entre eux n'etait taxe que de son propre consentement ; nul n'etait assujetti au peage pour le charroi de ses denrees, ou pour la navigation sur les fleuves ; tous enfin jouissaient du privilege de chasse et de peche, a I'exclusion des villains et des paysans, termes," adds Thierry, " qui designaient en fait le masse de la population indigene." A fuller idea of the miseries imposed upon these disinherited and enslaved representatives of the old inhabitants of the country, by their Scandinavian-de- scended aristocracy, is conveyed, in the substance of the complaints made against those oppres- sors by the sufferers, as given by the same historian : — " ' Les seigneurs," they exclaimed, " ne nous font que du mal, avec eux nous n'avions ni gain ni profit de nos labeurs ; chaque jour est pour nous jour du souffrance, de peine, et de fatigue ; chaque jour on nous prend nos betes pour les corvees et les services. Puis ce sont les justices vieilles et nouvelles, des plaids et des proces, sans fin, plaids de monnaies, plaids de marches, plaids de routes, plaids de forets, plaids de moutures, plaids d'honimages. II y a tant de prevots et de baillis, que nous n'avons pas une heure de paix ; tous le jours ils nous courent sus, prennentnos meubles, etnous chas- sent de nos terres. II n'y a nulle garantie pour nous contre les seigneurs et leurs serjents, et nul pacte ne tient avec eux.'" Then, mentioning how, in this state, " dont elle etait la partie opprimee, cette population eut la pensee de detruire I'inegalite de races, de maniere que le pays de Normandie se renfermat qu'un seul peupile, comrae il neportait qu'un seul nom" and how from the year 997 to 1013 (a period corresponding with the reigns of Malachy II. and Brian Boru in this country), there was formed throughout Normandy a secret confederacy, or conspiracy, which " ne se borna point a une seule, ni meme a plusieurs villes, qu'elle s'etendit sur les campagnes, ^t embrassa toutes les classes du peuple indigene dans une grande affilia- tion" — the historian adds, how these efforts for freedom were, nevertheless, crushed by the Norwegian and Danish aristocracy, under the Count of Evreux, whose cruelties, and the re- sults of them, he thus relates : — " Le Comte d'Evreux traita ses prisonniers avec une extreme cruaute, sans se donner la peine de les mettre en jugement, ni de faire a leur egai'd aucune espece d'enquete ; il les condamna tous a des tortures atroces, que ces agents"' s'etudierent a varier ; les uns eurent les yeux creves, les poings coupes, et les jarrets brules ; d'autres furent empales; d'autres cuits a petit feu, ou arroses de plomb fondu. Le peu d'hommes qui surve- curent a ces tourments furent revoyes a leurs families, et promenes tout mutilcs dans les vil- lages, pour y repandre la terreur. En effet, la crainte I'emporta sur I'araour de la liberte dans le " The Count's underlings previously mentioned. 2 G 2 228 Notes and Illustrations. le coeur des bourgeois et des serfs de Norraandie ; la grande association fut rompue ; il n'y eut plus d'assemblees secretes, et une triste resignation succeda pour des siecles a I'entliusiasme d'un moment"". In England, the ascendancy maintained by the Northmen in those days, or during the whole of Ethelred's disastrous reign, is painted in not less fearful colours. Passing over the successes of their earlier invasions in that reign, the Anglo-Saxon Bishop, Lupus, in a sermon preached about the year 1012, or one year before his countrymen were obliged to submit to the Danish monarch, Swayn, as their sovereign, and two years before Brian Boru's great victory at Clontarf, gives this striking picture, of the complete superiurity in arms maintained over the English by the Northmen, ndiose fortune was so very different in Ireland. " We," says the Anglo-Saxon prelate, " perpetually pay them tribute, and they ravage us daily. They devastate and they burn ; they spoil, they plunder, and they carry otf our property to their ships. Such is their successful valour, that one of them will in battle put ten of our 's to flight. Two or three will drive a troop of captive Christians through the country from sea to sea. Very often they seize the wives and daughters of our thanes, and violate them before the brave chieftains' face." Nor does the yoke related to have been imposed by the Danes upon the English, when they did submit, appear to have been less oppressive. " Le Danois, qui portait le titre de roi d'Angleterre," observes Thierry, " n'etait pas seul a opprimer les indi- genes ; il avait sous lui toute uue nation d'etrangers, et chacun y travaillait de son mieux. Ce peuple superieur, dont les Anglais etaient sujets et non simples concitoyens, ne payait point d'impots comme eux, et se partageait, ou contraire, les impots leves par son chef, recevant tantot sept marcs d'argent, et tantot vingt marcs par tete. Quand le roi, dans ses revues militaires, ou dans ses promenades de plaisir, prenait pour son logement la maison d'un Danois, le Danois etait defraye tantot en argent, tantot en betail, que le paysan saxon avait nourri pom' la table de ses vainqueurs. Mais la demeure du Saxon etait I'hotellerie du Danois : I'etranger y prenait gratuitement le feu, la table, et le lit ; il y occupait la place d'honneur corame maltre. Le chef de la famille ne pouvait boire sans la permission de son bote, ni de- meurer assis en sa presence. L'hote insultait a son plaisir I'epouse, la fille, la servante ; et si quelque brave entreprenait de les defendre ou de les venger, ce brave ne trouvait plus d'asile; il etait poursuivi et traque comme une bete fauve ; sa tete etait mis a prix, comme celle des loups; il devenait tete de hup, selon I'expression anglo-saxonne, et il ne lui restait plus qu'a fuir vers la demeure des loups, qu'a se faire brigand dans les forets, contra les conquerants etrangers, et les indigenes qui s'endormaient lachement sous le joug de I'etranger"'. With " " Concionibus subito omissis," says M. Thier- Ulster, under the year 1012, " died in Maelseach- ry's authority, respecting those unfortunate serfs, lainn's howse after tipling ; he was y" man that "ad ara*ra sunt reversi," — words which may be made y« Gent," i. e. the Gentiles, or Danes, compared with this plovghing practised in Ireland " plough by theire bodies, and two of them by about the same period, by a petty Leinster prince, their tayles.harowing after them."— (Old Transla- at the expense of the Danes. " Gildas Mochonna, tion in British Museum Library.) King of Descert Bregh," observe the Annals of " This ancient supremacy of the Danes over the Notes and Ilhistrations. 229 With such a remarkable contrast bet^veen the condition of those countries and that of Ireland, as opposed to the same formidable enemies, it is very gratifying, that the details of such a long struggle as that of the Irish, for above two centuries, against the Northmen, should exist, in a distinct Irish work, on the subject ; and the more so as, till lately, it was thought that, beyond some fragments discovered by Mr. Curry in Trinity Colleire Library, there were no remains of the work among us. It is entitled, Coga^j 5'^"'^'^''^^'^ ^^ 5*^'^^^^'^» i- ^- " The Wars of the Gaels," or Irish " against the Galls," or *' foreigners." Colgan, who speaks, early in the seven- teenth century, as having a copy in his possession, mentions it, as containing "singulis psene annis nova pr^elia et conflictus Hibernorum cum Danis et Nortmannis," down to the decisive overthrow of the latter at Clontarf. There was also a copy of it, in the reign of Cbarlcs II., in the Book of Lecan ; since the fact, of its having been enrolled among the other old tracts in that valuable collection, is assigned by the celebrated Irish antiquary, Duald Mac Firl)is, in another portion of that book, at present extant, as his reason for not treating more at length there upon matters connected with the subject of the Danes in Ireland. His observation is to this effect : — "I decline entering more largely into the genealogies and history of *he Danes, as these things are set forth in full in the tract denominated, ' the Wars of the Gaels against the Galls,' preserved in the great Book of Lecan." That volume, however, was deprived of this tract since subjugated Saxons or English is referred to, on dif- ferent occasions, in connexion with the Revolution of 1688, and the ensuing wai' in Ireland, by writers on both sides. In the "Whig or Williamite work of Lord Molesworth on Denmark in 1692, written with a view of showing to what England might be reduced but for the Revolution, his Lordship, in enu- merating the grievances imposed upon the Danes, formerly free, in consequence, as he argues, of their subjection, in his time, to absolute monarchy, observes that, in Denmark, '* Another Grievance is the quartering and paying of the Soldiers. Those that know what a vexatious Tiling it is (over and above tlie Charge) to be constantly plagued with insolent Inmates, who lord it wherever they dwell, will soon allow this to be a Mischief scarce sup- portable. This was onct known in England^ where the Lord Dane, or Danish Soldier, quartered in the English Yeoman's House, and domineer'd to pur- pose. Whence came the Nickname of Lazy Lor- dane." And, in one of the public papers printed in Ireland in 1689, by King James, for circulation among Marshal Schonberg's army, to induce as many English as possible to desert, the bringing in, with other foreigners, of so many Danes, is, from the ancient oppression by the latter in England, dwelt upon, as an act peculiaidy culpable on "Wil- liam's part, with respect to Englisimien. " To call in," says the Jacobite document, "'Multitudes of Strangers and Foreigners, of desperate Fortunes and divers Nations, who are continuing your Sla- very ; together with the old Invadours of our Coun- try, the Danes, who held our Ancestors in a War of three hundred Years, and their Insolence became intolei'able to a Proverb, till the very Women fell upon them with the Indignation of so many /«(/(VAs, it is so Shameful, it cannot be Honourable." This last allusion refers to the gi-eat massacre committed by the Saxons in England upon the Danes, not even excepting women and children, on St. Brice'sday, or in November, 100:2 ; though without being able to shake otf the yoke of those unwelcome guests, by whose kings, above-mentioned, the country was afterwards entirely subdued. — (Archdall's Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, vol. v. pp. 134-135. — An Ac- count of Denmark in the Yeai- 1692, p. 53 : Lon- don, 1735. — A Letter to the Otiicers and Souldicrs of His Majesties Subjects that are in Count de Schomberg's Army: Dublin, 1689. — Palgrave's History of England, vol. i. p. 289 : London, 1831 . ) 230 Notes and Illustrations. since his days, as it is no longer to be found there. Nevertheless, the eminent Irish scholar, Peter O'Connell, who died so recently as 1824, had a copy of this history of the Irish wars against the Danes, since, for the purj5ose of showing the meaning to be attached to various Irish words, he quotes several portions of it, in his valuable, though unpublished, Irish-English Dictionary. " Henceforward, nothing more was knovvn respecting this work on the Danish wars until 1846, when one of our members, Mr. S. H. Bindon, being at Brussels, fortunately found, amongst the MSS. of the Burgundian Library there, a fine copy, in the handwriting of Michael O'Clery, one of the Four Masters ; probably the vei-y same copy which formerly belonged to Colgan. This, being subsequently inspected by another of our members, the Rev. Charles Graves, the Rev. J. H. Todd, our Secretary, went in 1848 to Brussels, collated the Trinity College fragments with the O'Clery copy there, and, by supplying from the latter what was deficient in the former, has thus placed a transcript of the entire at the disposal of the Irish Archaeological Society for publication, when sufficient funds can be obtained for printing it, along with a translation into English, and illustrative notes, from Danish as well as Irish soiu'ces" ''. Note 57, Page 23. The old Irish seized on North Britain, or Scotland, frequently invaded South Britain, or England, sometimes assailed even Gaul, or France, and long maintained a supremacy in Euhonia, Menavia, or Man. The first plantation of the Irish Dalriadic colony in Alba, Albany, or North Britain, and their ultimate acquisition of the modern kingdom of Scotland, have been already noticed', as well as the expedition against Roman Britain, in Agricola's time, by the Irish monarch Crim- than or Criomthan II., surnamed Nianair'. But, long before Crimthan's reign, it would appear, from the testimony of the Irish annalists, combined with that of the Roman panegyrist, Eumenius, that the Irish used not only to make attacks upon Albany, but upon Southern Britain, or that portion of the island subsequently conquered by Rome, and now styled England. After glancing at those early expeditions into Britain, under several of the more ancient monarchs of Ireland, "without depending," Mr. Moore says, "solely on Irish authorities, the language of the Roman panegyrist, Eumenius, in extolling the victory gained in Britain by Constantius Chlorus, would fully suffice to prove that, previously to the coming of C^sar, the neighbourhood of Ireland had P Moore's History of Ireland, vol. ii. chap. xvi. Antitjuitates Celto-ScandicEe, pp. 89-150: Havniae, p. 19, and cliaps. xx. and xxi., passim Sismondi, 1786. — Colgan, Acta Sanctorum Veteris et Majo- Histoire des Francais, tome iii. pp. 32.3-337 : Paris, ris Scotia; sen Hibernias Sanctorimi Insiilaa, torn. i. 1821. — Tui'ner's History of the Anglo-Saxons, p. 106. — Irish Information, comnmnieated by Mr. vol. iii. pp. 243-244, 251-309 : London, 1801 His- Eugene Cui-ry, of the Irish Archaiological Society. toire de la Conquete de 1' Angleterre par les Nor- —Report of the General Meeting of the Society, mands, &c., pai* Augustin Thierry, livreiii. tomei. December 21st, 1648, pp. 3-4. pp. 130, 148, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 177, 178, 1 Notes 8, 9, 10. 179, 180: Bruxelles et Liege, 1841 — Johnstone's f Note 54. Notes and Illustrations. 231 had been found troublesome to tbe Britons, and that they had been ' accustomed,' for such is the phi-ase used by the orator, to invasions from that quarter." This inference from the testimony of Eumenius he verifies by the transcription of the original passage from that writer, as to the Southern Britons having, before their invasion and subjection by Rome, been habitually exposed to the hostilities of the Irish, as well as of the Picts^ Then, — having mentioned how, in order to arrest the predatory incursions of the Picts and their Irish or Dalriadic neighbours settled in Scotland, who were accustomed to compromise their quarrels for the purpose of invading Southern Britain, " the Romans had, at different intervals, during the second and third centuries, erected those three great walls, or ramparts, on the northern frontier of their province, whose remains still continue to occupy the curious research and speculation of the antiquary," — Mr. Moore proceeds to descrilie the most celebrated e.xpeditions, against Roman Britain and Gaul, of the Scots, or Irish. These expeditions were generally, or as regards Britain, undertaken in connexion with the Picts; at other times in conjunction with the Picts and Saxons ; and, as regards Gaul, with their own forces. " About the middle of the fourth centm-y," says he, in reference to Southern Britain, " so destructive had become their inroads, that it required the presence of the son of Constantine, to make head against and repel them'. Whatever differences their relative position, as rival neighbours, had given rise to, were entirely merged in their common object of harassing the Britons, whom a native historian describes as trembling with the fear of a new visitation, while still fainting from the dire effects of the tempest, which had just swept over them. To deliver the province from this scourge, one of the bravest of the Roman generals, Theodosius, was now appointed to the military command of Britain, and, after two active campaigns, during which he had to contend, not only with the Picts and Scots by land, but also with their new allies, the Saxon pirates, by sea, he at length succeeded in delivering Britain from her inveterate invaders. To such daring lengths had some of these incursions into her territory extended, that, on the arrival of the Roman general, he had found the Picts and their allies advanced as far as Lunduii and Kent", In all this warfare, the ' "Ad hoc natio (Britannica) etiam tunc rmlis, in spite of which, the Irish and their allies, the et solis Britannl Pictis moilo ft Iliheniis adsuetl Picts, used to invade and plunder South Britain, hostibus, adliuc seminudi, facile Komanis arniis sig- Keating adds ; — " Cormac Mac CuUenau says, also, nisque cesserunt." Mr. Moore, however, might in the Psalter of Cashel, that, in consequence of have added, that it is not true, the Britons were the ravages committed in Britain by the Irish, and easily subdued by the Romans. Caraetacus alone the Cruihni, who were also called Picts, the Britons w as a proof of the contrary. thrice murdered the Roman Governors, as a peace- ' The learned Cormac Mac Cullenan, King of offering to the Irish." — (Keating' s History of Ire- MunsterandBishopof Cashel, deceased A. D. 908, land, ut infra. — Lanigan's Ecclesiastical History of and in whose time there were many ancient docu- Ireland, vol. iii. pp. 348-358.) ments to write from, long since perished, is cited by " The historians of the Roman Empire have not Keating for a very curious circumstance, regarding thought proper, it may be observed, to fui'nish de- the successes of the Irish against the Romans in tails of the several reverses which the Roman Britain. After alluding to the great Roman forti- troops in Britain, and their auxiliaries, must have fications, and the large number of Roman troops, met with, before the Irish invaders, and their 232 Notes and Illustrations. the Scots of Ireland were no less active than their brethren of Albany; and it is, therefore, remarkable that the Roman commander, though fitting out a fleet to chastise the Saxons in the Orcades, should yet have left Ireland, whose currachs wafted over such hostile swarms to his shores, still exempt from invasion. That his fleet chased, however, some of her vessels into their own northern harbours, may be concluded from a passage of the poem of Claudian, which commemorates this war: *' ' Nee false nomine Pictos Edomuit, Scotumque vago mucrone secutus, Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus undas. ' " The few following lines from the same poem describe briefly and picturesquely the signal triumph over the three hostile nations, which Theodosius had achieved : '" Maduerunt Saxone fuse Orcades, incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule, Scotorum cunmlos Hevit glacialis lerne.' " An invasion of Britain, on a far more extensive scale than had yet been attempted from Ireland, took place towards the close of the fourth century (A. D. 396-7), under the auspices of Nial of the Nine Hostages, one of the most gallant of all the princes of the Milesian race. Observing that the Romans, after breaking up their lines of encampment along the coast op- posite to Ireland, had retired to the eastern shore and the northern wall, Nial perceived, that an apt opportunity was thus oftered for a descent upon the now unprotected territory. Instantly summoning, therefore, all the forces of the island, and embarking them on board such ships as he could collect, he ranged with his numerous navy along the whole coast of Lancashire, effecting a landing in Wales, from whence he carried off immense plunder, and, though compelled ultimately to retreat, left marks of depredation and ruin wherever he passed. It was against this adventurous monarch, that some of those successes were achieved by the Romans, which threw such lustre around the military administration of Stilicho, and inspired the muse of Claudian in his praise. ' By him," says the poet, speaking in the person of Britannia, ' was I protected, when the Scot moved all Ireland against me, and the ocean foamed with his hostile oars.' " The tottering state of the Roman dominion in Gaul, as well as in evei-y other quarter, at this period, encouraged the Hero of the Nine Hostages to extend his enterprizes to the coast of Britany ; where, after ravaging all the maritime districts of the north-west of Gaul, he was at length assassinated, with a poisoned arrow, by one of his own followers, near the Portus Iccius, not far, it is supposed, from the site of the present Boulogne. " To allies, coKWhave advanced so "farintothe bowels be more communicative as to such details. Our of the land" as " London and Kent," and have be- minds have been too much romanhed by Roman come altogether so formidable, as to need the exer- historians, without duly considering that their ac- tions of a General, like Theodosius, for no less than counts, after all, are only those oi one side, which, two active campaigns, against them. An Irish ac- in justice to tlie other ^ require, by a lover of truth, count of this war, if we had one, would, no doubt, to be very much sifted. See Note 3. Notes and Illustrations. ^-?>?> "To Nial the Great succeeded Dathy (A. D. 400), the last of the Pagan Monarchs of Ireland, and not unworthy to follow, as a soldier and adventurer, in the path opened to him by his heroic predecessor. Not only, like Nial, did he venture to invade the coasts of Gaul; but, allured by the prospect of plunder, which the state of the province, then falling fast into dismemberment, held forth, forced his way to the foot of the Alps, and was there killed, it is said, by a flash of lightning." A. D. 428. The circumstances of this Irish Monarch's death, and of the conveyance of his body back to Ireland, as related by the Mac Firbises, together with very curious particulars respecting the locality of his interment at Roiiig na Riogh, or the ancient sepulchre of the Kings of Connaught, near Rath Croghan, County Roscommon, are given in Mr. O'Donovan's valuable contribution to the Transactions of the Irish Archsological Society, entitled, " The Genea- logy, Tribes, and Customs of Hy-Fiachrach," &c. Doctor Mathew Kennedy, Judge of the Court of Admiralty, and Master of Chancery, in Ireland, during the reign of .Tames II., in his " Chronological, Genealogical, and Historical Dissertation of the Royal Family of the Stuarts," published at Paris in 1705, says, respecting the termination of Dathy's life and e.\- pedition, in the Alps :—" The Piedmontois tradition of this matter, continued to this day, fully agrees with our account of this expedition." The local source through which a know- ledge of the existence of that tradition was acquired, or a nobleman of the great family of De Sales (variously styled in the writers of the time, Marquis, Count, and Baron), appears from Abbe Mac Geoghegan, in his Histoire de ITrlande. " La relation," he observes, " de oette expedition de Dathy, dont parlent presque tons les livres Irlandois, se trouve conforme a la tradition Piemontoise, et a un tres-ancien registre des archives de la maison de Sales, ou il est dit, que le Roi d'Irlande s'etoit logc dans le chateau de Sales lors de cette expedition. Je tiens cette relation de Daniel 6 Mulryan, Capitaine au Regiment de Mount-Casbel, qui m'a assure I'avoir oui dire au Marquis de Sales, lorsqu'il etoit a table avec Milord Mount- Cashel, dont il etoit le prisonnier depuis la bataille de Marsaille." The Abbe is correct, as to a nobleman of the house of De Sales having been a prisoner to Justin Mac Carthy, Lord Mountcashel, in the war between Louis XIV. and Victor Amadeus, Duke of Savoy. He is only mistaken, as to the time and place he assigns for the fact, which occurred, ikA at the battle of Marsaille, or Orbassan, October 4, 1693, in Piedmont, but in Savoy, during the campaign of 1G90, at an encounter where Lord Mountcashel and his regiment were present, fighting, under Saint Ruth, against a body of Mondovisiens, the subjects of the Duke of Savoy, com- manded by De Sales. The Dutch Mercure Historique for October, 1090, thus relates the circumstance, on the Allied side, after noticing how Saint Ruth (the same who fell next year in Ireland at Aughrim) was employed in reducing Savoy : — " II y a eu un combat entre un detachement de ce General et douze cents hommes de Mondovi commandez par le Comte de Sales, qui furent rencontrez entre Saint Jean de Morienne et Constans" — or rather, Conflans. " Les Mondovisiens se defendirent d'ahord avec beaucoup de courage, et tuerent un assez grand nombre de leurs ennemis, mais enfin lis furent obligez de ceder au nombre, apres avoir perdu beaucoup de nionde. Les Irlandois, commandez par Milord Moncassel, iKisn ARCH. soc. 2 H lesquels 234 Notes and Illustrations. lesquels se trouverent dans cette rencontre, se battirent parfaiteraent bien, Pt ayant vu que leur Chef etoit blesse, ils ne voulureut point abandonner leurs ennemis, qu'ils n'eussent pris le Comte de Sales, qui les conimandoit. lis le menerent en triomphe au Lord Moncassel, pour le consoler de la blessure qu'il avoit recui:." Lord Mountcashel, besides, was not in Italy at the battle of jNIarsaille in 1693, but serving as Lieutenant-General in Germany, under the Marshal de Lorges ; and, among the 215 names of Allied Officers taken at that battle, by the French, the name of De Sales (or De Salles) is not to be found ; so that it could only have been after the defeat in 1690, that the nobleman of that name mentioned the circum- stance at table to Lord Mountcashel, in the presence of the Captain, who communicated the matter to his countryman, the Abbe. With respect to the ancient supremacy of the Irish in the Isle of Man, Mr. Moore, in mentioning the defeat of the Ultonians, by the famous Irish Monarch, Cormac Ulfadha, in the third century, and the consequent banishment of numbers of them into that island, says ; " That the island of Eubonia, as Man was then called, belonged in early times to Ireland, appears from Ptolemy, by whom it is marked as a dependency of that country ; and, in a work attributed to the cosmographer, ^thicus, we are told, ' The Isle of Man, as well asHibernia, is inhabited by the tribes of the Scots,' — ' Menavia insula aeque ac Hibernia a Scotorum gen- tibus habitatur.' In the time of St. Patrick, it was still an Irish island, and the favourite resort of such holy persons, as wished to devote themselves to a life of seclusion and prayer." As to the balance of invasion between Ireland and England, the same historian considers, that, until Henry II.'s reign, the Irish were the aggressors. " Up to this period," he ob- serves, " the tide of invasion appears to have been entirely from the Irish side of the channel " ; and in all the struggles of Wales against English domination, troops were wafted over to her aid, in the corachs of her warlike neighbours. In the rebellion of Godwin and his sons against Edward the Confessor, Ireland furnished, as we have seen, men and ships in their cause ; and, after the defeat at Hastings, three sons of the conquered King (Harold) sought refuge and succour in the same country, and were enabled to fit out from thence a large fleet, for the invasion of England"'. Note 58, ' This assertion of Mr. Moore shoukl, neverthe- p. 206. — Keating's History of Ireland, vol. i. pp. less, be regarded rather as generaUy than univer- x.-xv. ; Halliday's translation — O'FIahertv's Ogy- sally true. In the seventh and eighth centuries espe- gia, pars iii. cap. 40. 52, 81 , 85, 87, 88 — O' Dono- ciallv, see the several instances of invasion that old van's Genealogies, Tribes, and Customs of Hy- Charles O'Conor refers to as made from Britain, Fiachrach, &c., pp. 19-25 — Kennedy's Chronolo- which he speaks of, in connexion with Congal Claon gical and Historical Dissertation of the Royal Fa- and the battle of Mojrath, as then " the common milj of the Stuarts, beginning with Milesius, the asylum of the domestic mal-contents' ' of Ireland. — stock of those they call the Milesian Irisli ; and end- (Dissertations on the History of Ireland, sect. xv. ing with his present Majesty King James the Third pp. 210-215: Dublin, 1812.) of England and Ireland, and of Scotland the Eighth, " Moore'sHistory of Ireland, vol. i. pp. 128-130, p. 137. — Mac Geoghegan, Histoire de I'lrlande, 134-135, 147-149, 150-153, 229-231, and vol. ii. tome i. p. 155, et tome iii. pp. 745-747.— St. Ger- Notes and Illustrations. 235 Note 58, Pages 23, 24. Misconception as to Ireland having been styled the " Island of Saints," for adhering to t/ie I Roman Catholic faith, when so many other nations embraced the Protestant religion. Respecting the state of religion and learning in Ireland from the fifth to the ninth cen- tury, which procured for the island the title of " Insula Sanctorum et Doctoriim," consult Doctor Lanigan, Mr. Moore, and their authorities. On this subject, the learned Camden says : " Patrick's disciples made such progress in the Christian doctrine, that, in the next age, Ireland was called the Country of Saints, and no men came up to the Scotch (i. e. Irish) monks in Ireland and Britain for sanctity and learning ; and they sent forth swarms of holy men all over Europe, to whom the monasteries of Luxueil in Burgundy, Bobbio in Italy, Wurtzburgh in Franconia, St. Gall in Switzerland, Malmsbury, Landisfarn, and many others in Britain, owed their origin. For from Ireland came Celius Sedulius, the presbyter, Columba, Colunibanus, Colman, Aidan, Gall, Kilian, Maidulph, Brendan, and many more, eminent for their life and doctrine. Of these monks, we are to understand Henricus Antisioderensis, before quoted, when he writes thus to Charles the Bald (grandson of Charlemagne) : ' Why should I mention almost all Ireland, with its crowd of philosophers, despising the dangers of the sea, and flocking to our coasts ?' The Saxons, also, at that time, flocked to Ireland, from all quarters, as to a mart of literature ; whence we fre- quently read in our writers of the lives of Saints, ' such a one was sent over to Ireland for education.' From thence, too, our old Saxon ancestors seem to have had the form of their letters, as they plainly used the same characters, which are at present in use amongst the Irish. It is not," he adds, "to be wondered at, that Ireland, which is now (A. D. 1607) for the most part, rude, half barbarous, and ignorant of polite literature, should have so abounded in that age with holy, pious, and illustrious personages, when the cultivation of learning was neglected, and almost lost throughout the Christian world ; since the divine Providence scatters the seeds of religion and learning sometimes in one nation, sometimes in another, as so many beds at different periods, whose produce, heing transplanted from one place to another, yields a new and continual increase, to the glory of God, and the good of mankind. " Colgan observes ; — " In those golden days, immediately subsequent to the first dissemina- tion of the faith in our land, and for some ages following, it was regarded not only as a kind of vais, Meraoires et Correspondence du Marechal de Mercure Historique et Politique, tome ix. pp. 358- Catinat, tome ii. pp. 219-229, 5IB-520 : Paris, 359, et tome x. p. 171 : La Haye, 1690-1091.— 1836. Histoire du Prince Eugene de Savoje, Quincy, Histoire Militaire du Regne de Louis le Generalissme des Armees de I'Empereur et de Grand, tome ii. pp. 292, 303-.30t), 456-462, 646, rEmpire,tomei.pp.l69178: Am3terdam,1740.— 652,656-657,682-685: Paris, 1720. 2H2 236 Notes and Illustrations. of training institution for missionaries to Heathen lands, but liliewise as a second Thebais for cherishing the exercises of ascetic life, and a general school of the west, for the cultivation of the study of philosophy, and of the Holy Scriptures : so that I can scarce tell whether it has attained to greater glory, from having produced, and sent forth into the world, Doctors and Apostles, almost without number, or from the circumstance, that the countless instances of the arrival, settlement, and sepulture, in our land, of Italians, Gauls, Germans, Britons, Picts, Angles, or Saxons, and persons from other nations, who flocked here, desirous of the benefits of strict discipline or improvement in learning, have been such, that the place might well be called a general institute of polite literature for Europe, and a general retreat for the followers of the ascetic life." Lord Lyttelton remarks : — " We learn from Bede, an Anglo-Saxon, that, about the middle of the seventh century, numbers, both of the nobles and of the second rank of English, left their country, and retired out of England into Ireland, for the sake of studying theology, or leading there a stricter life. And all these (he affirms) the Irish, whom he calls Scots, most willingly received, and maintained at their own charge, supplying them also with books, and being their teachers without fee or reumrd. A most honourable testimony, not only to the learning, but likewise to the hospitality and bounty, of that nation. Great praise is likewise due to the piety of those Irish ecclesiastics, who (as we know from the clear and unquestion- able testimony of many foreign writers) made themselves the Apostles of barbarous Heathen nations, without any apparent inducement to such hazardous undertakings, except the merit of the work. By the preaching of these men, the Northumbrians, the East Angles, and the Northern Picts, were converted. Convents also were founded by them in Burgundy, Ger- many, and other foreign countries, where they distinguished themselves by the rigid integrity and purity of their manners ; so that Ireland, from the opinion conceived of their sanctity, was called the country of saints." Mr. O' Conor adds:— "The (Irish) monks set up schools, in which they educated the youth, not only of the island, but of the neighbouring nations. They sent their missionaries in shoals into the Continent, converting its Heathen and confirming its Christian inhabitants: set up schools in those parts, and laid the foundation of the most flourishing universities in Europe. They taught the Saxons and Normans (i. e. Danes or Northmen) the use of letters, and they converted the Cruthneans or Picts to Christianity by the preaching of Columb-Kille, who quitted his right of succession to the throne of Ireland to reign over the hearts of a foreign people, enemies to his own nation. When Europe groaned under the servitude of Gothic ignorance, Ireland became the prime seat of learning to all Christendom. Hither the sciences, such as they were in those ages, fled for protection ; and here their followers and professors were amply supported. For the converted Saxons, the nation erected, in the west, the college of Mayo, to this day called Mayo of the Saxons In the city of Ardmacha, it is affirmed, that no fewer than 7000 scholars studied, at the same time, within its univer- sity ; although the kingdom, at that time, contained several other academies equally cele- brated, if not equally munerous. On such foundations, did they cultivate Christianity, at home Notes and Illustrations. home and abroad ; and thus did thoy fulfil the glorious commission of our Saviour to his Apostles: Go ye and teach all nations'''^. See, also. Notes 1, 4, 14. From this condition of ecclesiastical and literary Ireland in ancient times, and itot^ as is said in the text, from any thing connected with the state of religion amongst her inhabitants at a more recent period, or since the Anglo-Norman invasion, and the great doctrinal revo- lution of the sixteenth century, has Ireland been designated ** The Island of Saints." The last generally-recognised Irish Saint was Lorcan O'Tuathal, or Laurence O'Toole, Arch- bishop of Dublin^, who died at Eu, in Normandy, November 14, 1 180"". Note 39, " Nevertheless, the above accounts, tiiough so honourable to those to whom they appHed, and so far to the country with which such piety and learn- ing were connected, are not to be received in the enlarged or general sense with respect to the Irish, in which some would have those accounts under- stood. Mac Geoghegan, the substance of whose observations on this point will be found contirmed by a general perusal of the native annals of the times in question, remarks of his countrymen, in the ages referred to ; *' Les sciences qui eclairent et qui ornent I'esprit fiorissoient plus quailleurs chez eux. Lamorale chretienne, qui regie lesmou- vemens du coeur, formoit parmi eux des hommes d'une haute reputation, pour la saintete de leurs mceurs. Cependant, malgre ces avantages, on voyoit chez eux une nulange Ctonnante de Vf-.rtu et de vice, et comme dit un certain auteur, ils etoient ardens en tout, soit dans le bien, soit dans le mal : In omnes affectus vekementisshni. Pendant qu'une partie de ce peuple se consacroit entierement a Dieu pai" un renoncement parfaitau monde, etservoit en celade modele aux nations voisines, I'esprit de discorde fut toujours nourri chez eux, soit par la tyrannic de Jeurs princes, soit par I'ambition de leurs nobles, soit par les frequentes revoltes de leurs sujets." See, also, the last paragraph of Note 64.— (Mac Geoghegan, Histoire de I'lrlande, tome i. pp. 370- m.) y B}- "generally-recognised," however, ia nnt to be understood " papallv-canonized ;" St. Ma- iaehy of Armagh, deceased in 1148, and St. Lau- rence of Dublin above-mentioned in 1180, having been the only two of all the Irish Saints so canoni- zed ; Alexander III., who was Pope from 115!) to llbl (and the same who confirmed Adrian IV. 's bull gi-anting Ireland to Henry II.) being roolioned the first Pontift' who assumed an exclusive right of canonizing for the See of Rome. "This country was heretofore," says Archbishop Ussher, of an- cient Ireland, " for tlie number of holy men w'ho lived in it, termed the Island of Saints :" yet, he adds, " Of that innumerable company of Saints, whose memory was reverenced here, wliat one re- ceived any solemn canonization from the Pope, before Malachias, Archbishop of Armagh, and Lau- rence of Dublin? who lived, as it were, but the other day." The circumstance of the rest of the Irish Saints not having been canonized by tlie Popes is explained by the learned Cliarles Butler, in his Account of the Life and Writings of tlic Rev. Albaii Butler, prefixed to his Lives of the Saints. In that account, mentioning how "Pope Alexander III. is supposed to have been the first Pope, who reserved the exclusive privilege of canonizing Saints to the Holy See," Mr. Butler observes, — "Originally, every Bishop had the privilege of ca;iOMi2iH^S.aints, or declaring them entitled to the honours wliich the Cathohc Church bestows on her .Saints." — (Lani- gan's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol. iv. pp. 88-102, 1.32-135.— Sir Harris Nicolas's Chro- nology of History, p. 189 — Dr. Elrington's edition of Archbishop Ussher's Works, vol. iv. pp. 319- 320 Dr. Doyle's edition of Rev. Alban Butler's Lives of .Saints, vol. i. p. xxii.) '' Dr. Kennedy's Chronological and Historical Dissertation of the Royal Family of the Stuarts, preface, pp. 32-34 Guugh's Camden's Britan- nia, vol. iii. p. 467: London, 1789. — Colgan's Acta Sanctorum, &c. tom. i. p. 539. — Lord Lyt- telton's Life of Henry II., vol. iii. pp. 17-18: Dublin, 1772 O' Conor's Dissertations on tlie Notes and Illustrations. Note 59, Page 24. The period of the fall of Ireland arrives, after its alleged existence, as a Mngdom,for upwards of 2000 years. In the period that is here assigned for the " alleged existence" of Ireland as an independent kingdom, till its fall, by the Anglo-Norman invasion, in the twelfth century, our author would appear to have had in view O'Flaherty's system of chronology. And, in connexion with the statement of above 2000 years, for the destined duration, as it were, of that kingdom, the writer alludes, perhaps, to the lines in the latter, or poetical portion of O'Flaherty's work: — " Omnia labuntur ; nihil immortale sub astris Tardius, aut citius, meta statuta venit." —{Ogygia, pp. 457-458.) Note 60, Page 24. Henry II. 's invasion of Ireland, though invited by Dermod Mac Murrough, King of Leinster, when driven from his kingdom, yet not immediately occasioned by Dermod's having carried off the wife of O'Rourhe, Prince ofBrefny. " The abduction of the wife of O'Ruarc by the King of Leinster, which took place so early as the year 1153, has, by the majority of our historians, been advanced in date, by no less than thirteen years, for the purpose of connecting it with Dermod's expulsion from his kingdom, A. D. 1166, and his consequent flight, as we shall see, into England, to solicit aid from Henry II. The ready adoption of so gross an anachronism, by not a few even of our own native historians, may be cited as an instance of that strong tendency to prefer showy and agreeable fiction to truth, which has enabled Romance, in almost all countries, to en- croach upon, and even sometimes supersede. History"". Note 61, Pages 24, 25. Groundless idea that the native Irish, when driven, in Roman Catholic times, from their lands, by the Anglo-Normans, were generally worse used, than when, in similar times, the native English, or Saxons, were treated in like manner by the Normans, The superficial exclamation of the writer in the text, against what he so erroneously sup- poses to have been the peculiar injustice suffered by the native Irish, when they were stripped of History of Ireland, pp. 201-203 : Dublin, 1812 pp. 244-245.) Lanigan's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol. iv. » Moore's History of Ireland, vol. ii. p. 201. Notes and Illusfratmis. 239 of their lands by the Anglo-Norman invaders, though Roman Catholics as well as themselves ! is sufficiently refuted by an acquaintance with what the native or Saxon population of England had likewise to endure from their Norman invaders under William the Conqueror, although no religious differences had a part in their enmity to each other. Of the conduct of the Normans to the English Saxons, after the battle of Hastings, fought October 14, 1066, — or a century previous to the expulsion and flight of Dermod, King of Leinster, from Ireland, — Thierry, in his valuable History of the Conquest of England by the Normans, writes as follows : — " On s'enquerait des noms de tons les Anglais morts en combattant, ou qui avaient survecu a la defaite, ou que des retards involontaires avaient em- peches de se rendre sous les drapeaux. Tons les biens de ces trois classes d'hommes, terres, revenus, meubles, etaient saisis : les enfants des premiers etaient declares desherites a tout jamais; les seconds etaient egalement depossedes sans retour; et eux-memes, disent les auteurs normands, sentaient bien qu'en leur laissant la vie, I'ennemi faisait assez pour eux ; enfin les hommes qui n'avaient point pris les armes furent aussi depouilles de tout, pour avoir eu I'intention de les prendre : niais par une grace speciale, on leur laissa I'espoir qu'aprcs de longues annees d'obeissance et de devouement a la puissance etrangere, non pas eux, mais leurs fils, pourraient peut-etre obtenir des nouveaux maitres quelque portion de I'heritage paternel L'immense produit de cette spoliation universelle fut la solde des avenfuriers de tons pays qui s'etaient enroles sous la banniere du due de Normandie. Leur chef, le nou- veau roi des Anglais, retint premierement pour sa propre part, tout le tresor des anciens rois, I'orfeverie des eglises, et ce qu'on trouva de plus precieux et de plus rare dans les maga- sins des marchands. Guillaume envoya une portion de ces richesses au pape Alexandre, avec I'etendard de Harold en echange de la banniere qui avait triomphe a Hastings'' ; et toutes les eglises d'outre-mer oil Ton avait chantt- des psaumes et bride des cierges pour le succes de I'invasion, regurent, en recompense, des croix, des vases et des etoffes d'or. Apres la part du roi et du clerge, on fit celle des hommes de guerre, selon leur grade et les conditions de leur engagement. Ceux qui, au camp sur la Dive, avaient fait hommage pour des terres, alors a conquerir, re(;urent celles des Anglais depossedes ; les barons et les chevaliers eurent de vastes domaiues, des chateaux, des bourgades, des villes entiiires ; les simples vassaux eurent de I" A consecrated banner, with a bull against litaire et ecelesiastique." By a bull in Ais favour, the English King, Harold, and a diamond ring, accompanied with another ring, containing, appro- said to contain a hair of St. Peter, were sent by priatelj enough, "avaluable emfraUW Henry II. Pope Alexander II. to the Duke of Normandy, was, in the following century, likewise empowered as an approval of his invasion of England : " Une by Pope Adrian IV. to take possession of Ireland, bulle d' excommunication, lancee eontre Harold et and had that country subsequently confirmed to tous ses adherents, fut remise au messager de him by Pope Alexander III., as William had Eng- Guillaume, et Ton joignit a cet envoi une banniere land granted to him by Pope Alexander II. This de I'eglise romaine, et un anneau contenant un che- analogy has not been noted by our Irish historians. veu de Saint Pierre, enchasse sous un diamant de — (Thierry, ai i«_/Vd, tome i. livre iii. pp. 226-229, prix. C'etait le double signe de I'investiture mi- and Notes 62 and 63.) 240 Notes and Illustrations. dc moindrcs portions. (^uel(jues-uns prircnt leur solde en argent; d'lmtres avaient stipule d'avance qu'ils auraient une femme saxonne, et Guillaume, dit la chronique normande, leur fit prendre, par inariage, de nobles dames, heritieres de grands biens, dont Ics maris etaient niorts dans la liataille." To give, by an enumeration of partieular eases, a elearer idea of the unserupulons rapa- city and oppression with which tiie Normans acted towards the conquered English or Saxons, M. Thierry adduces such facts as these ; talien, he says, indiscriminately from amongst thousands of others, that it would be tiresome to enumerate : — " Par exemple, a Pevensey, lieu de debarquement de I'armee, les soldats norniands partagerent entre eux les maisons des vaincus. Ailleurs ce furent les habitants eux-memes qu'ils se distribnerent corps et biens ; et, dans le bourg de Lewes, scion un rcgistre authenti(iue, le roi Guillaume prit soixante bourgeois produisant chacun trente-neuf sous dc rente ; un certain Asselin eut plusieurs bourgeois payant seulement quatre sous de rente, et Guillaume de Caen eut deux bourgeois de deux sous (ce sent les prcqircs mots du rcgistre). La ville de Douvres, a demi eonsumee par I'incendie, devint le partage d'Eudes, eveque de ISayeux II en distribua les maisons a ses guerriers et a ses gens : Kaoul de Courbespine en roc;ut trois avcc le champ d'une femme paiivre ; Guillaume, ills dc Geoffroy, eut aussi trois maisons et I'ancien hotel- de-ville, ou la lialle commune des bourgeois. Pres de Colchester, dans la province d'Essex, (ieoftVoy de Mandeville oeeupa seul (piarante manoirs ou habitations entources de terres en culture; quatorzc proprietaires saxons furent deposscdes par Engelry, et trente par un cer- tain Guillaume. Un riche Anglais se remit, pour sa surete, au pouvoir du Normand Gaul- tier, qui en Rt son tributaire; un autre Anglais devint serf de corps sur la glebe de son jiropre chanq) La cite de Norwich fut rcservce tout enticre pour le domaine prive du eonipierant; elle avait payc aux rois Saxons trente livres etvingt sous d'inqiot: mais Guil- laume cxigea par an soixante-dix livres, un cheval de prix, cent sous au profit de sa femme, et en outre vingt livres pour le salaire de I'officier quy y commandait en son nom Dans la province de Hertford, un Anglais avait rachete sa terre par le paienient ile neuf onees d'or ; et cependant pour echapper a une depossession violente, il fut oblige de se rendre tributaire d'un soldat appelc V'igot." The gcnerid consequences of such a ruinous conquest for the disinherited English, and such a gainful one for their French invaders, arc thus represented by the same able historian : — " Tel qui avait passe la mer avec la casaque metelassee et Tare de bois noirci du pieton, parut sur un cheval de bataille, et ceint du baudrier militaire, aux yeux ctonncs des nouvelles recrues qui passerent la mer apres lui. Tel ctait venu pauvre chevalier, (|ui bientot leva ban- nicre, commo on s'cxprimait alors, et conduisit une compagnie, dont le cri de ralliement etait s(m nora. Les bouviers de Normandie et les tisserands de Flandre, avec un peu de courage et de bonheur, devenaient promptement, en Angleterre, de hauts hommes, d'illustres barons ; et leurs noms, vils ou obseurs sur I'une des rives du dctroit, etaient nobles et glorieux sur I'autre Uepuis que la complete prospcrait, ce n'ctaient plus seulement de jeunes soldats ou des vieux chefs de guerre, niais des fauiilles cntieres, hommes, femmes et enfants Notes and Illustrations. 241 (jui emigraicnt do presquc tous les coins de la Gaule, pour chcrchcr fortune en Anglcterre; ce pays ctait devenu, pour les gens d'outre-mer, comme ces terres nouvellement decouvertes, que Ton va coloniser, ct (jui appartiennent a tout venant." The little regard paid at this eoiKiuest to the commandment, "Thou shalt not covet thy neighhour's goods," alluded to in the text, may be judged of by the fact that, of those Norman or other French invaders of England, who, says the historian : " soit clercs, soil laics, ne diffe- raient que par I'habit," showing whether " sous la cotte de mailles ou sous la chape, c'etait toujours le vainqucur etranger, insolent, diir, avarc," — of those lay and clerical spoliators of the English, there were " soixante niillo, tous possesseurs au moins d'une portion de tcrre suffisanto pour I'entretion d'un cheval et d'unc armure complete." Out of so many of the subjects or followers of William, who made their fortunes in every capacity from the ruin of the native English, there are mentioned to have been only two strictly conscientious or honest men; namely, Guilbert, son of Richard, a layman, possessed of a small patrimony in Nor- mandy, and Guiniond, a monk of the Convent of the Cross of St. Leufroi, in the same country, who were found to act on the principle of " Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's goods," by refusing to have anything to do with the spoils of the English. Two out of sixty thousand 1'= The language of the native English, or Saxons, it should be remarked, was nlso pro- scribed by their conipierors as a barliarous jargon, unworthy of notice; the Norman or French tongue being made that of the court, the higher classes, the law, and education, in England. Speaking of the period from the Conquest to the reign of Edward III., " Boys in the schools," says Mr. Anderson, " were instructed in the French idiom ; after this, in some instances, came Latin ; and there mas 7w regular instruction of youth in luiL;lish. The children of the nobles were even sent abroad, to secure correctness of pronunciation," that is, in French! Thus, he observes, it is "not a little remarkable, that the evil undek WHICH THE native IlilfiH HAVE LABOURED FOR SO MANY AGES, AND UP TO THE I'UESENT HOUR, IS THE PRECISE EVIL UNDER WHICH ENGLAND GROANED FOR 300 YEARS, FROM THE TIME OF THE Norman INVASION !''" ., Note G'2, ■■ Coni[mre this merciless rapacity of the Norman invailcrs of Irdimil are allowed liy their own his- comiuerors of I'^ii^'laml towards tiio native Sa.\ons, torian, Cambrcnsis, to have been prniliurli/ eulpa- or English, witli the oppressions and eruelties of ble ; or in not having been contented witli talking the ancestors of tlie same con(|uerors in France, to- away merely the property of the Iiisli who opposed wards tlie native French peasantry of Nornianily, tiieni, bnt even seizing, in violation of agreement, and also with the miserable servitnde inipo.si'd upon upon the lands of the Irish, who had, from the the native Saxons, or English, bv their Danish mas- eonnnencement, assisted them. — (Kev. Matthew ters, as set forth in Note b(i. See, likewise, for Kellj's Cambrcnsis Eversus, vol. i. pp. ;!.W-.'i59. ) more of such barbarities perpetrated in England, 'i lliatoiredo laComiuete de TAngletcrre paries long after its Norman or .vera/Ki con(|ue3t by men of Normands, par Angu,stin Thierry, tome i. intro- Scandinavian origin, and their followers, Note 55. duetion, p. 20, livre iv. pp. 2G8-270, 273, 274, 276', In one respect, however, the early Anglo-Norman 278, 331, et tome ii. livre v. pp. 25-27, livre vi. IKIsn ARCII. see, 2 I 242 Notes and Illustrations. Note 62, Page 25. Pupe Adrian IV. 's hull, granting Ireland to Henry II. of England, a genuine document, not- withstanding the impeachment of its authenticity by some writers. Of this grant of Ireland to Henry II., by Adrian IV., the following account is given by Dr. Lanigan : " Henry II., who became King of England about the same time that Adrian was placed on the chair of St. Peter, on being informed of his promotion, wrote to him a com- plimentary letter of congratulation ; and, having thus opened the way for obtaining favours, applied to him, in the year 1 135'', by means of John of Salisbury, then Chaplain to Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, for a really important one. John, addressing the Pope in the King's name, asked him for permission of his master to take possession of Ireland, for the purpose of extending the boundaries of the Church, of announcing to unlearned and rude peo- ple the truth of the Christian faith, and extirpating the weeds of vices from the field of the Lord. What an apostolical and exemplary sovereign was Henry Plantagenet! It is strange, that the Pope could have listened to such stuft', while he knew that palliums had been sent, only three or four years before that time, to Ireland, by his patron and benefactor, the good Pope Eugenius III. ; and must have been informed by Cardinal Paparo, who was, as St. Bernard states, a very worthy man, that many good regulations had been made ; that there were ex- cellent Bishops in this country, such as Gelasius of Armagh, and Christian of Lismore ; and that the Irish Church was not then in so degenerate a state, as to require the intervention, or the pious exertions, of such a King as Henry. But the love of his country (England), his wish to gratify Henry, and some other not very becoming reasons, prevailed over every other con- sideration ; and the condescending Pope, with great cheerfulness and alacrity, took upon him- self to make over to Henry all Ireland, and got a letter or Bull drawn up to that effect, and directed to him, in which, among other queer things, he wishes him success in his undertaking, and expresses a hope, that it will not only conduce to his glory in this world, but likewise to his eternal happiness in the next. He founds his right for making this grant on the notable principle, that Ireland and all the islands, which have received the Christian faith, undoubtedly belong to St. Peter, and the holy Roman Church. Adrian requires of Henry to preserve the rights of the chiirches inviolate, and that, as he had promised to do, he would take care that a denarius should be annually paid from every house to St. Peter. He sent to him, by John of Salisbury, a gold ring, adorned with a valuable emerald, as a token of investiture of his right to govern Ireland ; which ring, it was ordered, should be kept in the public archives." The Doctor adds, that " this charge of a denarius, vulgarly called a. penny, was in imitation of the Peter-pence, which p. 113, livre vii. p. 141 : Bruxelles et Liege, 1&41. ' Misprinted 1115 in Dr. Lanigan's text, though, The Native Irish and their Descendants, by by his annexed Note 14, the true year is specified Christopher Anderson, section vi. pp. 136-157: 3rd from Matthew Paris and others, as having been edition, 1846. 1155. Notes and Illustrations. 243 which used for centuries to be paid by England. As to its origin there, and to the then value of the denarius," he remarks, " it is not my business to inquire. Let it suffice to say, that it was worth a good deal more than our present penny." Respecting the value of this denarius, — into which, as the coin that was to be sent from every house in Ireland to Rome, in consideration of the Papal transfer of the island to Henry, Doctor Lanigan, as an Irish ecclesiastical historian, should certainly not have asserted, " it is not my business to inquire," — Doctor Henry has been more explicit. In his learned His- tory of Great Britain, having premised that the piece of money in question was that at the time most commonly in use, he thus, in 1777, defines its value: — " Every Tower pound of silver was coined into 240 of these pennies, each weighing '22 j Troy grains. Twelve of these pennies, weighing 270 grains, were paid for one shilling. In a word, the Anglo-Norman penny was the same, in weight, with the Anglo-Saxon. Many of the former, as well as some of the latter, are still preserved, and have been published. Though the silver penny of this period was but a small coin, yet it was of considerable value ; and," concludes the Doctor, " would have purchased as much prouisions as four or jiee of our shillings will do at present." Hence the tribute of a denarius, stipulated by the Papal bull to be sent yearly, in the name of St. Peter, from every house in Ireland, to Rome, would form no inconsiderable annual remittance from Ireland to Italy. As to the authenticity of Adrian IV. 's bull to Henry II., which some Irish writers, on ac- count of what they considered the gross injustice of the document with respect to Ireland, have attempted to treat as a forgery, Dr. Lanigan says ; " Gratianus Lucius (Lynch) greatly ex- erted himself (Carnbr. Evers. cap. 22) in striving to show, that the Bull is spurious, and Mac Geoghegan would fain make us believe the same thing. It has not, indeed, been published in the Bullurium Bomanum, the editors of which were ashamed of it. But there was a copy of it in the Vatican library, as is clear from its being referred to by Pope John XXII., in his Brief to Edward II. of England, written in 1319, which Brief is in theBullarium, and may be seen in Wilkins' Councils, vol. 2, p. 491, in Brodin's Descriptio Regni Hibernice, printed at Rome in 1721, and in Mac Geoghegan's Histoire, Sec, tome 2, p. 116. In said Brief, the Pope not only refers to Adrian's Bull or letter by name, but says thathe joins to the Brief a copy of it, for the use of the King. And Baronius, who has published the Bull in his Annales, &c., at 1 159 (not because he thought it was issued in that year) tells us, that he took his copy of it from a Codex Vaticanus. Then we have the testimony of the very intriguer employed in procuring this Bull, John of Salisbury 'Ad preces meas illustri regi Anglorum Henrico II. concessit (Adrianus) et dedit Hiberniam jure haereditario possidendam, sicnt litterue ipsius testantur in hodiernum diem. Nam oranes insulae de jure antiquo, ex donaticne Constantini qui eam fun- davit et dotavit, diountur ad Romanam ecclesiam pertinere.'" Doctor Lanigan, then, showing that this passage of John of Salisbury, which Lynch denied to be John's, as not find- ing it in his Polycraticus, is to be found in his Melalogicus, thus proceeds : " Adrian's grant of Ireland to Henry is expressly mentioned and confirmed by Pope Alexander III., in his letter to him of the year 1172. Giraldus Cambrensis {de rebus a se gestis, pars 2, cap. 11, 2 I 2 and 244 Notes and Illustrations. and Hiberyi. Expngn. 1.2, C.6.), Matthew Pavh (Historia Major Sf'c, ad A. 1135), and others, give not only an account of said Bull, but the Bull itself; and Ussher states {Sijlloge Not. on No. 46) that he saw copies of it in the registers of the dioceses of Dublin and Lismore. What has been now said," concludes the Doctor, " is surely more than enough to set aside the doubts of Lynch, or of any other writer." In the above observations, however. Dr. Lanigan has fallen into an error, by asserting that Adrian IV.'s bull is not to be found in the Bullarium ; Adrian's being in it, though Alexander III.'s, on the same subject, is not. The Doctor, amongst his citations respecting the genuineness of Adrian's bull, might also have mentioned, that it is given at length in the Ymagines Historiarum of Henry's contemporary, Radulfus de Diceto, Dean of London ; a copy of it is likewise prefixed to the famous remonstrance of the native Irish to Pope .John XXII., against the English in the reign of Edward II., in Fordun's Scoti-Chronicon ; and Roger de Wendover, the historical predecessor of Matthew Paris, in his Chronica or Flares Historiarum, (printed since Dr. Lanigan's time), also included it in his compilation. Cardinal Baronius, after the insertion, in his great work, of other documents of the Popedom of Adrian IV., says, — " Ad h^c insuper, ne quid excidat de tanti Pontiflcis memoria, hie describemus ex codice Vaticano diploma datum ad Henricum Anglorum Regem, de rebus Hibernise in meliorem statum religionis restitutis." Of that production, which Matthew Paris mentions, as having been applied for, and issued to Henry II. in 1155, "utsibi liceret Hyhernim insulam hostiliter intrare, et terram subjugare, atque homines illos bestiales ad fidem et viam reducere veritatis, extirpatis ibi plantariis vitiorum," the Cardinal then supplies the following copy: " Hadrianus Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei charissimo in Christo filio illusti-i Anglorum Regi salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem. " Laudabiliter et fructuose de glorioso nomine propagando in terris, et aeternae faslicitatis praemio cumulando in ccelis tua magniticentia cogitat, dum ad dilatandos Ecclesiae terminos, ao declarandam indoctis et rudibus populis Christianas Fidei veritatem, et vitiorum plantaria de agro Dominico extirpanda, sicut Cathohcus Princeps, intendis, et ad id conuenientius exe- quendum, consilium Apostolicae Sedis exegis et fauorem. In quo facto, quanto altiori consilio et maiori disci-etione procedis, tanto in eo feliciorem progressum te, prsestate Domino, confi- dimus habiturum, eo quod ad bonum exitum semper et finem soleant attingere, HiBERNiA quae de ardore Fidei, et de religionis amore principium acceperunt. Sane Hiber- svB DOMi- niaii), et omnes Insulas, quibus sol lustitiee Christus illu.xit, et qua; documenta NIO S. PE- Fidei Christianae coeperunt, ad ius beati Petri, et sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae (quod tua et nobilitas recognoscit) non est dubium pertinere. Vnde tanto in eis libentius plantationem fidelem, et germen gratum Deo inserimus, quando id a nobis interno examine districtius prospicimus exigendum. Significasti siquidem nobis, fili in Christo cha- rissime, te Hibernije insulam, ad subdendum ilium populum legibus et vitiorum plantaria inde extirpanda, velle intrare, et de singulis domibus annuam vnius denarij beato Petro velle soluere pensionem, et iura ecclesiarum illius terrae illibata et integra conseruare. " Nos Notes and Illustrations. 245 " Nos itaque pium et laudabile desiderium tuum cum fauore congruo prosequentes, et pe- tition! tUEE benignura impendentes assensum, gratum et acceptum habemus, vt pro dilatandis Ecclesiaj terminis, pro vitiorum restringendo decursu, pro corrigendis moribus, et virtutibus inserendis, pro Christiana religionis augniento Insulam illam ingrediaris, et quod ad honorem Dei, et salutem illius terrae spectauerit, exequaris : et illius terras populus honorificc te reci- piat, et sicut dominum veneretur : iure niniirum ecclesiastico illibato et integro DENARivs permanente, et salua beato Petro et sacrosancta; Romanae Ecclesias de singulis *■ ' domibus annua vnius denarii pensione. Si ergo quod concepisti animo, effectu j,,^ duxeris complendum, stude gentem illam bonis moribus mformare, et agas tam per te, quam per illos quos adhibes, quos fide, verbo, et vita idoneos esse perspex- eris, vt decoretur ibi Ecclesia, plantetur et crescat Fidei Christiana? religio, et quae ad hono- rem Dei, et salutem pertinent animarum, per te taliter ordinentur, vt a Deo sempiterna? mer- cedis cumulum consequi merearis, et in terris gloriosum nomen valeas in saeculis obtinere." The Abbe Mac Geoghegan, after giving in his history this bull of Adrian IV., exclaims : — " Voila un arret prononce contre I'lrlande, par lequel le droit des gens et les lois les plus sacrees sont violees, sous le specieux pretexts de religion, et de reformation des raoeurs. Les Irlandois ne doivent plus avoir une patrie ; cette nation qui n'avoit jamais subi un joug etran- ger, nunquam externa subjacuit ditioni, est condamnee, sans etre entendue, a perdre saliberte." Then, having endeavoured to impugn the authenticity of the production, on the grounds above refuted by Dr. Lanigan, the Abbe adds : — " Quoi qu'il en soit, on pent dire, que jamais Pape, ni avant, ni depuis Adrien IV., n'a puni si scverement une nation, sans I'avoir merite. . . . On a vij des excommunications lancees contre des Empereurs et des Rois, et des interdits, prononces contre leurs etats, pour crimes d'heresie ou autres causes ; mais on voit ici I'lrlande innocente, livree a des tyrans, sans avoir ete citee devant aucun tribunal, ni convinijue d'aucun crime." .\ccording to Dr. Lingard, the Michaelmas after the arrival of Adrian IV. 's bull in Eng- land, a great council was held by Henry to deliberate upon the enterprize against Ireland, for which the papal permission had come from Rome. But a strong opposition was made, by Henry's mother and barons, to such an undertaking; and other events arising to engage the royal attention, the papal document was consigned to the records in the castle of 'Winchester, until the application from Dermod Mac Murrough, thirteen years after, gave Henry an oppor- tunity for acting upon the grant of Adrian IV.' Note 63, B Lanigan's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, edit. Hearne, Oxon. 1722. — Rogerus de "Wendover, vol. iv. pp. 15ai59, 1114-166, 188-189. — Dr. Chronica sive Flores Historiarum, vol. i. preface ; Henry's History of Great Britain, vol. iii. book iii. and vol. ii. pp. 281-283 : edit. Coxe, Londini, 1841. chap. vi. p. 540 : Edinbui-gh and London, 1777 — —Math. Paris, Historia Major, pp. 79-80 : edit. Bullarium Ronianum, torn. ii. pp. 331-352, 369- Wats, Londini, 1684 Baronius, Annales Eccle- 467 : Roma;, 1739. — Radulfus de Diceto, Yma- siastici, torn. xii. p. 531 : Moguntia', 1608. — Mac gines HLstoriarum ap. Historic Anglicana; Scrip- Geoghegan, Histoire de I'lrlande, torn. i. pp. 439- toresX. pp. 529-3.30 : Lonilini, 1632. — Johannes de 441. — Lingard, History of England, vol. ii. chap. v. Fordun, Scoti-Chronicon, torn. iii. pp. 906-908 : pp. 252-254. 246 Notes and Illustrations. Note 63, Pages 25, 26. The Papal right to transfer Ireland to England alleged to have been derived through a forged grant of the Roman Emperor, Constantine the Great, to the Roman See, though Ireland, as never having been included in the Roman Empire, could not be given away by a Roman Emperor. Upon the famous apocryphal " donation of Constantine," on which the request of Henry II.'s envoy for a grant of Ireland from Adrian IV. was based. Gibbon, who assigns the date of that fabrication to the latter end of the eighth century, says : — " This memorable donation was introduced to the world by an epistle of Adrian the First, who exhorts Charlemagne, to imi- tate the liberality, and revive the name, of the great Constantine. According to the legend, the first of the Christian emperors was healed of the leprosy, and purified in the waters of baptism, by St. Silvester, the Roman bishop ; and never was physician more gloriously recompensed. His royal proselyte withdrew from the seat and patrimony of St. Peter ; declared his resolu- tion of founding a new capital in the East ; and resigned to the Popes the free and perpetual sovereignty of Rome, Italy, and the provinces of the West." Then, after remarking, amongst other matters, how, " so deep was the ignorance and credulity of the times, that the most absurd of fables was received, with equal reverence, in Greece and in France, and is still enrolled among the decrees of the canon law," the historian adds: — " In the revival of letters and liberty, this fictitious deed was transpierced by the pen of Laurentius Valla, the pen of an eloquent critic, and a Roman patriot. His contemporaries of the fifteenth century were astonished at his sacrilegious boldness ; yet such is the silent and irresistible progress of reason, that before the end of the next age, the fable was rejected by the contempt of historians and poets, and the tacit or modest censure of the advocates of the Roman Church"''. Though the demand of Ireland from the Pope was made in the name of this forgery, yet, in his bull granting that country to Henry, says Dr. Lanigan, " Adrian IV., without mentioning Constantine, laid down a much larger plea, comprising all islands, whether they had formed parts of the Roman empire, or not." The Doctor cites and comments upon the following passage in the bull : — " ' Sane Hiberniam et omnes insulas quibus sol justitiae Christus illuxit, et quae documenta fidei Christianae ceperunt,ad jus beati Petri et sacro-sanct;e Romana: ecclesiae (quod tuaetiam nobilitas recognoscit) non est dubium pertinere.' By the words in the parenthesis," remarks the Doctor, " the Pope probably meant to hint to Henry, that also his kingdom of England, as being in an island, belonged to the Holy See; and we find, that, in the year 1173, Henry declared •' This fabrication was refuted at Rome, about poralmente soggetti."— (IS'ugent's translation of the middle of the last century, "byF.Gius. Ages- Voltaire'sEssayon Universal History, the Manners tino Orsi, Master of the Sacred Palace," in his and Spirit of Nations, from the Keign of Charle- treatise, " Delia origine del dominie e della soyt- maign to the Age of Louis XIV., vol. i. pp. 65- ranita de' Roniani Pontefici sopra gli stati loro tem- 6(j : 3rd edit. Dublin, 1739.) Notes and Illustrations. 247 declared himself a vassal of Pope Alexander III. This nonsense, of the Pope's being the head owner of all Christian islands, had been partially announced to the world in a bull of Urban II., dated A. 1091, in which, on disposing of the island of Corsica, he said, that the Emperor Constantine had given the islands to St. Peter, and his vicars. {See Fleury, 1. 64, § 8.) But Constantine could not give what did not belong to him, and accordingly, as Keating argues {hook 2, p. 3), could not have transferred the sovereignty of Ireland to any Pope." Nevertheless, this bull of Adrian, — " by the tenour of which," says Mr. O'Conor of Belanagare, " Henry was commissioned, like another Joshua, to enter Ireland in a hostile manner, and put the inhabitants to the sword, for the good of religion, and the reformation of manners," — was confirmed by another bull from Adrian's successor, Alexander III., which runs as follows : " Alexander Episcopiis, servus servorum Dei, charissimo in Christo Jtlio, illustri Anglorum Regi, Salutem el Aposlolicam benedictionem, " Quoniam ea qu;e a decessoribus nostris rationabiliter indulta noscuntur, perpetua me- rentur stabilitate firmari ; venerabilis Adriani Papa; vestigiis inhserentes, nostrique desiderij fructum attendentes, concessionem eiusdem super Hibernici regni dominio vobis indulto (salva beato Petro et sacrosanctae Romano: Ecclesiic ; sicut in Anglid, sic et in Iliberniu, de sin- gulis domibus annua unius denarij pensione) ratum habemus et confirmamus, quatenus elimi- natis terra ipsius spurcitijs, barbara natio, qua; Christiano censetur nomine, vestra indulgentia morum induat venustatem : et redacta in formam hacteniis inform! finium illorum Ecclesia, gens ea per vos ChristiauEB professionis nomen cum affectu de cetero consequatur." Dr. Lanigan, after noting how the attempts to disprove the authenticity of Alexander's, as well as Adrian's bull, have been equally unsuccessful, — how Alexander, in his bull, confirms his predecessor's grant of Ireland, " under the former condition of the payment of the Peter-pence," — and, likewise, how Alexander's bull expresses the wish " that, on eradicating the dirty prac- tices of Ireland, the nation may, through Henry's exertions, become polished, and its Church be brought to a better form," observes of Alexander — " He seems to have known nothing of the state of the Irish Church, except what he heard from the lying accounts of the enemies of Ireland ; and as to ecclesiastical or other dirt," continues the Doctor, " I believe he might in those times have found enough of it, and I fear more, nearer home, without looking for it in this country. I dare say he would have been hard set to meet with, in any equal portion of the Church of that period, so many excellent Bishops as Gelasius, Laurence O'Toole, Christian of Lismore, Catholicus of Tuam, &c. There is nothing in the brief concerning any letters or other papers sent by Irish Archbishops and Bishops to the Pope," concludes the Doctor, "and the only authority alleged for Henry's right to Ireland is the Bull of Adrian." However, that it was not from the mere " lying accounts of the enemies of Ireland," but from no less autho- rities than those " excellent Bishops," Gelasius of Armagh, Laurence of Dublin, Christian of Lismore, and Catholicus of Tuam, accounts were dispatched to the Papal court, respecting the existence of a state of demoralization, that would tend to excuse the notions of the Popes, 248 Notes and Illustrations. as to a necessity for some strong hand to correct or alter the disorderly condition of society attested by the existence of such demoralization, will be made evident in the next note, by official documents, which have not been generally brought forward, as they should have been, by our Irish historians, in their accounts of the Anglo-Norman invasion'. Note 64, Page 26. Character of Ireland for religion in the twelfth century, and connexion between the Papal Court, the Irish Prelacij, and the Council of Cashel, through which the dominion oner Ireland was transferred to Henry II., and his successors. Were we to judge of the general state of religion amongst the Romans of the twelfth cen- tury by the historical accounts given of their conduct, it would appear to be no great compliment to the Irish in general to say, there was not, " at that time, in all the globe, not eren Rome itself, a spot where the heavenly powers were more religiously adored, and the Roman Catholic rites more purely and sincerely celebrated, than in the island of Ireland." Gibbon, after observing of those numerous strangers who visited Rome for religious purposes, how "their expenses, sacred or profane, circulated in various channels for the emolument of the Romans," and how " such powerful motives should have firmly attached the voluntai'y and pious obedience of the Roman people to their spiritual and temporal father," nevertheless relates, " that the shrine of St. Peter was profaned by the thoughtless Romans, who pillaged the offerings and wounded the pilgrims, without computing the number and value of similar visits, which they prevented by their inhospitable sacrilege." He further remarks, that "among the nations who revered the apostolic throne, the tumults of Rome provoked a general indignation," and that, " in a letter to his disciple Eugenius III., St. Bernard, with the sharpness of his wit and zeal, has stigmatised the vices of the rebellious people." He then subjoins this character of the Romans by St. Bernard. " Who is ignorant," says the monk of Clairvaux, " of the vanity .and arrogance of the Romans? A nation nursed in sedition, cruel, untractable, and scorning to obey, unless they are too feeble to resist. When they promise to serve, they aspire to reign ; if they swear allegiance, they watch the opportunity of revolt ; yet they vent their discontent in loud clamours, if your doors, or your counsels, are shut against them. Dexterous in mis- chief, they have never learnt the science of doing good. Odious to earth and heaven, impious to God, seditious among themselves, jealous of their neighbours, inhuman to strangers, they love no one, by no one are they beloved ; and while they wish to inspire fear, they live in base and continual apprehension. They will not submit ; they know not how to govern ; faithless to their superiors, intolerable to their equals, ungrateful to their benefactors, and alike impu- dent • Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roin<-m Em- O' Conor's Dissertations on the History of Ire- pire, chap. xlix. pp. 844-843 : one vol. London, land, sect. xx. p. 262.— Archbishop Ussher's Vete- 1831 Doctor Lanigan's Ecclesiastical History of rum Epistolarum Hibernicarum SjUoge, Epist. 47, Ireland, vol. iv. pp. 160-161, 223-224. — Charles, p. 80: Paris, 1665. Notes and Illustrations. 249 dent in their demands and their refusals. Lofty in promise, poor in execution ; adulation and calumny, perfidy and treason, are the familiar arts of their policy." Gibbon, in connexion with this " dark portrait," of which, he says, " the features, however harsh and ugly, express a lively resemblance of the Romans of the twelfth century," observes, that " Gregory VII., who may be adored or detested as the founder of the papal monarchy, was driven from Rome, and died in exile at Salerno." He adds, that " six and thirty of his (Gregory's) successors, till their retreat to Avignon, maintained an unequal contest with the Romans," in which " their age and dignity were often violated, and the churches, in the solemn rites of religion, were polluted with sedition and murder." Then, after affirming, that, as " a repetition of such capricious brutality, without connexion or design, would be tedious and dis- gusting," it would suffice to give " some events of the twelfth century, which represent the state of the Popes and the city," he commences with instancing the barbarous violence of the Romans towards Paschal II., who occupied the papal chair from 1099 to 1118. " On Holy Thursday, while Paschal officiated before the altar, he was interrupted by the clamours of the multitude, who imperiously demanded the confirmation of a favourite magistrate. His silence exasperated their fury : his pious refusal to mingle the afiiiirs of earth and heaven was encountered with menaces and oaths, that he should be the cause and the witness of the public ruin. During the festival of Easter, while the bishop and the clergy, barefoot and in procession, visited the tomlis of the martyrs, they were twice assaulted at the bridge of St. Angelo, and before the Capitol, with volleys of stones and darts. The houses of his adherents were levelled with the ground : Paschal escaped with difficulty and danger : he levied an army in the patrimony of St. Peter; and his last days were embittered, by suffering and inflicting the calamities of civil war." The historian then mentions, how " the scenes that followed the election of his (Paschal's) successor, Gelasius the Second," who was Pope from 1118 to 1119, "were still more scandalous to the church and city. Cencio Frangipani, a potent and factious baron, burst into the assembly, furious and in arms ; the cardinals were stripped, beaten, and trampled under foot; and he seized, without pity or respect, the vicar of Christ by the throat. Gelasius was dragged by his hair along the ground, buffeted with blows, wounded with spurs, and bound with an iron chain, in the house of his brutal tyrant. An insurrection of the people delivered their bishop : the rival families opposed the violence of the Frangipani ; and Cencio, who sued for pardon, repented of the failure, rather than of the guilt, of his enterprize. Not many days had elapsed, when the Pope was again assaulted at the altar. While his friends and enemies were engaged in a bloody contest, he escaped in his sacerdotal garments. In this unworthy flight, which excited the compassion of the Roman matrons, his attendants were scattered or unhorsed ; and, in the fields behind the Church of St. Peter, his successor was found alone, and half dead with fear and fatigue." Gibbon adds, that " shaking the dust from his feet," Gelasius " withdrew from a city, in which his dignity was insulted, and his person was endangered ;" and, in reference to Lucius II., who was Pope from 1144 to 1145, and Lucius III., who was Pope from 1181 to 1185, he says: — "The former, as he ascended in battle array to assault the Capitol, was struck on the temple by a IRISH ARCH. soc. 2 K stone. 250 Notes and Illustrations. stone, and expired in a few days. The latter was severely wounded in the persons of his ser- vants. In a civil commotion, several of his priests had been made prisoners ; and the inhuman Romans, reserving one as a guide for his brethren, put out their eyes, crowned them with ludicrous mitres, mounted them on asses with their faces to the tail, and extorted an oath, that, in this wretched condition, they should offer themselves as a lesson to the head of the Church." Respecting such scenes, the historian adds : " Hope or fear, lassitude or remorse, the characters of the men, and the circumstances of the times, might sometimes obtain an in- terval of peace and obedience; and the Pope was restored with joyful acclamations to the Lateran or Vatican, from whence he had been driven with threats and violence. But the root of mischief was deep and perennial ; and a momentary calm was preceded and followed by such tempests, as had almost sunk the bark of St. Peter." In the same century, in which Rome was the seat of such outrages as these, the general condition of the Irish, moral as well as political, was so low, that with reference to the man- ner in which St. Bernard speaks of the state of Ireland, in his life of her celebrated Primate, St. Malachy O'Morgair, Mr. O'Conor has observed: "It is no wonder if the holy Abbot should denominate such a people a nation of barbarians. They were, in a great degree, what he represents them." On this head. Dr. Lanigan states : " We find terrible oppressions and cruelties perpetrated in said times by Irish kings or dynasts, who did not scruple to plunder, devastate, ?.nd burn churches and religious places. For instance, the church of Ardbraccan was, together with a number of people therein, burned and pillaged in 1 109 by the Hy-Briuns, who destroyed also the adjacent village. The Dalc.assians of Thomond plundered and laid waste the monastery of Clonmacnois in 1111, at, it is said, the instigation of Murtogh O'Brian ; and they, or some other party of Momonians, pillaged it again in 1115. Aedh O'Rourke and the Hy-Briuns killed Maelbrigid, abbot of Kells, .and many others, on the last Sunday of summer in 1117. We have seen above, that Turlogh O'Conor burned Cashel and Lismore in 1121, and that Emly was plundered in 1123. Conor O'Lochlin, an Ulster prince, having marched with a great army into Meath, amidst other depredations, burned in 1127 the steeple of the church of Trim, in which a very considerable number of people was shut up at the time. Thus, it appears, that several of the Irish princes and chieftains had imbibed the spirit of the Danes, sparing neither churches, nor monasteries, nor ecclesiastics, according as suited their views ; a system, which was held in abhorrence by their ancestors, and which often excited them to vmite, in defence of their altars, against the Scandinavian robbers. This was one of the sad effects of the contests between various powerful families aspiring to the sovereignty of all Ireland, and again between divers members of said families quarrelling among themselves for precedency. In these contests, the respective parties and their adherents stopped at nothing, while endeavouring to establish their claims, and harassed and persecuted without distinction all those, whom they looked upon as their opponents. " Again, under the year 1 134, " I find it stated," adds the Doctor, " that, in the same year, the cathe- dral of Tuam was stormed and forcibly entered by the Dalcassians, and that Derry, the churches of Rath-luirg (Rathlure), Raphoe, and Clonard, part of Cong and Eithne, Roscom- mon, Notes and Illustrations. 251 mon, Rossmor, and several other principal churches, were burned and plundered by the Momonians, headed by their king, Conor O' Brian. These devastations must have been a part of those committed by the great army, composed of Irish and Danes, which he and other princes led in that year against Leth-cuinn, or the northern half of Ireland. In the follow- ing year Cumea-mor Maconmara (Macnaniara), King of Ibh-Caisin, (in Thomond,) the chief plunderer of the cathedral of Tuam, was killed by the Desmonians, under Cormac Mac-Carthy, who ravaged Thomond. Other instances of this disgraceful mode of warfare and want of respect for churches occur in those times. Thus Kildare was plundered by Dermod O'Brian and others in 1136 ; and, in the same year, Clonardwas pillaged and destroyed by the people of Breffny and Fermanagh. Even Cormac Mac-Carthy is said to have burned a place called Maighe Deiscirt, both houses and churches." With the desire to refute the disadvantageous representation given by Adrian IV. of the general state of religion and morals in Ireland, for some time previous to the Anglo-Norman invasion, — a state, alleged to have been so bad by the Pope, as to make him not ashamed to avow, that even the conquestof the country by a foreign power, on conditionof suppressingsuch evils, ought to be authorized by a Papal bull, — with the desire to refute such a discreditable picture of the religious and moral condition of the Irish people in those days. Doctor Keating says J : — " I wonder here at the condition in the bull of Adrianus IV., by which he bestowed Erin on the second Henry. This was the condition, according to the Chronicle of Stowe, viz., Henry was bound to restore the Catholic religion, which was fallen in Erin ; but it is not likely that the Pope would have inserted this condition in the bull, if he had not been satisfied, that the religion had fallen into decay. But whoever palmed this upon the Pope, they told him a lie ; for it is clear that, until this time, no decay came upon the religion, which Patrick brought into Erin ; and there are many trust-worthy foreign writers, who bear witness to this, from time to time ; for although, according to Beda in the history of Saxon-land, there was a dispute between the clergy of Erin and the clergy of Saxon-land concerning the celebration of Easter, and that some of the clergy of Erin were tainted with the Pelagian heresy, still the greater part of the Gaels were pure from both. And with res- pect to the religion, from the time of Brian to the period of the invasion of the Galls, it is clear, that it flourished throughout Erin ; and, therefore, that it was not true for the people who palmed upon the Pope, that the religion was down in Erin, when the island was bestowed upon Henry by the Pope. "In J The passage of Keating here given is translated the usual mode of translation, entirely modernized. by Mr. O'Donovan from a copy of the honest Thus "Erin, Saxon-land. Gaels and Galls," have Doctor's work in MS., which Mr. O'Donovan been retained, instead of 0(ir modern equivalents considers as amongst the oldest and best copies ex- for them, or ** Ireland, England, Irisli, English," tant. To avoid what the writer of this note would Of the word " Galls," it may be observed, that it consider an unwarrantable interference with the an- is, as opposed to *' Gae/i-," the general name of the tique air and peculiar local colouring of Keating's old natives for any foreigners, or strangers, the style, the old proper names used by liim have been Danes, for instance, as well as the English. See as much as possible retained, instead of being, after Note 66. 2 K 2 252 Notes and Illustrations. " In testimony of this, I set down here the following arguments : I. " It is clear, from the number of the true nobility of Erin, who, in the end of their lives, entered into the chief churches, to finish their career in penitence, from the time of Brian to the invasion of the Galls, that the faith was alive in Erin. These were some of them. Flaherty O'Neill, called Flaherty an Trostau^, who first applied himself to penance in Erin, and afterwards went to Rome on his pilgrimage, in the year of the age of the Lord 1073 ; Donough, son of Brian Borumha, who went on his pilgrimage to Rome, and ended his life penitently in the monastery of St. Stephen; Teige, son of Lorcan, King of Hy-Kinselagh', who ended his life penitently at Glendalough ; Cahal, son of Rory, King of lar-Connaught", who ended his life penitently at Ardmacha ; Murtough O'Brian, King of Erin, who went to Ardmacha, and spent five years penitently there, where he died; and, in like manner, many others of the true nobility of Erin, who spent their lives piously and catholicly, from the time of Brian to the invasion of the Galls ; according to which, it is a lie for the people who palmed upon Pope Adrianus, that the Catholic faith was not alive in Erin, before the Galls came into it. II. "Another proof which I give, that the religion was alive in Erin before the Galls came into it is, that many monasteries were raised therein, shortly before the coming of the Galls, by the nobility of the Gaels. First, the monastery of Mary at Athcliath" was raised by Maelsaechlainn, King of Midhe" and of all Erin, in the year of the Lord 1139. The monastery of Mellifont, in the County of Louth, was raised by Donough O'Cearbhaill, King of OirgiallaP, at the request of Malachaias, Bishop of Dun Patruic. The hoary Malachaias, Bishop of Dun Patruic, raised the monastery of lubhar Chinntraghai, in the County of Down, A. D. 1144. The monastery of BuilK was raised in the year 1161. Dermod Mac Murrough, King of Laighin', raised the monastery of Bealach' in the year of the Lord 1 151. The race of Maelseachlainn, King of Midhe, raised the monastery of Bectifi", or De Eeatitudine, in Midhe, in the year of our Lord 1131. The monastery of the Maigue", in the County of Li- merick, was raised in the year of our Lord 1151. The monastery of Odtorna% in the County of Kerry, was raised in the year of the Lord 1134. Donald O'Brian, King of Luimneach", erected the monastery of the Holy Cross, in the year of the Lord 1 169. The monastery of Fearamaighe% in the County of Cork, was raised in the year of the Lord 1170 ; and many other churches and monasteries, not mentioned by us here, were raised in Erin, at this time ; whence it is plain, that the Catholic faith was living in Erin, at the coming of the Galls into it. III. " A third proof, that the faith was living in Erin at the coming of the Galls, is, that three General Synods were held in Erin by the prelates and nobility of Erin, from the time of Donough, i* That is, of the pilyrim' s staff. ' Bojie. ' County Wexford. ' Leinster. "" West-Connaught. ' Baltinglass. " Dublin. " Mannisteranenagh, near Bruff, co. Limerick. ° Meath. ' Odornej. p Louth, Armagh, and Monaghan. " Limerick. 1 Newrj. * Fermoj. Notes and Illustrations. 2 5 Donough, son of Brian, to the coming of the Galls, whereat ecclesiastical and civil laws were enacted and established. The first Synod at Fiadh Mac Naongusa», in the first year of the reign of Murtough O'Brian, A. D. 1105, where rules and laws were ordained, and the reli- gion improved. Another General Synod in Erin luas held at Rath Breasail', in the fifth vear of the reign of the said Murtough, A. D. 1 110 ; whereat attended the nobility and clergy of Erin, and whereat dioceses, with their boundaries, were defined. The third General Synod was held at Ceannanus na Midhe", at which were present Christianus, i. e., Gille-Christ O'Conarchy, Bishop of Lismor'', and the Legate of the Pope in Erin at that time, together with Cardinal Joannes Papiron, to distribute four pallia to the four Archbishops, to check simony and usury, to cause tithes to be paid, to check theft, and rape, and adultery, and every other evil from that out. It is plain, from the above examples, that the Catholic faith was living in Erin, at the coming of the Galls into it. And, as to the evil customs of the Gaels, before the coming of the Galls among them, it is certain that there came, at the invasion of the Galls, five chiefs, who committed more evil deeds than all the Gaels had committed, from the time of Brian to the invasion of the Galls ; such as plundering of churches, with trea- cherous deeds of blood, and other tyranny"' . Such are the views that have hitherto prevailed amongst the Irish, as to thefahe or hostile nature of the intelligence respecting the religious and political state of the island, with which the Pope's grant of it to Henry II. was connected. But, that the intelligence regarding the too generally immoral and disorderly condition of Ireland, which the Popes represent as their principal reason for transferring the country to England, was not of a merely foreign or hos- tile description'', but derived from the correspondence of those very prelates, spoken of by Dr. Lanigan J The grove of the son of Aengus, near the hiU "i There can be little reasonable doubt, that, from of Usneach, County Meath. about the end of the eleventh, or the conimence- * Breasail's Fort, situation unknown. ment of the twelfth, century, when GiUe or Gille- » Kells, of Meath. bert. Bishop of Limerick, was made first Papal h Lismore. Legate in Ireland, the Court of Rome must have '^ See, however, the last extract from Dr. Lani- had, tiu'ough him, sufficient native information re- gan, and still more, the native annals, in general, of spocting the state of Ireland, and its Church. There those times, for the church-plunderings, &c., of can be ;iO doubt, from about the year 1 130, or in the Gaels, or Irish, among themselves, before the the pontificate of Innocent II., when the celebrated coming of the Galls, or Anglo-Norman invaders. friend of St. Bernard, St. Blalachy O'Morgair, The dates of the various religious foundations, &c., then Bishop of Down, visited Home witli other spoken of by Keating, will be found more correctly Irish ecclesiastics, and was appointed by Innocent given, under the proper heads, by Lanigan ; Keat- to be the successor of Gillibert, as Legate in Ire- ing being only cited here, on account of the line of land, that the Papal Court had the best native Irish argument he adopts, and in which he has hitherto information, or that of the Saint and his compa- been generally followed, with reference to the sup- nions, respecting the moral, political, and ecclesias- posed grant of Ireland to Henry by the Pope, tical condition of their country. St. Bernard, speak- merely on information, furnished to the Court of ing of his friend's visit to Rome, says: — " Mensem Rome, by parties inimical to the Irish nation. integrum, fecit in Urbe, loca, sancta perambulans, et 254 Notes and Illustrations. Dr. Lanigan as the ornaments of the Irish Church, is attested by the following bulls or letters of Aiexander III., which, though on that account of such great historical value, have not been duly noticed, in connexion with the important period to which they belong, by Irish his- torians ! They were first published at Oxford, in 1728, by the learned Thomas Hearne, in his Liher Niger Scaccarii. In reference to these, and a fourth bull of Alexander in that work, but unconnected with the present subject, Hearne gives it as his opinion, " Epistolas hasce quatuor Alexandri III. Pontificis Romani, subsequentes non viderat Usserius Arma- chanus, alioqui proculdubio in Sylloge sua Epistolarum Hibernicarum inserturus. Hinc etiam colligo," he adds. '* neque ad ipsius conspectum unquara pervenisse Scaccarii librum nostrum nigrum insignem"^. Those bulls have been also inserted in the last edition of the Foedera, printed in 1816, from which they are inserted here ; the copies of them from the Liber Niger Scaccarii being likewise given in an Appendix at the end of these notes^ for the satisfaction of such as may wish to compare and reconcile the differences, occasioned by transcribers or printers, in the two versions. Dr. Lingard, who, with his usual erudi- tion, tVequentans, causa orationis. Cumque per id tern- poris scepe ac diligenter ab eo, et ab his qui cum eo erant, summus Pontifex inquisisset esse patriae, mores gentis, statum ccclesiarum, et quanta in terra Deus per eum operatus fuisset: paranti jam re- patriare commisit vices suas, peruniversam Hiber- niam legatum ilium constituens," &c. This infor- mation, respecting Ireland, was given at Rome alx>ut fifteen yeai's before Adrian IV. ascended the papal tlirone, which he did in December, 1154, and about sixteen years before he issued the bull re- garding Ireland, which was done a few months after his elevation to the tiara, or in 1155. And, as to Afh'ian himself, we find him to have had such an intercourse with ecclesiastics, natives of Ireland, at different periods of his life, that he was not without good means, to acquaint himself with the general condition of Ireland. Thus, in mentioning the coming to Rome of "an Irishman of great merit, named Gregory," in order to be confii'med there, as third Abbot of the Irish monastery of St. James at Ratisbon in Germany, Dr. Lanigan, after stating how this circumstance is related to have occurred in Adrian's pontificate, observes of Gregory : — " His journey to Rome could not have taken place before 1155, whereas Adi'ian's ponti- ficate began on the 3rd of December, 1154. Among other subjects of conversation y the Pope inquired of him concerning MarianuSy who was then a moiik of the Irish house of liattsbon, and who had taught the liberal arts at Paris, where he had among HIS SCHOLARS, NICHOLAS BkECSPERE, AFTER- WARDS Adrian IV. The Pope was very glad to hear that his old master was well, and spoke of him in the highest terms of commendation." Never- theless, adds Dr. Lanigan, — ** Although Adrian IV. had such a regard for his old master, he was then concerned in hatching a plot against that good man's country, and in laying the foundation of the de- struction of the independence of Ireland." But, in whatever light this matter of Adi'ian's bull con- cerning Ireland may be regarded, can it be sup- posed, that he who was the pupil of this Marianus, (not, however, to be confoundedwith our more cele- brated and learned countryman, Marianus Scotus,) as well as acquainted at such a period with Gre- gory, both of them Ii-ishmen, could have acted as he did, in ignorance of Ii'eland? — (Lanigan's Ec- clesiastical History of Ireland, vol. ii. pp. 70-72; vol. iii. pp. 446-447, 467 ; and vol. iv. pp. 2-5, 7-9, 23-30, 35, 59, 108-114, 154-158.— Lingard's History of England, vol. ii. pp. 189, 192, 193, 252. — Sir Harris Nicolas's Chronology of History, p. 189. — S. Bernard! Abbatis de Vita et Rebus Gestis S. Malachia?, Hiberniie Episcopi Liber — .Opera, torn, i. pp. 1491-1494: ed. Mabillon, Paris, 1839.) « Lib. Nig. Scac, tom. i. p. 41. f Appendix, No. I. Notes and Illustrations. 255 tions, shows that these documents were not unknown to him, in his history of the reign of Henry II. alhides to them, as dated September 20th, 1172, or but a few months after the return of the King from his expedition to Ireland. I. Bulla Alexandri III. Papm ad Ilenricum II. Anglorum Regem, qua monet lit gentem Hy- bernorum, pluriiuis spurcitiis atque nhomiiiationihus cuiUaminatam, ad cultum ChriUiaiue Fidei per potentiam suam revocet et conservet. Alexander episcopus, servus servorum Dei, harissimo in Christo fiho, H. An. — Hen. II. illustri Anglorum Ilegi, salutem et apostolicani benedictionem. Lib. Nig. Celebri fama et veridica relatione plurimum non sine multa mentis alacritate, comperimus, quomodo, sicut pias Re.x et magnificus princeps, de gente ilia Hy- bernica, qu», Divino timore postposito, tanquam effrenis pa.ssira per abrupta deviat vitioruni, et Christianae fidei religionem abjicit et virtutis, et se interimit mutua cede'', et de regno illo, quod Romani principes, orbis triuraphatores, suis temporibus inaccessum, sicut accepimus, reliquerent, faciente Domino, cujus intuitu, sicut indubitanter credimus, adversus ipsam gentem, incultum et indisciplinatam, potentiam tua; serenitatis extenderas, mirabiliter ac magnifice triumphasti. Nam, ut alias enorraitates et vitia, quibus eadem gens, omissa religione Christianas fidei satis irreverenter deservit, presentialiter omittamus ; sicut venerahiles fratres nostri Chrutia- nus Lesmorien' episcopus, apostolicce sedis legatus, archiepiscopi et episcopi temp, suis nobis Uteris iiitimarunt, et dilectus filius noster R. Landaven' archidiaconus', vir prudens et dis- cretus, et regise magnitudini vinculo prsecipue devotionis astrictus, qui hsec occulatii fide perspexit, viva vobis voce, tam solUcite quara prudenter, exposuit, pr;edicta gens sic forte plenius ad notitiam regise serenitatis pervenit : novercas suas puhlici introducunt, et ex eis non erubescunt Jilios proceare ; frater uxore fratris, eo vivente, abutitur ; unus duahus se sororibus concubinis immiscet ; et plerique iilorum, matre relictd, Jilias introducunt ; et omnes passim in quadragesima vescuntur carnibus, nee solvunt decimasi, nee sacras Dei ecclesias et personas ecclesiasticas, prout debent, aliquatenus reverentur'', Unde e M. Thierry, in tlie preface to the eighth edi- clergy, sent there by Henry. " Rex Angliae niisit tion of his eloquent and interesting history of the Nicolaum capellanuni et Kadulphuni archidiaco- Norraan Conquest, says, with reference to other num de Landatf, clericos sues, una cum archiepis- able historical writers whom he mentions, that copis et episcopis Hiberniao, usque ad Casselensem ** Docteur Lingard se distingue de toutes les pre- civitatem, ad celebrandum concilium de statutis ec- cedentes par des recherches approfondies, et une clesiae." — (Hoveden, ap. Wilkins' Concilia, torn. i. rare intelligence dumoyen age." pp. 471-472. Cambrensis, Hibern. Expug., lib. i. ■i Compare Notes 63 and 55. cap. 34.) ' Thus mentioned by Hoveden, in his account J With respect to what Pope Alexander III. of theSynodofCashel, amongst the Anglo-Norman states on this point, Benedict, the contemporary 256 Notes and Illustrations, Unde quia, sicut eisdem archiepiscopis et episcopis significantibus^ et praefato archidiacono plenius et expressius nobis referente, comperimus, coadunato magnifico tuo navali et terrestri exercitu ad subjugandam tuo domino gentera illam, et ad extirpandam tantse abhominationis spurcitiam, divina inspirante dementia, tuum animum erexisti, gratum, sicut debemus, ge- rimus omnimodis et acceptum ; et exinde ei, a quo omne bonura procedit, et qui pios fidelium suorum Abbot of Peterborough, in speaking of the decrees, for the observance of the Irish, passed by the Sy- nod of Cashel, says: '* Prasceperunt etiam in illo ooncilio deciraas dari virisecclesiasticis de omnibus quae possidebant. Plerique enini illorum nunquam decinias dederant, 7iec etiain scitbant,si dare debe- rent." Cambrensis speaks of the Irish in terms of ^•eat severity, as connected -with the charge of their not paying tithes, &c. : *' Gens enim ha'C, gens spurcissima, gens vitiis involutissima, gens omnium gentium in fidei rudimentis incultissima : — Nondum enim decimas vel primitias solvunt." On the ac- cusation of being "uninformed in the very rudi- ments of faith," thus associated by Cambrensis with the conduct of the Irish in not paying the im- post in question, Doctor Lanigan says : *' This was, according to him, and the clergy of his country and times, a violation of an article of faith ! I allow that the ancient Ii'ish did not pay those dues, nor were they in general paid in Ireland dui'ing his time, except where the English influence pre- dominated, notwithstanding the decrees of the Councils of Kells and Cashel. Giraldus did not know, that such dues were not paid in the best times of the Church, and that it was not until very long after the days of St. Patrick that they were introduced, and indeed first of all into France, where they are now extinct. In Italy they are scarcely known ; and yet the Italians cannot be said to be uninformed in the very rudiments of faith." — (Benedictus, Abbas Petroburgensis, de A''ita et Ges- tis Henrici II. et Richardi I., torn. i. pp. 30-31; edit. Hearne, Oxonii, 1735. — Giraldus Cambrensis, To- pog. Hibern. dist. ill., cap. 19. — Doctor Lanigan, Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol. iv. pp. 282- 283.) •' With respect to the objection made against the Irish by Cambrensis, partly connected with this charge in the papal bull, that "nee sacras Dei ec- clesias et personas ecclesiastieas, prout debent, aliqiiatenus reverentur," Doctor Lanigan says : " As a proof of the Irish being rude in the princi- ples of faith, he (Cambrensis) states, that they do not frequent the church of God with due reverence.'* But, replies the Doctor, "-They entertained, I be- lieve, as much respect for churches as any of their neighbom's, and he (Cambrensis) liimself gives us a proof of it, in relating a custom followed by them in forming confederacies, and pledging each other to maintain mutual friendship. They meet, he says, in some holy place, and go round the church three times; after which, entering the church, they pre- sent themselves before the altar, on which the re- liques of saints are placed, and while mass is celebra- ted, and holy priests praying on the occasion, become indissolubly united. This practice shows," conti- nues the Doctor, '* that they had a great venera- tion for churches, as they made use of them, and of the church service, for sanctioning their solemn ob- ligations." The Doctor adds: "Another proof of the respect paid by the Irish to churches is, that they used to consider them as sanctuaries, and inviolable places." Thus far Doctor La- nigan. It is nevertheless equally true, as the Doc- tor, in passages previously extracted from his work, has related and lamented, that, in the rage of war, the Irish, like other nations, sometimes profaned; pillaged, and burned edifices dedicated to religion, though not, as the Doctor remai-ks, until after the exercise of such demoralizing practices amongst them, by the Heathen Danes. Some such conside- rations as these would, indeed, appear to have caused the remark against the Irish in the bull, as regards the *' sacras Dei ecclesias et personas ec- clesiastieas," to have been accompanied with the qualifying term, " aliquatenus." — (Lanigan's Ec- clesiastical History of Ireland, vol. iii. pp. 491-492, and vol. iv. pp. 55, 56, 98, 284-285.) Notes and Illustrations ^57 suorura actus et voluntates in suo beneplacito salutis disponit, devotas gratiarum referimus actiones, Omnipotentem Deum votivis precibus exorantes, ut sicut per potentiam tua; magni- tudinis, ea, quc-etam illicite in scripta terra fiunt, incipiunt jam desistere, etpro vitiis virtutum gerraina pullulare, ita etiam, cooperante Domino, per te prfedicta gens ad tuaj sempiterna; glorias coronam inmarcescibilem, et suas salutis profectuin, abjeeta spurcitia peecatorum, omnimodam Christianse religionis suscipiat disciplinam. Rogaraus itaque regiam excellentiam, monemus et exhortaniur in Domino, atque in re- missionem tibi peecatorum injungimus, quatinus in eo quod laudabiliter incepisti, tuum pro- pensius animum robores et confortes ; et gentem illam ad cultum Christianse fidei per potentiam tuam revoces et conserves ; ut sicut, pro tuorum venia peecatorum, adversus earn tantum laborem, ut credimus, assumpsisti, ita etiam de suae salutis profectu coronam merearis susci- pere sempiternam. Et quia, sicut tua; magnitudinis excellentia, Romana ecclesia aliudjus habet in insula quam in terra magna et continua, nos eam de tua? devotionis fervore spem fiduciamque tenentes, quod jura ipsius ecclesiae non solum conservare veils, sed etiam ampliare, et ubi nullum jus habet, id debes sibi conferre, magnificentiam tuam rogamus et soUicite commonemus, ut in prjescripta terra jura beati Petri nobis studeas sollicite conservare ; et si etiam ibi non habet, tua magnitude eidem ecclesiae eadem jura constituat et assignet : ita quod exinde regite celsitudini gratias debeamus exsolvere copiosas, et tu primitias tuae gloria; et triumph! Deo videaris offerre'. Dat' Thuscul, xii. kal'. Octobr'. ' How far success attended what tiie Pope men- tions, as to Henry's entitling himself to the pardon of his sins, by reviving and strengthening Christia- nity in Ireland, and by not only preserving but in- creasing the privileges of the Irish Church, may be partly judged of, by the following statements of some of the results of the royal mission to Ireland. Dr. Lingard, having noted how, after the long and barbai'izing -warfare with the Danes, the estabhsh- ment of tranquillity was prevented in Ireland by the struggles of its different princes for supremacy, observes: "It was in vain that the pontiffs re- peatedly sent, or appointed, legates to establish the discipline of the canons, and reform the immo- rality of the nation ; that the celebrated St. Mala- chy added the exertions of his zeal ; and that the Irish prelates, in their synods, published laws and pronounced censures. The efficacy of these mea- sures," he says, " was checked by the turbulence of the princes and the obstinacy of the people: it was," he adds, *' entirely suspended by the subsequent in' II. vasion of the English." Dr. Lanigan, after he re- marks that, though the Engbsh (or ratlicr the Anglo- Normuns) founded some monasteries in Ireland, yet notes, that Cambrensis represents many of their leaders, such as Robert Fitz-Stephen, Herve de Monte Marisco, Raymond 1e Gros, John de Courcy, and Meyler Fitz-Henry, as church-plunderers; and the Doctor thus translates and cites the Welsh writer, as speaking of the wretched condition, in which the Irish Church was consequently placed. " The miserable clergy," says Cambrensis, "is re- duced to beggary in the island. Tlie cathedral churches mourn, having been robbed by the afore- said persons, and others along with them, or who came over after them, of their lands and ample es- tates, which had been formerly granted to them, faithfully and devoutly. And thus the exalting of the Church has been changed into tlie despoiling or plundering of the Church." And, in endeavouring to account for some losses suffered by the invaders, the same writer, according to the Doctor, observes ; lEISH AKCH. SOC. 2 L 258 Notes and Illustrations. II. Bulla Alexandri III. Papa ad Reges et principes HibernicB desliiiata, qua monet eos, quatinus fidelitatem quam Henrico II. Regi Angliw sub juramenti religione fecerunt, ei cum debits subjectione Jirmam et inconcussam servare curent. Alexander episcopus, serviis servorum Dei, dilectis filiis, nobilibus viris, regibus et principibus HyberniEB, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. LibTNig. Ubi communi fama et carta relatione plurimum nobis innotuit, quod vos ka- scac. vviStm. j.i55i^u„ in Christo filium nostrum H. Regem Anglae illustrem, in vestrum Hegem et dominum suscepistis, et ei fidelitatem jurastis, tanto ampliorem laetitiam in corde concepimus, A. D. An. — Hen. II. " The greatest disadvantage of all was, that, while we conferred nothing on the Church of Christ in our new principality, we not only did not thinli it worthy of any important bounty, or of due honour, but even, h.aving immediately taken away its lands and possessions, have exerted ourselves, either to mutilate or abrogate its former dignities and ancient privileges." On these passages of Cambrensis, Doctor Lanigan exclaims : " Thus it was, that the English adventurers fulfilled the expectations of the Popes Adrian IV. and Alexander III. !" Upon this head, it should be noted, that what was done in England and Wales, at the expense of the Sax- ons and Welsh, by the Normans, in the reign of William tlie Conqueror and his immediate descen- dants, was done in Ireland, at the expense of the Milesian or aboriginal population, by tlie Anglo- Normans, wherever they were able, in and subse- quent to Henry II.'s reign. In both islands, the needy and rapacious foreign adventurers, who came over, in order to make the fortunes of themselves and their connexions and followers, at the cost of the plundered natives, at first laid hands, as far as they could, on eccZestasricaZ as well as Zay property. Of this spoil, those foreigners or their heirs, in Ire- land as weU as in England and Wales, from time to time, indeed, gave back a portion for Church pur- poses, in the shape of monastic foundations, &c. ; doing this, however, as far as possible, for the crea- tion of a conqueror's ascendancy in Church as well as in State, by substituting for, or elevating over, the native clergy, ecclesiastics of foreign birth or de- scent, though too often of verv inferior morals. But, from the narrow limits of the Anglo-Norman power in Ireland, or that of the Pale and the set- tlements connected with it, this ecclesiastical policy could not be acted upon by the Anglo-Norman set- tlers, or their posterity, to such an extent in this country, as it was by the Norman cont/uerors in the neighbouring island. Thus, Sir John Davies, Attorney- General to James I., the first real, or universally and peaceably acknowledged, British Sovereign in Ireland, says : " The Abbies and reli- gious Houses in Tirone, Tirconnell, and Fennan. nagh, tliough tliey were dissolued in the 3-3 of Hen- ry 8. were neuer surueied nor reduced into Charge, but were continually possest by the religious Per- sons, vntil his Maiestie that now is, came to the Crowne." Tliis, with another circumstance, or that of certain Irish Sees not having been fiUed up by the Sovereigns of England until the time of James I., Sir John comments upon, as "an Argu- ment eyther of great Neghgence, orof great AVeak- nesse in the State and Gouernours of those Times." These observations are the more necessary to be made, as our Irish writers do not hitherto seem to have generally understood, on what leading principle to reconcile the various examples of " robbing Peter to pay Paul," displayed by the conduct of our Anglo- Norman invaders, in plundering churches and reli- gious houses on the one hand, and founding them on the other. But, in any view of the case, the invaders did not act in accordance with the alleged object, for which Ireland was given over to Henry II. bv the Popes, — or that of not only preserring but enlarging the privileges of the Irish Church. Notes and Illustrations. '-59 concepimus, quanto per ejusdem Regis potentiam in terra vestra, cooperante Domino, major pax erit atque tranquilitas ; et gens Hybernica, quae per enormitatem et spurcitiam vitiorum adeo videbatur longius recesisse, divino cultu propensius informabitur, et melius Christian?» fidei suscipiet disciplinam. Unde super eo, quod tarn potenti et magnifico Regi, et tarn devoto ecclesiaj filio, vos vo- luntate libera subdidistis, providentiam vestram digna laudis commendatione prosequimur, cum exinde vobis, ecclesiae, et toti populo illius terrae, utilitas speretur non immodicaproven- tura ; monemus itaiiue nobilitatem vestram attentiuset mandamus, quatinus fidelitatem quam tanto Regi sub juramenti religione fecistia, ei cum debita subjectione firrnam tt inconcussam servare That those privileges were not preserved has been sufficiently shown from Cambrensis. That they were not enlarged appears to be equally evident from the Irish manifesto of Donald O'Neill, &c., to Pope John XXII. in the reign of Edward II. In this document, after mentioning the number of Christian Kings, who, " without any mixture of fo- reign blood," ruled in Ireland, till the time of Henry II., the Irish observe : " And those Kings were not Englishmen, nor of any other nation but our own, who, with pious liberality, bestowed ample endowments in lands, and many immunities, on the Irish Church, though in modern times our churches are most damnably plundered by the Anglicans, by whom they are almost entirely despoiled." And, among.st their other reasons for tlieir taking up arms under Edward de Bruce, the Irisli assert, that they do so, to " restore to the Church those pro- perties, of which it has been so damnably and in- humanly despoiled." Again, concerning the con- duct of the Anglo-Normans, with regard to the lands of the Irish Church, it is said : " As to the Church lands, so far from extending them, they have confined them, retrenched them, invaded them on all sides; so that some cathedral churches have been, by open force, notoriously plmidered of half their possessions." Hence, too, with reference to some ecclesiastical occurrences in the following reign, or the nineteenth year of Edward III., we find Mr. Moore remarking: " Even at that period, when all were of one faith, the Church of the go- vernment," — or, in other words, of the Anglo-Nor- man settlers, — " and the Church of the people, in Ireland, were almost as much separated from each other by ditference in race, language, political feel- ing, and even ecclesiastical discipline, as they have been, at any period since, by ditference in creeds. The attempt made by the Synod of Cashel, in the year 1172, to assimilate the Irish Church, in its rites and discipline, to that of England, entirely failed of its object ; and the native clergy and peo- ple continued to follow their own ecclesiastical rules, as if the decrees of that memorable Synod had never been issued. Disheartening," he adds, "as may be some of the conclusions too plainly de- ducible from this fact, it clearly shows, at least, tliat the establishment of the reformed Church, in that kingdom, was no/ the first or sole cause of the bitter hostility between the two races." Nor are we without traces of the difference here alludol to in ecclesiastical matters down to the reign of Henry VIII., in which the great religious revo- lution, called the Reformation, commenced in these islands. Under the year 1521, says Cox, " Car- dinal U'lilsey, who was Legate de latere in England, sent over Bulls and Dispensations into Ireland, by his Factor and Register, John Allen ; but it seems they did not turn to account, for Allen, in his Letter to the Cardinal, complains, they went off but slowly, because the Irish had so little sense of Re- ligion, that they married within the Levitical De- grees, without Dispensations, and also because they fjuestioned his Grace's Authority in Ireland, espe- cially OUT OF THE Pale." And, as to tne very narrow Umits to which any English ecclesiastical authority or discipline would be confined in those times, when not acknowledged beyond the Pale, compare the facts in Note 71 of tliis volume. 2 L 2 26o Notes and Illustrations. servare curetis : et ita vos sibi in humilitate et mansuetudine exhibeatis obnoxios et devotos, quod ejus semper gratiam possitis uberiorem percipere, et nos inde prudentiam vestram digne debeamus commendare"". Dat' Tusculan', xii. kal'. Octob'. III. respecting the very superior power of the native Irisli and their Chiefs to that of the Pale, witli the statement of Henry's own Viceroy in the above- mentioned year 1521, on the same point, and the strong attachment of the natives to their own an- cient habits, &c. Cox gives that statement, as from the English Viceroy's "notable Letter to the King on the thirtieth of June to this effect, That the Irisli were not to be reduced hut by Conquest ;" and, moreover, that, as to Ireland, " when it is conquered, it must be inhabited by a new Co- lony of English, rOR THE Irish WILL RELAPSE, DO WHAT Yoo CAN." — (Lingard's History of Eng- land, vol. ii. chap. v. pp. 245, 250-252 Lanigan's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol. iv. pp. 238, 241-243, 247-258, 201-265, 270-273, 277, 319-322, 335, 337-339.— Translated e.ttract from old MS. copy of Keating, ut sup. — Histoire de la Con- (luete de I'Angleterre par les Normaiids, &c., par Augustin Thierry, tome i. livre iii. pp. 255- 256; livre iv. pp. 269, 270, 275, 276, 278, 279, 281- 283, 292, 293, 299, 300, 302-.305, 307, 308, 318, 319, 322, 324-326, 328-332, 334-336 ; tome ii. livre v. pp. 10-30, 32-34, 36-38, 69, 75 ; livre vi. pp. 80, 83, 85-89, 90-101, 104-106, 119-122, 123-125; livre vii. pp. 137-143, 165-168, 183-184; livre viii. pp. 204- 211; livre ix. pp. 325-333; livre x. pp. 335-349; tome iii. livre xi. pp. 81-94; and conclusion, sect, iv. pp. 264-274, &c. : Bru.xelles et Liege, 1841. — Hardiman's Statute of Kilkenny, Introduction, ;)««- sim, and pp. 45-57, and Dr. Todd's Introduction to the Book of Obits and Jlartvrology of Christ Church, pp. viii. xxxiv. in Transactions of Irish Archieological Society.— Sir John Davies's Dis- coverie, &c., pp. 174-175: Dublin, 1761 Dr. O'Conor's Memoirs of Charles O'Conor of Be- lanagare, vol. i. pp. 31, 69-77. — Moore's His- tory of Ireland, vol. ii. pp. 307-311, and vol. iii. pp. 113-114 Authorities in Note 71 above referred to Cox's Hibernia-Anglicana, vol. i. p. 212.) "= Mr. O'Conor, speaking of Henry II. 's conduct towards those Irish Princes who submitted to him, in making them " repeated promises of his protection," or, as Stanihm-st says, "promises to provide not only for their safety, but, moreover, for their dignity," adds respecting Henry,—" Far from acting such a part, he made grants of the se- veral countries of those chieftains to his Norman adventurers, and raised them to the rank of feuda- tory princes. The natives, disappointed of their expectations, and stripped of property, endeavoured to re-enter their several countries by force. Thus was the kingdom reduced to a more grievous state of warfare, and anarchy, than it had ever suffered ; and England, which must have gained inhnitely by the accession of such a country, governed by equal laws, was a real sufferer by it, for 400 years, and gained nothing, through so long a period, but alarm and dishonour." The results that might be ex- pected from what would seem a system of policy so much more obvious, natural, and profitable, for Henry or his successors to have adopted towards Ireland, than that which ever was attempted, until the lapse of so many centuries after the Anglo- Norman invasion, are thus set forth by Sir John Davies, in opposition to the complete division and ruinous hostilities, so long kept up between the " Irish Countries," and the " English Colonies," in Ireland. " If, " says the Attorney- General of James I., "there had been no Difference made be- tweene the Nations in point of lustice and Protec- tion, but al had beene gouerned by one EquaU, lust, and Honourable Lawe, as Z»;do speakethin Virgilli Tros, Tyriusque mihi nulla discrimine habetur. If upon the first Submission made by the Irish Lordes to King Henry the Second; quejn in Regem et Do- minum receperunt, saitli Matth. Paris ; or vpon the Notes and Illustrations. 261 A. D. An. — Hen. II. Lib. Nifr. Scac. Westin. III. Bulla Alexandri III. Papce ad Christiamim Lesmuren' episcoptim apostolicte sedis legatmn, et ad archiepiscopos Hibernia, de adsistendo Anglorum Rege cathulico et principe christia- nissimo. Alexander episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabilibus fratribusc. Lesmoren' episcopo, apostolica sedis legato, et Gel' Ardmachen', Donatu CasiUen, Laior' Dttflinen', et Catholic' Tuanen' archiepiscopis", et eorum suftVaganeis, salutem et apostolicara benedictionem. Quantis vitiorum enormitatibus gens Hibernica sit infecta, et fjuomodo Dei timore et Christianse fidei religione postposita, ea sequatur quae periculapariunt animarum ex vestrarum serie literarum nobis innotuit, et aliorum etiam veridica relatione nichilominus ad notitiani apostolicae sedis plerumque pervenit. Inde est utique quod nos, ex vestris Uteris intelUgentes, (juod per potentiam l Dr. Keating, in the preface to his History of Ireland, gives an explanation of the reasons for the punishment of murder by an eric, or fine, rather than by death, in ancient Ireland, according to which explanation, the former system would seem to have been the best that could have been adopted, to deter from such a crime, under the existing cir- cumstances of the country. For, in a country, di- vided as Ireland was, into so many independent and hostile communities, a person, who might com- mit a murder in one, could easily place himself out of the reach of capital punishment, by taking refuge in another. To execute, in his stead, any of hisrela- tives, innocent of such a crime, would be but to add one murder to another ; and, therefore, the most likely way that remained, of preventing such a crime, or the connivance at it, was, to impose an eric or fine, on the relatives of the person who should be guilty ; to which penalty, as it appears by the fifth decree of this Council at Cashel, the clerical as well as the lay relatives of such a crimi- nal had been equally subjected ; but, from defray- ing their share of which, this fifth decree was, for the future, to free the clerical relatives, on the plea of their being innocent of such an oif ence, while the lay relatives, though equally innocent, would thus be worse off than before, in having the payment of the whole erjc thrown upon them. In reference ' ' to the decree of lliis Synod, above- mentioned, exempting lands and other property of the Church from all impositions exacted by the laity," and to the other decree, " relieving the clergy from any share in the eric, or blood-fine, which the kindred of a layman, convicted of homi- cide, were compelled to pay among them to the family of the slain," Mr. Moore observes, that *'the extension of such favours and immunities to the Church, though by no means in accordance with Henry's general policy, appeared to him an expe- dient necessary to be adopted in Ireland, where the support of a strong party among the natives was indispensable towards the establishment of his power." Mr. Moore then alludes to the clergy, as being, for this object on Henry's part, *' the most useful and legitimate instruments he could employ ;" adding, that, *' from the same motive, doubtless, the payment of tithes, which the Irish had never, during their unreformed state, observed, was now enjoined by Henry's council, with the hope, that they would serve as a lasting bribe to the Church." Could the design of making so many grants to the clergy, at the expense of the laity, of Ireland, have had any connexion with the circumstance of our not finding any of the Irish laity present at this, as they were at preceding. Synods? — (Keating's His- tory of Ireland, preface, pp. Ixxxii.-lxxxvii. : Hal- liday's translation. — Moore's History of Ireland, vol. ii., pp. 257-258.) Notes and Illustrations. 267 habeant Caere alieno et servientium mercede exceptis) in tres partes dividant ; unam liberis, alterum uxori legitimae, tertiam proprtis exequiis relinquentes. Et si forte prolem legitimam non habuerint, bona ipsa inter ipsum et uxorem in duo media dividantur. Et si legitima uxor decesserit, inter ipsura et liberos bipartiri debent. "VII. Septimo, et cum bona confessione' decedentibus et missarum et vigiliarum exhibi- tione, et more sepeliendi obsequium debitum persolvatur. Item quod omnia divina ad instar sacrosanctae ecclesiae, juxta quod Anglicana observat ecclesia in omnibus partibus ecclesiae amodo tractentur." On which decrees of the SjTiod, Cambrensis (as Doctor Lanigan has observed) exclaims : "Dignum etenim, et justissimum est, ut sicut dominum et regem ex Anglia sortita est divinitus Hibernia; sic etiam exinde vivendi formam accipiant meliorem. Ipsi namque regi magnifico tam ecclesiam'quam regnum Hiberniae debent, quicquid de bono pacis, et incremento religionis hactenus est assecuta. Nam ante ipsius adventum in Hiberniam multimoda malorum genera a multis retro temporibus ibidem emerserant ; quae ipsius potentia et munere in desuetudinem abiere." Then, respecting the Irish Primate Gelasius, at that time in his eighty-fifth year, Cambrensis adds: "Ardmachiensisvero primas oh corporis irabecillitatem, et grandaevitatem, tum praesens non fuerat ; sed postea Dubliniam venit, regiae disposition! per omnia favorem praebens, vulgi opinione vir sacer vaccam candidam, cujus solum lacte vescebatur, secum quodcunque venerat, circumducens!" From the circumstance of Gelasius nut being mentioned in this last and apparently best account of the Synod of Cashel as present there with his bro- ther Archbishops of Cashel, Dublin, and Tuam, and the further statement of Cambrensis to the same effect, it would follow, that the previously-cited Anglo-Norman chroniclers, Benedict, Hoveden, and Gervase, though correct as to the fact, have been in error as to the time, of the Irish Primate's having personally submitted to Henry, which does not seem to have been until after the Metropolitans of Leinster, Munster, and Connaught had formally acknowledged the ' Dr. Lanigan, describing the laboiu-s of the fa- to prescribe them." This neglect of confession, mous St. Malacliy O'Morgair in tlie diocese of Malacliy is represented as liaving successfully strug- Armagh, early in this, or the twelfth century, — gled to remedy, in those parts of Ulster. And, when he " realized, as far as concerned that diocese, through the provisions of the sixth and seventh the plaiiof Gillebert of Limerick," the first Papal decrees of this assembly at Cashel, in connexion Legate in Ireland, " relative to the substitution of with confessors and confession, any such neglect of the Roman office for the Irish ones," — states, that confession would seem to be more specially provided "the practice of confession had been much ne- against for the future ; in accordance with the ge- glected, there not being as yet any general law of neral spirit of the acts of that first Synod under the the Church prescribing the use of it at certain Anglo-Norman regime, by which, the practice of times." And, in another Ulster diocese, that of Ireland, in all spiritual matters, was thcncefor- Connor, where the Doctor observes of Malachy, ward to be regulated according to the usage of the that, " instead of certain Irish practices of their's, Church elsewhere in general, and to that of the he introduced the Roman ones," the Doctor adds, Church of England in particular (Lanigan's Ec- that the people " neglected confession, nor was clesiastical History of Ireland, vol. iv. pp. 59-63, there any one who asked for penances, or who was 86-87, 206-207.) 2 M 2 26S Notes and Illustrations. the Anglo-Norman King as their Sovereign, and, as having done so, had sat in his Synod of Cashel. Such, at the period of the Anglo-Norman invasion, have been the representations given of the very rude and demoralized state of the mass of the Irish people, which led to and faci- litated that invasion, and of the ecclesiastical policy resorted to for their reformation, in connexion with the Papal grant of the island to Henry II. That, partly from the imperfec- tion of the Irish national institutions, which were but too much calculated to occasion internal feuds in the different septs, as well as wars with their neighbours, — partly owing to the want of a sufficiently strong power in the supreme monarchy of the country, even in its best days, to enforce a due obedience and tranquillity among the inferior states, — partly, on account of the horrible and demoralizing invasions of the Heathen Danes, by whose example, for above 200 years, in plundering and destroying churches, monasteries, libraries, and ecclesiastics over and over again, the nation was infected and debased, — partly, through the usurpation, by Brian Boru, of the monarchy from the O'Neill race, its possessors for above five centu- ries, which usurpation left the country, from the overthrow of the Danes to the coming of the Anglo-Normans, or upwards of another century and a half, a prey to contentions for the supreme royalty, so that the monarchs of those days are designated, " kings with reluctance or opposition," — that, under the influence, for more than three centuries and a half, of such powerful causes for national deterioration, Ireland should have been placed in a state so low in point of civilization, as to render a very great moral, religious, and political reformation of the mass of her people, at the period of Henry's lauding, absolutely requisite, is a circum- stance not to be wondered at". Nevertheless, that the rudeness and demoralization, instanced as " With the extracts already cited from Dr. Lani- virtues of the Saxons and Normans;" and then gan, as to the very demoralizing effects of the adds, as his own opinion upon this account of the Danish wars upon the Irish, and the statements of ecclesiastical writer, that "England was assuredly Pope Alexander III., respecting the extent of Irisli a gainer by the conquest." Yet, while giving such demoralization, compare the gloomy representation a bad account of the Anglo-Saxons, Malmsbury of disorder, vice, weakness and misery, attending concludes this character of them, with the following the Danish invasions in England, given by the reservation: " I would not, however, have these learnedhistorianoftlie Anglo-Saxons. Mr. Turner, bad propensities universally ascribed to the Eng- from the conterapor.ary sermon of the Anglo-Saxon lish. I know, that many of the clergy, at that day. Bishop, Lupus, in 10l:i. See, likewise, the descrip- trod the path of sanctity by a blameless life; I tion, by WiUiam of Malmsbiu-y, of the comparative know, that many of the laity, of all ranks and condi- state of the Anglo-Saxons and Normans at, and for tions, in this nation, were well-pleasing to God. some time previous to, the Norman Conquest. The Be injustice far from this account ; the accusation English historian infers, from the very inferior does not include the whole indiscriminately. ' But, morals, habits, &c., of the AngIo-Sa.\ons as a peo- as in peace, the mercy of God often cherishes the pie, that they required to be conquered and re- bad and the good together ; so, equally, does his formed by the Normans. Gibbon says, of this passage severity include them both in captivity.' " — (Doc- of William of Malmsbury, that William " appre- tor Lanigan and Pope Alexander III., vt sup. — ciates, like a philosophical historian, the vices and Kev. Sharon Turner'sIIistory of theAnglo-Saxons, Notes and Illustrations. 269 as constituting the necessity for such a reformation in Ireland, though spolvcn of as general, were certainly not universal, may be equally inferred, from Keating's above-cited enumeration (confirmed by other writers) of the different religious establishments founded, synods held, &c., before Henry's arrival in the country ; from the high ecclesiastical character of several of the contemporary Irish Prelates ; and from the character also of the subordinate clergy, which, even as spoken of by the hostile Cambrensis, is " altogether," says Mr. Moore, "such as, at any period, it would be honourable to a clerical body to receive." A similar inference may likewise be drawn from what the same historian, on this, as on other occasions, has particularly remarked, "that, at all periods of Ireland's course with which we are ac- quainted, so wide has been the interval, in civilization and social comforts, between her highest and lowest classes, that no conclusion founded solely on an acquaintance with one part of her population, can furnish any analogies by which to judge of the real condition of the other». Giraldus himself," continues Mr. Moore, "appears to have been aware of this peculiarity in the structure of Irish society, or at least to have been puzzled by the contrasts resulting from it ; and hence his summary of the character of the people is, that ' where they are good, you will find none better, — where they are bad, none worse.' ' Est enim n-ens ha« cunctis fere in actibus immoderata, et in omnes affectus vehementissima. Unde et sic mali, deterrimi sunt, et nusquam pejores : ita et bonis, meliores non reperies' "". A similar opi- nion, as to the tendency of the aboriginal Irish character to run into the opposite extremes of very good or very bad, is expressed, four centuries after the time of Cambrensis, by the celebrated Jesuit, Campion. " The lewder sort," says he, " both clarkes and laymen, are sensuall and loose to leachery above measure, the same being vertuously bred up or reformed, are such mirrours of holinesse and austeritie, that other nations retain but a shewe or shadow of devotion in comparison of them." Then, under the head of " abstinence and fasting," he adds : " in which vertue and diverse other, how farre the best excell, so far, in gluttonie and other hateful! crimes, the vitious they are worse then too badde"*^. Note 65, book vi. chap. xiv. vol. iii. pp. 243-248: London, (Topog. Hibern. distinct, iii. cap. 35.) 1801.— William of Malmsbury, translated by the « Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Em- Kev. John Sharpe, B. A., pp. 319-321 : London, pire, chap. Ixix. pp. 1187-1189 O'Conor's Disser- 1813.— Gibbon's Decline and Fall, &e., chap. Iri. tations on the History of Ireland, sect. xv. p. 203, note 28.) sect, xviii. pp. 245, 250-251, sect. xix. pp. 252-254, ' By the second of Pope Alexander III.'s three 259-260 : Dublin, 1812 Lanigan's Ecclesiasticai last-cited Bulls, or that "ad Reges et Principes History of Ireland, vol. iii. pp. 236, 238, 240-243, Hibernia; destinata," is not, in fact, such a line of 252-253, 255, 270-280, 326-327, .339, 346-347 354- distinction suflBciently laid down between the dif- 355, 365-367, 373-377, 380, 382-388, 390-391, 414- ferent classes of the population in Ireland ? See, 427, 437, 491-493, vol. iv. pp. 30-31, 34-36, 30-51, also, the passage from Mac Geoghegan, in Note 38. 53-56, 59, 63, 86-89, 98, 204-210, 220, 223-224, » Giraldus speaks of the Irisli to the same eifect 265-269, 286-288 Translated extract from Keat- physicalli/ a.s he does moralli/. " .Sicut enim," he ing's History of Ireland, as before specified.— adds, " qui bene formantur exquisitissime, et nus- Lingard's History of England, vol. ii. chap. v. quam melius: sic et qui male, nusquam peius."— pp. 243-253, 259-260 Fajdera, Conventiones, Lit- 270 Notes and Illustrations. Note 65, Page 26. Mxich larger land-force, than generally related, brought btj Henry II. to Ireland. If, according to the text, report in Ireland greatly exaggerated, history, as hitherto written, has much underrated, the amount of the force, with which Henry embarked for this country in October, 1171. The late learned Mr. William Lynch, after observing, in reference to the cir- cumstances of the first " English settlement" effected in Ireland by Henry II., that " our in- formation on this subject may be gathered from the well-considered language of legal records, instead of the imperfect, contradictory, and, indeed, too often erroneous, statements of anna- lists and historians," says : " Amongst the original muniments above alluded to, perhaps few now remain more illustrative of the principal laws of England than the ancient Pipe Roll of the year 1171 preserved in Somerset House. By this dociunent we find, that King Henry the Second, when about making his voyage royal into Ireland in that year, proclaimed scutage throughout his dominions : in consequence, all those holding in capite under the Crown by military service were bound to accompany the King in his expeditions, and, if not proceeding in person, were bound to send so many knights, or to make pecuniary compensation, in pro- portion to the service due out of the estates, which they held under the Crown." Then, noting how the English clergy, as well as the laity, were subject to this tax, he adds : " The purposes to which this money was applied by the King, or, under his orders, by the venerable Randulph de Glanvilla, are set forth on the Roll, and the principal payments seem to have been made for the arms, provisions, and shipping of the army, tvhich, numerically, from those payments, we can perceive, far exceeded the force described in our printed historians." As to the strength of Henry's fleet, — from which, if correctly given by the Anglo-Nor- man chroniclers, Mr. Lynch's suspicion, as to the amount of the king's land-force having been much greater than is generally represented, would appear still more probable, — Dr. O'Conor states : " Auctores Angli inquiunt in Hiberniam cum 400 navibus navigasse. Gervas, p. 1429, Diceto, p. 358, Brompton, p. 1070. Hovedeni verba sunt, ' Applicuit in Hibernia cum 400 magnis navibus, onustis viris bellicosis, equis, et armis, et victu.' p. 527. Eadem habet Gualterus Coventrensis in Antiq. Cantabrig. 1. 1. p. 243." From terae, et cujuscunque generis Acta Publica, inter gines Historiarum, pp. 558-559, et Gervasii Doro- Reges Anglia et alios quosvislmperatores, Keges, berniensis sive Cantuariensis Chronica, pp. 1420- Principes, vel Communitates, vol. i. pars i. p. 45 : 1421, ap. Historiae Anglicans Scriptores x. : Lon- fol. Londini, 1816.— Liber Niger Scaccarii, torn. i. dini, 1652 Bishop Nicholson's English Historical pp. 42-48: ed. Hearne, Oxon. 1728. — Benedictus, Library, parti, pp. 48-50: London, 1776. — Moore's Abbas Petrobiu-gensis, de Vita et Gestis Hen- History of Ireland, vol. i. pp. 169-180, 232-234, rici IL &c., torn. i. pp. 27-30 Kogerus de Hove- vol. ii. pp. 8-14, 29, 31, 35, 99, 102, 119-122, 124, den et Giraldus Cambrensis ap.WiUdns' Concilia 126-127, 142-143, 146, 343-344 Campion's His- Magna' Brittania>et HiberniEB, torn. 7. pp. 471-473. torie of Ireland, chap. i. p. 19: Dublin reprint, — Radulphi de Diceto, Decani Londiniensis, Yma- 1809. Notes and Illustrations. 271 From the new light which Mr. Lynch intimates that the Pipe Roll above-mentioned would give respecting Henry's force, the publication of such a document, with proper notes and illustrations, would seem to be very useful ; even if it were not the more worth editing from the following observation of Mr. VVright, in his introduction to M. Michel's edition of the old French poem on the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland under Henry II. : " It happens, unfortunately, that the rolls of the reign of the second Henry are nearly all lost. In the reign of John, they first begin to be numerous, and they then throw great light upon Irish history"". Note QQ, Page 26. The lesxer Irish Pulentates alleged to have submitted to Henry II. from a superstitious dread of opposing the Sovereign Pontiff. Other reasons for the submission of many of the Irish to that Monarch. According to Dr. Lanigan, the Bull of Adrian IV. was never made public in Ireland till the year 1175, when, in consequence of the resistance displayed by the Irish to the Anglo- Norman dominion, Henry's power there was reduced to a low state. Henry then sent over Adrian's Bull, as well as that of Alexander confirming it, for publication in Ireland, by Nicholas Prior of Wallingford, and William Fitzaldelni. The Doctor states those docu- ments, to have been first publicly read, at a meeting of Bishops, in Waterford. Nevertheless, from the acknowledged correspondence between the Papal Court and the heads of the Irish Church, on the very bad condition of the mass of their countrymen, — from the alacrity with which the Irish churchmen in general are represented to have submitted to Henry, — and from some statements of Hoveden and Gervase, — it is probable, though the Bull is alleged not to have been published by Henry while he was in Ireland, yet that the substance of it would be more or less known to the Irish clergy, and that, through the influence of such a document upon the clerical order, and their influence upon the native Princes, that document may have so far contributed to the ready submission of many of those Princes. The passages on this head, from Hoveden and Gervase, have been given in Note 64. Independently, however, of any share which Adrian's Bull may be supposed to have had in promoting the success of Henry in Ireland, there are other reasons assigned by contempo- rary Anglo-Norman chroniclers for that success. The King is alleged to have been invited over by several of the native Princes and their subjects, to protect them against the hostilities of Strongbow and his followers, and to assume the sovei-eignty of the island. Henry is likewise afiRrmed, from the period of his landing in the country, to have endeavoured, and to have been J Moore's History of Ireland, vol. ii. p. 249 Records, chap. i. pp. 1-2: London, 1830. — O'Co- Lyncli's View of the Legal Institutions, Honorary nor's Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores Veteres, Hereditary Offices, and Feudal Baronies established torn. iii. pp. 8.39-840. — French Poem on the Anglo- iii Ireland during the Kcign of Henry II., deduced Norman Invasion of Ireland, edited by M. Michel, from Court Rolls, Inquisitions, and other Original introductory essay, p. vii. ; London, 1837. 272 Notes and Illustrations. been so successful in his endeavours, to persuade the Irish of his having come amongst them rather as a redresser of grievances than a foreign invader, that the inhabitants of the districts through vehich he marched, induced by Ms friendly conduct, and their earnest desire of ob- taining that relief from the numerous evils of internal anarchy and bloodshed which only a sufficiently strong power could afford them, acknowledged him, as the possessor of suck power, for the supreme arbiter of their differences. On the several points adverted to in this Note, compare Gervase and Diceto, under the proper heads, with the second of the three last-recited letters or bulls of Pope Alex- ander III.' Note 67, Page 26. Roderic O' Conor, relying on the strength of his original kingdom, and unaioed by the Papal Bull, continues in arms. Roderic or Rory O'Conor was the son of Tordelvach or Turlogh O'Conor, King of Con- naught, sirnamed More or the Great, who, as the most powerful Prince in Ireland for several years, was considered to have had the best claim to the designation of Monarch of Ireland. Roderic, on his father's decease in 1 136, succeeded to the crown of Connaught. But after a war with Murtogh O'Laughlin, or Mac Laughlin, of the Hy-Niall or O'Neill race. King of Ulster, he was compelled to give him hostages, and acknowledge him as Monarch of Ireland ; till, on his death in 1 166, the supremacy, amongst the Irish Princes, reverted to the house of O'Conor. Henry's historian, Cambrensis, having related the advance of the Anglo-Norman King to Dublin, and mentioned the several Irish Princes who attended on him as their Sovereign, gives this account of Roderic "s conduct, in reference to the summons sent him bv the invader to submit ; and draws the following inferences, from that representation of the matter. " Rothericus vero Connactiensis nunciis regiis, Hugoni scilicet de Lacy, et Gu- lielmo Aldelmi filio versus aquam Sinnenensem, qua; Mediam Connactiamque disterminat, occurrit. Qui pace similiter impetrata regioque dominio constituto regni sui tributo firmis- simus se fidelitatis et subiectionis innodauit. Sic itaque preeter solos Vltonienses, subditi per se singuli. Sic et in singular!, Rotherico scilicet Connactiae Principe, et tanquam Hi- bernensium capite et insulse Monarcha : subditi redduntur vniuersi^ Nee alicuius fere in in- sula vel nominis erat vel ominis, qui Regis Maiestati, vel sui presentiam vel debitam Domino reuerentiam non exhiberat. Tunc impletum videtur vsitatum illud et vulgatum (quia de ve- ritate « Lanigan's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol. to Henry. No act of his could be binding on the iii. p. 222 — Authorities referred to in Note 64. other Kings and Princes, no more tlian, according to " " This," says Dr. Lanigan, " is a false conclu- the late German constitution, all Germany, inclu- sion ; for Roderic was only an elective, and little ding the Prussian States, &c. &c., could have been more than nominal. King of Ireland, and the only made over by an Emperor to a foreign power.'' — consequence of his submission was, at most, that his (Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol. iv. pp. 203- hereditai'y kingdom of Connaught became feudatory 204. ) Notes and Illustrations. 273 ritate nil asseuero) Merlini Arabrosii vaticinium, Sextu.i Hiberniw mania suhuertet. Et illutl eisdem. Quinque portiones in unum redigentur" — meaning, that ihe Jive old native kingdoms of Leinster, Ulster, Connaught, Munster, and Meatli, were swallowed up in the sixth kingdom, or that of ALL Ireland, so assumed to have been acijuired by Henry. Dr. Leland, in opposition to this account of Roderic's conduct towards Henry by the Welsh writer, represents Roderic acting, as if " his fortune was not yet so totally desperate as to warrant an immediate resignation of his dignity and authority, while his own territory (Connaught) remained inviolate, and the brave and powerful chiefs of Ulster kept retired in their own districts, without any thought of submission"''. The Doctor thus controverts, on Irish as well as English authority, the alleged fiict of Roderic's having ever made any such submission to Henry's envoys, Hugh de Lacy and William Fitz-Aldelm, as that mentioned by Cambrensis. " The Irish annalists acknowledge no such submission, and the Abbot of Peterborough declares ingenuously, that the King of Connaught still continued to maintain his independence; agreeing in this with the artless historical strictures of Ireland, which distinctly mark the extent of Henry's present acquisitions, without the least appearance of disguise or partiality, and represent their Monarch as still exercising an independent sove- reignty, opposing the invaders, and at length treating with Henry, at the time, and in the manner, stated on record." In other words, about four years afterwards, or in 1173, by his ambassadors, with the Anglo-Norman King at Windsor; on which occasion he acted not merely as King of Connaught, but as Monarch, under Henry, over all Ireland, with the exception of the small portion occupied by the Anglo-Norman settlers, which was allowed to be under the administration of the Viceroy of Henry. Dr. Leland's representation of Roderic's conduct with reference to Henry, while the latter was in Ireland, is justified by the general testimony of other Anglo-Norman contemporary chroniclers as well as Benedict, viz., by that of Hoveden, Diceto, and Gervase. Among these authorities, there is no mention whatever made of any terms of submission having either emanated from, or been agreed to, by Roderic ; but, on the contrary, we find him affirming, and persisting, that he himself was the rightful Monarch of Ireland, and, as such, refusing to acknowledge or wait upon Henry ; who is stated to have consequently resolved on attacking Roderic the next summer, (that of 1172,) and completing the reduction of the island; but to have been prevented from doing so, by being unfortunately obliged to depart for England and the Continent, in the spring. The application, under such circumstances, by Cambrensis, of the prophecy, " Sextus Hibernian msnia suhuertet," to Henry's expedition to this country, is censured by King James I.'s Attorney-General for Ireland, Sir John Davies. Considering that prediction as, in every sense, more justly applicable to his royal master, who, before he ascended the English throne, and became the first universally-acknowledged British Sovereign of Ireland, was James the Sixth of Scotland, Sir John says of the prophecy " which is per- formed, " In mentioning De Courcy's expedition against dom, as "■\^toniam, armis Anglorum, hactenus tjlster in 1177, Cambrensis speaks of tliat king. incogiiitam. " — (Hib. Expug., lib. ii. cap. 16.) IRISH AKCH. SOC. 2 N 274 Notes and Illustrations. formed in the Time of lames the Sixt ; in that all the Paces," i. e. passes, " are cleared, and Places of Fastnesse laid open, which are the proper Wals and Castles of the Irish, as they were of the British in the Time of Agricola ; and withal the Irish Countries," he adds, "beino- reduced into Counties, make but one entire and undeuided Kingdome." Though Roderic is said not to have been intimidated by the unjust Bull of Adrian IV., because it was the production of an Englishman, there may, if the King- knew of the docn- ment, have been another reason, for such an alleged disregard of that Bull, on his part. The famous Irish manifesto of Donald O'Neill, &c., to Pope John XXII., describes all the Milesian Monarchs of Ireland, from the introduction of Christianity, although great benefactors to their Church, yet as " nullum in temporalihus recognoscentes superiorem." But whatever may have been Koderic's ideas respecting the pretensions of the Court of Rome to temporal power in Ireland, he appears to have so far differed in his conduct from the churchmen of his nation, as to have refused to attend upon, and do homage to, Henry while he was in Ire- land ; notwithstanding the example previously related to have been given, in that respect, by the four Archbishops of Ireland and their suffragan Bishops — including even the Primate and subordinate Prelates of the kingdom of Connaught'-. Note 68, Page 27. Violation of the Treaty of Windsor, made in 1175, hetween Henry II. and Roderic O' Conor, by the Anglo-Norman invasion, in 1177j of the kingdom of Connaught. Subsequent Anglo-Norman settlements acquired there, and fall of the O' Conors, through their own divisions, §"c. The Anglo-Normans did not wait until Roderic O'Conor's decease to invade Connaught. Although Roderic is alleged not to have violated the treaty previously mentioned as having been concluded between him and Henry in 1175 at VVindsor, yet, in 1177, under the viceroy- alty of William Fitz-Aldelm, Miles de Cogan, on the invitation of Roderic's son, Morrogh (or Murtagh), who had rebelled against his father, marched, with a hostile force, from Dublin into Connaught. The inhabitants, however, remained loyal to their old King; Cogan, after advancing as far as Tuam, found himself obliged to i-etreat ; Roderic, waiting for him, upon his return near a wood, attacked him ; and, amongst the loss of the invaders, was Morrogh, who, being taken, was, according to a punishment then practised in Ireland, England, and on the Continent, condemned to lose his eyes''. Some time after, Roderic retired into the mo- nastery ' Moore, History of Ireland, vol. ii. pp. 182- vol. iv. pp. 160, 193, 194, 201, 202, 226, 227.— 189, 194-198 Cambrensis, Hibernia Expugnata, Fordun, Seoti-Chronicon, tome iii. pp. 909-910. lib. i. cap. 32, 35, .36 Leland, Hist, of Ireland, J One of the pnnishments, frequently used by vol. i. pp. 72-73, 103-106 Benedict, Hoveden, Henry I., of England, was blinding. This he had Diceto, Gervase, and Bishop Nicholson, as refer- inflicted, amongst others, on his own cousin, the red to in Note 64 Sir John Davies's Diseoverie, Earl of Moretoil, and on a troubadour-knight, Luke &c., pp. 5o-o6. Lanigan's Eccles. Hist, of Ireland, de Barre, for satirising him in verse. Henry II., Notes and Illustrations. '-75 nastery of Cong, where he died in 1198, aged 82. The above instance of undutifulness and rebellion was, unfortunately, not the only one, against which Roderic had to struggle in his own family. In the subsequent frequent and sanguinary contentions of the O'Conors with each other for supreme power, the Anglo-Normans were invited as auxiliaries into Connaught, and obtained their settlements there, at the expense of the old inhabitants. According to Dr. Charles O'C'onor, Turlough Don, who was slain December 4th, 1406, was the last of the O'Conors, that was styled King of Connaught. And tluis, in the language of an old writer, cited by Mr. Dalton, "because they were not themselves steady to each other, they were crushed by lawless power, and the usurpation of foreigners. May God forgive them their sins !" In connexion with the undutifulness of Roderic's children towards him, it is not a little remarkable, that it should have been by the wickedness and divisions of Henry's sons, he was chiefly prevented from subduing Ireland. " This vnnatural Treason of his Sons," says Sir John Davies, " did the King expresse in an Embleme painted on his Chamber at Winchester, wherein was an Eagle, with three Eglets tyring on her Brest ; & the fourth pecking at one of her Eyes"". The bad feeling these four sons had towards each other, as well as towards their father, is thus conveyed in the curious anecdote related of one of them, Geoffroy, Count of Brittany, when requested to make peace with his father : " Des messagers," says my autho- rity, " vinrent alors le trouver de la part du vieux roi, et le presserent de mettre fin a un debat, qui n'etait avantageux qu'aux ennemis communs de sa famille. Entre autres envoyes, vint when defeated by the "Welsh in 1165, revenged himself on his "Welsh hostages, consisting of the children of the noblest families of Wales, by having the eyes of the boys rooted out, as well as the ears and noses of the girls amputated. Henry's son, Richard I., or Coem- de Lion, and Philip Augus- tus, King of France, diu-ing the war between them, which commenced in 1194, frequently preferred putting out tlieir prisoners' eyes to ransoming tlieni. After the deatli of Donald O'Brien, King of Tho- mond, inU94, the Anglo-Xormans, having invaded his dominions and taken his son, IMurtogh, prisoner, deprived him of his eyes. More tlian two centu- ries afterwards, under the reign of Henry IV. in England, an Act was passed to make tliat prac- tice a felony, in wliicli it is spoken of, as a crime that was '* very frequent." On the other hand, we read of Dermod Mac Murrough, in 1 140, having the eyes plucked out of several of the nobility of Leinster. Mac Gilla Patrick, Prince of Ossory, inflicted a similar punishment upon Dermod's son. Roderic O'Conor, to hinder two of his brothers from ever becoming his rivals for power, caused their eyes to be put out ; besides afterwards con- demning his son Morrogh to a like fate. In men- tioning the blinding of the young Emperor of Con- stantinople, John Lascaris, in 1261, by Michael Palicologus, and, at the same time, alkiding to the freciuency of such a crime amongst the modern Greeks, or Romans as they styled tliemselves. Gib- bon says — " The word ubacinaTe, in Latin and Ita- lian, has furnished Ducange (Gloss. Latin.) witli an opportunity to rerievv the various modes of blinding: the more violent were scooping, burn- ing witli an iron or hot vinegar, and binding the head with a strong cord, till tlie eyes burst from their sockets." — (Lingard's History of England, vol. ii. chap. iii. pp. 1,34, 147-148, chap. v. pp. 225- 227, chap. vi. pp. .343-344. — Moore, History of Ireland, vol. ii. pp. 199, 200, 217, 298-299 Lani- gan. Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol. iv. pp. 234-233, 324-326 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, &c., chap. Ixii. note 22, p. 1094.) *^ Sir John quotes for this expressive anecdote, *' The Booke of Howth. Manits.'^ but should rather have cited Knighton, as subsequently referred to. 2 N 276 Notes and Illustrations. vint un clerc normand, qui, tenant une croix a la main, supplia le comte Geoffrey d'epargner le sang des Chretiens, et de ne point iraiter le crime d'Absolon — ' Quoi ! tu voudrais,' lui repondit le jeune homme, ' que je me dessaisisse de mon droit de naissance ?' — ' A Dieu ne plaise, mon seigneur,' repliqua le pretre, ' je ne veux rlen a votre detriment.' — ' Tu ne com- prends pas mes paroles,' dit alors le comte de Bretagne ; ' il est dans la destinee de notrefa- mille que nuns ne nous aiinions pas I'un I'autre. C'est la notre heritage, et aucun de nous n'lj renoncera jamais.' " The final melancholy results, to Henry, of such sentiments, in his children, are thus described, by the same learned historian, M. Thierry. " A ses derniers moments, on I'entendait profurer des paroles entrecoupees qui faisaient allusion a ses malheurs, et a la conduite de ses fils ; ' Honte,' s'ecriait-il, 'honte a un roi vaincu ! Maudit soit lejour 011 je suis ne, et maudits de Dieu soient les fils que je laisse.' Les eveques et les gens de reli- gion qui I'entouraient firent tous leurs efforts pour lui faire retracter cette malediction centre ses enfans ; mais il y persista jusqu'au dernier soupir"'. Note 69, Page 27. The Irish generally asserted, to have been obliged to lake refuge in forests, mountains, and other inaccessible places, in order to preserve a remnant of their liberty. How far was that notion true ? In this statement respecting the old Irish, and that introductory to it, the writer seems to have had his eye upon the Latin manifesto, presented, in the name of Donald O'Neill, King of Ulster, and the native Irish in general, to Pope John XXII., in Edward II.'s reign, when Edward de Bruce, brother to Robert de Bruce, King of Scotland, was invited over to Ireland, to become its Sovereign, and to expel the Anglo-Normans. Having complained to Pope John, that his predecessor, Adrian IV., by his agreement with Henry II. respecting the Irish, " crudelioribus omnium bestiarum dentibus tradidit lacerandos," and having men- tioned that " qui ex nobis dolosarum vulpium & gulosorum luporum excoriati dentes morti- feros infeliciter semivivi evaserunt, in dolorosse servitutis violenter descenderunt abbissum," this Irish manifesto adds: "Ab illo enim tempore, quo Anglici, ocoasione collacionis pr;cdictEe, sub quadam exterior! sanctitatis ac religionis specie, regni nostri fines nequiter intrarunt, totis viribus omnique perfidia, qua poterant arte, nostram gentem delere penitus & extirpare radicitus sunt conati, & per turpes & fraudulentas hastucias in tantum contra nos praevalu- erunt, quod, ejectis nobis violenter, sine superioris autoritate, de spaciosis habitationibus nostris ' Cambrensis, Hibernia Expugnata, lib. ii. cap. pp. 23-87, &c. — Dalton's Annals of Boyle, vol. i. 17. — Annals of the Foiu- Masters at 1177, &c pp. 133, 134. — Sir John Davies's Discoverie, &c., Moore, History of Ireland, vol. ii. pp. 298-299, p. 56. — Henrici Knigliton, Canonici Lejcestrensis, 339-340. — Lanigan, Ecclesiastical History of Ire- Chronica de Eventibus Angliae, &c., ap. Historia; land, vol. iv. pp. 234-235. ^ Lingard, History of Anglicanse Scriptores X., p. 2393 — Histoire de England, vol. ii. chap. v. pp.260-2G3 Dr. O'Co- la Conquete de I'Angleterre par les Normands, nor's Memoirs of Charles O'Conor of Belanagare, livre x. tome iii. pp. 54, 55, 78, &c. Notes and Illustrations. 277 nostris & hereditate paterna, montana, silvestria ao paludosa loca et inutilia, eciam petrarum cavernas, pro salvanda vita nos petere, & longo tempore ad instar bestiarum in eisdem habi- tare, eoegerunt. Sed & in talibus locis nos incessanter inquietant, &, quantum possunt, ni- tuntur nos eicere de eisdem, & omnem locum nostri habitacionis sibi indebite usurpare, ex profundae cjecitatis insania mendacitei" asserentes, nullum locum habitacionis liberura nobis in Hibernia deberi, sed sibi ipsis dicta terra totaliter «Sc tota de jure debetur^. Unde, propter haec & multa alia similia, inter nos & illos implacabiles inimiciciae & guerrse perpetuae sunt exortae. Ex quibus secuti sunt occisiones mutu;c, depr^daciones assiduae, rapinae continuas, fraudes & perfidia; detestabiles, & nimis crebra'." The manifesto gives this account of the principles, which.it affirms, that the "settlers," both lay and clerical, maintained, as to the existence of a right, on their part, to exercise a constant system of destruction and spoliation upon the native Irish ; and (at this period, of about 200 years previous to the Reformation,) the same document classes the professors of such principles with heretics. " Dogmatizent enim hmretice non solum illorura laici & seculares," observes this docu- ment, "sed eciam quidam religiosi ipsorum, quod non magis est peccatum interficere homi- nem Hiberniacura, quam unum canem, aut quodlibet aliud animal brutum. Et, in hujusmodi opposicionis hcereticte assercionem, quidam illorum monachi affirmant intrepide, quod si contin- geret ipsos, sicut ssepe contingit, quod hominera Hiberniacum interficerent, ob hoc non desis- terent a celebracione'' eciam uno die. Et sicut indubitanter monachi Cistersiensis ordinis de Granardo Ardmacanensis diocesis necnon & monachi de insula ejusdem ordinis Dunensis diocesis e This doctrine, as to the original Irish, in gene- left to bee graunted to the Natives .'" Tlie Anglo- ral, having NO claim at all to Ireland, may have been Norman patentees, or English adventurers under deduced, by the Anglo-Norman and their subordi- them, hence assuming that thei/ had acquired a right nate Saxon or English settlers, from the double to the whole island, and the old Irish naturally circumstance of the sovereignty over Ireland having acknowledging «o such right at their expense, the been transferred to their King Henry, and his sue- sword should necessarily decide the matter between cessors, by the Popes, or Heads of the Chiu'ch, and them, as it accordingly did, for several successive from the manner in which Henry himself acted centm'ies. The question of the ownership of the upon this sovereignty, by the grants which he made land of England was much sooner settled there by to his principal Anglo-Norman followers in Ire- its Norman or other French conquerors, than that land — in equal contempt of his engagements with of the land of Ireland was by its Anglo-Norman or the Irish Princes who submitted to him, and disre- English invaders (Sir John Davies's Discuverie, gard of any title of the original inhabitants of Ire- &c., pp. g.^i-ge, 100-101.— Notes61-64, &c.— O'Sul- land to their own country. Respecting those grants livan Beare's Historise Catholicie Iberniie Com- of Henry, Sir John Davies, after specifying the pendium, pp. 116-117. — O'Conor's Dissertations few Anglo-Norman chiefs, among whom they were on the History of Ireland, pp. 53-54 — Tlie Book made, says : " Thus was all Ireland cantonized of Obits and Martyrology of Christ Church, Dub- among teime Persons of the English Nation ; and lin, preface, p. xxxiv. — Rev. Matthew Kelly's thogh they had not gained the Possession of one Cambrensis Eversus, vol. i. p. 216.) third Part of the whole Kingdom, yet m TtV/e (/iey '' *' Celebracione divinorum eciam." — Manu- were Owners and Lords of all, so as Nothing was script, Uarl. 278 Notes and Illustrations. diocesis, quod verbis prsedicant, invericundo opere complent. Nam Hibernicos publice ar- mati invadunt, & occidunt & niohilominus suas celebrant missas. Et similiter frater Simon de ordine Minorura, Coverensis episcopi frater germanus, istius hceresiii prjecipuus est dog- matizator, qui anno proximo preterite, in curia nobilis Domini, Domini Edwardi de Broyse (Bruce) Comitis de Carrik, ex maligni cordis habundancia, silere non valens, in priEsencia dicti Domini, prout idem testatur, in hujusmodi prsedicacionis verba impudenter prorupit viz. non est peccatum hominem Hiberniacum interficere, & si ipsemet idem commiteret, non minus ob hoc missam celebraret. Et ex ista hceresi prava in alium incidentes errorem, omnes in- differenter, tam seculares quam regulares, pertinaciter asserunt, sibi lioitura fore vi & arniis auferre de terris & posscssionibus oniniphariis (juicquid possunt, nullam super hoc eciam in mortis articulo sibi conscienciam facientes" '- However, though but too many of the old Irish, belonging to the clans or septs in the vicinity of the Anglo-Norman or English settlements, would appear to have been reduced to a very low condition by such principles and hostilities on the side of the " settlers," still to suppose that all the native Irish were reduced to such a state, by anything that could have been effected against them, as a body, by the mere power of the colonists, would be to form but a one-sided, and, consequently, an erroneous, judgment on the subject. A broader, and, so far, a juster, view of the condition of the old Irish amongst themselves, and with reference to their colonial enemies, from the age of Henry II. to that of Elizabeth, is given by Mr. O'Conor of Belanagare. " During the times of desolation," he observes, " from Henry II. to those of Elizabeth, the manners, customs, and condition, of the Irish, proceeded from bad to worse ; seldom from bad to better. Their own ancient laws were, for the most part, usele.ss, hurtful, or imprac- ticable ; and they were thrown out of the protection of those of England. Political art, feeble in planning, and lazy in executing, the good of society, is generally successful in undertakings for its destruction. The whole of this art, for 330 years, in this kingdom, was exhausted in schemes for oppressing the natives, without remorse or mercy : and this plan was carried on with so much rage, that all the purposes of dividing this devoted people were, for a long time, in a great degree, disappointed. The Irish re-entered most of the countries they had lost, and reduced the English Pale to narrow limits, wherein the possessors were strait- ened from the continued hostilities of the borderersJ, who became very expert soldiers, and, indeed, the best in the kingdom. " During ' Compare Note 64, p. 259, and Note 279, passim. dwell by NycoU Forest and so upwai'd to Biirwyke J Their necessarily rude and wild way of life, by-yonde the Water of Twede lyueth in much may be illustrated by what Dr. Andrew Borde Pouerte & Penurye, hauyinge no Howses but suehe says, in Henry VIII.'s reign, of the condition of as a Man may buylde wythin thre or iiii Houi'es, the Scotch population on the " border," or hostile he and his Wyfe and his Horse standeth all in one frontier, of England. The Doctor, who tells us of Kome. In these Pai'tyes be many Out-Lawes and his " beyng there," says, — " The Borders of Scot- strong Theues, for muche of their Lyuing standeth land toward England, as they the which doeth by Stelyiug and Kobbyng. Also it is natiu-ally Notes and Illustrations. 279 " During this long period, the spirit of ancient manners shot a gleam through the chaos of anarchy, in which it was enveloped. History can aft'ord some such examples. The clergy and the bards had a mighty influence. It was impossible that they could preserve the people, nay themselves, from the consequences of a general degeneracy, in a state of lawless usurpa- tions : but a retention of some ancient manners prevented them from sinking into absolute barbarism, much less a state of savageness, what a very able historian of our own time has repeatedly charged them with. " The historian we mean is Mr. David Hume, who trusted to the accounts of avowed enemies, and recommended the abuse of this people, by the vigour of his style, and strength of his colouring. Stanihurst, a less embittered enemy, would inform him better ; not to men- tion many other contemporary writers, who are still more impartial. ' A coarse and vulgar opinion is generally prevalent, (says Stanihurst) that these Irishmen have divested themselves of all humanity, and wander dispersed and scattered, through the thickest forests, that finally, they lead, uncontrolled, in brutal licentiousness, a horrid and uncultivated existence. But they, who defame them with such calumnious railings, are evidently partizans of falsehood, in opposition to the clearest truth." " The monasteries and schools," adds Mr. O'Conor, of the native Irish, during the middle ages, " kept the remains of learning and humanity alive among them. Their seminaries were unmolested in times of the fiercest hostilities between the chieftains : and no disgrace could prove more ruinous to any party at war, than the violation of those sanctuaries. This admi- rable prejudice prevailed over foreign violence and domestic depravity, at all times : and to its obstinacy we owe what sh7Z remains of their ancient history and literature"''. Mr. O'Conor, however, in this last paragraph, should have used less general and absolute terms. Note 70, Page 28. Many of the English settlers in Ireland being obliged to go over to England, to aid their friends there, in the civil war between the Houses of York and Lancaster, this proves of great service to the Irish. We see, from what Davies mentions respecting the condition of the English in Ireland in the reign of Henry VI., under whom the war above alluded to between the rival houses of York and Lancaster broke out, that, though this war was one cause for diminishing the strength of the English settlers here, yet that their own weakness, and the successes of the Irish against geuen or els it is of a deuyUyshe Dysposicion of a nia-Anglicana, vol. i. pp. 128-129, 131.— Froissart Scotysh Ma not to loue nor fauoiu' an Englishe Ma," ap. Moore as above-cited Grace's Annals of Ire- &c (The Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge land, by the Rev. Richard Butler, M. K. I. A. , pp. by Andi-ew Borde ; London reprint, R. & A. Tay- 154-155 Sir John Davies's Discoverie, &e., pp. lor. Shoe Lane, 1814.) 83-84 O'Conor's Dissertations on the History of 'Moore's History of Ireland, vol. iii. pp. 51- Ireland, sect. xi. pp. 148, 149, 150 Campion's 77, 109-111, 124-125 — Fordun, Scoti-Chronicon, Historie of Ireland, chap. x. pp. 187, 193-196, 197- tom. iii. pp. 906, 909, 912, 914, 926.— Cox's Hiber- 203 : Dublin, 1809. 28o Notes and Illustrations. against them before the commencement of that contest, were also causes for many of those colonists having preferred to seek their fortune in England, rather than remain at home. " Dvring the Minority of Henry the sixt," says Sir John, " and for the Space of seuen or eio-ht Yeares after, the Lieutenants and Deputies made only a bordering Warre vpon the Irish, with small and scattered Forces ; howbeit, because there came no Treasure out of England to pay the Soldier, the poore English Subject, did beare the Burthen of the Men of Warre in euery Place, & were thereby so weakned and impouerished, as the State of Thinges in Ireland, stood very desperate." Sir John adds, that " the natiue Subiects of Ireland seeing the King- dome vtterly ruined, did passe in such Numbers into England, as one Law was made in Eng- land, to transmit them backe againe ; and another Law made heere, to stop their Passage in euery Port and Creeke." He afterwards tells us, that '' when the ciuil Warre betweene the two Houses was kindled ; the Kings of England were so farre from reducing al the Irish vnder their Obedience, as they drew out of Ireland (to strengthen their Parties) al the Nobility and Gentry descended of English Race : which gaue Opportunitie to the Irishry, to inuade the Lands of the English Colonies, and did hazard the Losse of the whole Kingdom." Finally, in reference to the great rival Anglo-Irish races of the Fitzgeralds, or Geraldines, and the Butlers, or Ormondes, he states, that "those two noble Houses of Ireland, did seuerally follow the two Royall Houses of England ; the Giraldines adhering to the House of Yorke, and the Butlers to the House of Lancaster. Whereby it came to passe, that not onely the principall Gentlemen of both those Surnames, but all their Friendes and Dependants, did pass into England, leaving their Lands and Possessions to be ouer-run by the Irish"'. Note 71, Page 28. During the wars betn-een the White and Red Roses in England, the Irish attack and recover, or reduce to tribute, most of the territory that had been taken from them, Sj-c. The Attorney-General of James I., in speaking of the fastnesses in which the bordering Irish defended themselves, until they found means to reconquer so much of the country, which had been wrested from them by the Anglo-Norman colonists, or their successors, says : " The first Adventurers intending to make a- full Conquest of the Irish, were deceiued in the Choyse of the fittest Places for their Plantation. For they sate down, and erected their Castles and Habitations in the Plaines and open Countries ; wher they found most fruitfull and profitable Lands, and turned the Irish into the Woods S)- Mountains ; which, as they were proper Places for Out-lawes and Theeues, so were they their naturall Castles and Fortifications ; thither they draue their Preyes and Stealths : there they lurkt and lay in Waite to doe Mischiefe. These Fast-places they kept vnknowne, by making the Wayes and Entries thereunto empassable; there they kept their Creaghts or Heardes of Cattle, lining by the Milke of the Cowe, without Hus- bandry or Tillage ; there they encreased and multiplied vnto infinite Numbers, by promiscuous Generation among themselues ; there they made their Assemblies and Conspiracies without Discouery : 1 Sir John Davies's Discoverie, &c., pp. 41-43, 64-65. Notes and Illustrations. 281 Discouery : but they discouered the Weaknes of the English dwelling in the open Plaines, and thereupon made their Sallies and Retraites with great Aduantage." Thus, was a state of things existing, to a certain extent, in Ireland, between the ancient or Celtic Irish driven into the fastnesses, and the Teutonic colonies established by the Anglo- Norman government in the plains, resembling that which existed in Scotland between its High- land or Celtic population (the descendants of the old Irish) and the Teutonic Scotch of the Lowlands, planted there by the Scottish Kings, to the exclusion of the more ancient or Celtic population of the country. Referring to the Scottish Celt», or Highlanders, M. Thierry says of that population, in connexion with the recollections, which it retained of such a dispos- session : " EUe le savait, et se souvenait que les plaines occupees par ces nouveaux venus avaient ete jadis la propriete de ses aieux : elle les ha'issait comme usurpateurs, et ne leur donnait point le nom de Scots, sous lequel les etrangers les confondaient avec elle, mais celui de Sassenachs, c'est-a-dire Saxons, parce que, de quelque origine qu'ils fussent, tous parlaient la langue anglaise. Longtemps les enfans des Gaels regardcrent comme de simples repre- sailles les incursions de guerre et de pillage faites sur les basses terres d'Ecosse : ' Nous sommes les beritiers des plaines,' disaient-ils, 'ilest juste que nous reprenions nos biens.' Cette hostilite nationale, dont les habitants de la plaine redoutaient vivement les eft'ets, les rendait toujours disposes a provoquer, de la part des rois d'Ecosse, toutes sortes de mesures arbitraires et tyranniques, pour miner I'independance des montagnards." Concerning the recovery, by the original Irish, of those territories of which the text speaks of the natives as having been "so unjustly deprived," the Anglo-Irish annalist, Cox, with very opposite feelings on the matter, observes, in his account of the transactions of Henry VI.'s reign : "The Publick Revenue was but very low, because the whole Kingdom was in Possession of the Irish, except the Pale, and some few places on the Sea- Coast in Ulster; and even that was so far from being quiet, that they were fain to buy their Peace by yearly Pen- sions to the Irish, and to pay Tribute and Contributions to them for Protection ; which never- theless was but very ill observed to the English. It cannot be expected I should give the Reader an exact List of all that did pay this scandalous Contribution, and yet I am not willing to conceal from him the Account I have met with, which is as follows : lib. The Barony of Lecale, to ONeal of Clandehoij per annum . . '20 The County of Uriel, to ONeal 40 The County of 3/(;«M, to OConzior 60 The County of 7u Ware, to O Connor 20 The King's Exchequer, to Mac Morough, 80 Marks. The County of Wexfurd, to Mac Morough 40 The Counties of Kilkenny and Typerary, to OCarol .... 40 The County of Limerick, to OBrian 40 The Co\xnt-^ oi Cork, lo Mac Carty oi Mttskry 40." 300 IRISH ARCH. SOC. 2 O The 282 Notes and Illustrations. The causes, to which, under such circumstances, English power has been considered as indebted for existing at all in Ireland, are thus explained by Dr. Leland, under the reigns of Henry V. and Henry VI., or between 1413 and 1471. Having noted, under the former reign, respecting the old Irish Chieftains and their clans, that " they were contented, in the distant quarters of the island, to rule their petty septs, to maintain their state and consequence against their neighbours, to enjoy the honour and advantage of trifling victories, to execute their revenge, or to pursue their local interests," — that " their aversion to the English was, by this time, scarcely more national, than their aversion to the rival septsof their own race," and that, " had the whole Irish race arisen as one man against the subjects of the crown of England, they must have instantly destroyed them," &c the Doctor says of those English subjects : " But the truth is, this little handful of men, for such they were, when compared to the body of original natives, had the same ground of security with any of the particular Irish septs. They had enemies at all sides, but these were enemies to each other, nor were any concerned to espouse the quarrels of their neighbours, or mortified by their defeats. Some- times, indeed, when a particular sept was in danger of total ruin from the victory of some English forces, their neighbours were persuaded to come to their rescue, '/or the sake of the Irish language' (as the manuscript annals express it), but without engaging further, and without conceiving themselves bound by one general, permanent interest." Then, or under the next reign, having remarked of the English in Ireland, how their " only method to secure peace and protection was to treat with the turbulent Irish chieftains as superiors," — and how consequently, in the North and South, such " chieftains received annual tributes from their English neighbours," — the Doctor adds of those Irish potentates : " Their pride was fully gratified by what they deemed the great mark of sovereignty, and the English, as a particular sept, were suffered to live unmolested, under the protection of other particular septs, who pursued their own private contests undisturbed, with a fastidious disregard of the aifairs of the Saxons (as they were called)." Meantime, the English, first, in their long war against France, and, next, in that between the two roses, were occupied, with about as little policy as profit on their part, — the former contest, or that to place their King on the throne of France, only tending, if successful, to render England subordinate to France, since there, as being the larger kingdom of the two, a Sovereign of' both should reside, — the latter contest, or that between the rival dynasties of York and Lancaster, so ftir resembling the hostilities of the Irish against one another, as to be one of English against English, for mutual destruction. That the power of the Pale, which (to speak in general terms) was supposed to consist of the districts of Louth (or Uriel), Meath, Kildare, and Dublin, continued to decline, while the tributes paid to the Irish Chieftains increased, until a later period, or the year 1315, appears by the State Papers of the reign of Henry VIII. " Ther is," observe those docu- ments, "no Folke dayly subgett to the Kinges Lawes, but Half the Countye of Uryeil, Half the Countye of Meath, Half the Countye of Dublyn, Half the Countye of Kyldare." Of these, it is noted, — " All the comyn Peoplle of the said Halff Countyes, that obeyeth the Kinges Laws, for the more Part ben of Iryshe Byrthe, of Iryshe Habyte, and of Iryshe Langage." Of Notes and Illustrations. 283 Of the number and power of the native Irish Chieftains it is remarked: " And fyrst of all, to make His Grace understande that there byn more then 60 Countryes called Regyons, in Ireland, inhabytyd with the Kinges Irishe Enymyes : some Region as bygge as a Shyre, some more, some lesse, unto a Lytyll ; some as bygge as Halffe a Shyre, and some a Lytyll lesse ; where reygneith more then CO Chyef Capytaines, wherof some callyth themselffes Kynges, some Kynges Peyres, in their Langage, some Prynceis, some Dukes, some Archedukes, that lyveyth onely by the Swerde, and obeyeth to no other temperall Person, but onely to himself that is stronge : and every of the said Capytaynes makeyth Warre and Peace for hymself, and holdeith by Swerde, and hathe imperiall Jurysdyction within his Rome [realm], and obeyeth to noo other Person, Englyshe ne Iryshe, except only to suche Persones, as may subdue hym by the Swerde" "'. On the tributes paid to the Irish Chieftains from so many districts formerly in subjection to the Anglo-Norman settlers, or their successors, it is added: " Here folowith the names of th Englyshe Countyes, that here Trybute to thewylde Irish. " The Baronye of Lecchahill" in the Countye of Wolster" to the Capytayne of Clanhuboyp, payeth yerely 40£, orells to O'neyll, whether of them be strongeist. " The Countye of Uryell payeth yerely to the great Oneyll'' 40=£. "The Countye of Meathe payeth yerely to O'Chonour' 300£. " The Countye of Kyldare payeth yerely to the said O'Chonour 20£. "The Kinges Excheker p:iyeth yerely to McMurho", 80 markes. "The Countye of Wexford payeth yerely to McMurho and to Arte Oboy' 40£. " The Countye of Kilkennye and the Countye of Tipperarye payen yerely to Okerwyll" 40£. " The Countye of Lymbrik payeth yerely to Obroyne Arraghe', in Englyshe Money, 40£. " The same Coimtye of Lymbrik payeth yerely to the great Obroyne"', in Englyshe Money, 40£. " The Countye of Corke to Cormoke McTeyge" payeth yerely, in Englyshe Money, 40£. "Summa740£." Thus " It is alleged, that there were likewise in Ire- or Claneboy, most probably also alluded to in the land "30 greate Captaines of tlie Englislie noble previous paragraph. Folke," observing "the same Iryshe Ordre," of "■ O'Conor of Offaley, King's County, making peace and war at will! Above 90 "greate ' Or O'Kavenagh of Idrone, in the west of tlie Captaines,' ' or in the proportion of about 3 to each County Carlow. of our present 32 Counties, between three and foiu' ' A junior branch of the Mae Moroughs, settled centuries after what has been styled the " Con- at Eiiniscorthy, County Wexford, quest " of Ireland ! u O' Carrol of Ely, the present Barony of Eglish, " Lecale, County Down. in the south of the King's County. " Ulster ! i- O'Brien of Ara, a territory to tlie east of the P A Chieftainship of one of the O'Neills, in the Shannon, County Tipperary. south-west of the County Antrim, and north of the « O' Brien of Toybrien, in the Barony of Ibrikin, County Down. County Clare. <■ Of Tyrone, the head of all his name, and, as " Otherwise Mac Carthy of Muskerry, County distinguished from the " Captayne of Clanliuboy," Cork. 2O2 284 Notes and Illustrations. Thus, these tributes to the Irish Chieftains, which, in the reign of Henry VI., were but £300 per annum, besides the eighty marks a year from the Anglo-Irish Exchequer to Mac Mo- rough, had increased in 1515, or under Henry VIII., to considerably above twice as much, or £740 a year of the money of that age, besides the same pension to Mac Morough ! Such exac- tions would appear to have been generally continued until the year 1536, when Cox mentions the Anglo-Irish or Pale Parliament, as passing " An Act to suppress all Tributes, Pensions, and Irish Exactions, claimed by the Irish, from To%vns or Persons, for Protection." Even still later, or until 1543, tributes of this kind seem to have been paid in some districts. For, in an Indenture cited from the Red Book of Henry's Privy Council for Ireland, dated September 2Gth of that year, or the thirty-fourth of that Monarch's reign, and concluded with " Dom. Barry, alias Great Barry, Mac Carty more, Dom. de Rupe alias Lord Roch, Mac Carthy Reagh, Thadeum Mac Curmock Dom. de Muskry, Barry Oge, alias the young Barry, O'Sullemn Bear, sua Nation. Capit. Donald. O Sullevan sna> Nation. Primum, Barry roe, alias the Red Barry, MacDonough de Allow sua Nation. Capit. Donaldum OCallagkane Naliords sua; primum"^, &c., the eighth article agreed to, with the King's government, by those J Till tlie fall of the old system of society in Ire- land, a man's tribe or clan was considered his na- tion, and the rulers or cliiefs, even of subordinate clans, were known as the captains or heads of their respective nations. The O'Callaghans, according to Charles O' Conor of Belanagare, in his letter to Bryan O'Conor Kerry, were one of tlie Munster clans, that used to march, under Mac Carthy More, into the field, at the call of the Earl of Desmond; and of those clans, and the others, appointed to do so likewise, under Mac Carthy Reagh, Mr. O'Co- nor remai'ks: "There was a spirit of rivalship among those ancient families, which excited among them great enthusiasm on the day of battle, and no power which the English could send against them could have availed, if they had not been fatally split into diil'erent factions, which prepared an easy conquest for an united enemy, and made a wide breach, long before there was an attack." The Barony of Cineal-Aedha, now Kinelea, in the south of the County Cork, was, previous to the Anglo-Norman intrusion of Robert Fitzstephen and Milo de Cogan, in the twelfth century, the seat of the O'Callaghans. In later times, Pobble O'Cal- laghan, situated west of Mallow, along both sides of the Black water, and comprehending the present Parishes of Kilshannick and Clonmeen, was the territory of the chief Ijranch of the O'Callaghans in the County Cork, where they built several cas- tles, the ruins of which still remain. The O'Cal- laghans survived the Elizabethean or Tyrone war, and, at the periodof the Parliamentarian or Crom- wellian contest, appear as one of the most wealthy, powerful, loyal, and gallant races in Munster. The head of the name, Donat or Donough O' Callaghan, who was possessed of large estates and several cas- tles, was distinguished as a member of the Sove- reign Council of Kilkenny, and in other posts of the civil magistracy, amongst his countrymen ; while, in the national army, of which his brother. Colonel Callaghan O' Callaghan, was a brave and skilful officer, there were, according to Dr. Cal- laghan, above 500 of the name, of the rank of gen- tlemen. The Doctor's words, writing in France, in December, 1652, are: '* De la seule branchedes CaUaghans de Muskry dont je suis, il s'est trouue plus de deux cens gentilshommes sous les armes en lfi41, & de I'autre plus de trois cens, tons combat- tans pour la foy catholique," — of whom, he adds, *' sont morts vn tres grand nombre de mes proches parents, mesme de mes neveux." By the fatal re- sults of that contest, as well to the old Irish in general, as to the royal cause, almost all of the O'Callaghans, on this side of the Shannon, were Notes and Illustrations. 285 those Irish potentates is, "That they will not exact any Black Rents, for the future, from the Inhabitants o/Cork, Youghal, or Kingsale." It may be noted, in a work connected with the Revolution of 1688, that, in the history of these islands, we read, so late as the year 1601, of plans to pacify Celtic Chieftains by money, in ruined. Amongst these, about Cashel, in the County Tipperary, (the old capital of the Kings of Munster, hence styled " Cashel," or more pro- perly " Caiseal, of the kings" and whence the fa- mous King of Munster, Callaghan, the first of the name, deceased in 954, is linown in history as Callaghan Cashel,) the great-great-grandfather of the writer of this note was comfortably situated, when he, with others, was turned, from house and home, adrift on the world, by the usiu'per, Oliver Cromwell. Hence, in the reign of King James, and the next Irish war, or that of the Revolution, the comparatively small number of gentlemen of the name, to be found in the national army. Ac- cording to thespelbng of the documents containing them, they were as follows : — Infantry. — Donogh O'Callaghan was Lieute- nant-Colonel inthe Regiment of ColonelJohn Bar- rett ; Thady ( or Thadeus ) Callaghan was Caj)- tain in the Regiment of the Honourable Nicholas Brown, afterwards second Earl of Kenmare ; Der- mot O'Callaghan was Captain in the Regiment of the Honourable Charles O'Brien, afterwards fifth Lord Clare ; Dennis Callahan was Lieutenant in the Regiment of Alexander Mac Donnell, third Earl of Antrim ; Cornelius Callaghan and Cal- laghan Mc Callaghan were Lieutenants in the Regi- ment of the Honourable Nicholas Brown ; Charles Callaghane and Auliffe Calahan were Ensigns in the Regiment of Lieutenant-General Justin Mac Carthy, Lord Mountcashel ; Owen Callahane and John Mc Callaghan were Ensigns in the Regiment of the Honoui'able Nicholas Brown ; John Calla- hane was Ensign in the Regiment of Colonel John Barrett ; Calla O' Callaghaji was Ensign in the Re- giment of the Honourable Charles O'Brien; and Callagh Mac Callaghan was likewise an Ensign, though in what Regiment is not specified. Horse — Cornelius Callaghan was Captain in the Regiment of Colonel Hugh Sutherland ; and Callahan Macallahan, Cornet in the Regiment of Vere Essex, Earl of Ardglass. Dh.\goons Callaghane was Major in the Regiment of Major-Gcneral Thomas Maxwell. These make sixteen commissioned officers of the name in the King's army ; of whom thirteen were in the infayitry, two in tlie horse, and one in the dragoons. After the conclusion of tliat contest by the Treaty of Limerick in October, 1691, and the consequent departure of such of the Irish to the Continent, as would not acknowledge the legitimacy of the change of dynasty eft'ected by the Revolution, we find the name of O'Callaghan in the Army, the Church, and at Com't, honourably mentioned in Spain, France, and Germany. At home, the heail of a branch settled at Shanbally, County Tipperary, and that, as being of the established religion, adliered to the Protestant succession in tlie House of Hanover, was, towards the end of the last century, enrolled amongst the few representatives of the ancient royal names of the country, to be found in its mo- dern Peerage. After being several years Member for the Borough of Fethard, County Tipperary, in the Irish House of Commons, Cornelius O'Cal- laghan, Esq., was ennobled, under King George III., by privy seal, at St. James's, May 5th, by patent, at Dublin, June 27th, 1785, and, on the ,30th, took his seat in the Irish House of Lords, as "Lord Baron Lismore of Shanbally, in the County of Tip- perary." The second and present Lord Lismore, likewise named Cornelius, and born October 2nd, 1775, succeeded his father July 20th, 1797. His Lordship's brother, the late Lieutenant-General, the Honourable Sir Robert William O'Callaghan, G. C. B., born in October, 1777, and deceased in June, 1840, was the greatest modern military re- presentative of the name. From November, 1794, w hen he entered the army, he spent 4fJ years in the service, during which he highly signaUzed himself 286 Notes and Illustrations. in the case of William III.'s government in Scotland, and the heads of the Highland clans, who were the adherents of James II. Having mentioned how, with the "winter" of that year, the Highlanders " recommenced their hostilities," upon which, Lord Breadalbane, a member of William's government in Scotland, set on foot " a scheme for settling the High- lands," Dalrymple says ;" The scheme was, that a pardon and £12,000 should be given to the Hio-hlanders in arms, most of which money was to be applied to discharge the claims of the Earl of Argyle upon their estates; and that pensions should be given to all the Highland chieftains in Scotland, under a condition of their holding 4U0O of their people disciplined for war, and readij at a call, to serve at home or abroad : a plan of much wisdom," adds this writer, " and bv which, had it been carried into execution, the rebellions in the years 1715 and 1745 might have been prevented, with the five hundredth part of the expense, which it cost the English nation to subdue them"'. Note 72, in the wars against Napoleon, and was finally Com- mander-in-Chief of the Forces in Scotland and India. His Military Honours were a Cross for the battles of Slaida, Vittoria, the Pyrenees, and the Nivelle, with two Clasps for the battles of the Nive and Orthes. His private character as a man was not less esteemed than his professional one as a soldier. Subordinate off-shoots of the O'Callaghau race may be found, in oui' days, in the legislatiu'e, the magistracy, the army, the law, and business; and, since Dr. Callaghan's time, the name has not been unknown in Irish literature. — (The Remains of William Phelan, D. D., vol. ii. p. 62 — Dr. O'Co- nor's Memoirs of Charles O' Conor of Belanagare, pp. 226-233. — Key. Matthew Kelly's Cambrensis Eversus, vol. i. pp. 267-268. — Dr. O'Brien's Irisli- English Dictionary, p. 366 : Dublin, 1832 — Dr. Smith's History of Cork, vol. i. pp. 34, 294-300.— Kevelations of Ireland, by Daniel Owen Madden, Esq., p. 186 Lieutenant-General Ludlow's Me- moirs, vol. i. p. 91 : Edinburgh, 1751 Documents in French, &c., cited amongst the authorities to Note 20. — Family Information Dr. Lanigan's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, vol. i. pp. 279- 280. O'Donovan's Book of Eights for the Irish Celtic Society, p. 15, &c O'Donovan's Circuit of Ireland, &c., for the Irish Archaeological So- ciety, pp. 41-46, 64 List of the Oificers of King James II.'s Irish Army in MSS. of Trinity Col- lege, Dublin, as specified in Note 2 Secretary of State's Manuscript Book of Correspondence for Ireland, in State Paper Office, London. — Dr. Smith's History of Kerry, pp. 45-48. — Archdall's Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, vol. i. pp. 211-212, vol. ii. pp. 33-34, vol. vii. jjp. 243-246 Harris's Lifeof King WilUam III., appendix, p. vii — King's State of the Protestants of L'eland, &c., p. 277. — Mac Geoghegan's Histoire de I'li'lande, tome iii. pp. 680-681, 748-749. — Chevalier de Bellerive's Histoire des Dernieres Campagnes de Son Altesse Serenissme, Monseigneui' le Due de Vendosme, &c., pp. 226-227.— O'Conor's Military History of the Irish Nation, pp. 353-354. — Memoires du Ma- rechal de Berwick, tome ii. pp.220-221 — Burke's Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Peer- age and Baronetage of the British Empire, pp. 618-619. — United Service Journal, vol. xxxiii. pp. 530-533.) ' Sir John Davies's Discoverie, &c., pp. 112-113. — Histoire de la Conquete de I'Angleterre par les Normands, par Augustin Thierry, livre viii. tome ii. pp. 187-193, &c. : Bruxelles et Liege, 1841 Cox's Hibernia Anglicana, vol. i. pp. 137-139, 166-166, 249, 273-274. — Dr. Leland's Histoi-y of Ireland, vol. ii. pp. 16-18, 44. — Sir Harris Nicolas's Chro- nology of History, pp. 303-304 — Taaffe's History of Ireland, vol. i. pp. 250-251, 274-276. — Hardi- man's Statute of Kilkenny, introduction, pp. xxv.- xxviii State Papers, published under Her Majes- ty' s Commission, vol. ii . King Henry VIII. part iii. pp. 1-4, 7-9 Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. iii. part ii. book vi. pp. 170-171 : London, 1790. Notes and Illustrations. 287 Note 72, Page 28. Those of Norman or English origin, established amongst, and intermarried with, the old Irish, become assimilated in names, language, and habits, with the ancient race of the country, ^c. The alteration, by the Anglo-Norman or English colonists in Ireland, of their names, habits, &c., for those of the people among whom they acquired settlements, and with whom so many connexions necessarily arose, began long before the period of the wars of York and Lancaster, to which the text would attribute the occurrence of such a revolution. That change is noticed, according to Mr. Hardiman, as having existed amongst the settlers so early after Henry II. 's visit to this counti-y as in 1294-1295 ; in the latter of which years, Edward I.'s Lord Justice, the Chevalier Jean de W'ogan, or Sir John Wogan, Knight, assembled a colonial Parliament, at Kilkenny, "to prevent or remedy these defections." But, in the next century, during the reign of Edward II., and for several years before the death of Edward III., such "defections" became "greater then when tenne of twelue Tribes de- parted, and fell away from the Kings of luda." The Pale, under Edward III., also became tributary to Irish Chiefs; and the constant increase of the above "defections," to the time of Henry VIII., appears from the preceding Note^ Note 73, Page 28. The Irish of Norman, or English, as well as Milesian blood, being equally attached to the Roman Catholic faith, oppose the introduction of the Reformation, under Henry VIII., into Ireland. On the religious changes in Ireland, begun in Henry VIII.'s reign, the first Protes- tant Archbishop of Dublin, Dr. George Browne, writes thus to the Lord Privy Seal, Crom- well, April 8th, 1538 : " The People of this Nation be Zealous, yet Blind and Unknow- ing : Most of the Clergy (as your Lordship hath had from me before) being Ignorant, and not able to speak right Words in the Mass, or Liturgy ; as being not skilled in the Latin Grammar, so that a Bird may be taught to speak with as much Sense as several of them do in this Country ; these Sorts, though not Scholars, yet crafty to cozen the poor Common People, and to disswade them from following his Highness's'' Orders," &o. Further on, the Archbishop observes, in connexion with those changes : " The Romish Reliques and Images of both my Cathedrals, in Dublin, took off the Common People from the true Worship ; but the Prior and the Dean find them so sweet for their Gain, that they heed not my Words; therefore send in your Lordship's next to mean Order more full, and a Chide »Hardiman's Statute of Kilkenny, introduction. History of Ireland, vol. i. pp. 315, 326. pp. v.-xiii. xxiv.-xxv. — Sir John Davies's Dis- •> That is, the King's orders ; tlie English Sove- coverie, &c., pp. 28-29, 127-128, 138 — Leland's reigns not being then desiguated ilia/e«7, elle avait desole quel- ment les vaincus, et souvent, pour les restes du ques provinces, les scales qui alors eussent ete en- repas d'un valet de I'armee normande, le Saxon, vahics ; mais en 1070, elle s'etendit sur 1' Angleterre naguere iUustre parmi les siens, maintenant fletri entiere, et se montra dans toute son horreur sur parlafaim, venait se vendre.lui et toute sa famille, les terres nouvellement conquises. Les habitants en servitude perpetuelle. L'acte de vente s'inseri- de la province d'York, et du territoire au nord vait sur les pages blanches de quelque missel, ou d'York, apres s'etre nourris de la chair des che- Ton peut retrouver aujourd'hui a demi-eft'aces, et vaux morts, que I'armee normande abandonna sur servant de theme a la sagacite des antiquaires, ces les routes, mangerent de la chair humaine. Plusde monuments des miseres d'un autre age."— (His- cent mille personnes de tout age perirent de mi- toire de la Conquete d' Angleterre par les Nor- sere dans cette contree. C'etait un affreux spec- niands, par Augustin Thierry, livre iv. tome i. tacle, dit un vieil annaliste, ' que de voir sur les pp. 320-322 : Bruxelles et Liege, 18il.) i:liemins, sur les places publiques, a la porte des ■» Counting from March 28th, 1602, to the cor- maison^, les cadavres humains ronges de vers ; car il responding period in 1603. Notes and Illustrations. 293 the 29th, and submission on the 30th, of March, 1603, to the English Lord Deputy Mountjoy, some days after the decease of the Queen, which took place the 24th. Speaking of Hugh O'Neill's situation so far back as early in September, 1602, Moryson observes: ^'Tyrone, Brian 3I(u- Art. Mac Mahowml, and Cormnck Mac Barron, were fled into the bottome of a gi'eat Fastnesse towards the end of Lough Erne, whom his Lordship (Mountjoy) followed as farre as hee could possibly carry the Army, yet came not within twelue miles of them, besides, they had a way from thence into Orurke's Country (Leitrim), to which the Army could not passe." Then, amongst other matters, Moryson adds : " Tyrone and his abouenamed confederates were all poore, and .all the Rebels following them were not aboue six hundred foote, and sixtie horse." O'Sullivan's representation of O'Neill's position, under the circumstances above specified, is as follows: " Quadringentis tantura militibus stipatus in Conkeiniam densam vallem se abdit, ibiq ; tutari conatur, Eius municipia ab hoste incendutur, & segetes exciduntur, ducibus itinerii, & ope Anglo ferentibus Quinto & Herico Onellis lohanis principis filijs, quos Tironi multi sequebantur. Sulphur, & munitiones, quae Patritius Odonilius firmo mu- nimento & praesidio custodiebat, iumrtis imposita ad regios defert. Hoc tepore, anno ia millesimo sexcentesimo tertio Elizabetha Anglije Regina e vita discessit, a qua moriente Angliae consilium facultatem percutiendi cum Onello foederis impetrat. Et Onellus quidem &si hostem vallis aditu duplici prospera velitatione prohibuit, tamen consumptis facult.atibus, munitionibusque amissis, vndique circumuentus, auxilij spe destitutus, & ignorans Reginam esse fato functam, pacis conditiones accipit." According to the same writer, O'Neill was unlucky in more respects, than in not having known of Elizabeth's death on the 24th of M.irch, 1603, when he surrendered himself on the 29th. " Rex Hispani» Philippus IIL Martinum Cerdam (D. Martin de la C'erda) legatum cum duabus nauibus sulphuris & aliarum munitionum plenis & triginta millibus aureorum nummorum ad Onellum, & Rothericum (O'Donnell) mittit, qui si prius id subsidij accepis- sent, arma proculdubio non deposuissent, illis vero depositis, Regis pecuniam §• vnuutionei accipere noluerunl." This too late arrival of .assistance (like that from France, at the end of the Williamite war, after the terms of the Treaty of Limerick had been agreed upon,") may explain much of what Moryson relates of the effect of the news of Elizabeth's death on O'Neill, when he was told of it, after his surrender, by Lord Mountjoy; who, having been aware of the fact, was the more anxious to conclude the Irish war, by the submission of its leader. " I cannot," says Moryson, " omit to mention, that the Earle of Tyrone, vpon the first hearing the Lord Deputies relation of the Queenes death, could not containe himselfe from shedding of teares, in such quantity as it could not well be concealed, especially in him, vpon whose face all mens eyes were cast : himselfe was content to insinuate, that a tender sor- row for losse of his Soueraigne Mistresse, caused this passion in him." However, it is added, " there needed no Oedipus to find out the true cause of his teares : for no doubt, the most humble ° See Note 277. 294 Notes and Illustrations. humble submission he made to the Queene he had so highly and proudly offended much eclipsed the vaine glory his actions might haue carried, if he had held out till her death : besides that by his coming in, as it were between two raignes, he lost a fair aduantage, for (by Englands Estate, for the present vnsetled) to haue subsisted longer in rebellion (if he had any such end) or at least an ample occasion of fastning great merit on the new King, if at first and with free will he had submitted to his mercy, which hee would haue pretended to doe, onely of an honourable affection to his new Prince, and many would in all likelihood haue beleeued so much, especially they to whom his present misery and ruined estate were not at all (or not fully) knowne." " The charge of the Irish warres in the last yeere 1602, beginning the first of April, and ending the last of March, besides concordatums, munition, and other extraordinaries," was, says the same official writer, " two hundred fourescore ten thousand seuen hundred thirtie three pound eight shillings nine pence halfe penny farthing halfe farthing." The "extraor- dinaries," or " contingencies," as Cox terms them, must have amounted to a very large sum, since he calculates them, under two previous years of the contest, at about £50,000 for each year. That sum, added to the main charge above-cited of the last year's expenditure for the war, would make it, exclusive of shillings, pence, and fractions, so high as £340,733 ; while, according to Dalrymple, the revenue of England, at this period, was not more than £450,000 a year" ! Note 79, Page 30. Erroneous statements, as to the Chieftains of Ulster having fled to Rome in Queen Elizabeth's reign, and as to the Queen having colonized the possessions of the Ulster exiles with English and Scotch. The text is wrong, in attributing to the reign of Elizabeth what did not occur until that of her successor, James I. The Ulster Chieftains, O'Neill of Tyrone, and O'Donnell of Tyr- connell, after their personal submission to Lord Mountjoy, and the issuing by him of a " Pro- clamation of a General Indemnity and Oblivion," assigning to every body.not actually attainted, his former possessions, and forbidding any private actions for what had taken place during the war, went, in the year 1603, to England, to present themselves at Court. There, they were most honourably received ; O'Neill being acknowledged as Earl of Tyrone, and O'Donnell as Earl of Tyrconnell. The flight of those noblemen from Ireland to the Continent, the conse- quent confiscation, according to Cox, of 511,405 acres in Ulster by the Crown, and the great plantation of English and Scotch, but especially of the latter, in that Province, did not happen until 1607, and the subsequent years of James I.'s reignP. Note 80, "Dr. O'Conor's Memoirs of Charles O'Conor of 272, 274, 277-279, 281-282,298: folio edit.— Belanagare, p. 121.— O' Sullivan Beare's Hist. Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 271-273. — Cox's Cath. Ibern. Compend., pp. 180, 181, 199,201 Hibernia Anglicana, vol. i. pp. 416, 436, 446 — Morjson's Rebellion of Hvgh Earle of Tyrone, Dali-jmple's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 7 : London, 1790. &c., pp. 22, 113-115, 234, 236-238, 244, 250, 271, P Cox, Hibernia Anglicana, vol. li. pp. 8-20. Notes and Illustrations. 295 Note 80, Page 31. James I., after the example of Elizabeth, a persecutor of the Itoman Catholic faith in Ireland, and consequent alienation from the English Government of its former supporters. In the document entitled, " Ibernorum obtestatio non deserendi Catholicam fidem," pre- sented to the Lord Deputy, Sir Arthur Chichester, by the Irish Roman Catholic Members of Parliament, in 1GI3, after a reference to what the Irish Roman Catholics had to suffer from the hostility to their religion in the reign of Elizabeth, and an expose of the penalties inflicted by similar hostility under her successor, James I., it is observed, that such rigorous policy could have no other tendency than that, " veteres incolae extinguantur, perdantur, deleantur : eorum facultates consumantur, frangantur immunitates, odium prouocetur, pariatur seditio, & regno denique excidium, & interitus efiferatur." In this state of persecution, O'SuUivan Beare adds, respecting the Irish Roman Catholic supporters of the English Government during the Elizabethean war, against their countrymen of the same religion, and more ancient race, — " Anglica Ibernorum factio, quod ipsa Fidei defensores, & libertatis assertores*" impugnauerit, ignorantiam suam deplorat, seque diris im- precationibus execratur, impestiue taraen. 'Fronte capillata, post est occasio calua"". Note 81, Page 31. James I. generally shows no greater partialily for the Irish than Elizabeth did, though he acknowledges his origin from them. The descent of James I., from the ancient Irish Monarohs, is alluded to by the King him- self, in his Speech to the Irish Agents at Whitehall, April 12th, 1614 : " There is a double cause why I should be careful of the welfare of that Ohe Irish) people : first, as King of England, by reason of the long possession the Crown of England hath had in that land ; and also as King of Scotland ; for the ancient Kings of Scotland are descended from the Kings of Ireland' ; so as I have an old title as King of Scotland, therefore you shall not doubt to be relieved when you complain, so as you will proceed without clamour"'. Note 82, Page 32. Landing of James II. from France, in Ireland, March, 1689, Sfc. " Le Comte de Tirconel, Vice-Roi d'Irlande," says the Duke of Berwicl;, " ayant rejette les offres avantageuses qui lui avoient ete faites par le Prince d'Orange, & ayant, par sa fer- mete, 1 Meaning O'Neill and O'Donnell. ■ See Notes 8, 9, 10. ■■ O'SuIlivan Beare, Historiae Catholics Ibernise < Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, vol. i. pp. 302. Compendium, pp. 223-224, 245-247. 311. 296 Notes and Illustrations. mete, conserve dans I'obeissance toute I'lrlande, a I'exception du Nord qui s'etoit declare pour la revolution, le Roi resolut de Taller joindre, & de mener avee lui des Officiers Gene- raux FranCj'ois. M. de Rosen, Lieutenant General, lui fut donne pour commander I'armee sous Tirconel ; M. de Moment, Mareclial de Camp, pour servir de Lieutenant General; & MM. de Pusignan & Lery, Brigadiers, pour etre Marechaux de Camp. Boisselau, Capitaine aux Gardes, fut envoye pour etre Major General ; & I'Estrade, Enseigne des Gardes-du-Corps, pour etre Mareclial des Logis de la Cavalerie. Au mois de Fevrier le Roi partit pour Brest, oil il m'avoit deja envoye, & ou le Roi Tres Chretien avoit fait equiper un escadre de trente vaisseaux de guerre, commandes par M. de Gabaret. Le Roi mit a la voile au premier bon vent ; mais il fut oblige de rentrer dans le port, ayant ete aborde & endommage a la hau- teur de Camaret, par un autre vaisseau de guerre." Omen sinistrum ! See Note 32. When the eft'ects of this accident were repaired, James put to sea again, and, as we are informed in his Memoirs and Journal, landed March 12th, O. S. 1688-89, " at Kingsale, and was received with all imaginable joy by his Catholick subjects there." In the Journal, it is added : " His Majesty's first care was to have the money, arms, and ammunition, which he brought along with him from France, safely landed and secured in his Fort of Kinsale ; and, because one part thereof was sent by Mr. de Louvois, and the other by Mr. Seignelay", his Majesty ordered one of his servants to receive that of Mr. de Louvois, and to deliver it to the Sieur de Pointis", that he might take care and give an account thereof; having, for that end, several Commissaries under him : all which was done, with great readiness and care, and in a few days. " After this was done, his Majesty, calling into his Council' the Count d'Avaux, Em- bassador of France, and the Earl of Melford, caused himself to be informed, in their pre- sence, of the posture of affairs in this Kingdom, by those of the country that were come to wait upon him at his landing ; but chiefly by Sir Thomas Nugent, Lord Chief Justice of Ire- land", and his Lieutenant General, the Lord Mount Casheir. ***** His Majesty, apply- ing himself after this to the forming of his army, gave orders to his Lieutenant General, the Lord Mount Cashell, to form seven Regiments of Foot, of the forces raised in those quarters, as also to arm the Regiment of Dragoons of Sir James Cottar, and to transport the rest of the armes to Dublin, with all speede">. Note 83, " The two principal Ministers of Louis XIV. greatest complaints are made of the inadequacy Louvois was Minister of War, and Seignelay Mi- of the means for the task assigned Inm), the writer nister of the Marine ; the former the enemy, the of this note has abstracts, in his possession, latter the friend, of James.— (Memoires du Mare- » Created Lord Eiverston by James, chal de Berwick, tome i. p. 74. — Memoirs of King ^ Justin Mac Carthy. James IL vol. ii. p. 409.) > Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. The chief Engineer afterwards to James's pp. 46-47 : Paris, 1778 — Memoirs of James II., army at Derry. Of his intercepted dispatches to vol. ii. p. 327. — Macpherson's Orig. Papers, vol. i. M. de Seigneley above mentioned, (in which the pp. 175-177 : Dublin, 1775. Notes and Illustrations. 297 Note 83, Page 3-2. The Enrl of Tircannell, Viceroy of Ireland, and a body of the Nobility, meet King James near Cork, S,'c. Cartwright, Bishop of Chester, who accompanied King James to Ireland, says in his journal, as referred to by Dr. Charles Leslie ; " On Thursday the 14th of March, we came to Cork, and lodg'd at the Bishop's Palace, and I brought the Bishop and the Clergy to the King, who receiv'd them very kindly. Friday the 15th I went with the Bishop of Cork to the King's Levee, and tarried at Court till I saw the Rebels of Bnndon at His Feet, and the Minister in an Elegant Speech begging their Pardon, which he granted them." The English copy of the royal journal observes : " His Majesty was no sooner arrived at Cork than he caused an exact view to be taken of the place, and finding it in a reasonable good condition, he gave orders for the strengthening the garrison, and the leaving some ammuni- tion and fifty thousand livres there for the paying some small subsistence to the soldiers ; of which there were a great many in that country. * * * * His Majesty having remained some days at Cork, the Earl of Tyrconnell came thither to wait upon him; and was immediately created Duke, in recompence of his great services, and successful endeavours towards the preservation of the kingdom of Ireland." The following, according to the King, was the account given at Cork, by the Viceroy, of the circumstances under which he had preserved Ireland. The Duke said, "that he had .sent down Lieftenant General Hamilton with about 2500 men, being as many as he could spare from Dublin, to make head against the Rebels in Ulster, who were masters of all that Province except Charlemont and Carricfergus ; that most part of the Protestants in other partes of the Kingdom had been up, that in Munster they had possessed themselves of Castle Martir and Banden, but were forced to surrender both places and were totally reduced in those parts by Lieftenant General Macarty, and were in a manner totally suppress'd in the other two provinces ; that the bare reputation of an army had done it, togather with the diligence of the Catholick Nobility and gentry, who had raised above fifty Regiments of foot and several troops of hors, and Dragoons, that he had distribited amongst them about 20,000 armes, but were most so old and unserviceable, that not aboue one thousand of the fire arms were found afterwards to be of any use; that the old troops consisting of one Bat- talion of Guards, togather with Macartys, Clencartys, and Newton's^ Regiments, were pretty well armed, as also seaven Companys of Mountjoys which were with them, the other six haveing stayd in Derry with Coll : Lundy and Gu.s : Hamilton, the Lieftenant Coll : and Major of that Regiment; that he had thi-ee Regiments of Hors, Tyrconnell's, Russel's, and Galmoy's, and one of Dragoons ; that the Catholicks of the Country had no arms whereas the Protes- tants had great plenty, and the best horses in the Kingdom ; that for artillery he had but eight small field pieces in a condition to march, the rest not mounted, no stores in the maga- zines, ' This should be Newcomen s ; i. e. Sir Thomas Newcomen of Moss Town, County Longford. IRISH ARCH. SOC. 2 Q 298 Notes and Illustrations. zines, little pouder and ball, all the Oflacers gon for England, and no mony in cash." The royal Memoirs observe: " This was the condition of Ireland at his Majestys landing, there was a great deal of goodwill in the Kingdom but little means to execute it, which made the P. of Orange slight it to that degree he did ; but as soon as he heard of the King's being gone thither (who he immagin'd would not come unprovided with what they most wanted) was hugely surprized." See Note 48. With the circumstances above mentioned as so adverse to the Irish Viceroy's support of King James's cause in Ireland, it should likewise be noted, that the best half of the Irish army, making, according to Harris, " near 4000 men," had been sent over, the previous autumn to England, to oppose the invasion, at that time menaced by the Prince of Orange ; but being, in consequence of his success, detained there, were thus deprived of the power of rendering to James, in their native country, those services, which they would otherwise have rendered him\ Note 84, Page 32. The King is escorted, amidst great popular rejoicing, to Dublin, and is received there with every manifestation of loyalty and splendour. On the 20th of March, the King set out from Cork for the Irish metropohs. Of the general enthusiasm with which he was welcomed by the Irish, the Duke of Berwick, who was present, says: " Les peuples montrerent par-tout une joie extraordinaire," On the 24th of March, Palm Sunday, his Majesty entered Dublin. " His entry there," he informs us, " was accompanyed with all the markes of duty, honour, and affection immaginable ; the streets were lined with Soldiers, and hung with tapestry, evened with gravel, and strowne with flowers and greens, the appearance of the Majestrates, Nobility, gentry, Judges, and of all ranks of people, was sutable to the most solemn cerimony of that kind, and performed with the greatest order, and decency immaginable : the King rideing on horse back was more discernable to the people whose lowd and joyfuU acclamations made him some sort of recompence for the indignities he had suffer'd from his other subjects"''. Note 85, Page 53. Misstatement respecting Derri/, and general view of the King's military affairs in Ireland, at, and for some time after, his arrival in Dublin. That, at the period of the King's entry into Dublin, Derry was besieged by any forces which Tyrconnell had despatched under Lieutenant-General Richard Hamilton against the place • Memoh-s of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 327- No. 19.— Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i. 328 Harris's Life of King William III., pp. 141, pp. 177-178. 186, 195 Tlie Rawdon Papers, p. 296 : London, '' Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 329- 1819.— Leslie's Answer to King, p. Ill King's 330.— Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. State of the Protestants of Ireland, Appendix, p. 47. Notes and Ubist rations. 299 place before the King's arrival, is not the fact. What James says of himself, in reference to the state of affairs in Ulster, on his coming to Dublin, is as follows : " As soon as he arrived at the Castle he met with an account from Lieftenant General Hamilton, of his haveing beat a great body of the Rebells at Drummore, that he had forced them as far as Colrain, and to the other side of the Ban, and had advanced as far as that Towne, but found the Enemy so numerous and so well intrenched in it, that he durst not attack them, and therefore desired more troops might be given him to driue them from that River." Whereupon, in the royal council held at the Castle, consisting of the King, the French Ambassador, or Count d'Avaux, the Duke of Tyrconnell, and the Earl of Melfort, it was debated " what troops should be sent to strengthen the camp of Hamilton, who," observes the Jacobite journal, " was not strong enough to take Coleraine, much less to attack Derry." The defeat by Hamilton of the " great body of the Rebells" above mentioned, at what they called " The Break of Drum- more," which, says Story, is " a Word common amongst the Irish Scots for a Rout," occurred on the 14th of March. James's army did not beat the last force with which the northern Williamites attempted to keep the field, until the 15th of April, at Strabane, Clady-ford, &c. The King did not summon and come before Derry, till the 17th and 18th. Enniskillen, after the declaration for the Revolution there in December, 1088, was never in the King's possession. Ballyshannon, too, remained in the hands of the Revolutionists^ Note 86, Page 33. James, notu-ithstanding the badness of the weather, hastens from Dublin towards Derry, to protect his Protestant subjects, against the recenge of the lioiiian Catholics in the North, 4-t. The King, though he praises the conduct of the Lord Deputy, Tyrconnell, as having done a " thing very necessary for the safety of Ireland, by disarming the Protestants and seizing their horses," adds, " but that too brought inconveniences along with it, and caused so great disorder, that every Catholique thought himself entitled to pillage the Protestants, and render back to them the same usage they had before received at their hands." While such, previous to the King's arrival in Ireland, was the state of the Irish Protestants in the three Provinces of Ireland, that, as containing a population, the great majority of whom were Roman Catho- lics, had declared against the Revolution, the following, according to Dr. Charles Leslie, was the condition of the Roman Catholics in Ulster, where the Protestants, who were the stronger party, had formed armed " Associations" in favour of the Prince of Orange : " The Irish ' Memoirs of King James 11., vol. ii. pp. 330- tome i. pp. 48-51.— Hamilton's Actions of tlie In- S.'Jl, &c — Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i. niskilling-Men, pp. 17, 19, 20,24,25,28,29, 31, pp. 178-179, 184, 183-188.— Story's Impartial His- 33, 34, 46, 48, &c.— Harris's Life of William III. , tory, p. 4.— Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, pp. 193, 196-197, 199, 200-204, 213-225, &c. 2 Q 2 300 Notes and Illustratio7is. Irish there," says Leslie, " were in mortal Fear of the Protestants, and commonly durst not sleepe in their Houses, but lay abroad in the Fields least they should ftill upon them: No Irish were suffered to live in the Country who did not take out Protections from such of the Protestant Gentry' as were allowed by the Associators to grant such Protections : Nor durst they Travel from their own Houses without Passes. The Protestants made them contribute equally, at least, with themselves in all their new Levies, and forced them to work upon their new Fortifications, at their Pleasure, which they did without grudging, and any thing to please those who were absolutely their Masters, and in whose Hands they reckoned their Lives to lye every Moment ; and many Insults and Threatnings they bore from the Commonality of the Protestants, who made full Use of their finding themselves at Liberty from all Government, and to domineere over those who were intirely at their Mercy." The Doctor, elsewhere, speaking of this part of Ireland, " where the Protestants were many more in Number, and all up in Arms," adds, that this they " chiefly pretended to be in Odium to the Irish Papists, whom they called Bloody Dogs, Inhumane Murtherers, Cat-throats, &c., and Remember 41, which was the usual Salutation they gave them." With respect to James's efforts for the protection of his Protestant subjects in the North, the same authority, writing in 1692 (the year after the conclusion of the War of the Revo- lution in Ireland), says : " As many Protestants as staid at Home, and trusted themselves to King James's Protection, preserved their Goods and Improvements, and live now plentifully ; while those that fled from him lost what they had, and smart now severely under these Ne- cessities, which their Neighbours escaped, who either would not, or could not, fly from the Mercy of their Natural Sovereign. • • • • The Irish Protestants who staid in Ireland while King James was there, will attest the Truth of what I have said. I appeal to Thomas Pottinger Esq ; who was then Sovereign of Belfast, the greatest Town of Trade in the North of Ireland, whether upon his Application to King James, his Majesty did not give him Protection after Protection for Belfast and the Country about ? And whether such Protections were not made good to them by King James's Officers ? and where any of the Irish offered to transgress against the said Protections, they were not severely punished, upon the first Application to the King, or those commanding under him. " This is likewise attested by Colonel Johi Hill, present Governor of Fort- William at In- nerlochy in Scotland, but living at that time in Belfast, in his Letter from Belfast to the Sove- reign of Belfast, then in Dublin, (inserted No. 25, Appendir), and which Letter he desires the Sovereign to shew to none, and therefore spoke his Mind in it, and not to flatter the Government. There he tells how well Grievances were redressed, and King James's Army kept to strict Discipline. " I demand further, Whether the same Mr. Pottinger did not, upon his Application to King James, obtain leave for the Merchants o( Belfast, and of the Country about, to return from Scotland, and other Places whither they had fled, even after the Time limited by His Majesties Proclamation for their Return? And whether, upon a second Application to His Majesty, and representing that there was an Embargo on the Scots side, King James did not grant them Time Notes and Illustrations. 301 Time to return, without stinting them to any Day, while any reasonable Excuse could be made for their Delay. " And whether he (the said Mr. Puttinger) did not send Notice of this to the Belfast Mer- chants, and others then in Scutland > And though few or none of them came over till after Schomberg landed in Ireland with the English Army in August, 89 ; yet whether their Goods were not preserved for them all that Time by King James's Order, still expecting their Re- turn ? And whether they did not accordingly find their Goods at their Return ?" The same authority, besides the instances he gives on the part of King .James's Lieutenant- General, Hamilton, and other Irish Officers, to protect the Protestants of the North as far as possible, mentions this further precaution of Hamilton, to prevent disorders by the armed Irish peasantry, or Rapparees. After his defeat of the Protestant Revolutionists at Dromore, March 14th, 1688-89, " Lieutenant General Hamilton," says Leslie, " willing to protect the Protestants, as well as others, who would live quietly ; and having granted his Protection to Belfast and other Places, as before is told, and keeping his Soldiers under strict Discipline; yet found the Country molested with Irish Rapperees, or Half-pike-men, as they called them ; whom, when his repeated Orders and Proclamations could not reclaim, and Soldiers were not in all Places at hand to defend the Country from them, and the Country were afraid to fall upon them without Order, lest it might be construed a Taking Arms against the King ; the Lieutenant-General, for the greater Security of the Country, gave Orders to the Country to seize any such Rapperees, who had no Commission, and to commit them to the next Gaol ; and, if they m.ade Resistance, to kill them." Dr. Leslie observes on this head, in connexion with the miserable condition of Ireland, after the revolutionary war, — " Had the Protestant Officers of King IVillinm's Army been as careful of their Fellow Protestants in that Country, Ireland had not been that Wilderness and Desolation which we see it at this Day. It," he continues, " is just and commendable to give our Enemies their Due, and not to conceal or lessen what they do worthily, because they are our Enemies. Many of the Irish Officers were kind to the Protestants, not only in making good their Protections to them, but even where they had no Protections, and were perfectly at their Mercy. I could give," he concludes, "many Instances which I have heard from the Mouths of Protestant Gentlemen and Ladies, who remained in Ireland while King James was there, of the great Civility of several of the Irish Officers to them"''. Note 87, Page 3.3. The King, instead of meeting with submission at Derry, is fired at from the place. According to the Rev. John Mackenzie, Presbyterian Chaplain to a Regiment of the garrison of Derry during the siege, a negociation about the surrender of the town had been going on with Governor Lundie and the City Council, from the 17th of April. On the 18th, •^ Maepherson's Original Papers, vol. i. p. 177.— Leslie's Answer to King, pp. 8-3-85, 147-150, 154-160. 302 Notes and Illustrations. 18th, " the Irixh Army came," says the same authority, " to the Strand above the Windmill, at the South End of Derry hill, and there ftop'J, waiting what Answer or Salutation the City would give them. The Council had in the mean time given strict Orders that none offer to fire from the Walls on severe Penalties, and some were sent about the Walls to give Intimation of it But our Men on the Walls paid so little Deference to either them or their Orders, and so little regarded the secret Treaties they were managing with the Enemy, that when King James's Forces were advancing towards them on the Strand, they presently fired their great Guns at them, and (as was confidently reported) killed one Captain Troy, near the King's Person. This unexpected Salutation not only struck a strange Terror into the Irish Camp, but put the King himself into some Disorder, to find himself so roughly and unman- nerly treated by those, from whom he expected to find so dutiful a Compliance. And those who had encouraged him to try an Experiment that proved so dangerous, thought themselves concern'd to make some Apology for it. The Council therefore resolved to send Arch-dea- con Hamilton to the King, to excuse themselves for what had pass'd, and lay all the Blame of it on the Ungovernableness of the People, whose violent Humour, they said they could not restrain, while his Army continued there, and therefore begg'd his Patience, till the present Tumult was over : And because some of the Council, as well as others, could hardly believe that King James was really there. Captain IVhite was sent with the Arch-deacon (having often seen the King) to put them out of all Doubt about it. Captain White returned to them with Assurance of it, but Archdeacon Hamilton took Protection (that Summer he sickned and died.) But King James's being there, was an Argument that had little Force on our Men on the Walls, who were resolv'd to defend the Protestant Religion and King Wil- liam's Interest, against him and his Army to the utmost." Mackenzie then relates how a Captain Murray, who commanded a considerable party of troops, having entered the town, and created an insurrection against the Governor Lundie and the City Council, caused measures to be taken for holding out, instead of giving up, the place. The Jacobite journal, in its account of the posture of affairs between the King's army and the garrison, after mentioning that an answer was expected in an hour's time from the town, says : " Every one was surprised to see that in a little time, that answer was nothing else than cannon and musquet shots from every side. This continued the rest of the day, and there were some soldiers killed. In the mean time, several came out of the town that assured his Majesty, that this only proceeded from the rabble, who being drunk had seized upon the cannon and fired without order from any people of authority in the town ; that the better sort were generally resolved to surrender, and did all they could to persuade the common people to the same. His Majesty," continues the journal, in reference to the King having been requested by his General Officers to return from Charlemont on his way to Dublin, owing to the influence which they thought his presence before Derry would have, to bring about the surrender of the place, — "his Majesty, who had eat nothing all day, had the pa- tience, notwithstanding the fatigue of the two preceding days, to remain on horseback until the evening, exposed to cannon, and under heavy and incessant rain, waiting for the effects of the Notes and Illustrations. 303 the assurances which had been given him, and endeavouring to bring these unhappy rebels to a sense of their duty, with a singular and unwearied benignity and forbearance." The journal then informs us, how the King, in this state of things, and "on account of the bad weather," drew off his harassed troops to quarters'-. Note 88, Page 34. James, returning from Dernj to Dublin, assernbles the Irish Parliament there. His reasons for doing so. The King, on the 25th of March, the day after his arrival in Dublin, summoned the Irish Parliament to meet on the 7th of May, " afin," says the Duke of Berwick, " de trouver les fonds pour la guerre." When, also, according to the Jacobite journal, " the King consulted with his General Officers at DuWin about the siege of Derry in case Coleraine should be taken, it was proposed to prepare store of tools and other things necessary for a siege. Upon which his Majesty caused his magazines to be looked into. But, instead of finding things necessary, as he expected, he was informed by the Earl of Melfort, who had visited the said magazines by his order, that there was nothing at all of what was required, nor even anything that looked like a magazine," &c. After the overthrow of the last Williamite force that at- tempted to cover Derry on the 15th of April, the same authority mentions, that "his Ma- jesty judging by this manner of proceeding of the enemies that they reserved all their efforts for the defending of Derry, and seeing the necessity there was, to provide things necessary for the siege, as also to reinforce his army, resolved to return to Dublin." Finally, when, in consequence of the representations of his Generals, that his presence before Derry would lead to its surrender, the King acted (though without success) on that representation, the royal Memoirs allege of his Majesty, and of his two Officers, De Rosen and de Lery, — " at a Council of War, it was resolved they should go back to Dublin to prepare all things for the Parliament's meeting, and to hasten more troops to reinforce the army there" that is, at Derry. And, according to the royal journal, the King's return to Dublin, for the pur- pose of pushing forward the military preparations, was the more requisite, since, upon his return there, on the ■26th of April, he found "the arms not arrived from Cork, Kinsale, or Waterford;" that "in the arsenal nothing had been done for preparing of tools, which obliged him to renew his orders on those two heads ;" and, as to the " new levies," that " those new levies, when looked into, were found to be only regiments in name, and not formed or fit for service." To these weighty reasons, as well as others, for the royal presence in Dub- lin, if we add the important circumstance of the Repeal of the Act of Settlement, and the pre- paration of the Act of Attainder, to affect such a large portion of the landed property of the kingdom, being then in contemplation, and respecting which the King should be with his Law Officers ' Mackenzie's Narrative of the Siege of Lon- son's Original Papers, vol. i. pp. 186-188: Dublin, donderry, pp. 26-31 : Loudon, 1690. — Macpher- 1775. 304 Notes and Illustrations. Officers and Parliament in the capital, it will be evident, that his conduct, in returning from Derry to Dublin, is not to be judged oi merehj by Colonel O'Kelly's observations upon it. As to those " consultations" or debates of the Irish Parliament, which the Colonel styles " vain," the King, observing in his Memoirs, that " the affairs of Ireland, both civil and mili- tary, .... had they been better managed, might have had a better fate," adds: " But the Irish by reckoning themselves sure of their game, when in reality they had the wors of it, thought of nothing but settling themselves in richess and plenty, by breakeing the Act of Settlement''; and by that means rais new enimys, before they were secure of mastering those, they had already on their hands." As to the Colonel's assertion, that the King or the Parliament " spent in vain Consultations the whole summer Season," it is not the fact; the King having prorogued the Parliament on the 18th of July, or when not a third of the summer was elapsed ; reckoning that season, as commencing on the 21st of June, and ending on the 21st of September^'. Note 89, Page 34. The King accused of being averse to repeal the unjust legislation tender Charles II., according to which the lands of the Irish royalists, seized by the English Cromwelliau rebels, were confirmed to those rebels. It has been shown in Note 47, from the statement of the French Ambassador, Barillon, that long before James came to Ireland, he was disinclined to let the Act of Settlement stand. Of the opposition made to the proposed Repeal of that Act in the Irish Parliament, the follow- ing account is given in the royal Memoirs : " The Bishop of Meath made a long and elaborate speech against it," that is, against the Repeal of the Act, "contending it was both unjust in itself, [and] prejudiciall to the King and Kingdom's intrest, he thought it dangerous, he sayd, to unsettle a former foundation on which the publick peace relyd, and erect a new one which must needs be of dubious success ; he did not contest, he sayd, the right of the old proprietors, but supposed that the present possessors had a better ; that the former had only an equitable pretention, the latter both law and equity by means of two Acts of Parliament, the King's letters patent, and their pnr- chasmony, he thought the reprizal offer'd no way eqivalent, as being in many cases but for life in lue of an estate of inheritance ; it was, he Sayd, against his Majestys honour to rescind so many Acts of the Kings, his Father and Brother, and his own promis not to consent to it; that it was against his profit to destroy the richest Subjects, who payd the greatest part of the revenue, which the old proprietors being poor would not be able of a long time to answer, that it ' Compare, however. Notes 23, 27, 28, 33, 47, Government in Ireland. — Memoires du Mare- with the two following ones, or 89 and 90. chal de Berwick, tome i. p. 47 Memoirs of King e The Life of James II., late King of England, Jamesn.,vol. ii.pp. 330-335,354-361 Macpher- pp. 284, 287, 300-344 : 3rd edit. London, 1705 son's Original Papers, vol. i. pp. 179-180, 184, 190, MS. Copies of the Proclamations of King James's 192, 214. Notes and Illustrations. 305 it would ruin liis Majestys reputation with his Protestant Subjects of England and Scotland, that it would ruin the trade by a reraoveall of Protestant Merchants efects, and destroy the publick faith, on which no one would dare to rely, if Acts of Parliament be no security ; it was inconveniant, he Sayd, in point of time, as not being seasonable to look after vineards when civil war was rageing in the Nation, and when an invasion threaten'd it ; it was like divideing the skin before the beast was catch'd, that it would draw men from his Majestys service, whose eyes and hearts would be more upon their own concerns, than the King's business; and concludes, that in case there was a Rebellion in King Charles the first's time (which he sayd he owned in his Eikon Basilike), and Signed the Act for securing the Adven- twer's mony for suppressing it, then he thought some discrimination ought to be made be- twixt the guilty and inocent, but that the bill made no distinction at all. " The Lord Chief justice Keating to back this, drew up a long adress to the King, to the same purpose, enlargeing upon all the hardshipps, inconveniencies, and distractions it would bring along with it, that it would be the ruin of trade and future improvements, when the foundation of the general settlement was once undone, and that Act render'd void ex post facto, which was good security when the purchass was made, that the Catholick purchassors would suffer with others ; wherefore he beg'd that some composition might be thought of, by prescribeing more moderate ways than by depriveing so many persons of their all, wii they had legally and industriously acquired, and that a Committee of both Houses might be ap- pointed to enquire, whether some medium could not be found out, to accommodate as near as possible, both the Purchassers and old Proprietors. " It is certayne," observe the royal Memoirs, " that many of the wise and judicious Ca- tholicks thought such an accommodation very practicable ; that the great improuements had so enhaunced the value of most estates, as would allow the old Proprietors a share of equal income to what their Ancestors lost, and yet leave a competency for the Purchassers, who might reasonably be allowed the benifit of their own labours ; and in such turbulent times and diffi- cult circumstances, it was just that all pretenders should recede (in some degree) from the full of their pretentions for the accommodation of the whole ; no side being so apt to grumble, when all men share in the burthen, especially it being of that consequence to prevent an uni- versal discontent, both for the King's present necessitys, the publick quiet and general safety of the people. " There is no doubt but the King's inclinations were the same ; he saw the distraction it would breed, how it would inflame the Protestants, and rob him of his most serviceable Catho- licks, ruin the trade, and sink the revenue, but he cast not his own intrest into the ballance, he sought to do what he conceiu'd most just, and in order to it informed himself the best he could what were their reasons and arguments, to get a true notion of the pretensions on both sides"''. Note 90, ■■ Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 356-359. IRISH ARCH. SOC. 2 R 3o6 Notes and Illustrations. Note 90, Pages 34, 33. Much doubt entertained, as to whether, hut for the interposition of Louis XIV.' s Ambassador, the Comted'Avaux, James would restore the Irish royalists their ancient inheritances, lost in his father s and brother's service, though the English proprietors, to whom those inheritances had been transferred, were then in open ivar against him. The royal Memoirs thus state the arguments adduced by the representatives of the dis- possessed Irish, in favour of their restoration to their properties, through a Repeal of the Act of Settlement, to which measure the King finally agreed. " It was represented therefore to him on the other hand, what unjust grounds that Act of Settlement was founded upon, that tho there might have been disorders in the begining of those troubles in Ireland, the greatest part soon came to their duty, and were fellow sufferers with the' King, both at home while the war lasted, and abroad during his banishment, where they fought his battles and supported his credit; that in consideration of this, King Charles the 2'' during his exile, by way of publick treaty or accommodation, acquited them of all clames or forfeitures on that score; to which the most Christian King [Louis XIV.] was himself a witness, if not a Guarrantee, insomuch that when King Charles the I' passed the Act of Settlement, that Prince expostulated with him by a letter (now published to the world) [for] his recedeing from so solemn an engagement ; that when the Act was made, there was not time given for lieareing, examining, and delivering in the clames, whereby many inocent persons were fore- closed without being heard ; that thO the Purchasers had a right, it was posterior to the antient Proprietors, and that in all clames antiquity takes place ; besides that the very first adventerers who certainely had the best title by vertue of the Acts 17' and 18" Car : 1 ; in justice and equity had very little ; being the mony which was advanced by them, under that pretence, was realy employd in raiseing forces in England to fight against the King, and that with the con- sent of the adventerers themselves as was objected against them at the Treaty of Vxbridg, that others afterwards advanced their mony only upon votes and ordinances of the Rebellious Parliament; that the hardships done to the Irish in the whole proceeding had been barberous and unhumain, that in the qualifications required to be esteem'd inocent, any one who had enjoyd his estate in the enimys quarters, tho he had no ways been aiding to them, was excluded ; so that those who lived quietly were in reality postponed to the rankest Rebells, for it was such as was then the Possessors; that the clames of several thousands were never heard, and then by an Act of explanation debar'd ; and at last to disapoint others, who in spight of all the rigours had made out their inocency, or by their signal service abroad had merited justice at least, they were not to be put in possession, till the present Possessors were reprized out of lands of equal value, worth and purchass, which the late King Charles was made to believe might be easily found, but in reality never was : or at least such lands as might have been so disposed of, the great men, as My Lord of Ormonde, Anglesey, Coot, Kingston, &c. ', surrep- titiously ' At Note 27, however, it has been shown, what James himself, as Duko of York, is stated to have a large share (here sHpped over by an " &c.") had, of the landed spoils of the Irish, after the Res- Notes and Illustrations. 307 titiously got grants of; so that nothing being left to reprize the Cromwelians, very few or none of the old Proprietors were restored : in fine, those crying unjustices in the origin were so fully represented to the King, and he at the same time as good as tould underhand, that if he consented not to it, the whole Nation would abandon him, there was a sort of necessity of con- tenting thera, but at the same time for the quiet of his Conscience, and to keep cleer from all apearance of unjustiee under so harsh an alternatiue, his Majesty consider'd the prospect he had of reprizeing the Purchasers out of the present forfeitures; for in the first place the greatest number of them were in actual rebellion, and their clames extinguished by it, and such as were not, the forfeitures of others might be sufficient to compensate, and accordingly an Act of Attainder was passed against all such as were in actuall Rebellion, or had withdrawn them- selves out of the Kingdom, unless they return to their Country and duty in a certain time pre- fixed, to surrender themseves: so that having well weighed the reasons on all sides, theneces- sity on one hand, of not disgusting his Irish Subjects on whom he wholy depended, and the prospect he had on the other hand of recompensing any one who suffer'd undeservedly, deter- min'd his Majesty at last to give his Royal assent, tho he saw plainly it was hugely prejudicial to his intrest. " But this was not the only instance of his Majestys readyness, to sacrifice his intrest to the public Satisfaction, for he agreed also to his being foreclosed in the Act of Attainder from the power of pardoning those comprized in it".i. Note 91, Page 35. The King said to have avoided re-entabUshing the Roman Catholic worship in Ireland, through the advice of his favourites, for fear of dissatisfying his Protestant subjects in England^ who, he teas persuaded, would, by such moderatioti on his part, he induced to recal him to his throne there. James, who, on one hand, was thus accused of not doing enough in favour of the Irish Ro- man Catholics and their religion, is, on the other hand, censured for doing too much, in favour of the members of that faith, at the expense of the Irish Protestant Church, and its clergy, as toration. Ou this point, it may be remarked, how Majesty, from the properties of those regarded as " King James," as the BIS. Case of tlie Roman guilty of " treason" and "rebellion" for adhering Catholicksof Ireland, p. 124, observes, "was driven to the Prince of Orange. " Kex," says Dr.de (en digitus Dei /) to seek Sanctuary from that very Burgo, " eas Possessiones, quas in Hihi-rnia, dum Nation, that had been so injuriously treated by the Dux esset Eboracensis (vulgo York) habuit, resti- Throne, and so shamefully suffer'd to be trampled tuet, & vicissim, in Recompensationem, habebit in upon." And hence, too, we iiud, that, by the pro- Domino sue ea fugitivorum Rebellium Bona, quse visions of the Irish Parliament for the reversal of Regie jam adjudicata sunt Fisco." — (Hibernia the Act of Settlement, this grant of Irish lands Dominicana, cap. vii. p. 143.) which had been made to James, as Duke of York, J On which circumstance, it may be noted, that was to be resimied, and an equivalent given to his his Majesty was only incapacitated, by the Irish 2 E 2 3o8 Notes and Illustrations. as well as the Irish Protestants in general. The Rev. Andrew Hamilton, Protestant Rector of Kilskerrie, and one of the Prebendaries of the Diocese of Clogher, in 1690, saj's: — " All our Bishoprics and Livings that fell in the King's Gift, were kept vacant, and the Revenues given to the Popish Clergy. Their Bishops kept public Visitations in the vacant Dioceses, and assumed even the Title ; one of whom was made Secretary of State, and signed himself by the Name of his Bishopric in all his Warrants and Dispatches, that none might plead Ignorance of the King's Intentions towards us. And we were told by some in the highest Place, That the King would fill no Protestant Vacancies in the Church, so that we saw great Part of our Churches in their Possession, and Nothing interpose, but the Lives of a very few (and most of them) old Men, to leave us not one Protestant Bishop in the Kingdom. And for our Civil Rights, our Judges, Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, and even Constables, were for the most Part made of Papists ; And the Act of Settlement was then doomed in every Coffee-house to the same Condemnation under which it has fallen since. And the Army being entirely in those worst of Popish Hands, the most barbarous Irish who had thrown off Humanity it self, our Prospect was all black and dismal." See, however. Note 86. Of King James's kindness to the Irish Roman Catholic clergy, there are various proofs, in the official correspondence in the State Paper Office, London. The Earl of Sunderland, writing from Whitehall, as principal Secretary of State, to the Earl of Clarendon, as Viceroy of Ireland, March 20th, I685, says: " My Lord, Doctor Dominick Maguire, the Roman Catholick Archbishop and Primate of Armagh, being now going for Ireland, his Majesty commands me to recommend to your Excellency the said Archbishop, and also Doctor Patrick Tyrrell, Bishop of Clogher and Kilmore, and the rest of their brethren, the Archbishops and Bishops of the Roman Catholick communion in Ireland, for your patronage and protection tLpon all occasions, wherein they shall apply unto you, or standinneed thereof. .... His Majesty would likewise have your Excellency recommend it to the Archbishops, Bishops, Sheriffs, and Justices of the Peace there, not to molest the Roman Catholick clergy, in the exercise of their ecclesiasticall functions, amongst those of their own communion." James himself, in a letter, dated from Whitehall, two days after, or on the 22nd of March, 168^, and inscribed " To the Most Reverend Father in God, Dominick" [Maguire] " Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of our Kingdom of Ireland," grants yearly pensions to the Archbishop and others of his cle- rical brethren. The letter of his Majesty, after reciting, how he had directed certain sums of money to be issued to the Archbishop, from time to time, out of the treasure remaining in the Exchequer of the Kingdom of Ireland, adds: "Our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby authorise you to retaine, for your owne use, out of the said moneys so to be received by you, £-300 per annum; and that you pay, or cause to be paid, to Patrick Russell' £200 per annum ; to Roman Catholic Parliament, from pardoning those those, to whom that body gave a similar desig- whom it called rebels, just as his father. King nation. See Notes 23-28. —(Memoirs of King Charles I., had in 1641-2 been incapacitated, by James II., \ol. ii. pp. 359-361.) the English Puritan Parliament, from pardoning *■ Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin. Notes and Illustrations. 309 to John Brenan', £200 per .annum ; to Patrick Tyrell", £200 per annum ; to Dominick Bourke", ,£150 per annum ; to John MoUony", £150 per annum ; to James Felan^ £150 per annum; to Edward Weaslyi, £150 per annum; and to Alexius Stafford', £40 per annum ; the said respective payments," says the royal letter, " to be received as of our free gift, and to commence from the Feast of St. Michael the Archangell last past ; and to continue for and during om* pleasure." And the Earl of Sunderland, writing to the Lord Deputy of Ireland from Whitehall, February 4th, 168?, says, in reference to these pensions, that the King, "being informed the Receiver General! for Ireland demands poundage for the pensions payable to the Lord Primate and other the Catholick Bishops there, his Majesty thinks not fit to allow the same, and therefore would have you give order to the said Receiver, not to demand or take any poundage, for the payment of the said pensions." With respect to James's conduct to the Irish Roman Catholics in general, his promotion of them, m every way, appears, from the above-cited otficial correspondence as well as from other sources of information, to have been such, that tliey, above all others, had no right to complain of the King; particularly under the very delicate circumstances in which he was placed. Dr. Charles Leslie, in speaking of the Irish, says : " It was chiefly upon their Account, by shewing Favour to them, that K. J. brought upon himself all his Misfortunes. Putting them into Power, and displacing Protestants to make Room for them, made more Noise, and rais'd K. J. more Enemies, than all the other Male-administrations, charg'd upon his Government put together"'. Note 92, Pages 35-36. James censured, for excluding the Roman Catholic Prelates from the Irish Parliament, and allowing the Protestant Bishops, toho remained in Ireland, to take their seats in that as- sembly. In the contemporary English account of the Parliament held by James II. in Ireland, we find " no Popish Bishops summoned." The Protestant Bishops mentioned as attending were " Doctor Anthony Dobbing, (or Dopping,) Lord Bishop of ]\Ieath Dr. Thomas Ottaway, (or Otway,) Lord Bishop of Ossory — Doctor Edward Wettenhall, Lord Bishop of Cork and Ross — and Doctor Symon Digby, Lord Bishop of Lymerick." However, two more of the Protestant Prelacy of Ireland acted in this Parliament by their respective proxies ; the Bishop of Meath holding that of the Primate, and the Bishop of Ossory that of the Bishop of Wa- terford'. Note 93, ' ? ' Hamilton's Actions of the Inniskilling-Men, " Roman Cath. Bishop of Clogher and Kilmore. dedication, pp. iii.-iv.: London, 1690. Copy of » Roman Catliolic Bishop of Elphin. Official Correspondence in State Paper Office, » Roman Catholic Bishop of Cork. London Notes 35-47 Leslie's Answer to King, p Roman Catholic Bishop of Ossory. pp. ) 25-1 26. 1 Roman Catholic Bishop of Kildare. < A Journal of the Proceedings of the Parlia- ' See Note 239. ment in Ireland, &c., pp. 3, 4, 9 : London, 1689 3 1 o Notes and Illustrations. Note 93, Page 36. The King's conduct arraigned in. Ireland, as that of a Raman Catholic in religion, and a Pro- testant in politics. Dr. Charles Leslie, touching this accusation brought by the Irish against King James, says : " Some of them moving to him for Leave to cut off the Protestants, which he return'd with Indignation and Amazement, saying, What, Gentlemen, are you for another Forty-One? Which so gall'd them, that they ever after look'd upon him with a jealous Eye, and thought him, tho a Roman Catholich, too much an English-man to carry on their Business. And I am told," adds the Doctor, "by Persons come from thence. That the Generality of the /n'sA Papists do at this Day lay all their Misfortunes upon K. J., because he would not follow their Measures, and was so inclinable to favour the Protestants"". Note 94, Page 36. Lord Mountcasliel dispatched hy King James, icith a considerable force, into Ulster, to reduce the rebels of Enniskillen. King James, having mentioned how " Inneskilling had follow'd the example of Derry and refused the favorable oft'ers My Lord Galmoy by the Kings apointment had made them," and how " tho the Duke of Berwick during the Siege of Derry had defeated a considerable body of the Inneskillengers, it made no impression upon their stubborn temper, or slacken'd their resolution of houlding out," adds : " So My Lord Montcassel was sent against them with three whole regiments of foot, two of Dragoons and some hors, being all the troops the King could draw togather at that time." The Jacobite journal mentions, that Lord Mountcashel was dispatched against Inniskillia on the 20th of July, and that, by the 27th, he " assembled his troops at Belturbet, to the number of 3600 men"''. Note 95, Page 36. Lord Mountcashel, by title, a Peer of Ireland, and, by lineage, descended from the old Kings of Munster, S^-c. " Si on a egard a la primogeniture & au droit de I'ainesse," says the Abbe Mac Geoghe- gan, " la Maison des Mac-Cartys est censee la premiere Maison d'Irlande. Elle descend en ligne directe de Heber, fils de Milesius, & I'aine des freres qui firent ensemble la conquete de A True Account of the Present State of Ireland by " Leslie's Answer to King, p. 125. a Person that with Great Difficulty left Dublin, ' Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. p. 368. — June 8th, 1689, pp. 19, 22 : London, 1689. Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i. p. 219. Notes and Illustrations. 3 1 1 de cette Isle, quelque siecles avant I'Ere Chretienne. Les descendans deHeber furent Princes hereditaires de la Momonie ; ils donnerent plusieurs Monarques a I'lrlande, jusqu'a ce que le sceptre supreme fut fixe dans la Maison de Hereraon, au quatrieme siecle, par Niall Noy- giollach." See Note 57, p. 232. " Oilioll-Olum Roi de la Momonie au deuxieme ltroisieine\ sieole, fut la souche des Mac- Cartys par Eogan-More son fils aine. Les aines des Mae-Cartys furent Rois de Cork & de Kerry, jusqu'a I'arrivee des Anglois en Irlande au douzieme siecle. Cette illustre Tribu forma trois Maisons principales, sQavoir, celle de Mac-Carty More, celle de Muskerry, & celle de Carbry, qui fut branche de la derniere. " A I'avenement de Charles II. a la Couronne, Donogh Mac-Carty etoit Chef & Vicomte de Muskerry, il avoit suivi le Roi dans son exil a la tete d'un Regiment Irlandois, il fut cree ensuite Comte de Clancarty par ce Prince." See Note 20, p. 182. " Donogh avoit epouse la sceur du Due d'Ormond ; il eut de ce mariage trois fils, sgavoir, Charles Lord Muskerry qui fut tue a cote du Due d'York, dans un combat naval centre les Hollandois": Callaghan second fils de Donogh, devint Comte de Clancarty ; il epousa la fille du Comte de Kiklare. JcsTiN troisieme fils de Donogh fut eric Vicomte de Montcashel, il fut marie avec la fille du faraeux Comte de Strafford ; il mourut au service de la France, des anciennes blessures qu'il avoit regues a la guerre. Donogh fils de Callaghan, fut le troisieme Comte de Clancarty, il epousa la fille du Comte de Sunderland, premier Ministre du Roi Jacques II. , & son attaohe- ment aux intcrets de son Prince, fut cause que ses vastes possessions furent confisquees ;"" &c. Note 96, Pages 36-37. The Toivn of Ennishillen and Lough Erne. A modern English publication, in treating of Enniskillen, and the County of which it is the capital, says : " This place (Enniskillen) which takes it's name from the island in Lough Erne in which it is situated, and was formerly called Inniskillen, was, previously to the time of Jas. I., merely a strong-hold of Maguire, Chieftain of Fermanagh, who had a castle here. .... The island being considered an important spot for the establishment of a military force, a royal fort was erected there about the commencement of the 17th century, and the advan- tage of its situation for a town induced Jas. I., in 1612, to make a grant of a third of it to William Cole, Esq., ancestor of the Earl of Enniskillen, on condition of his building a town upon it, settling in it 20 British families to be incorporated as burgesses, some of whose de- scendants still hold burgage tenements ;" &c. " But the grand distinguishing characteristic of the County (Fermanagh) is Lough Erne, which extends 40 miles from north-west to south-east, forming, in reality, two lakes. . . . The northern, »" That is, the great victory gained by the Eng- under Admiral Opdam, June 3rd, ie63 (Lin- lishHeet of 98 sail of tlie line, and 4 tire-ships, com- gard's History of Ireland, vol. xi. pp. 278-281.); manded by the Duke of York (afterwards James » Mae Geoghegan, Histoire de I'lrlande, tome iii. II.), against the Dutch Heet of 113 ships of war, pp. 680-681. 3 1 2 Notes and Illustrations. northern, or lower, between Belleek and Enniskillen, is the larger, being upwards of 20 miles in length, and Tj in its greatest breadth ; the southern, or upper, between the latter town and Belturbet, is 12 miles long by 4| broad. Both are studded with numerous islands. .... It is a popular opinion, that the number of these islands equals the days in the year ; but accurate investigation has ascertained, that there are 109 in the lower lake, and 90 in the upper. . . .After narrowing into the strait of Enniskillen, and expanding again into a still wider sheet of water in the lower lake," Lough Erne " is finally contracted into a river, which quits the County, at the village of Belleek, in a magnificent fall"''. Note 97, Page 37. The nolle Family of Mag aire, furmerly Princes of Fermanagh. " La Tribu," says Abbe Mac Geoghegan, " des Maguires de Fermanagh, aujourd'hui Comte dans la Province d'Ultonie, tire son origine de Con Keadcaha, Monarque d'Irlande au deuxieme siecle, par Colla da Chrioch, & une longue suite de peres illustres," &c. The Chiefs of this sept (more properly written Mac Guire) were, he observes, Princes of Ferma- nagh, until the reign of James L, or early in the seventeenth century. According to Mr. O'Donovan, the site of the inauguration of ''the Mao Guire," or head of his name, as ruler of that territory, was Sgiath-Ghabhra, at present Lisnaskea, about ten miles from Ennis- killen. In the reign of James II., Conor Mac Guire, Baron of Enniskillen, was Lord Lieutenant of the County Fermanagh, and Cuconnaught', or Constantine Mac Guire, was his Deputy- Lieutenant. His Lordship sat in the House of Peers of the Irish Parliament of 1689, and was Colonel of a Regiment of Foot in the Irish Army, during the War of the Revolution in Ireland. Dr. Dominick Mac Guire, who was much in favour with King James, and had from him a considei-able pension for those times, viz., £300 a year, was Roman Catholic Primate of Ireland. Colonel Cuconnaught More Mac Guire, or Constantine Mac Guire the great, — of whom a pedigree up to Con of the hundred battles. Monarch of Ireland in the second century, is annexed to the English version of Dr. Keating's History of Ireland, — likewise commanded a Regiment of Foot in the Irish Army ; to which Alexander Mac Guire was Lieutenant- Colonel, and Cornelius Mac Guire was Major. With this Regiment, the Colonel fought, in July, 1(391, at the battle of Aughrini, where he fell, after displaying great gallantry ; and Lieutenant- Colonel Mac Guire was amongst the Irish Officers, made prisoners the same day". Note 98, J Lewis's Topographical Dictionary of Ireland, Tracts of Sir John Davies, &c., pp. 252-254 : Dub- Tol. i. pp. 165, 166, 605,606, 620: London, 1837. lin, 1787 O'Donovan's Genealogies, Tribes, and ^ Likewise spelled Cuconaght, and Cuconacht. Customsof Hy-Fiachrach, &c., pp. 425-434 Kev. * Abbe Mac Geoghegan, Histoire de Tlrlande, Andrew Hamilton's Actions of the Inniskilling- tome ill. p. 544 Charles O' Conor's Dissertations Men, &c., p. 36 ; London, 1690.- — Harris's Life of on the History of Ireland, p. 286 Historical King William III., p. 221 ; appendix. No. xxi. pp. Notes and Illustrations. Note 98, Page 37. The Ulster Protestants, who possessed the Town and Castle of EmiisMllen, mostly of Scotch origin, and, through their numbers and bravery, very injurious to the royal cause, particu- larly by contributing to prevent a sufficiently close siege of Derry. " As for Derry," says the Rev. Andrew Hamilton, in 1690, "no True Protestant will deny, but the holding out of that Place against the Irish Army was of so great Importance, that the Safety of these Three Kingdoms did depend very much upon it. And it is well known, that duringthe whole Timeof that long Siege, the Men of InishiUinUept at least the one Half of the Irish Army from coming before Derry, and kept them in so great Fear of their coming to Re- lieve the Town, that they durst never make a Regular Attach upon the Place, but vieve forced to divide their Men, heeping strong Guards at Strahane, lifford, Castlefin, Clawdy-Bridge, New- town Stewart, Castle Derrig, and Omagh, lest Inniskillin Men should come upon them. By so doing, they made the Siege a great Deal easier to the Besieged : and therefore (as those who were best acquainted with the Affairs oi Derry during the Siege do confess) Inishillin does deserve no small Part of the Honour of that Places Preservation." Then, in reference to certain " Scandalous Reports which," according to the reverend gen- tleman, " the Papists, and (perhaps) some rotten hearted Protestants, had raised upon these Men," he adds, amongst other observations respecting them : " Those Men have kept free from the Enemy the whole County Fermanagh, from the Castle oi Cram, to Bellishanny, and all that Part of the Country of Dunegall that lies next the Sea from Bellishanny to Killaheggs, which will be above fifty Miles in Length, and in those Bounds have raised for Their Majesties Service, Three Regiments of Foot, Two Regiments of Dragoons, and about Twenty Troops of Horse ; most of them officer'd by Men of Estates, and many of the private Men, having Free- holds and Estates in that Kingdom. So that when ever Ireland is reduced, I do with Confi- dence averr. That the very OflBcers (without accounting the Real and Personal Estates of those who were content to bear Arms as Private Soldiers) if restored to their own, and no more, will be found worth above £10,000 per Annum, who have adhered to Inishillin, and are now called Inishillin-men"^. Note 99, xxxii.-xxxiii. : Dublin, 1749 Dr. King's State of tion of Doctor Jeofifry Keating's History of Ire- the Protestants of Ireland, &c., appendix, pp. 268, land : London, 1723. — Story's Impartial History, 279, 305: Dublin, 1713. — Earl of Sunderland's p. 98, and Continuation, pp. 137-138, 229-231: Letter to Earl of Clarendon, Whitehall, March London, 1693 List of the Officers of King James 20th, I685; King James XL's Letter to Doctor II. 's Irish Army, as referred to in Note 2. — Copy Dominick Mac Guire, March 22nd, 1G8§ ; and Earl in Annotator's possession, of a MS. Account of the of Sunderland's Letter to Lord Deputy of Ireland, Battle of Aughrim, stated to have been taken from Wliitehall, February 4th, 168? ; in State Paper the description of an Irish soldier, who was present. Office, London Pedigree of Colonel Cuconacht '' Hamilton's Actions of the Inniskilling-Men, More Mac Guire in Dermod O'Conor's transla- PP- 63-65. IRISH ARCH. SOC. 2 S 314 Notes and Illustrations. Note 99, Page 37. Lord Mountcashel incorrectly supposed to have failed in capturing Crom Castle, from a want of any artillery. The notion of Colonel O'Kelly, as to the Irish having been without artillery, before Crom Castle, is erroneous. The Rev. Andrew Hamilton, under the date of Sunday, July 26th, 1689, says: "There came an Express from Crom to the Governour, (of Enniskillen) ac- quainting him, That Lieutenant- General Macarty had march'd his Men from Belturbet, and was come before Crom, and was raising a Battery to play upon the Castle ...... and the next Day, on Munday-moruing the 29th of July, by an other Express from Crom, we were in- form'd, that Lieutenant- General Macarty had begun to batter the Castle icilh his Cannon," &c. The same Ennisldllen authority states, in his account of the subsequent overthrow of the Irish force at Newton-butler, "we took seven Cannon;" and in King James's Memoirs, the capture of " cannon" from his army there is likewise acknowledged'". Note 100, Page 37. TJie Ennishilliners believed to have been strongly reinforced by the English, at the affair of Newton-Butler, July 3\st (O. S.), 1689, but not, in reality, joined by any more English, than a few experienced Officers. It does not appear from the Rev. Andrew Hamilton, or from any other source of infor- mation which the writer of this note has met with, that the Enniskilliners received any aid in men from the English fleet and land-force under Major-General Kirke, except a few good Officers. They, landing at Ballyshannon on Friday, the 20th of July, and hearing there of Lord Mountcashel's having been at Belturbet with his forces, proceeded on Saturday, the 27th, to Belleek, on Sunday, the 28th, to Enniskillen by water, and were finally present at the affair of Newton- Butler, on the following Wednesday, July 31st, 1689. Amongst those Officers, was Colonel William Wolseley, who commanded the Enniskilleners, on that occa- sion. The report mentioned by Colonel O'Kelly, as to the Enniskilliners having been rein- forced by troops from England, may have arisen, either from such a rumour having been pur- posely circulated by the Enniskilliners in connexion with the landing of those few Officers ; or from an exaggeration, on the part of the country Irish, naturally occasioned, in a time of general alarm, by that landing, and the circumstance of Kirke's fleet and troops having been, for a considerable period, off the coasts. But, from whatever cause originating, such "news" would be beneficial to the Enniskilliners, in proportion to its being discouraging to their opponents'*. Note 101, ' Hamilton's Actions of the Inniskilling-Men, pp. 368,369. pp. 33, 34, 45 Memoirsof King James II., vol. ii. '' See Hamilton and Harris. Notes and Illustrations. 3 1 5 Note 101, Pages 37-38. Lord MountcnsheVs force, loth horse and foot, owing to their being mostly new levies, and to a great error by a subordinate Officer in commanding his men, are easily defeated at Newton- Butler. King James's Memoirs state of his troops, in this unfortunate affair, "the King's hors soon giveing way, the rest were totally routed." Story, who, as Chaplain to one of William III.'s Regiments during the war in Ireland, had good opportunities for collecting military information there, says, in reference to the little difficulty and small loss with which the En- nisliilliners were represented to have beaten the Irish, on this occasion : " This Story seem'd to me at first very Incredible ; but I was told, it partly hapned by a Fatal Mistake in the Word of Command amongst the Irish; for the laiskillin-men charged the Irish Right Wing very smartly, which 3/acAarth, 1G90, to meet him. King James's Memoirs, in mentioning the great disadvantages under which the King lay, in attempting to defend himself against VVilliam in 1090, speak of his army as "a hody of men in great measure newly raised, half disciplined, half armed, and not above half the number of the Enemie, with a weak artillery, and very little mony." The royal Memoirs further state, in reference to the numerical inferiority of the King's force compared with William's, that " he had not aboue twenty thousand men, and the other between forty and fifty thousand." In giving an account of the firing of the artillery the day before the action of the Boyne, the same work mentions William's artillery as " very numerous, being at leait fifty pieces (as was sayd) with several! small mortars which they fired also," — this last circumstance, by tlie way, being apparently alluded to, in the old Williamite ballad upon the engagement : *' King James, he pitcli'd his tents between His lines, for to retire ; King Wilham threw liis bo/nb-shells in, And set them all on fire !" The Duke of Berwick, who was at the Boyne, afiirms respecting what he designates the " grande disproportion" between his father's and William's army : " Les ennemis avoient cjuarante-cinq mille hommes, & nous n'etions que vingt-trois mille." Pere d' Orleans, the Jesuit, who may be cited as a Jacobite authority, since, in the intro- duction to the third volume of his work on the Revolutions of England, he tells us he enjoyed the liberty of consulting King James ad libitum, and also obtained information from Mr. She- ridan, who was high in office under that Monarch's government in Ireland, says, respecting the numbers and artillery of the Williamite army, that William "s'etant joint aveo le Mare- chal de Sehomberg, marcha avec quarante-cinq mille hommes, & soixante pieces de gros canon vers Dublin pour chercher le Roi." The same French writer adds of King James's force, though joined by Lauzun's French, that " I'arinee du Roi de la Grande Bretagne ne put gueres passer vingt mille hommes, une grande partie a demi armez, & n'ayant d'artillerie que douze pieces de campagne, qu'on avoit amenees de France." Thus, according to the Jacobite accounts, James's army would be from 20,000 to 23,000 men, ' See "Note 22, for tlie number of Roman Catho- 28(J-287 Dalrymple's Memoirs, &c., vol. ii. part lies, in that favourite regiment of William. ii. book iv. appendix, pp. 60, (il, GQ, 68, 1st edit. : ™ Lord Molesworth's Account of Denmark, London, 1773, & vol. iii. part ii. book v. p. 6, .3rd chap. i. pp. 1, 3, chap. xiii. pp. 139-141 : London, edit. London, 1790 Copies of Military State Pa- 1738 — Harris's "Ware, vol. ii. Irish Writers, pp. pers Story's Impartial Hist., &c., pp. 89, 95-97. 342 Notes and Illustrations. men", in a great measure, very inferiorly armed and disciplined ; and with an artillery of but twelve field-pieces ; and William's army would be between 40,000 and 30,000, or 43,000 men, excellently equipped and disciplined, or, as King James says, " most old regiments, well apointed," and with an artillery of between fifty and sixty pieces of large cannon, besides field- mortars. On the other hand, the Williaraite Chaplain, Story, without giving any numerical parti- culars concerning the artillery of either side, says, in the first-published portion of his work, respecting the amount of the Williamite army : " On the 27 Story makes this wing of the English conside- tion of the Wars of Ireland, p. 22. ) 350 Notes and Illustrations. they were put into no small confusion, in drawing troops from other parts, in order to make good their left, which," — namely, the uther parts, or their centre and right, — "they had weak- ened. This answered the King's expectation, who perceiving the disorder they were in, ordered the army to pass the river. The front line was over before the enemy had recovered their disorder, and the King soon passed over and put himself at the head of them." While, through such confusion and corresponding weakness, occasioned by drawing away, as James tells us, ''most of the foot" from Old-Bridge and its vicinity, in order to guard against Douglas and young Schonberg towards Slane, William was the better enabled to effect a passage across the river by his centre, under old Marshal Schonberg, opposite Old- Bridge, and by his left wing of cavalry, under himself, nearer to Drogheda, " le Roi," says the Duke of Berwick, in reference to his father's advance towards Slane, " marcha aussi de ce c6te-Ia avec la plus grande partie de I'armee, & laissa, pour garderle passage d'Old- Bridge, huit bataillons aux ordres de M. d'Hamilton, Lieutenant General, & I'aile droite de cavalerie aux miens. Schomberg, qui etoit reste vis-a-vis de nous, attaqua Old-Bridge, & s'en empara, malgre la resistence du regiment qui y etoit, & qui y perdit cent cinquante hommes tues sur la place ; sur quoi Hamilton descendit avec les sept autres bataillons pour rechasser les ennemis. Deux bataillons des Gardes les enfoncerent ; mais leur cavalerie ayant trouve]moyen de passer a un autre gue, & s'avan(;ant pour tomber sur notre infanterie, j'y lis marcher notre cavalerie, ee qui donna le moyen a nos bataillons de se retirer ; mais aussi il fallut que nous commen^assions un combat fort incgal, tant par le nombre d'escadrons, que par le terrain qui etoit fort coupe, & ou les ennemis avoient fait glisser de I'infanterie. Nous ne laissames pas de charger ^- recharger dix fois ; & a la fin, les ennemis etourdis de notre audace, firent hake : nous nous reformames devant eux, & puis nous nous remimes en marche cm petit pas, pour aller joindre le Roi ; lequel, apres avoir mis I'armee en bataille, pour charger le Prince d'Orange', en fut empeche par un marais qvi se Irouva entre les deux armees' : sur quoi, pour n'etre pas enveloppe par cette partie des ennemis qui venoient de forcer le passage d'Old- Bridge, il fit marcher par la gauche pour gagner le ruisseau de Duleek." From a comparison of what the Duke says, with what Lauzun mentions, relative to the strength of the force which the Irish had in their centre and right, and that brought against them * iVoi " le Prince d'Orange," but Lieutenant Ge- in his private despatch, already spolien of, from neral Douglas and Count Schonberg, as has been Limerick, 26th July, 1690 : " Le Roi me com- shown from Story. William, as we A7io?(' from the manda d'aller chercher les ennemis, qui mar- same authority, led his /ffi wing towards Drogheda chaient toujours a un mille de nous, sans s'arreter, and not his right wing towards Slane ; or, in other pour 7iotts conper nos derrieres, ou i/ai/uer Ditbtin. words, was (though, it appears, without the Duke Je niarchai pom- aller a eiLx ; mais ayant trouve un of Berwick's being aware of it,) much nearer to grand marais devant moi et un ravin qui ne se the Duke himself, in the engagement, than to the pouvait passer, je fus oblige, le Roi pressant, de Duke's father. King James (Impartial History, marcher a cote d'eux, toujours a vue, pour les em- pp. 78, 79, 82, and Continuation, pp. 22.) pecker de gagner Dublin." King James, as will be » This circumstance is also mentioned by Lauzun, seen, gives the same account. See Note 131, p. 352. Notes and Illustrations. 351 them by Marshal Schonberg and William, it would appear, as intimated in the Latin text, that the Irish were " insufficient" and their opponents " superior in numbers." The Duke speaks of the Irish infantry at only " huit bataillons," and, in terming the engagement between the Irish cavalry and that of the enemy, " un combat fort incgal," he adds, that it was so, " tant par le nombre d'escadrons, que par le terrain qui etoit fort coupe, & ou les ennemis avoieut fait glisser de Vinfanterie," or, in other words, had brought both cavalry and infantry to bear upon cavalry onl}'. And, as to the forces by which the Irish were compelled to retreat from Old-Bridge towards Duleek, Lauzun tells us, that the message brought to the King (who was with him) respecting this reverse, after informing his Majesty, " que le passage d'Olde- brige etait attaque et force," and "que milord Tirconnel I'avait defendu avec beaucoup de valeur de sa personne et de son regiment," added, "mais que douze bataillons avec dix huit escadrons des ennemis avaient fait plier nos bataillons." Thus, by what the Duke of Berwick asserts, the combat of the Irish cavalry against that of William would be " fort inegale," according to " le nombre d'escadrons," &c. ; and as to the infantry of both parties, the Irish battalions about Old-Bridge are spoken of by the Duke as only eight, against twelve, according to Lauzun, of William's, besides eighteen squadrons of Williamite cavalry. On the conduct of his countrymen, in reference to this passage of the Boyne by their opponents, the Latin translator of Colonel O'Kelly says, in connexion with what he speaks of as the superior num- bers of the latter, " nor does this justify any imputation of cowardice or want of energy in the men, nor of any failure of military skill in the officers." And, upon the whole, or when con- sidered as new levies, inferior in every sort of appointment, as well as in number, to William's Continental veterans, &c., that the Irish did not act badly in this quarter, according to Ber- wick's assertion, "nous ne laissames pas de charger & recharger dix fois" may be judged by the observation of the Marshal de Boufflers, in his letter to Louis XIV., July 1st, 1703, on the battle of Eeckeren : " II est bien difficile a ramener dix fois a la charge des troupes qui n'ont jamais rien vu""". See, also, Notes 126-127. Note 131, Page 51. James, instead' of ordering his whole army, represented as then draum up, to advance, is asserted, by his commanding them to retreat to Dublin, to have exposed them to be all cut off by the enemy, in pursuit. It has been shown, in the previous note, that the King was some miles away from his centre at Old-Bridge, and from his right of cavalry nearer to Drogheda; having marched with Lauzun, the French contingent, and, in short, the greatest part of his force, to the left, towards ^ Memoirs of Captain Parker, pp. 19-20. — Me- zun's despatch, &c. — Dalrymple's Memoirs, &c., moirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. .39,")-400. — vol. iii. pp. 29-30 : London, 1790. — Collection des Story as last cited. — Memoires du JNIarcchal de Documents Inedits sur I'Histoire de France, &c., Berwick, tome i. pp. 69-71 MS. Copy of Lau- Premiere Serie, tome iii. pp. ()3, 73 : Paris, 183ti. 352 Notes and Illustrations. towards Slane, against Lieutenant General Douglas and Count Schonberg, lest, to use the words of James himself, respecting the enemy, " they might have got to Dulick before the King, who was with the left, and so have cut off his retreat to Dublin and routed the whole army." Having mentioned the passage of the river towards Slane by the enemy's right wing, after an opposition from " S' Neale O'Neal's dragoons," who " did their part very well and disputed the passage with the enemie almost an hour till their Cannon came up, and then retired in good order with the loss only of fine or six common men, their Colonel shot through the thigh and an officer or two wounded," — his Majesty gives the following account of what happened on his left, where he and Lauzun were. " No sooner," observe the royal Memoirs, "had the Enemie passed there, but they stretched out their line to the right as if they desired to take us in the flank, or get between us and Dublin, which Mons' de Lausune seeing marched with the left to keep up with them, and obserue their motion ; while this was a doing the King went to the right to liasten up the troops to follow Lausune, believeing the main body of the Enemie's Army was following their right which had passed at Slane The King took the reserue consisting of Purcel's hors and Brown's foot, with which he marched till he came up to tha rear of the foot that follow'd Lausune, and there ordering S' Charles Carny, who commanded the reserue, to post himself at the right of the first line of those foot to make a sort of left wing there, and then rid along the line where he found Lausune and the Enemie's Right drawn up in battle, within half cannon shot, faceing each other: the King did not think fit to charge just then, being in expectation of the troops he had left at old bridg, but while he was discoursing this matter with Lausune, an Aid de Camp came to giue the King an account that the Enemie had forced the pass at old bridg, and that the right wing was beaten ; which the King wispering in Lausun's ear, tould him, There was now nothing to be done but to charge the Enemie forthwith, before his troops knew what had happen'd on the right, and by that means try, if they could recover the day ; and accord- ingly sent Mons'' Hoguette to the head of the French foot, made all the Dragoons to light, and placed them iu the intervalls between the hors, and order'd Lausune to lead on: but just as they were beginning to nioue, Sarsfield and Maxwell who had been to view the ground betwixt the two Armys, said It uas impossible for the hors to charg the enemie by reason of two dubble ditches, ivith high banks, and a little brook betwixt them, that run along the small Valley that divided the two Armys', and at the same time the Enemie's Dragoons got on hors back and their whole line began to march by their flank to their right, and we soon lost sight of their van by a village that interposed; only by the dust that ris behind it, they seemed to endeavour to gain Dublin road ; upon which the King (since he could not attack them) thought fit to march also by his left towards Dublin road too, to pass a small brook at Dulick, which was impracticable higher up by reason of a bog. The King was no sooner on his march, but the right wing's being beat was no longer a mistery, for several of the scatter'd and wounded hors men got in amongst them before they rought (reached) Du- lick"'*. Note 13-2, " See Note 130, p. 350. '' Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 395-398. Notes and Illustrations. Tj^t, Note 132, Page 51. Murmurs amongst the Irish troops, at being ordered to retreat, and complaints, that a certain victory was, in consequence, snatched from them, &;c. All this is consistent enovigh with what the mass of James's army (with him, as has been seen, on the left towards Slane), might think, on finding themselves commanded to retreat towards Duleek, without striking a blow ; but being, at the same time, unaware of the natural obstacles to any fighting, which were reported as such to the King by Sarsfield and Maxwell', and which made the retreat upon Duleek necessary, in order to secure the road to Dublin against the enemy. " The Left Wing of the Lish Army," says Story, " seemed resolved to fight Douglass; but when they heard how Things went at Old-Bridge, they retreated immediately towards Du- leek, and so marched off untouched." Story was not aware of the other circumstance, inde- pendent of William's success at Old-Bridge, which caused the Irish left (as well as William's right) to "march off untouched." Had Douglas and young Schonberg, at the head of that right wing, or, in other words, of their 8,000 or 10,000 men, been able to close the road to Dublin against James, by getting to, and seizing upon, the pass of Duleek before him, while William drove the rest of the Irish army from Old- Bridge, &c., upon Duleek, so pre-occu- pied against them, too, — the consequences need not be particularized'. Note 133, Page 5i. James, accompanied by a select guard of horse, leaves his army for Dublin, reaches it the same night, and, quitting that city early next morning, continues his journey, in the direction of Kinsale. Having, in the passage already given, mentioned his retreat upon the pass of Duleek, (after learning the enemy's success at Old-Bridge, and finding it impossible to fight Douglas and young Schonberg,) the King thus relates the circumstances of his quitting his army for Dublin : " Mons^ de Lausun advised the King to take his own regiment of hers which had the van of that wing, and some Dragoons, and make the best of his way to Dublin, for fear the Enemie, who were So strong in hurs and Dragoons, should make detachments, and get thither before him, which he was confident they would endeavour to doe ; but that if his Majesty arriued there first, he might with the troops he had with him, and the garison he found there, prevent their possessing themselves of the Town till Mons' Lausun could make the retreat, which he prayd him to leaue to his conduct, and advised him not to remain at Dublin neither, but go with all expedition for France, to prevent his falling into the Ene- mies ' See Notes 130 and 131, pp. 330-352. f Authorities to Notes 130 ami 131. IRISH ARCH. SOC. 2 Z 2J4 Notes and Illustrations. mies hands, which would be not only his, but the Prince his Son's utter ruin ; that as long as there was life there was hope, and that if once he was in France again, his cause was not so desperate, they being in all probability Masters at Sea^ ; that he would giue one of his hands that he could haue the honour to accompany him, but he must endeavour to make his retreat the best manner he could, or dy with the French if they were beaten : this advice went much against the grain, so the King demur'd to it, tho reitterated seueral times ; but Mons' Lausun ceased not pressing him, til at last he found by a more particular account in what manner the business had been carryd on the right, that all the enemies Army had passed the river, which forced even those troops that were not beaten to retreat, and that by consequence it was necessary for him to doe so too." " The King haveing yeilded at last to Mons'^ Lausun 's advice, got to Dublin that night, where he met Major Wilson with letters from the Queen, and an account of Prince VVal- deck's being entirely routed by the Marshal of Luxembourg at Flerus, which good news encouraged his design of going for France ; but before he could resolue upon it, he spoke singly with those of his Privy Council he trusted most, as the two Chancellors, the Duke of Powis, Secretary Neagle, and Marques of Albeville, the Lord Chief Barron, and others, who were unanimously of a opinion, he should loos no time in going to France, that he run a great risque of being taken by the Enemie, who they believed would be there the next morning." " Assoon as it was light Mr Taaf the Duke of Tyrconnell's Chaplain (a very honest and descreet Clergie man) came from him, to press the King to leaue Dublin, and get into France as soon as ever he could, and to send all the troops in Town immediately to meet him and Monsf de Lausun at Leslip, whither he was marching with what he had left, not designing to come into Dublin at all, for fear he should not get his tired troops soon enough out of it again ; accordingly the King order'd Simon Lutterel to march to Leslip, with all the forces in Town except two troops of the King's own Regiment of hors, which he kept to attend upon himself, who in complyance to the advice of all his friends resolued to go for France and try to doe something more effectual on that side, than he could hope from so shatter'd and dishearten'd a body of men as now remain'd in Ireland. " The King seting out aboue five in the morning, marched leasurely to Bray about ten miles from Dublin, where he order'd the two troops he had with him to stay till twelue at noon to defend that bridg as long as they could, if any partie of the Enemie should fortune to follow them ; and then continued on bis journey through the hills of Wicklovv, with a few persons, till he came to one Mr Racket's house near Arclo, where he baited his horses some two hours, and then foUow'd on his journey to Duncannon. " The King travelling all night got to Duncannon about sun rise. Mons"^ de la Hoguette and his companions'" went streight to Passage where they found the Lausun a Ma- louin of 28 guns newly come in there laden with corn and other goods for Ireland ; they prevail'd f See Note 125. '' French Officers. Notes and Illustrations. t^^k, prevail'd with the Captain to get unrler sail, and fall down with the tyde to Duncannon, and came to the King there about noon to ac(]uaint him with what they had done, adviseing him it would be easier to go on board her, and so pass by sea to Kingsale, rather then by Water- ford, the wind being good and the coast cleere, and that if his Majesty could get out that evening he might be at Kingsale next morning early; the King liked the proposition, and went on board assoon as the ship fell down, and got over the bar before night ; as soon as he was at Sea, those gentlemen would have perswaded the King to haue gon to rights for Brest, but the King did not think fit to do that, so he got early next morning to Kingsale"', &c. Note 134, Page 52. The King does not long delay at Kinsule, but embarks there, in a French vessel, for France, tfc. At Kinsale, the King tells us, " he found Mons' Foran a Chef d'Esquadre with a Squadron of Seven small french ships, with some merchant men laden with corn and wine, togather with Mons' Du Quesne who had three small frigats likewise." It is added, that " the Queen had obtain'd these ships for the King's service in Ireland, which fell out opertunely enough for this Service ;" and that the King " set sail, and came to Brest the 20th of July N. S. from whence he sent an express to the Queen to acquaint her with his arrival there, and his misfor- tune in the Country from whence he came"J. Note 135, Page 52. James, before his leaving Dublin, said to have ordered his Officers to disperse their men, and make the best conditions they could, for themselves. The King does not appear, from the Stuart authorities, to have given any such orders as these, ere his departure from Dublin. The commands which he did give to Colonel Simon Luttrell respecting all the soldiery in town, except two troops of the Royal Regiment of Horse, have been previously mentioned, in Note 133. The Duke of Berwick says, in relating the retreat from the Boyne : " La nuit venue, nous regiimes ordre de marcher a Dublin; ce que nous fimes le matin. De la, le Due de Tirconnel nous ordunna de gagner Lymerich, qui en etoit au moins a soixante milles : chuque Culoiiel fut charge d'y conduire son regiment par ou iljugeroit a propos." And, in speaking of the situation of the King's affairs after his re- turn to Dublin from the Boyne, the Duke remarks, that the King considered, " qu'il conve- noit mieux a laisser le cummandement a Tirconel, & de s'en retourner en France, tant pour y solliciler ' It is hardly requisite to notice Colonel O'Kel- of Ireland, from one end of it to the other. — (Me- ly's great miscalculation of distance in the text, by moirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 397-404.) which a journey from the Boyne to Kinsale is J Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 4(14- made ** 100 leagues," or about as long as the whole 406. 2 Z 2 35^ Notes and Illustrations. solliciter des secours," &c. Finally, James himself says, in connexion with his embarkation for France at Kinsale : " Before the King went on board he writ to My Lord Tyrconnel, that pursuant to his, Mons' de Lausune's and the rest of his friends advice, he was going for France, from whence he hoped to send them more considerable succours, and left them in the mean time fifty thousand pistoles, which was all the monv he had"''. Note 136, Page 52. The flight of James, from the Boyne to France, not attributed by the Author merely to cowar- dice, owing to the many instances of bravery, formerly shown by that Prince, on land and sea. On James's reputation, as Duke of York, for great courage both by land and sea, see Note 34. The circumstances that led to his leaving Ireland for France, after the battle of the Boyne, are given at length in the royal Memoirs, and thus more concisely stated by the Duke of Berwick : " Le Roi, ayant vu que, par le malheureux succes de lajournee de la Boyne, il ne pouvoit conserver Dublin, crut qu'il convenoit mieux de laisser le commandement a Tir- connel, & de s'en retourner en France, tant pour y solliciter des secours, que pour voir meme s'il ne trouveroit pas jour a profiter de I'absence du Prince d'Orange pourfaire uneentreprise sur I'Angleterre. L'occasion se trouvoit favorable, car le Marechal de Luxembourg avoit gagne en Flandre la bataille de Fleurus ; & le Comte de Tourville, qui venoit de battre les flottes ennemies, etoit actuellement a I'ancre aux Dunes ; de maniere que le passage en Angle- terre etant sans difficulte ui opposition, il y avoit lieu de presumer que le Roi pourroit aise- ment se rendre maitre de ce royaume. Cela auroit aussi oblige le Prince d'Orange a aban- donner I'Irlande, pour accourir au plus presse : mais M. de Louvois, Ministre de la Guerre, qui, par opposition a M. de Seigneley, Ministre de la Marine, etoit contraire en tout au Roi d'Angleterre, s'opposa si fortement a ce projet, que le Roi Tres-Chretien, persuade par ses raisons, n'y voulut pas consentir"'. Note 137, Page 53. IVte King charged to have been, after his arrival in France, so far from soliciting any suc- cours for supporting the war in Ireland, that he told Louis XIV. all was lost, or beyond relief, in that country. This representation of James's conduct, as regards French succours for the Irish, is quite contrary to what the King's Memoirs say on the subject. After his return to France, they state, ' Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. • Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 407- pp. 72-73 Memoirs of King James II., p. 401, 412 Memoiresdu Marechal deBerwick, tome ii. 402, 405. pp. 72-75. Notes and Illustrations. 257 state, " that the Court of France was so disponding in the matter, that all the King could say was not able to procure so much as a small supply of armes, amunition, &c., for Ire- land, his Most Christian Majesty gaue all for lost in that Kingdom, sayd, It would be so much throwne away to send any thing thither, and therefore all he thought fit to doe, was to dis- patch some empty shipps to bring away his troops, and such as would come along with them ; so that in conformety to this the King was forced to send an order to My Lord Tirconnel, to come away himself too if he judged it proper, and either name a Commander in chief at his departure, and bring with him as many as willing to accompany him, or otherwise to make conditions for their remaining if they rather chose that""'. Note 138, Pages 33, 55. Good retreat from the Boyne, made after James leaves his armtj, hy the Irish cavalry, and the French infantry, to Dublin. Story, in connexion with James's infantry at the Boyne, notes, "The French were towards the Left of their Army that Day, and so did little or no Service, except it was in the Retreat." The King himself, alluding to his arrival, on the retreat, with Lauzun, at the pass of Duleek, and to the junction there with the rest of the army from Old- Bridge, &c., under the Duke of Tyrconnell, says, respecting the conduct of the Irish horse and French infantry, on that occasion: " Tyrconnel joined Lausnn as he was passing, at which time the Enemie ap- pear'd and offer'd to attack their reer, but they turn'd upon them with some hors and the French foot, and made so good a countenance that they suffer'd them to pass quietly over the brook, and bring fve (of the Six pieces of Cannon) which attended the left wing, the other being boged was lost ; from thence they made their retreat to the Neal, an other great defile in good order, the enemie however waiting still on them without pressing upon them, and at last, when night came, foUow'd no more." The Duke of Berwick, mentioning the same retreating junction, at the " brook ' or " ruis- seau de Duleek," of the Irish centre under Tyrconnell, and right wing of cavalry under him- self, with the left under the King and Lauzun, states, — " J'arrivai avec ma cavalerie, justement comme les dernieres troupes du Roi passoient le ruisseau ; mais celles du Prince d' Orange, qui s'avanQoient toujours, y arriverent presque en meme temps ; de maniere que je fus oblige de passer le defile au grand galop & en confusion : nous nous ralliames de I'autre cote, & toute notre armee s'y rangea en bataille. Les ennemis en firent autant vis-a-vis de nous, mais n'ose- rent nous attaquer. Apres quelque peu de temps, nous nous remimes en marche, & fiiraes suivies par partie de I'armee ennemie ; toutes les fois qu'a quelque defile nous faisions halte, ils en faisoient de meme, & je crois qu'ils etoient bien aises de nous faire un pont d'or." The Villare Hibernicum, a contemporary Williamite narrative of this campaign, pub- lished the same year in London, having said, " The Enemy retreated from Defile to Defile ; our " Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 413-414. 358 Notes and Illustrations. our Horse pursuing them as far as Duleeh, where the King with the Forces he had with them, joyned those of the Count de Schonberg" adds, concerning this retreat of the Irish horse and French foot beyond Duleek, after the joining of the wliole of William's force for a pursuit,— " The Enemj retired about three Miles farther, and there posted themselves in a very advan- tageous Place ; and the King followed them with his Horse and Dragoons, and Orders were given to Attack them there, but it being very late, and the Fight having lasted from Ten in the Morning till Nine at Night, His Majesty did not think fit to engage the Troops any farther, but ordered the Horse and Dragoons to remain in Arms all Night :" &c. Story, on this retreat of the French foot and Irish horse, asserts : " I enquired at (of) several, who they were that managed the Retreat the Irish made that Day so much to their Advantage, for (not to say worse of them than they deserve) it was in good Order so far as we could see them (1 mean with the Horse and French Foot) whatsoever they did afterwards ; but I could hear of none in particular," &c. And, in the second portion of his work, having related the joining of the whole of the retiring Irish force at Duleek, he speaks of what he considers the incompleteness of the victory, on accoimt of the obstacles presented by this re- treat. " Our Army," says he, " then pressed hard upon them, but meeting with a great many Difficulties in the Ground, and being obliged to pursue in Order, our Horse had only the Opportunity of cutting down some of their Foot, and most of the Rest got over the Pass at Duleek; then Night coming on, prevented us from making so entire a Victory of it, as could have been wished for"". Note 139, Page 55. The Irish cavalry and French infantry, on arrioing, after their good retreat from the Boyne, at Dublin, are greatly alarmed by the aspect of affairs there, and particularly, {according to the Author,) by a report, that King James had left orders, that every man should shift for himself. On this " sauve qui pent" rumour, see Note 135. Lauzun gives this account of how he found matters in Dublin on his return there, the morning after the battle of the Boyne, and of the directions which had been left for him by the King before his departure. " Arrivant a Dublin, la frayeur prit lorsque Ton sut le Roi parti ; que le Gouverneur auquel il avoit donne des ordres pour nous avait quitte% et que les trois regimens de la garnison s'etaient dissipes ; " Story's Impartial History, p. 89 ; and Conti- trell, was, as has been seen, in Note 1.3.3, dis- nuation, p. 23 Memoirs of King James II., vol. patched to Leixlip, by James's order. But the ii. pp. 400-401 Memoires du 5Iarechal de Ber- Colonel and his Militia returned, and, as will pre- wiek, tome i. pp. (0, 71, 72. — Lauzun's despatch, sently appear, did not evacuate Dublin till dusk, as previously cited. — Griffyth's Villai-e Hiberni- Simon Luttrell, unlike his brother Henry, sacri- cum, p. 8. ficed everything for his principles, left his country, » The Governor of Dublin, Colonel Simon Lut- and died in the French Service, in 1698. The in- Notes and Illustrations. 359 dissipes; qu'il n'y avait pain ni secours ; a la merci des Protestans; avec Wacop a I'entree de la ville, qui disait de la part du Hoi, de gagner Kinsale ou Limerick le mieux que t'on pourrait." The state of Dublin, on this day, that after the battle, is thus in part described by the Williamite author of the Villare Hibernicum. " All this Day, being Wednesday, nothing was to be seen in Dublin, but Officers and Carriages, and the Principal Persons of the Town, their Wives and Families going away ; others coming in dusty and weary, getting away as fast as they could. About four in the Afternoon, the Protestants were affi-ighted with the Appearance of the Irish Horse, which were drawn out of the City early in the Morning, and which they hop'd had been quite gone, entering into the Town, followed by the French and Irish Foot, in a full Body ; but they only marched through the Town to go farther ; the Militia that kept the City followed them, only the Governour remained. At last, he resolved to march also, and to drive two or three hundred of the Principal Prisoners before him : but while they were preparing for this, a false Allarm was spread, that a Party oi English being Landed at the Harbour, were just at the Toicns-end ; it was too dusky to disprove this by View, and they had not Leasure to send a Messenger, but in Hast shifted for themselves"''. Note 140, Page 55. The death of the Marshal Duke of Schonberg, early in the action at the Boyne, occasions such an interruption to a pursuit, as to greatly facilitate the Jacobite retreat, ^-c. " A la verite," says the Duke of Berwick, of the backwardness shown in molesting James's rear-guard, on the retreat from the Boyne, " cette inaction pouvoit venir de lamortde Schom- berg, qui avoit ete tue dans la melee du cote d' Old-Bridge dans une des charges que nous y fimes, & Ton peut (sans faire tort au Prince d'Orange) assijrer que Schomberg etoit meilleur General que lui. Quoi qu'il en soit, les enneniis nous laisserent aller tranquillenient." Respect- ing the circumstances of the veteran Marshal's death, the Duke affirms : " Schomberg fut tue par un Exempt & quelques Gardes-du-Corps, lesquels le prirent, a cause de son Cordon bleu'', pour le Prince d'Orange." King James asserts of the Marshal, that he " was sayd to be kill'd by Sir Charles Take, or O'Toule, an Exempt of the Guards as he was paissing the ford," that is, at Old-Bridge. William's friend and Marechal-de-Carap at the battle, the Earl of Portland, in his narrative of the engagement previously quoted, states: " There were 30 Officers and others of the enemys Life Guard, who, coming fiercely up, were all killed but 5 ; and these, at last, endeavouring to escape through the village (i. e. of Old-Bridge) did most unfortunately meet therein with the Duke of Schomberg, whom they there kill'd, with a pistol-shot." Captain Parker says, of the different versions, in William's army, of the manner iu scription to his memory in Paris, in gilt letters, on agere, et amplissimis possessionibus gaudere." a slab of black marble, says of him, that "cum p Manuscript Copy of Lauzun's despatch.— Kege Catholico pro fide Catholica exulare maluit, Griffyth's Villare Hibernicum, p. 11. et militando victitare, quam domi pacatam vitam 'i The Blue Riband of the Order of the Garter. 360 Notes and Illustrations. in which the Duke met his death, " That which passed current in the army that day, and indeed seems most probable was, that he was shot by a trooper, that had deserted from his own regiment about a year before, and was then in King James's guards." Story gives this character of the Duke : " He was certainly a Man of the best Education in the World, and knew Men and Things beyond most of his Time, being Courteous and Civil to every Body, and yet had Something always that look'd so Great in him, that he com- manded Respect from Men of all Qualities and Stations As to his Person, he was of a middle Stature, well proportion'd, fair complection'd, a very sound hardy Man of his Age, and sate an Horse the best of any Man ; he loved constantly to be neat in his Clothes, and in his Conversation he was always pleasant: he was fourscore and two when he died, and yet when he came to be unbowelled, his Heart, Intrails and Brains, were as fresh and as sound, as if he had been but twenty ; so that it's probable he might have lived several Years, if Providence had not ordered it otherways" '. Note 141, Page 56. The Count de Lauzun alleged to have been so impatient to get back to France, that he could not bear the idea of continuing the war in Ireland; and others of the French Officers, from a similar desire of returning home, were thought to have looked on the contest as hopeless. So far back as the summer of 1689, when it was decided, that Lauzun should supersede Rosen in Ireland, the writer of an official letter from France, in the Stuart Papers, who men- tions his having conversed with Lauzun, on the subject of his destination for Ireland, affirms that Lauzun said : " If there were a man to whom he wished the gi-eatest plague he could invent, it should be to be in his circumstances, and to be sent into Ireland. That he was grown old, and desired quiet ; and instead of that, undertook a desperate business ; only fit for somebody who had neither reputation, nor interest, nur quiet, nor anything else to lose." On these sentiments of Lauzun, the Jacobite writer adds : " I believe no General in France but would have been ambitious to restore the King, and to venture their lives in such a cause." By the extract, in Note 126, from Lauzun's despatch of July 26th, 1690, from Limerick, and still more from the whole of that document, it is evident, he wished to get back to France, as soon as possible. In Note 43, the existence of a similar feeling, on the part of the French OflScers employed in Ireland, is likewise apparent, by the extract given from Montesquieu. One of the chief objects of complaint, amongst the French in general, was the difficulty of supplying themselves here with bread ; which was indispensable to their health, though not to that of the Irish. M. de la Hoguette, one of Lauzun's principal Officers, in a letter from Gal- way, August 25th, 1 690, to his official correspondent in France, observes, amongst the several details ' Memoires du Marcchal de Berwick, tome i. at the Boyne as cited in Note 124 — Memoirs of pp. 72, 75.— Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. Captain Parlier, pp. 20-21. — Story's Impartial p. 40n Earl of Portland's Narrative of the Fight History, pp. 83-86. Notes and Illustrations. 361 details which he gives, of the bail effects of such a want, on the constitutions of his men : " Monseigneur, il est bon de vous dire, que ce qui fait une impossibilite de subsistence pour nous, n'en est pas une pour les Irlandois, lesquels avec du laict, du bled, et de la viande, vivent fort bien, sans se soucir de pain, et sans en estre incommodez." The same Officer, in his de- spatch, gives this representation of his views respecting the condition of Ireland, from which it is manifest, how much he (as well as Lauzun) desired to be recalled to France. Apparently alluding, by the words " nostre desastre," to the affair of the Boyne, he says : " Voila, Mon- seigneur, la scituation dans laquelle nous sommes depuis nostre desastre, dans laquelle il ne nous est pas seulement permis de pouvoir esperer de rien fairs, qui nous fasse le moindre honneur, ny d'utilite au service du Roy, puisque si les ennemis nous attaquoient icy', la seule faim nous y feroit perir; et que quand mesme on les empescheroit de prendre cette place, le pays est dans une telle extremite, que ny les trouppes qui y demeureront, tant Francoises qu'Irlan- doises, ny les places qui resteroient dans I'obeissance du Roy d'Angleterre, ne se peuvent sou- tenir en rien que par I'entretien et la paye du Roy' ; c'est a dire, par une armee de mer et de terre, avec touttes les choses qui y conviennent; et pardessus le tout, un chef fran^ois pour commander dans le pays. Je ne SQay, Monseigneur, si le Roy seroit en estat, dans laconjonc- ture presente, de faire cette depense, et si mesme il seroit encore ii temps de I'entreprendre, quand il le voudroit; mais je vous prie tousjours de compter bien surement, que sans touttes les circonstances que je vous marque cy dessus, cette affaire-cy est insoutenable absolument, et que les trouppes que le Roy y laissera sont trouppes perdues." What a degree of misunderstanding and distrust existed between the French and the Irish, — which must have been a further reason for the former wishing to get back to their own country, — may be inferred from another extract of this Officer's despatch, while William was before Limerick, relative to the state of feeling between Boisseleau, the French Governor of the place, and the Irish garrison. Having premised of the Governor, in reference to his garrison, " comme il est homme de courage et d'ambition, il ne negligera rien pour leur en inspirer," M. de la Hoguette adds : " Mais il a affaire a des esprits si extraordinaires, que je doute qu'il puisse trouver le secret de les menager ; ainsi je craindray, jusques a la fin du siege, qu'ils ne lui jouent quelque mauvais tour, surtout dans le moindre eschec qui pourra arriver a sa garnison"". (The orthography of these extracts is given, as in the MS.) Note 142, Page 57. The Duke of Tyrconnell sends off his wife (an English lady) to France, along with his oicw wealth, and the King's treasure. Frances Jennings was the daughter of Richard Jennings, Esq., of Sandridge, in Hertford- shire, and elder sister of the famous Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough. Miss Jennings is described, ' In Galway. « Maepherson's Original Papers, vol. i. pp. ' Louis XIV. 314-316 Lauzun's despatch, and Notes 43 and IRISH ARCH. SOC. 3 A 362 Notes and Illustrations. described, in Grammont's Memoirs, as eminently beautiful in person, and agreeable in conver- sation. She was first married in 1665 to Sir George, otherwise Count Hamilton, (grandson of James, first Earl of Abercorn,) " a younger brother, and without fortune." He rose to be a Marechal de Camp in the French service, and died leaving her the mother of three daugh- ters, Elizabeth, Frances, and Mary, afterwards married to the Viscounts Ross, Dillon, and Kingsland. She became the wife of her former admirer. Colonel Richard Talbot, at Paris, in 1679. By the Colonel, subsequently Duke of Tyrconnell, she had two daughters ; one of whom, Lady Charlotte Talbot, became Princess de Vintimiglia; and the other seems to have died yomig, as neither her name, nor any further particulars respecting her, are known. After the Duke of Tyrconnell's death, in 1691, the Duchess and her daughters lived abroad, on a small pension from the Court of France. Having, subsequent to 1708, been restored a portion of the Duke's property, she returned to the Irish metropolis. She ap- pears to have devoted the rest of her life to religion ; founded a nunnery in King-street ; and died in Dublin, March 12th, 1731, at a very advanced age. "Her death," says Wal- pole, " was occasioned by her falling out of her bed on the floor, in a winter's night ; and beino- too feeble to rise or to call, was found in the morning so perished with cold, that she died in a few hours." She is mentioned to have been described, by those who saw her in her old age, as " low in stature, and extremely emaciated ; without the least trace of having ever been a beauty." Lord Melfort speaks, in no measured terms, of the Duchess of Tyrconnell, in his correspon- dence ; both as regards her general character, and her conduct, in the above-mentioned removal of the treasure from Ireland. Writing, in October, 1689, from Paris, to King James, in Ire- land, his Lordship says: " There is one other thing, if it could be effectuate, wereof infinite use; which is the getting the duchess of Tyrconnel, for her health, to come into France. I did not know she had been so well known here as she is; but the terms they give her, and which, for your service, I may repeat unto you, is, that she has {fame la plus noire qui se putsse conce- voir). I think it would help to keep that peace, so necessary for you, and prevent that caball- ing humour, which has very ill effects." Writing from Rome to Father Maxwell, in October, in 1690, his Lordship observes : " I think his (Tyrconnell's) Dutchess robbing in a manner Irlande of so much mony, & pretending it was the King's, should be no great commendation. But she is of the number of the fortunat may doe what they please, & shall be better looked on than others, whatever their services are." However, a very considerable allowance should be made in those statements of his Lordship, for the hostility existing between him, and the Duke and Duchess of Tyrconnell'. Note 143, 126. MS.CopyofM.de la Hoguette's despatch p. 122. — Oraison Funebre de My lord Richard from Galvvay, August 25th, 1690. Talbot, &c. (as in Note 119), p. 51 — Macpher- ' Jesse's Memoirs of the Court of England during son's Original Papers, vol. i. pp. 335, 337— Earl the Reign of the Stuarts, vol. iv. pp. 142-158. — of Melfort's MS. Correspondence from Rome (as Transactions of the Camden Society, No. XIV. cited in Note 105), vol. iii. p. 124. Notes and Elustrations. 363 Note 143, Pages 57-58. The Duke of Tyrconnell utated to have done everything, to induce his countrymen, instead of relying on France for aid, that was then barely able to defend herself, rather to treat with William, who would probably grant any conditions, sooner than be detained, by a war in Ireland, from attaching France on the Continent. James, along with what he tells us, of the Court of France, on his return from Ireland after the battle of the Boyne, being in so " disponding" a mood respecting Ireland, as to con- sider, that any supply sent there would be only thrown away, also informs us, that, for the purpose of landing in England, in consequence of Tourville's defeat of the English and Dutch fleets at Beachy-Head, " he made use of the first occasion to press his being allowed to goe aboard the (French) Fleet, but his Most Christian Majesty replyd, That would signify nothing without land forces which he Sayd were not to be spared, because the Duke of Bandenburg threaten'd to join Count VValdeck with his troops." This, James remarks, " was but a poor evasion to answer a certain demonstration, that the King's landing in England would hinder the P'"^ of Orange and fourty thousand men from joining the Enemie in Flanders the ensuing Campaign, would probably break the neck of the war, and lay his enemies at his mercy, which he fail'd not to urge, but the Court of France was so disponding in the matter," &c. Of the assertion of Louis XIV., that land forces could not be spared, even for invading Eng- land, at a time the French were masters of the sea, and the island was drained of regular troops for William's army in Ireland, James, as we find by a citation in his Memoirs, wrote word to the Duke of Tyrconnell, so early as the 24th of July. William did not encamp before Limerick till the 9th of August. In this interval, especially at such a fine season, James's letter could reach Tyrconnell. The opinion, which the French Officers seem to have entertained, as to the impossibility of supporting a contest in Ireland against the English and Dutch, without greater supplies than it would be expedient for France to give, has been already referred to. Under such circumstances, therefore, the Duke of Tyrconnell might think he best consulted the welfare of his countrymen, if he could induce them to make peace with William, from whom, under all the circumstances of his situation, it was not unnatural to expect eligible terms, in consideration of the submission of Ireland". See Note 152. Note 144, Page 58. The generality of the Irish nation unwilling to treat at all with William., as not expecting the due performance of any treaty by the English, tvho had so often infringed the public faith. The general belief, on the part of the Irish, that there was no confidence to be placed in ' any compact which might be entered into by the English with them, has been popularly ex- pressed « Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 411, pp. 15-21 : London, 1790 — Story's Imp. Hist., p. 413. Dalrymple's Memoirs, part ii. book v. vol. iii. 112, and Cont. Hist., p. 36. — Notes 137 and 141. 3 A 2 364 Notes and Illustrations. pressed in these Irish verses, referred toby O'Halloran, and our learned associate, Mr. Har- diman : " Nd t)6an coniann pe peap S^l'l-'^'J' Tlld nfp, nf peppbe &uic, bei& coibce tip rf t)0 liieaUca, Comann an pip gallba buic." "Ne'er with an Englishman in friendship be ; Should' St thou be so, 'twill be the worse for thee ; By treachery he'll destroy thee, if he can ; Such is th' affection of an Englishman." The reproach of the English with bad faith by the Irish, which is represented to have commenced at a very early period of the connexion between the two islands, is recorded on another important occasion, or in Queen Elizabeth's reign, as well as in those of James II. and William III., to have prevented the conclusion of peace, between the Irish and English. The Annals of the Four Masters, having related how, in 1396, Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormonde, and Myler Magrath, Archbishop of Cashel, were deputed by the Anglo- Irish government to meet for the conclusion of a peace, on apparently fair terms, with the Chieftains of Tyrone and Tirconnell, O'Neill and O'Donnell, at Dundalk, then give this account of the reasons of the Irish Chieftains, for refusing such conditions : " O'Neill, O'Donnell, and all the Chiefs of the Province who were then along with them, went into Council upon those conditions, which were brought to them; and having reflected, for a long time, upon the many that had been ruined by the Galls since their arrival in Erin", by specious promises, which they had not performed, and the numbers of the high-born Princes, Gentlemen, and Chieftains, who came to premature deaths, without any reason at all, except to rob them of their patrimonies, they feared very much, that what was [then] promised would not be fulfilled to them; so that they finally resolved upon rejecting the peace." How far justifiable, or unjustifiable, nearly a century after this negociation, or during the Jacobite war, was the aversion of the Irish, to conclude any treaty of peace with the English, may be further explained by a reference to the immediate conduct, and remote causes of the conduct, observed with respect to the Treaty of Limerick*^. A modern English writer assigns the following reasons for the several breaches of national faith by his countrymen in Ireland, since its invasion by them. " The English," says he, " had been^, though a superior people, yet not sufficiently so, to warrant the attempt at dominion by mere force; they had been obliged, therefore, to affect an unity of interests and equality of rights with their victims, which their illiberality forbad them really to intend, and their insuffi- cient refinement incapacitated them to effect. They had, in consequence, continually violated the most solemn compacts, to which their want of brute power obliged them to have recourse"^ Note 143, » See remark on the translation of the extract ' These italics in the original. from Keating, given in Note 64, p. 251. » O'Halloran's Introduction to the History and J Compare Notes 69, 278, and 281. Antiquities of Ireland, pai-t iii. chap. iii. pp. 253- Notes and Illustrations. 365 Note 145, Page 59. William, after his success at the Boyne, slowly proceeded to Dublin, where he was joyfidly re- ceived, by the race of English settlers that were established there, in consequence of Crom- well's former success in Ireland. The battle of the Boyne took place on Tuesday, July 1st, and the distance between the site of the engagement and Dublin is only about twenty-two miles ; yet none of William's army entered the Irish metropolis, until eight in the evening of Thursday, the 3rd of July. The Villare Hibernicum says : " Till Afternoon this Thursday, July the 3rd. the Protestants in Dublin did not hear a Word of the English Army ; in the mean Time they had Reports, That the Irish and French were coming back, and very near them, which gave a Damp to their Briskness ; but this blowing over, and the certain Account of the English Army being come, they then perceived themselves at Liberty. The Protestants ran about, saluting and embrac- ing one another ; and blessing God for this wonderful Deliverance, as if they had been alive from the Dead, the Streets were fill'd with Crowds and Shouts, and the Roman Catholicks now lay in the same Terrors, as we had done some few Days before. " At Eight this Night one Troop of Dragoons came as Guard to an Officer, that came to take Charge of the Stores. It was impossible, the King himself coming after this, could be welcom'd with equal Joy. as this one Troop ; the Protestants hung about the Horses, and were ready to pull the Men off them, as they march'd up to the Castle. " Next Morning being Fryday, the 4th, the Duke of Ormond, and Monsieur Ooerkirke, came in with nine Troops of Horse, and the King being encamped by Finglass, came on Sun- day to St. Patrick's Church, and heard a Sermon, preach'd by Dr. King, concerning the Power of God: Of which that which seem'd to us greatest on Earth, mighty Armies, was a faint Sha- dow. The King went back to his Camp to Dinner, not suffering any Soldiers to come into the City, except a few for Guards"''. Note 146, Page 59. William marched with his army to Waterford, which was immediately surrendered. The capitulation took place, according to Harris, on the 25th of July. The Villare Hiber- nicum says : " The Garrison marched out with their Arms and Baggage, the Number of 1(500, and were conducted to Mallow, 12 Miles on their Way to Lijrnerick: The Garrison would 254: London, 1772 Hardiman"s History of Gal- Duke of Sussex, by a Clergyman of tlie Church of way, chap. iv. p. fi8 Annals of the Four Masters England, pp. 3, 4, 90, 91 : London, Ridgway and at A. D. lo96 Vindiciie Hibernicie, &c., Dedi- Son, Piccadilly, 1838. cated by Permission to His Royal Highness, the •■ Grift'yth's Villare Hibernicum, pp. 12-13. 366 Notes and Illustrations. would not have had so good Terms, only His Majesty had Compassion on 300 Protestant Families in the Town""^. Note 147, Page 59. The strong fortrens of Kilkenny also reduced by William, for want, as it was frequently repre- sented, of a sufficient garrison , to defend it. " The Army," says Story, " rested a Day (July 15th) at Castle Dermot, and the nest Day (16th) marched beyond Carlow, sending forwards a Party of Horse, under the Command of the Duke of Ormond to take possession oi Kilkenny ;" and, he adds, that, on the 19th, " His Majesty dined with the Duke of Ormond at his Castle of Kilkenny ;" which " House was preserved by the Count (ie Lauzun, with all the Goods and Furniture, and left in a good Condition, not without the Cellars well furnished with what they had not Time to drink at their going off." The town had been evacuated by the Irish garrison, and " at their going off, they made the Inhabitants give them a Sum of Money, to save the Town from Phmdring"''. Note 148, Page 59. William alleged, on his march from Dublin to Waterford, to have sent part of his forces, to reduce Athlone. This is not correct. It was, according to Story, on Wednesday, July 9th, or several days before William arrived at Waterford, that he detached the force, under Lieutenant-General James Douglas, against Athlone. That Officer came before Athlone on Thursday, July 17th, and on Friday, the 25th, (or early in the morning of the same day upon which Waterford sur- rendered), he retired from before Athlone to MuUingar, for further orders, which he subse- (]uently received, to rejoin the main army'. Note 149, Page 60. The Province of Connaught, or that tract of land between the Shannon and the Sea, to be justly regarded as the Citadel of Ireland, for refuge against a successful enemy. Colonel O' Kelly appears to speak of Connaught as including the County Clare, or accord- ing to what was the most ancient and natural boundary of his native Province, with reference to Munster — the river Shannon. In this war, Clare being combined with Connaught in the same resistance to William, the language of Dymmok in Queen Elizabeth's reign, or when Clare, ' Harris's Life of William III., p. 281.— Grif- 103, 104, 109, 110, and Continuation, &c., pp. 31, fyth's Villare Hibernicuin,"pp. 14-15. 32, 35. — Letters of Lieutenant General James * Story's Impartial History, pp. 107-108.— Grif- Douglas to the Earl of Portland and 'WiUiam III., fytb's Villare Hibernicum, p. 14. in Clarke's Correspondence, Nos. Lxx. and Lxxi. • Story's Impartial History, pp. 99, 100, 102, Trinity College MSS. Notes and Illustrations. 367 Clare, for a time, was appointed to be a portion of Connaught, instead of Munster, will illus- trate the Colonel's description. Having premised, how Connaught included all the territory bounded by the Ocean between the river Erne which flows (out of Lough Erne) into the sea near Ballyshannon in Donegal, and the river Shannon which reaches the sea below Limerick, the English writer observes of Connaught, according to those limits ; " It is in a manner an Hand, bycause to the north and west, y" hath the sea, to the south and easte the Shenin, and to the northeast, the loughe and ryver of Erne, onely one small slipp of grounde betweene the Shenin and the Erne leaveth that parte vninclosed. It is devided at this present into sixe countyes. Clare, Sligo, Mayo, Gallwaye, Roscommon and Letrim." Lieutenant- General Keatinge, who notes, that, when "after the defeat at the Boyne, the Irish army retired behind the Shannon, this was well judged," says, that, in a military point of view, " the great object in the map of Ireland is the Shannon. This great chain of lakes,' he adds, " cuts oif an entire Province from the rest of Ireland, and may be classed with the Elbe, and almost with the Rhine; whose banks furnish so many important events, in the mili- tary history of Europe"'. Note 150, Page 60. Lieutenant- General James Douglas, with the fVilliamite troops despatched to reduce Athlone, on hearing of Brigadier Patrick Sarsfield's approach from Limerick, retires from Athlone, and hastily retreats, to rejoin William. The force with which Douglas was despatched against Athlone, consisted of fifteen regi- ments ; of which ten were infantry, three, horse, and two, dragoons. These, at thevc full complements, would make about 12,000 men. Douglas's artillery amounted to twelve or fourteen pieces ; of which ten or twelve were cannon, and two howitzers, or mortars. The stock of gunpowder for this train was, however, insufficient, amounting to but eighteen barrels; of which he had consumed fifteen, before he retired from Athlone on MuUingar. Of the loss, plundering, &c., connected with this expedition and retreat, until the alleged junction of Douglas with William, on the 8th of August, at Cahirconlish, five or six miles south-east of Limerick, Story, who was with Douglas's force, says : "We lost in this Expedition not above thirty Men [?] before the Town, and the Enemy very few ; but in our March to and again, what with Sickness, hard Marching, the Rapparees surprising [men] as they straggled, and several other Disadvantages, we fell short of our Number three or four Hundred ; though before we got to the King's Army we kill'd and took Prisoners a great many Thousands, but more of these had four Feet than two. All the poor Protestants thereabouts were now in a worse Condition than before, for they had enjoyed the Benefit of the Irish Protections till our coming ' ©'Conor's Dissertations on the History of Ire- Djmmok'sTreatice of Ireland, pp. 17, 19 Keat- land, sect. xxii. p. 289 — Hardiman's O'Flaherty's inge's Defence of Ireland, chap. i. p. 4, chap. v. West Connaught, p. 125 Rev. Richard Butler's p. 32. * 368 Notes and Illustrations. coming tldther ; and then shewing themselves Friends to us, put them under a Necessity of retreating with us; which a great many did, leaving all their Harvest at that Time ready to cut down, §fc., and yet were hardly used by our own Men." In speaking of the commencement by Douglas, on the 30th July, of his march to rejoin William, after some days' rest at Bally- more, the same writer informs us, that the route taken was " out of all the publick Roads from Dublin, and so," he continues, " were most of our future Marches, till we joyn'd the King's Army." The Villare Hibernicum supplies the following particulars (under different dates from Story) as to the amount of William's army advancing upon Limerick, after the junction of Douglas and Kirke with the King: " August 4. The Regiments that were sent to reduce the town of Waterfurd, and Fort of Duncamion, under the Command of Major General Kirh, joyned our Camp. " August 5. A Detachment of 600 Horse were sent from our Camp to reinforce the Gar- rison of Youghal, and prevent any Design the Enemy may have upon it ; and this Evening Lieutenant General Douglas jo-^ned us horn Alhlone. " On the 6. Our Army, consisting now of 38,500 Effective Men*^, decamped from Goolen- Bridge, and marched in Two Bodies towards Lymerich, &C.'' Note 151, Page 61. The Count de Lauzun, Commander of the Freiich Forces, after having surveyed and walked round the out-works, and other defences, of Limerick, not yet completed, publicly announces the place indefensible, and, as if in despair, commands his otcn troops to march off, next day, to Galway. King James, in mentioning the approach of William and his army to Limerick, says of the state of the town : " It was the place of greatest strenght and consequence that now re- main'd in the King's possession, but very far from such a regular fortification as those the world of late has been acquainted with, there was little or no hopes of its houlding out against a numerous and victorious Army, which wanted no necessarys for a formal Siege." And, elsewhere, in the royal Memoirs, Limerick is spoken of as "a place that scarce deserued the name of aforteress." Accordingly, "Lausun,"says the Abbe Mao Geoghegan, "apres avoir visite les fortifications de Limerick, dit, en jurant, que son Maitre prendroit cette place avec des pommes cuites." The Abbe adds, that, on the approach of the English, " M. de Lauzun s'en alia a Gallway avec ce qui restoit des Framjois, afin de les embarquer pour la France." King James, in noticing this desertion of Limerick, by " all " the French troops under Lausun, mentions e Harris, from Burnet, says ■William's army at Official Military Papers, and Lieutcnant-General Limerick were " not above 20,000." Douglas's Letters as previously cited — Transac- '' Story's Impartial History, pp. 99-106, and tions of the Camden Society, No. 14, p. 138 — continuation, pp. 31, 32, 36. — MS. Copies of Griffyth's Villare Hibernicum, p. 18. Notes and Illustrations. 369 mentions him as likewise " talicing with him a great quantety of amunition &c; so that instead of assistance during the Siege the Irish were wealcen'd by them in their stores, which might haue been necessary for their defence, tho indeed after the Siege was raised the Duke of Tirconnel prevail'd with Mons' Lausune to return most of the amunition back, which the late consumption made them stand in present need of." This retreat of the French seems to have considerably increased the expectation, among the higher circles in England, of the fall of Limerick. Lord Ranelagh, writing from London, August 7th, 1690, in answer to two letters from the Irish Williamite Secretary at War, the first from Carrick, the last from "the camp near Cashel," says : " I hope y'' next will bear date from Limerick ; for I cannot think my countrymen will give you much trouble there, when they once see your army, and know the King is at the head of it." Lord, afterwards the celebrated Duke of, Marlborough, likewise writing to the Irish Williamite Secretary at War from London, August 12th, IGUO, observes : " Your nuse of the french having left Lym- rick was very wellcom, sense it can not but make the busness much easier"'. Note 152, Pages 61-62. William alleged to have made no great haste towards Limerick, in order to afford tlie Duke of Tyrconiiell the more time, to bring the Irish to a treaty. The writer of this note has never met, in official sources of information, with any trace of such an agreement between William III. and the Duke of Tyrconnell, as this alluded to by Colo- nel O'Kelly. From the under-cited authorities, it is evident, that William's delay, in march- ing against Limerick, after the battle of the Boyne, may be adequately explained by the general difficulties of his position, which rendered him uncertain when he might be obliged to quit Ireland for England. These difficulties were, — disaffection and conspiracy in Scotland and England, — very few regular troops there, on account of the regiments having been almost all drawn away, to swell his army in Ireland, — the defeat of the English and Dutch fleets, off Beachy-Head, by the French under Tourville, and descents expected in several directions, — the apprehension of some French frigates being detached to burn the shipping along the Irish coasts containing the supplies for his army in Ireland, — and, on the Continent, the overthrow of the Allied forces, under the Prince de Waldeck, by the French, under the Marshal de Lux- embourg, at the battle of Fleurus '^. Note 123, ' Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 415, vol. iii. pp. U-24, and Appendi.\ to bool; v. — MS. 420, 421. — Mac Geogliegan, llistoire de I'Irlande, Correspondence of George Clarlic, Esq., William tome iii. p. 743 Letters of Lords Kanelagh and Ill.'s Irish Secretary at War, in Trinity College, Marlborough, in Correspondence of tlie Irish Wil- Letters xl. xli. xlv. xlvi. xlvii. xlix. Ixiii. IxTii. liamite Secretary at War, Trinity College Li- Ixviii. Ixxiii. Ixxvi. &c. — Story's Impartial His- brary. tory, pp. 87, 99, 100, 104, 107, 110, 111, 112, »nd kDalrymple's Memoirs, &c., part ii. book v. Continuation, pp.21, 22,31,35,36 — Memoirs of IRISH AKCH. SOC. 3 B 37° Notes and Illustrations. Note 153, Page 62. The defence of Limerick against William being finally decided upon, according to the opinion of Brigadier Sarsjield and the majority of the Irish Colonels, the necessary dispositions are made for the purpose. King James states, that, on the town being summoned to surrender hy William, " there was some debate about their answer which in their present Situation was not to be wonder'd at, but at last it was resolved to defend the place, and accordingly Mons' Boisleau the Governour writ back to the Prince of Orange's Secretary (to avoid shocking that Prince too much, by not giving him the title of King) That he hoped he should merit his opinion more, by a vigo- rous defence, than a shamefull surrender of a forteress he had Ijeen entrusted with : So prepared himself accordingly." The arrangements for the defence are thus noticed by the Duke of Berwick : " Nous laissaraes M. de Boisseleau, Francois, Capitaine aux Gardes du Roi Tres- Chretien, & Mare- chal de Camp, pour commander dans la ville, avec toute notre infanterie Irlandoise, qui mon- toit a environ vingt mille hommes, dont poiirtant il n'lj avoit pas plus de la moitie qui fid armie. Nous tinmes la campagne avec notre cavalerie, qui pouvoit faire trois mille cinq cents chevaux. Nous campames d'abord a cinq milles de Limerick, eu de^a de la riviere de Shan- non, qui la traverse, afin de garder la communication libre avec la ville" '. Note 154, Page 62. William, the fortieth day from the action at the Boyne, comes before Limerick. " On the 9th, (of August) the whole Army approached that Strong Hold of Limerick with- out any considerable Loss, the greatest Part of their (the Irish) Army being Encamped beyond the River (Shannon), in the County of Clare"'". Note 155, Page 64. Brigadier Sarsfield's surprise of William's principal convoy, with artillery, ammunition, ^-c.ffor attacking Limerick, which makes the Irish reject every idea of a capitulation. This dashing achievement of Brigadier Patrick Sarsfield is described by Story. Having pre- mised of the English, in reference to this affair: " There were Six Twenty four Pounders, Two Eighteen Pounders, a great Quantity of Ammunition, much Provisions, their Tin Boats, and Abundance King James II., vol. ii. pp. 401, 404, 405, 408, 409, 416. — Memoires du Marecha! de Berwick, tome i. 410, 411, 413. — Memoires du Marechal de Ber- p. 76. wick, tome i. pp. 73-75. ™ Story's Coutiuuation of the History of the ' Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 415- Wars of Ireland, p. 36. Notes and Illustrations. 371 Abundance of other Things all at this Time upon the Uoail from Dublin, under the Care of two Troops of Colonel Viller's Horse" — that the day after the English "got to Limerick, a Frenchman (as was reported) a Gunner of theirs, ran away from them into Town, and gave the Enemy an Account where the Train lay, as also of those Guns and other Things that were coming up" — and that on Monday, August 11th, in the morning, "came one Manus O'Brien, a substantial Country Gentleman to the Camp, and gave Notice that Sarsjield in the Night had passed the River with a Body of Horse, and design'd Something extraordinary," — the matter is related thus : " When Sarsfield heard what the Frenchman had told, he was pretty sure, that if those Guns, Boats, and other Materials came up to us, the Town would not be able to hold out ; and therefore he resolves to run a Hazard, and destroy them in their March, if it were possible ; if he succeeded, then he broke our Measures ; but if not, then he designed for France, if he did but survive the Attempt : In order to which, he takes all the best Horse and Dragoons that were in Town, and that very Night marches over the Shannon, at a Place called KiUalow, a Bishop's See on the Sliannon, Twelve Miles above our Camp. The Messenger that brought the News was not much taken Notice of at first, most People looking upon it as a Dream ; A Great Officer however called him aside, and after some indifferent Questions, askt him about a Prey of Cattel, in such a Place; which the Gentleman complain'd of afterwards, saying, he was sorry too see Genera! Officers mind Cattel more than the King's Honour. But after he met with some Acquaintance, he was brought to the King, who, to prevent the worst, gave Orders that a Party of Five hundred Horse should be made ready, and march to meet the Guns : But whether his Majesty's Orders were not delivered to the Officer in Chief that was to command the Party, or where the Fault lay, I am no competent Judge: but it was certainly One or Two of the Clock in the Morning before the Party marched, which they did then very softly, till about an Hour after they saw a great Light in the Air, and heard a sti'ange rumbling Noise, which some conjectur'd to be the Train blown up, as it really was. For on Sundaij Night our Guns lay at Caahell, and on Mundaij they marched beyond Cullen, to a little old ruinous Castle, called Ballenedy, not seven Miles from our Camp, and directly in the Rear of it, where they encamped on a small Piece of plain green Ground, there being several Earthen Fences on one Side, and the old Castle on the other: If they had feared the least Danger, it had been easie to draw the Guns and every Thing else within the Ruins of that old Castle, and then it had been difficult for an Army, much more a Party, to have touched them : Nay, it was easie to place them and the Carriages in such a Figure upon the very Spot where they stood, that it had been certain Death to have come nigh them; but thinking themselves at Home, so nigh the Camp, and not fearing an Enemy in such a Place, espe- cially since they had no Notice sent them of it ; they turn'd most of their Horses out to Grass, as being wearied with marching before, and the Guard they left was but a very slender one, the Rest most of them going to Sleep ; but some of them awoke in the next World; iov Sarsjield all that Day lurked amongst the Mountains, and having Notice where, and how our Men lay, he had those that guided him through By-ways to the very Spot, where he fell in amongst them before they were aware, and cut several of them to Pieces, with a great many of the 3 B 2 Waggoners, 372 Notes and Illustrations. Waggoners, and some Country People that were coming to the Camp with Provisions. The Officer commanding in Chief, when he saw how it was, commanded to sound to Horse, but those that endeavoured to fetch them up, were liilled as they went out, or else saw it was too late to return : The Officers and others made what Resistance they could, but were at last obliged every Man to shift for himself, which many of them did, though they lost all their Horses, and some of them Goods to a considerable Value ; There was one Lieutenant Bell and some few more of the Troopers killed, with Waggoners and Country People, to the Number in all of about Sixty. Then the IrUli got up what Horses they could meet withal, belonging either to the Troops or Train : some broke the Boats, and others drew all the Carriages and Waggons, with the Bread, Ammunition, and as many of the Guns as they could get in so short a Time into one Heap ; the Guns they filled with Powder, and put their Mouths in the Ground that they might certainly split; what they could pickup in a Hurry they took away, and then laying a Train to the Rest, which being fired at their going oft', blew up all with an Astonishing Noise ; the Guns that were filled with Powder flying up from the Carriages into the Air, and yet two of them received no Damage, though two more were split and made unserviceable : every Thing likewise that would burn, was reduced to Ashes, before any could prevent it. The IrUh took no Prisoners, only a Lieutenant of Colonel Earl's being sick in a House hard by, wasstriptand brought to Sacj/JeW, who us'd him very civilly, telling him, if he had not suc- ceeded in that Enterprise, he had then gone to France. Our Party of Horse that was sent from the Camp, came after the Business was over, in Sight of the Enemies Rear ; but wheeling towards the Left, to endeavour to intercept their Passage over the Shannon, they unhappily went another Way ; since, if our Party had been Fortunate, they bad a fair Opportunity first to save the Guns, and then to Revenge their Loss, and if either had been done, the Town had surrendred without much more Battering." " This News," remarks the Williaraite Chaplain, " was very unwelcome to every Body in the Camp, the vei-y private Men," he adds, " shewing a greater Concern at the Loss, than one could e.xpect from such Kind of People." In Limerick, on the other hand, " the garison," observe King James's Memoirs, " was hugely encouraged by this signal advantage"". Note 156, Pages 63-64. The Duke of Tyrcunnell, and his adherents, accused of joining with Count de Lauzun and the French, in regretting Brigadier Sarsfield's success against JViUiam's convoy, and likewise decrying that achievement, as one which could not prevent the fall of Li?nerick, ^c, and which consequently should not induce the Irish, to reject treating with the enemy in time. In the copy of M. de la Hoguette's despatch, mentioned in Note 141, it is stated of Tyr- connell and Lauzun, with respect to the enterprize against the Williamite artillery, &c., that it was they detached (" ils detacherent") Sarsfield upon that undertaking. The Duke of Ber- wick " Store's Impartial History, pp. 1)8-121 Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. p. 41t>. Notes and Illustrations. 373 wick says, with still more probability, of the Duke of Tyrconnell, as King James's Viceroy, entrusted with the supreme command of the royal forces, on his Majesty's departure from Ire- land, that it was he, the Duke, detached Brigadier Sarsfield on that service. The words of the Duke of Berwick, in reference to the Viceroy, on this head, are : " Ayant su qu'un grand convoi d'artillerie & de munitions de guerre alloit au camp devant Limerick, il detacha le Brigadier Sarsfield," &c. As to the other charges, connected with that exploit in the text, against the Duke of Tyrconnell, &c., compare Notes 137, 141, 143". Note 157, Pages 64-65. The desertion and irregularities of the French under Lanziin, when their assistance was most required, tend to discourage the Irish Army and people. " This piece of conduct," says King James of the French, " in abandoning a country they were sent to succour, and which it was so much the intrest of France to support at so critical a juncture, when the last stake was engaged, and the Irish resolved to make a vigorous defence. was such a paredox as could scarce be fathomed ; some discontented persons sayd, that Mons' Lausune and the French being excessiue weary of the Country, had a mind Limerick should be taken, to e.xcuse their leaveing it, and that therefore they cared not how things went, nor what disorder they commited"t'. Note 158, Page 68. L-etters to the Duke of Tijrconnell at GaJuay.,from the Governor of Limerick, announcing the capture of the outworks by the enemy, with such an advance towards the walls, and battering oftlietown by the artillery of the besiegers, that the Irish cavalry should be at hand, in case of further danger. After having related the surprise of William's convoy by Brigadier Sarsfield, King James's Memoirs add ; " However the Prince of Orange resolved to go on with the Siege and sent toWaterford for another train of Artillery, and on the 17th open'd the trenches before the Town : assoon as the great guns arriued they began to batter the place with great fury, which soon liveled the high towers, from whence the besieged could fire into the trenches, and took two redoubts and a strong fort (tho not without loss) for the Garison disputed every inch of ground with all the vallour and resolution imaginable ; on the 20th they made a vigorous sallie which retarded the Enemies works, and were not repulsed till after they had made a great slaughter of the besiegers, who never ceased all the time throwing bombes and red hot bullets into the Town, a thing the inhabitants had been unacquainted with, however were not dis- heartened, but generously concurred with the troops, to doe, or suffer any thing for so just a cause and rather than fall into the hands of such unnatural and cruel invaders of their Laws, Liberties, " Authorities in Notes referred to Memoires tome i. p. 80. ilu Jlarechal de Berwick as cited in Note 135, and p Memoirs of King Jas. II., vol. ii. pp. 420-421. 374 Notes and Illustrations. Liberties, and Religion. But notwithstanding all the opposition they were able to make, by the 24th the Enemie had finished their battery of 30 pieces of Cannon and in two days more ad- vanced their trenches within therty paces of the ditch ; there was by this time a great breach in the wall near St. John's Gate, and part of the palessados beaten down of the Counterscarp," &c. King James speaks of William's cannon as but " 30 pieces," and excusably, since the Williamite account of the siege, in the London Gazette of September lst-4th, 1690, says; " 24th, we finished all our Batteries, on which were mounted 30 Pieces of Cannon." But this statement, as to the number of William's cannon at " 30 pieces," was most probably owing to the printer's having put an 0, instead of a 6, after the figure of 3. In the engraved Williamite plan, entitled "A Prospect of Limerick bearing due JJ'est, exactly shelving y' Approaclie.s, Bat- teries, atid Breach," &c., there are marked, on William's four batteries of cannon, a total of thirty-six pieces ; on the fifth or mortar battery, four mortars are represented ; so that the King had employed altogether, against Limerick, a train of fokty pieces of artillery. Of these, besides the four mortars casting bombs into the town, twelve of the other guns are en- graved as shooting "red hot balls." Captain Peter Drake, of Drakerath, in the County of Meath, who was in Limerick during the siege, has mentioned, in connexion with the battering and bomb.irdment of the town by this formidable artillery, a curious " Instance," as he entitles it, " of the Interposition of Divine Providence in my Behalf, by which," he adds, " I have been so often since rescued from Cala- mity, and the Jaws of Death." " There was," says he, " between our House and the Town-wall, a large Magazine. The Besiegers ordered two Pieces of Ordnance to be levelled at this Building ; and several Shots passed through, and hit on the Gable-end, within which was the Apartment, where I slept with one Captain Plunket of Lord Gormanstown's Regiment. This Gentleman was to mount Guard that Day, and going out very early, left me a-bed. About two Hours after, I went out to speak to one of the Servants to get me a clean Shirt, and before I had Time to return, a Ball had beat down the Wall, a great Part of which had fallen on, and demolished the Beef. It then passed through my Father's Bed-chamber, broke the Posts of the Bed, where he and my Mother were asleej), but, thank Heaven, had no worse Effect, than putting the Family in a Consternation." The Williamite account of the siege in the London Gazette, says, after the Last assault and repulse which led to the retreat of William, "Divers Deserters are come out of the Town, who tell us, they have lost a great many Men, and that our Cannon and Bombs have made a ter- rible Havock." Nevertheless, from the examination of John Ryder, who bore arms in the place during the siege, it appears, whatever were the number of the Irish garrison and town's-people destroyed by the artillery, " That there were but a few Houses and little Hay burnt or demo- lished in Lymerick during the Siege, they," adds Ryder, " having covered their Hay with raw Hi-les"-. Note 1.59, 1 Memoirs of King James IL, vol. ii. p. 417. — Thursday, September 4» 1G90, No. 2589.- — Story's London Gazette, from Monday, September 1, to Coutinuatiou of the History of the Wars of Ire- Notes and Illustrations. 375 Note 159, Pages 09-70. William, on the nineteenth day from his coming before Limerick, or August 27th, O. S., IG90, having effected a large breach, orders a general attack upon the place, ichen his troops, after forcing their way into the town, and a combat of several hours, are repulsed with considerable loss. The Duke of Berwick and Story, the former of whom was with his ftvther's army at the time, and the latter with that of William, give the following Jacohite and Williamite accounts of the defeat of William's last great assault on Limerick, Wednesday, August 27th, 1G90. The Duke having premised respecting the hesiegers, how " ils ouvrirent la tranchee au loin sur la gauche, ils dresserent des batteries, firent une breche de cent toises, & puis somme- rent la garnison de se rendre," thus proceeds : " Les Irlandois n'y voulurent point entendre, de maniere que le Prince d'Orange fit donner I'assaut general par dix mille hommes. La tran- chee n'etant qu'a deux toises des palissades, & n'y ayant point des fosses, les ennemis furent sur le haut de la breche, avant que Ton eut I'alarme de I'attaque'. La decharge d'une batterie que Boisseleau avoit pratiquee en dedans, les arreta un peu ; mais bientot ils descendirent dans la ville. Les troupes Irlandoises s'avancerent de tous cotes, & ensuite chargerent les ennemis avec tant de bravoure dans les rues, qu'ils les rechasserent jusques sur le haut de la breche, ou ils voulurent se loger. Le Brigadier Talbot, qui se trouvoit alors dans I'ouvrage a cornes avec cinq cents hommes, accourut pardehors le long du mur, & les chargeant parder- riere, les cliassa, & puis rentra par la breche, ou il se posta. Dans cette action, les ennemis eurent deux mille hommes tues sur la place' ; de notre cote, il n'y en eut pas quatre cents." Story, after relating the preparatory arrangements for the assault, describes it as follows : " About Half an Hour after Three, the Signal being given by firing three Pieces of Cannon, the Granadeers being in the furthest Angle of our Trenches, leapt over, and run towards the Coun- terscarp, firing their Pieces, and throwing their Granades. This gave the Alarm to the Irish, who had their Guns all ready, and discharged great and small Shot upon us as fast as 'twas pos- sible : Our Men were not behind them in either; so that in less than in two Minutes the Noise was so terrible, that one would have thought the very Skies ready to rent in sunder. This was seconded 'and, pp. .38, 39. — Memoirs of Captain Peter William's " Camp, before Limbrick, August 29, Drake, pp. 1-2 : Dublin, S. Powell, Crane Lane, 1690," or two days after the unsuccessful assault. 1755. — MS. E.^amination of John Ryder taken That writer says: ""We got their countersign — got before Eben Warren, Esq., one of their Majesties' into the breach, but were beaten back." — (Mr. (K. William's & Q. Mary's) Justices of the Peace D. Campbell to Sir Arthur Rawdon, in Rawdon for the C Kilkenny, September 17th, 1690. Papers, pp. 326, 337, 338.) ^ Thus the garrison (strange to say !) would ap- ^ The royal Memoirs, as will be presently seen, pear to have been taken off their guard! And this more correctly calculate William's loss on this oc- statement of the Duke of Berwick is supported by casion, as " at least two thousand men killed and that of Sir Arthur Rawdon's correspondent in wonded." — (Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 417-418.) 3/6 Notes and Illustrations. seconded with Dust, Smoke, and all the Terrors that the Art of Man could invent, to ruin and undo one another ; and to make it the more uneasie, the Day it self was excessive hot to the By-standers, and much more sure in all Respects to those upon Action. Captain Carlile, of my Lord Drogheda's Regiment, run on with his Granadeers to the Counterscarp, and tho' he received two Wounds between that and the Trenches, yet he went forwards, and commanded his Men to throw in their Granades ; but in the leaping into the dry Ditch below the Counter- scarp, an Irishman below shot him dead. Lieutenant Barton however encouraged the Men, and they got upon the Counterscarp, and all the Rest of the Granadeers were as ready as they. By this Time the Irish were throwing down their Arms, and running as fast as they could into Town' ; which our Men perceiving, entred the Breach pell-mell with them, and above Half the Earl of Drogheda's Granadeers, and some others, were actually in Town. The Regiments that were to second the Granadeers went to the Counterscarp, and h.aving no Orders to go any further, there stopt. The Irish were all running from the Walls, and quite over the Bridge, into the English Town" ; but seeing but a Few of our Men enter, they were with much ado persuaded to rally ; and those that were in, seeing themselves not followed, and their Ammunition being spent, they designed to retreat ; but some were shot, some taken, and the Rest came out again, but very Few without being wounded. The Irish then ventured upon the Breach again, and from the Walls, and every Place, so pester'd us upon the Counterscarp, that after nigh three Hours resisting. Bullets, Stones, (broken Bottles, from the very Women, who boldly stood in the Breach, and were nearer our Men than their own) and whatever Ways could be thought on to destroy us, our Ammunition being spent, it was judged safest to return to our Trenches. When the Work was at the hottest, the Brandeuhurgh Regiment (who behaved themselves very well) were got upon the Black Battery, where the Enemies Powder hapned to take Fire, and blew up a great Many of them'', the Men, Faggots, Stones, and what not, flying into the Air with a most terrible Noise. Colonel Cutts was commanded by the Duke of Wyrtemberg to march towards the Spur at the South Gate, and beat in the Irish that appeared there ; which he did, tho' he lost several of his Men, and was himself wounded : For he went within half Musquet-shot of the Gate, and all his Men open to the Enemies Shot, who lay secure within the Spur and the Walls. The Da7ies were not idle all this while, but fired upon the Enemy with all imaginable Fury, and had several kill'd; but the Mischief was, we had but one Breach, and all towards the Left it was impossible to get into the Town when the Gates were shut, if there had been no Enemy to oppose us, without a great many Sealing-Ladders, which we had not. From Half an Hour after Three, till aftfr Seven, there was one continued Fire of both great and small Shot, without any Litermission ; inso- much ' See the note from the Rawdon Papers, attached tliat of other evidence, as one statement can be to to the last-cited extract from the Duke of Ber- another, wick. ' Mr. Campbell, in hisletterto Sir Arthur Raw- " This sentence, so far, would appear to be a don last-cited, states of these Brandenburghers (or very great exaggeration as regards the Ii-ish, even Prussians) that " the Brandenburgh regiment lost if tlie purport of it were not as much opposed to 400." Notes and Illustrations. t^jj much that the Smoke that went from the Town reached in one continued Cloud to theTop of a Mountain"'' at least sis Miles off. " When oiu- Men drew off, some were brought up dead, and some without a Leg; others wanted Arms, and some were blind with Powder ; especially a great many of the poor Bran- denburgers looked like Furies, with the Misfortune of Gunpowder The King stood nigh Cromwell's Fort all the Time, and the Business being over, He went to His Camp very much concern'd, as indeed was the whole Army ; for you might have seen a Mixture of Anger and Sorrow in every bodies Countenance. The Irish had two small Field pieces planted in the King's Island, which flanckt their own Counterscarp, and in our Attack did us no small Damage, as did also two Guns more that they had planted within the Town, opposite to the Breach, and charged with Cartridge-shot." Respecting William's " loss " at Limerick, which, in the text, is spoken of, both generally, and with reference to the last attack, as " great," the Williamite official outline of the siege in the London Gazette, headed "From His Majesties Camp before Limerick, August 28." (or the day after the repulse of the last assault) asserts: " What Men we lost in these Actions, we cannot precisely say, but it's thought we may have had about 4 or 500 killed and wounded since the Beginning of the Siege ;" that is, from the 9th to the 28th of August". That William's loss, however, was much greater from the 9th of August to the 28th, when the above statement was written for the London Gazette, (and still more so from the 9th to the 31st, till which he did not retire from before the place,) appears by a manuscript document, in the papers of his own Secretary at War for Ireland, marked CII., and very incor- rectly printed by Harris. Of the forces, engaged in the previously-described attack of the 27th, — namely, the 2nd battalion of the Guards, the 3rd battalion of Guards, Colonel Belcastel's regiment, Colonel Cambon's, Brigadier Stewart's, Colonel Cutts's, Lieutenant General Douglas's, Lord Lis- burn's. Lord Meath's, the Danes, the grenadiers of the Guards and Sir John Hanmer's regi- ment, Colonel Gustavus Hamilton's grenadiers, Lord Drogheda's grenadiers. Colonel John Michelburne's grenadiers,^the above manuscript gives the loss in men and officers; without saying anything of the Brandenburghers, estimated, in the Rawdon Papers, to have had 400 hors de combat. According to this evidence, William's loss, on the 27th of August alone, would be, in a tabular form, as follows : Killed. Wounded. KaUed & "Wounded . Officers, .... 30 133 163 Soldiers 425 1160 1585 455 1293 1748 Brandenburghers, 400 Total, 2148 On " Tlie Keeper," in County Tipperary. » Compare Note 3, pp. 164-165, and Note 203, passim. IKISH AKCH. see. 3 C 378 Notes and Illustrations. On the same day, as has appeared from the Duke of Berwick, the Irish had less killed than their opponents, or not 400 men. As to the loss of the Irish altogether, or irom the beginning to the end of the siege, the Jacobite official account, or " Relation of the Raising of the Siege of Limerick," says : " There have been, during the siege, 1062 soldiers and 97 officers killed or wounded, in the troops of the King of Great Britain." The Williamite accounts say nothing positive, on the total loss of the Irish. As to the loss of the English altogether at Limerick, the Williamite Harris, in his Life of William III., asserts: "The numbers lost before the town were rationally computed to amount to between 1000 and 1200 men." But the Jacobite official account affirms, on that point : " The enemy have lost more than 5,000 men, the heads of the regiments, and their best officers"'. Note 160, Page 70. William alleged, to have been unable to induce his men to renew the assault on Limerick the day after their repulse, though he offered to lead them in person. Another cause assigned, for no second assault having taken place. " Next day," observes the Williamite Chaplain, " the Soldiers were in Hopes that his Majesty would give Orders for a second Attack, and seemed resolved to have the Town, or lose all their Lives ; but this was too great a Risque to run at one Place ; and they did not know how our Ammunition was sunk, especially by the former Day's Work." The Duke of Berwick, attributing this scarcity of ammunition to the destruction of so much of it by Sars- field's successful "expedition" against William's convoy on the 12th of August, observes: " Cette expedition pouvoit avoir ete la cause du manque de poudre & de boulets, ou se trou- verent les ennemis ; & ce qui, joint a I'obstination & a la bravoure des Irlandois, determina sans doute la retraite du Prince d'Orange, qui repassa bientot apres en Angleterre"^ Note 161, Page 70. William, raising the siege of Limerick by night, quits his army, and proceeds to Waterford, to set sail for England. " On Suuday, the last of August," says Story, " all the Army drew off, (having a good Body of Horse in the Rear :) As soon as the Irish perceived we had quitted our Trenches, they took > Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. don Papers, as previously cited : London, 1819 — pp. 77-78. — Story's Impartial History, pp. 128- MS. Copy of the " Relation of the Raising of the 130, and Continuation, &c., pp. 36-39. —London Siege of Limericls :" Paris, 1690.— Harris's Life Gazette, No. 2589 MS. Correspondence of Wil- of William III., p. 288, and appendi.'i, p. Ixix. liamlll.'sSecretaryatWarfor Ireland, in Trinity ' Story's Continuation of the History of the College Library, as above referred to.— The Raw- Wars of Ireland, p. 39 Note 155 — Memoires du Notes and Illustrations. 379 took Possession of them with great Joy, and were in a small Time after over all the Ground whereon we had Encamped His Majesty that day we Raised the Siege, went to Cullen, and so to Clonmel, from thence to Wuterford, in order to take Shipping for England, accompanied with the Prince, the Duke of Ormonil, and several of the Nobility." The King, adds Harris, " embarked at Duiicannon on the 3th (September), with Prince George ai Den- mark, and other Persons of distinction ; and arriving the nest day in King's-lioad, near Bristol, and on the 9th at Windsor, was received by the Queen with that joy, which none but his own could equal "". Note 162, Page 70. General wonder, amongst the Irish Jacobites that, after the raisiiig of the Siege of Limerick, the Duke of Tyrconnell should leave Ireland, along leith the Count de Luuzun, and the French troops, for France, instead of profiting by the late success, to recover Waterford, and, perhaps, all Leinster. " Le Due de Tirconel," says the Duke of Berwick, " crut qu'il etoit necessaire qu' il allat en France, pour y representer le mauvais etat des affaires, & faire sentir que, sans des secours tres-considerables, on ne pouvoit soutenir I'lrlande''. M. de Lausun partit avec lui, & ramena en meme temps les troupes Francoises." How much military succours were re- quired by the Irish, and consequently how little qualified they seem to have been, for attempt- ing either the recovery of Waterford, or of the Province of Leinster, may be estimated from the following circumstance, mentioned by the same authority, after his account of the raising of the siege of Limerick: " II ne restoit dans Limerick, que cinquante barils de poudre, lors de la levee du siege; & nous n'avions pas, dans toute la partie de I'lrlande qui nous etoit soumise, de quoi y en mettre encore autant"'^. Note 163, Page 7L Charge against the government of the Duke of Tyrconnell, that to be one of his creatures was all that was requisite, to make a complete captain, or an able statesman. " They insinuated," observe King James's Memoirs, respecting the embassy sent over to the King in France to complain against the Duke of Tyrconnell, "that mony and employments had been given with greater regard to private ends than the King's Service." This, however, the King speaks of, as only arising from " certain partialitys which it was hard for a man in so much power and so many provocations to keep entirely free from." The Duke of Berwick, after mentioning the political cabals connected with the depriving Lord Melfort of the office of Marechal de Berwick, tome i. pp. 80-81. •> See Note 141. " Story's Impartial History, pp. 133-134 — Har- <■ Memoires du Marechal de Berwicli, tome i. ris's Life of William IIL, p. 289. pp. 79, 8L 3C2 380 Notes and Illustrations. of Secretary of State, thus informs us of the suspicious source, in which the outcry against the Duke of Tyrconnell appears to have originated. " Le Brigadier Luttrel avoit ete un des principaux boute-feux dans toute cette affaire," that is of Lord Melfort, " & montra dans la suite de quoi il etoit capable ; car, apres la bataille de la Boyne, le Due de Tyrconel etant redevenu Vice-Roi d'Irlande par la retraite du Roi, Luttrel ne cessa de parler contre Tirco- nel, & d'exciter tout le monde contre lui : il sut si bien animer les principaux de la Nation, qu'un jour Sarsfield me vint trouver de leur part, & apres m'avoir fait promettre le secret, il me dit, qu' etant convainous de la perfidie de Tirconel, ils avoient resolu de I'arreter, & qu' ainsi il me proposoit de leur part de prendre sur moi le commandement du Royaume. Ma re- ponse fut courte : je lui dis que je m'etonnois qu' ils osassent me faire une telle proposition, que tout ce que Ton pouvoit faire contre le Vice-Roi etoit crime de leze-Majeste, & que, par con- sequent, s'ils ne cessoient de cabaler, je serois leur ennerai, & en avertirois le Roi & Tirconel. Mon discours fit impression, & empecha I'execution de leurs desseins"''. Note 1G4, Page 72. The reasons for the Duke of J'yrconnell's departure for France, at suck a juncture, variously reported. Of the mixed causes, which occasioned the Duke of Tyrconnell's voyage to France along with the French troops returning there under Lauzun, and the general results of the Duke's voyage, after an interview with Louis XIV., King James's Memoirs give us this account : " As soon as the Siege of Limerick was raised, the Duke of Tyrconnel thought it necessary to go in person to France to sollicite Supplys, which the shamefull retreat of the Prince of Orange with his victorious Army, from before a place (that scarce deserued the name of a for- teress) encouraged him to hope for ; perswading himself, it would be no hard matter to baffle him at last, and driue him again out of the Kingdom, if the Court of France would be prevail'd upon to second his intentions. At the first news indeed of Limerick's standing upon it's de- fence, and Sarsfeild surprizing the train of Artillery, his Most Christian Majesty began to conceiue some hopes again and promised armes, amunition and other necessarys at the King's entreaty, however order'd his own troops to return on pretence of a misunderstanding betwixt them and the Irish." " There had been a great partie formed against My Lord Leiftenant, and they were pre- paring to send some persons to represent their grievances and complaints against him, and if possible to get the King to remoue him ; but he, on the other hand, considering how necess.ary expedition was, not only for his own defence, but to execute what he went about, took that opertunity of goeing off with the Count de Lausune, and got the start of his adversaries so far, as to finish his business before the Deputys then sent after him arriued at St. Germains; the King ^ Memoirs of King James II., pp. 422-425, 439 Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. pp. 8ti-t*S. Notes and Illustrations. 38 1 King indeed liaddone it to liis hand before he came, by convinceing the Court of France, how greata pitty it were, not to second the Irish valour, when it gauesuch hopesof mentaining that diversion which was so beneficial to them ; so that My Lord Tyrconnel had nothing remain'd but to get the grant executed, wherein he shewed himself a diligent and active Courtier, tho now an old and infirm man, and gain'd so much credit with his Most Christ. Majesty, as to be heard by him in person (his Minister being present) and to obtain in great measure what he asked, as to cloathes, linnen, corne, arms, officers, and some little mony, upon condition he would return immediately himself, and then they promised these things should follow. Ac- cordingly Mons'' St. Ruth, Tesse, d'Vson and several other officers were sent some time after, togethar with what was promised in great measure ; but his Most Christian Majestys Orders therein, were so ill observed, that the Irish received not the relief their necessitys required, nor indeed what was intended them by him"'. Note 165, Pages 73-74. The Duke of Tyrconnell's voyage to France thought by some, to have arisen, from a necessity, uii his part, to remove unfavourable impressions entertained towards him at the French Court, and even by King James himself, for advising him to leave Ireland, so soon after the Battle of the Boyne. The King states, of the advice given him to leave Ireland for France, after the battle of the Boyne : " That councel was no doubt too precipitate, and it is wonderful on what grounds My Lord Tyrconnel thought fit to press it with so much earnestness, unless it was out of ten- derness to the Queen, who he perceiued was so apprehensiue of the King's person, as to be in a continual agony about it ; she had frequently beg'd of him to have a special care of the King's safety, and tould him, He must not wonder at her repeated instances on that head, for unless he saw her heart he could not immagin the torment it suffer'd on that account, and must allways continue to doe so, let things goe as they would ; and owned afterwards that tho she was in the last extremity of grief at the loss of the Battle, and that nothing could be so afflicting to her as after haveing broke her head with tliinking and her heart with vexation at the King's, her own, and her friends utter ruin, without being in a condition to relieue them, yet, that it was an unspeakable alleviation that the King was safe, for that had she heard of the loss of the Battle before that of the ICing's arrival!, she knew not what would haue become of her, and therefore acknowlidged it none of the least obligations to him and Mons'" Lausun for pressing his Majesty to it ; for tho she confessed it was a dismal thing to see him So unhappy as he was in France, yet in spight of her reason, her heart She sayd was glad he was there. " Tho this soUicitude for the King's safety which seem'd to stifle in some sort all other considerations, was not only pardonable but commendable in the Queen, yet those who ought to haue made his own well being, and that of his Subjects, togather with his honour and repu- tation « Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 420-422. 382 Notes and Illustrations. tatiou in the world, a part of their concern, should not so rashly haue advised such disheartening Councels, as to make his Majesty seem to abandon a Cause which had still so much hopes of life in it ; the loss of the Battle did but force him to that which Mons' Rosen and other expe- rienced Officers would have advised him too long before', he had all the best ports and some of the strongest places still behind him, he had leasure enough to see if the Army (which was very little diminished by the action?^ might not be rallyd again, which his presence would hugely have contribited too, and his speedy flight must needs discourage them from ; he might be sure his own people, and especially the Court of France would be hardly induced to men- tain a war, which he himself so hastcly abandon'd". But on the other hand it was not so much wonder'd, that the King should be prevail'd upon to do it, considering the unanimous advice of his Council, of the Generals themselves, and of all persons about him ; that universal pannick fear which could make those French officers (men of seruice) see visions of troops, when none could certainly be within twenty miles of them, excused in great measure the King's takeing so wrong a resolution ; however," he adds, " all that would not have deter- mined him to leaue Ireland so soon, had he not conceived it the likelyest expedient to repair his losses according to a certain scheme he had formed to himself, and which in realitie had been layd by the Court of France"'. Upon this " scheme" and the alleged causes of its frus- tration, see Notes 136 and 143. Note 166, Page 75. Louis XIV. interested, that William should be so occupied in Ireland, as to prevent his Joining the Allies on the Continent, ivith the forces he had promised, and they so much needed. With respect to the strong diversion in favour of France, and to the prejudice of England and the League of Augsburg, occasioned by the resistance of the Irish to William, the author of a contempoi-ary AVilliamite pamphlet, on the subject of the forfeited estates in Ireland, says: "The Expense of reducing that Kingdom has not been so Inconsiderable, but that every Man in England has felt his Share of the Weight Had that Kingdom submitted to their Majesties Government when publick Notice was given them, of their Right to the Crown oi England, and consequently to that of Ireland', the French King had long since been obliged to ' See Note 1 19. have not jett had it, jou may here read it : B According to the Duke of Berwick, only about ' Jacques, partant de Dublin, 1000 men. "Dans le combat de la Boyne," says Dit a Lausun, son cousin, he, " nous ne perdimes qu'environ mille hommes." Ayez soin de ma couronne, — (Memoires, tome i. p. 75.) J'aurois soin de ma personne !' " I' The Earl of Kanelagh, writing to "William's — (Clarke's MS. Correspondence, Trinity College Secretary at War for Ireland, from "London, Library.) August 26th, 1690," says on this point : " We have ' Memoirs of King Jas. II., vol. ii. pp. 406-408. lately received from France a new lampoone w'^'' i Thelrish Jacobites did »!0( admit of this " con- is openly sung in the streets att Paris : for fear you sequently," in William's and Mai'y's case. Notes and Illustrations. 383 to have sued for Peace, on such Terms as their Majesties and their Allies would have granted him." Another Williamite contemporary in 1097, observes, with reference to the war in Ire- land: " That the late Troubles of this Kingdom (Ireland) and the Power the Irish grew to, considering the State of Affairs abroad, brought England into some Danger, all thinking Men, I believe, will allow. This they must own, that, if the Treasure which was spent in Ireland, and the Armies which were employ 'd here, had been sent into Flanders, France had been humbled long ago, and we had been in Possession of an honourable Peace"''. See Note 284. Note 167, Pages 75-78. The outwitting of the Count de Lauziin, by the Duke of Tyrconnell, at the F reach Court. The stratagem of the Duke of Tyrconnell at Lauzun's expense, related by Colonel O'Kelly, is likewise mentioned in King James's Memoirs. They add, that it might have proved of no small service to the King's cause in Ireland, from the great satisfaction it gave to Lauzun's enemy, the famous French Minister, Louvois, only that Minister not long after died, &c.' Note 168, Pages 77-78. Louis XIV. alleged, to have been so dissatisfied at Lmtzun's conduct in Ireland, that, but for the intercession of King James and Queen Mary, that nobleman would have been consigned to the imprisonment he had suffered formerly, for his jiresumption connected with a Princess of the Blood. The Duke of Berwick, after relating the return of Lauzun with the French troops from Ireland to France, refers to this last-mentioned circumstance of Lauzun's imprisonment, in the following summary of his life and character ; " II etoit ne Gascon, & d'une tres-grande Maison. II trouva moyen de se pousser a la Cour, & d'y devenir favori du Roi Louis XIV., qui le fit Capitaine des Gardes-du-Corps, & crea pour lui la charge de Colonel General des Dragons. Non-seulement il traita les Ministres & les Courtisans avec la derniere hauteur, mais il poussa ses pretentions jusqu'a ne vouloir pas se I* Proposals for Raising a Million of Money out Robert Molesworth, one of His Majesty's Ho- of the Forfeited Estates in Ireland: together with nourable Privy Council in Ireland, and one of the the Answer of the Irish to the Same, and a Reply Members of the Honourable House of Commons, thereto, p. 1 : Dublin, reprinted for Eliphal Dob- &c., pp. 16-17: Dubhn, Printed Ijy and for An- son in Castle-Street, and Matth. Gunne in Essex- drew Crook, Printer to the King's Most Excellent .Street, 1704 The True Way to render Ireland Majesty, on Cork Hill, &c., and for Eliphal Dob- Happy and Secure, or A Discourse, wherein 'tis son, at the Stationers Armes in Castle-Street, 1697. Shewn, that 'tis the Interest both of England and ' Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 432- Ireland, to encourage Foreign Protestants to plant 433 Sismondi, Histoire des Franfais, tome xviii. in Ireland. In a Letter to the Right Honourable i^Iiap. 35, pp. 1 j7-lG:J: Bruxelles, 1842. 384 Notes and Illustrations. se contenter d'epouser en secret Mademoiselle, fille de Monsieur, Gaston de France, a quoi le Roi avoit consenti ; il vouloit absolument qu'il fiit permis de celebrer le mariage publicjue- ment, avec pompe, & en presence du Roi & de toute la Famille Royale. Les Princes du Sang firent leurs representations; sur quoi le Roi lui defendit de plus songer a ce mariage: mais Lausun, loin d'avoir pour son maitre & son bienfaiteur les egards convenables, s'em- porta jusqu'au point de reprocher au Roi son manque de parole, & meme de casser son epee en sa presence, lui disant qu'il ne meritoit plus qu'il la tirat pour son service. Le Roi, malgre cette impertinence, lui offrit d'oublier le passe, & meme de le faire Due, Marechal de France & Gouverneur de Province, pourvu qu'il voulUt ne plus pretendre a Mademoiselle : mais il refusa tout, de maniere que le Roi, irrite contre lui, le fit enfermer dans le chateau de Pig- nerol, ou il a reste pendant nombre d'annees, jusqu'a ce que Mademoiselle, qui I'avoit epouse secretement, donna, pour le tirer de prison, a M. le Due du Maine, la Principaute de Dombes. II passa ensuite en Angleterre, d'ou, en 1688, il revint en France avec la Reine & le Prince de Galles, ainsi que je I'ai marque ci-devant. Le Roi Tres- Chretien, a la priere de la Reine, le fit Due, & lui redonna toutes les entrees qu'il avoit cues auparavant. Etant passe en Irlande, a la tete des troupes auxiliaires, il y fit voir que, si jamais il avoit su quelque chose du metier de la guerre, il I'avoit alors totalement oublie'". Le jour de la Boyne, etant avec lui le matin, lorsque les ennemis passerent la riviere a Slane, il me dit qu'il falloit les attaquer ; mais a force de chercher un champ de bataille, il donna le temps aux ennemis de dehoucher, & de se former dans la plaine ; apres quoi j'ai marque qu'il ne fut plus possible de les charger". II ne inontra en Irlande ni capacite, ni resolution, quoique d'ailleurs on assurat qu'il etoit tres- brave de sa personne. II avoit une sorte d'esprit, qui ne consistoit pourtant qu'a tour- ner tout en ridicule, a s'ingerer par-tout, a tirer les vers du nez, &: a donner des godens. II etoit noble dans ses manieres, genereux, & vivant tres-honorablement. II aimoit le gros jeu, &■ jouoit tres-noblement. Sa figure etoit fort mince, & Ton ne pent comprendre comment il a pu etre un homme a bonne fortune. Apres la mort de Mademoiselle, il s'est marie avec la fille du Marechal de Lorges, dont il n'eut pas d'enfans. Le Roi d' Angleterre lui avoit donne la JaiTetiere "°. Note 169, Pages 78-79. The Duke of Tyrconnell is believed to have carried his point in France, by corrupting the French Ministers with the royal treasure, he had previously dispatched therefrom It-eland ; and his success also attributed to a former acquaintance between his Lady, and Louis XIV.' s prin- cipal Minister, Louvois. The annotator of Colonel O'Kelly's work has never met with any evidence but this, for charging the Duke of Tyrconnell with the peculation and bribery, and his Duchess with the amorous " See Note 141. " Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. o See, however, Notes 130 and 131, pp.350, 352. pp. 81-84. Notes and Illustrations. 385 amorous intrigues here alluded to. From not having met with any such additional evidence, as well us for other reasons, he would be inclined to consider such charges no better than rumours of the (Henry) Lultrell faction, circulated amongst the Anglo-Irish portion of the Duke's enemies, and the ultra Milesian or "separatist" party, of whom more presently^. Note 170, Page 79. The Duke of Tyrconnell affirmed, to have gained over King James's English courtiers in France, hy professing himself an Englishman hy extraction, as his Lady was by birth, and by also adding, how opposed he was to a destruction of the English interest in Ireland, through a separation of the island from the English Crown, according to the wish of the Irish. A contemporary Jacobite defence of the Earl of Tyrconnell's government in Ireland, printed in 1G88, says : " And for tlie Brittish in Ireland, they have not the least Reason to be dejected, because they are sufficiently secure: Our Governor's Education, his Stake he has in England, his most Excellent, Charitable, English Lady, himself descended from a Famous Ancient Stock oi English Nobility, Talbot! " Nevertheless, Mr. Hallam, speaking of the Irish Viceroy in 1687, characterizes him, as one who " looked only to his master's interests, in subordination to those of his countrymen, and of his own," and observes, — " It is now ascer- tained, that, doubtful of the King's success in the struggle for restoring Popery in England, he had made secret overtures to some of the French agents for casting off all connexion with that kingdom, in case of James's death, and, with the aid of Louis, placing the crown of Ireland on his own head. Mr. Mazure has brought this remarkable fact to light. Bonrepos, a French emissary in England, was authorized by his court to proceed in a negociation with Tyrconnel for the separation of the two islands, in case that a Protestant should succeed to the crown of England. He had accordingly a private interview with a confidential agent of the Lord Lieutenant at Chester, in the month of October, 16S7. Tyrconnel," concludes Mr. Hallam, " undertook, that, in less than a year, every thing should be prepared." As to the existence of a wish, on the part of a great number of the Irish, after the breaking out of the Revolutionary War, to have their country separated from England and Scotland Lord Melfort, in his " Instructions for Mr. Maxwell going into Ireland," from Paris, in 1689, states,in connexion with" what was said to be a-doingamongst the Irish in Paris and elsewhere," or at home, — " It has been debated amongst them, whether it be not their interest to join them- selves to some Catholic crown able to protect them, rather than be subject to the revolutions of the Protestant kingdoms of Great Britain; and" his Lordship adds, " that most of them at Paris have been of this mind." Finally, the royal Memoirs, in mentioning the divisions amongst the Irish in 1691, or the last year of the war, during the siege of Athlone, allege, that " with the seditious petitions (which were at that time handed about the Army) and Bal- deric O'Donnel's hidden practices, it apear'd afterwards that there was a design of puting the Kingdom P Compare Notes 163, 164, 165, 167, and 170. IRISH ARCH. SOC. . 3 D 386 Notes and Illustrations. Kingdom into the hands of the antient Irish, and upon an equal foot with England ; this it was made O'Donnel so popular, and had raised him that mighty crowd of followers with which he lined in a manner at discretion while the war lasted, and then made his peace with the enemy without the King's privity or consent'"'. Note 171, Page 80. The Duke of Berwick, loith 4000 foot, and as many horse and dragoons, crosses the Shannon, invades Leinster, and attacks the Castle of an English knight. This was the Castle of Birr, the family residence of Sir Lawrence Parsons, ancestor to the present Earl of Rosse. " Tirconel," says the Duke of Berwick, " m'avoit laisse le com- raandement general du Royaume en son absence : sur quoi ayant envie d'etendre mes quartiers au dela de la riviere de Shannon, je passai au pont de Banaker avec toute ma cavalerie, sept bataillons, & quatre pieces de canon; j'attaquai le chateau de Blir : mais par la maladresse de mes canonniers, qui ne purent jamais attraper le chateau, je me vis oblige de lever le siege; car le Genera! Douglas, ayant rassemble un tres-gros corps des ennemis, vint au secours, & je ne crus pas devoir hasarder une action avec des forces si inegales. Je me retirai done a deux milles en arriere, dans un tres-bon poste, d'ou ensuite je repassai le Shannon." The Duke of Berwick was accompanied in this affair by Brigadier Sarsfield, to whom the English or Williamite accounts attribute the command of the Irish forces. Harris, after stating, according to those accounts, that Sarsfield invested the Castle, adds, " Lieutenant General Dovglas, Major General Kirk, and Sir John Lanier, with a strong body, advanced that way, with a resolution not only to disturb the siege, and put relief into the Castle, but also to drive Sarsfield beyond the Shannon, and to attempt to break down the bridge ot Ban- nagher, to prevent his incursions over that pass. Upon their approach, on the 19th of Septem- ber, they found the enemy encamped very advantageously, two miles beyond Bir, among bogs and fastnesses, and were resolved to attack them ; but Sarsfield saved them that labour, by retiring hastily to a place of more security beyond the Shannon'. The principal design of this expedition was upon the Bridge of Bannagher ; but the attempt to break it down was found too hazardous at that time, not only as the enemy was very strong on the other side, but as it was defended by a Castle, and another work, which commanded it on two sides. They there- fore 1 A Vindication of tlie Present Government of day the 19th, the Enemy decamped, and marched to Ireland, imder his Excellency, Richard, Earl of BajJo/mr-Bcidje," adds, "the thatNighta Partyof Tirconnel In aLetter to aFriend, p. 3 : London, their Ilorse beat in our Out-Guards." Harris, also, KJB8, Hallam's Constitutional History of Eng- it may be observed, says nothing of the 'Williamite land, vol. iii. p. 530: London, 1829. — Macpher- force having been so much superior in number as son's Original Papers, vol. i. p. 340. — Memoirs of it was, tliough he had, in his possession, the ac- King James II., vol. ii. pp. 460-461 Story's Con- knowledgment to that effect, of the Williamite tinuation of the Hist, of the Warsof Ireland, p. 187. Secretary at War, given in next Note. For ano- ' Story, however, after mentioning how " Fri- ther such sample of suppression, see Note 101. Notes and Illustrations. 387 fore returned to Bir, and raised some fortifications about that open defenceless Town, where they encamped ten or twelve days, to countenance the workmen." A well-informed, though anonymous, local writer, having mentioned, in 1826, respecting the great modern improvements of the Castle of Birr, " the external building cannot be easily described, so various are its towers, flankers, battlements, and embrasures," adds, " on the eastern side yet stands part of that venerable fabric which baffled the attempts of General Sarsfield, of whose unsuccessful cannonading in 1690, it still exhibits the marks"'. Note 17-2, Page 80-81. The Duke of Berwick, on an alarm of a hostile force advancing to relieve the place he ivas attack- ing, is alleged, contranj to Sarsjield's advice, to have raised the siege, and retired over the Shannon into Connaught, though having superior numbers to the enemy. Whether Brigadier Sarsfield did or did not protest against a retreat towards the Shan- non on the approach of the Englibh to relieve Birr, the Duke of Berwick's opinion previ- ously cited, as to the Irish force having been too unequal to the large number of the enemy to render an engagement prudent, is supported by the unpublished statement of Clarke, the Williamite Secretary of War for Ireland, who calculated upon victory, in case of an action, on account of the very superior numbers of the English. Writing to his correspondent from " Cashell, Sept. 19th, 1690," Clarke says : " My Lord, the guns I sent y' Lordship word in my last, that were heard in the Camp, prove to be Sarsfield's at Burr, w'^^'' place he had invested, but upon the approach of Sir John Lanier quitted again. S'' John gives an account, that the body of the Irish that were there, consisted of 7 battallions of foot, 6 regiments of horse, & 4 of dragoones, & that they had 7 great guns with them ; he adds in a postcript that he heard they were returning upon advice of his marching back to Rosecrea, W' news has made L' Gen" Douglas, Major General Kirke, & himself resolve to return & use all means possible to fight him, of which we every moment expect a good account, our men being so much superiuur in number"'. Note 173, Page 81. William sends fresh troops to Ireland, under the command of Lord Churchill, or Marlborough, uncle, by the mother, of the Duke of Berwick. Arabella Churchill, daughter of Sir Winstan Churchill, and sister of the celebrated John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough, was, as mistress to James, Duke of York, afterwards « The History of Parsonstown, in the King's de Berwick, tome i. pp. 84-85. — Harris's Life of County, containing the History of that Town, from William III., p. 290. — Story's Impartial History, the Earliest Period to the Year 1798, together &c., p. 138. with its Description at the Present Day, pp. 143- ' MS. Correspondence, Letter No. CXLIII., 150, 165 : Dublin, 1826 Memoires du Marechal in Trinity College Library. 3D2 388 Notes and Illustrations. James II., the mother of four children. Of these, the eldest was James Fitzjames, born August -ilst, 1670, subsequently Duke of Berwick, Marshal of France, &c. Alluding to the greatness of both the uncle and the nephew, the former at the head of the Allied, and the latter as commander of the French and Spanish armies, Montesquieu observes, " Telle fut I'etoile de cette Maison de Churchill, qu'il en sortit deux hommes, dont I'un dans le meme temps fut destine a ebranler, & I'autre a soutenir, les deujc plus grandes Monarchies de I'Europe." The amount of the troops, sent from England, under Marlborough, to attack Cork and Kinsale, is stated, by the Duke of Berwick, at 8,000 men". Note 174, Page 81. Lord Cluirchill, or Marlborough, though the bosom friend of James II., deserted him after Willium's landing in England, and tvas even so perfidious, as to design delivering the King into his enemy's hands. The many obligations, under which John Churchill, afterwards Duke of Marlborouejh, was placed by the patronage and friendship of James II., both as Duke of York and as King of England, may be collected from the following account, in Collins's Peerage, of Marlbo- rough, to the period of his besieging Cork and Kinsale. " John Churchill, Duke of Marlbo- rough, the second but eldest surviving son of Sir Winstan Churchill, is said to have been born, at seventeen minutes after noon, on May 2-ith, 1650. In his youth, he was Page of Honour to James, Duke of York, by whose favour his father got him an Ensign's commission in the Guards. In 1G71, he served at Tangier against the Moors ; and being in the army sent next year, under the Duke of Monmouth, to the assistance of Lewis XIV. of France against the Dutch, signalized himself at the siege of IMaestricht. In 1679, he attended the Duke of York into Flanders, and next year into Scotland. He likewise, in 1682, accompanied that Prince in the voyage to that Kingdom, when the Gloucester frigate, on May 5th, struck on the Lemon and Oar Sand ; and was one of those persons for whose preservation his Royal Highness was particularly solicitous. On December 2 1st following, he was, by the interest of the Duke of York, dignified with the title of Lokd Churchill, of Eyemouth, in the County of Berwick, in Scotland ; and next year, being then a General Officer, he got the command of the First Regiment of Dragoons. . . . The Duke of York succeeding to the Crown, on February 6th, 1 684- 5, nominated him Ambassador to the Court of France, on March 5th following ; and consti- tuted him one of the Lords of the Bedchamber, in which quality he walked at his Majesty's coronation, on April 23rd, 1685. On May 14th, ensuing, he was created a Peer of England, by the title of Bahon Chorchill, of Sandridge, in Hertfordshire ; assisted in defeating the Duke " Sir Egerton Br jdges' edition of Collins's Peer- Berwick par le President de Montesquieu, pre- age of England, vol. i. pp. 365-369, 375. — Portrait tixed to the jMemoires du Marechal de Berwick, duMarechal de Berwick, par Milord Bolingbroke, tome i. pp. ix. xvii. 1, 85, &c. — The Loudon Ma- & Ebauche de I'Eloge Historique du Marechal de gazine for 1734, p. 331. Notes and Illustrations. 389 Duke of Monmouth at Sedgemore, on July Gth foUowinij, being next in command to Lewis Duras, Earl of Feversliam, and the same year wasappointed Colonelof the Third Trocipof Life- Guards. When the Prince of Orange landed in 1688', he was amongst the first that went over to his Highness, and, in the Convention, voted for the vacancy of the throne, and for filling it with the Prince and Princess of Orange After their being declared King and Queen, on Ash- Wednesday, February 13th, 1688-9, Lord Churchill was called to the Council Table, and appointed one of the Lords of the Bedchamber to King William. On April 9th, 1689, two days before the coronation, he was advanced to the rank of Earl of Maklborough, and sent that year to command the English forces in the Netherlands, under Prince Waldeck, General of the Dutch troops." The following year, 1690, he was appointed to command the expedition against Cork and Kinsale. Respecting the ingratitude and treachery, towards James IL, attributed to Lord Chur- chill, or Marlborough, by Colonel O'Kelly, consult (amongst other authorities that might be cited) the references, here subjoined, to the Duke of Berwick, Captain John Creichton, of Lord Dunmore's Regiment of Dragoons, and King James". Note 175, Page 81. Lord Churchill, or Marlborough, attacks Cork, represented as having been provided with all necessaries for sustaini?ig a long siege, and yet as having been taken without much oppo- sition. According to Story and Harris, the Earl of Marlborough landed his forces in Cork har- bour, September SSrd, set about the siege of the place on the 24th, and it " held out till the 28th," says the former authority, " being five Days, and then the Garrison, about 4,500, sub- mitted to be all Prisoners of War." Though this garrison is correctly spoken of by King James's Memoirs as " very nume- rous," and though it was most likely, as the Latin version of Colonel O'Kelly intimates, " well supplied with provisions," it certainly was not furnished with what the Colonel terms " all Necessaryes to sustaine a long Seidge." The royal Memoirs mention Cork, as " being ill provided for a defence ;" and the truth of this assertion is sufficiently proved by the MS. let- ter of the Dutch Major-General Scravemoer, who was with the Williamite force at the siege. This document informs us, that all the Irish store of powder, at the termination of their five days' resistance, was found to be " no more than two siiiull barrels"*. The Memoirs add, in reference to the defence of Cork, " Colonel Maceligot, who was governour of it, shew'd more courage than prudence in refuseing the good conditions which were oft'er'd him at fir:,t, indeed the ' Printed by mistake, 1685. Capt. Creicliton's Memoirs, in Scott's edition of ' Sir EgertonBrjdges' edition of Collins's Peer- Swift's Works, vol. xii. pp. 70-71 Slenioirs of age of England, vol. i. pp. 367-369, 375, &c. — Me- King James II., vol. ii. pp. 219, 221-224. moirea du ilarechal de Berwick, tome i. p. 34 » See Note 162. 39° Notes and Illustrations. the Duke of Berwick had so little hopes of its sustaining a Siege that he had order d him to burn the town, and retire with his garison into Kerry"". Note 176, Page 81. False statement alleged to have been made by the English, as to Cork having been surrendered to them, without securing conditions for the Irish garrison ; and bad treatment of the latter by the English, notwithstanding those conditions. It is not true, that Cork was surrendered as Colonel O'Kelly says the English alleged it to have been surrendered. On the 28th of September, a breach having been made since the day before, and the English arrangements proceeding by land and water for the storming of the place, the Governor, Colonel Mac Eligot, beat a parley, and sent the Earl of Tyrone and Colonel Ryc.aut to make, says Story, " Articles for its Surrender, which were these : " I. That the Garrison should be received Prisoners of War, and there should be no Pre- judice done to the Officers, Soldiers, or Inhabitants. " II. That the General would use his Endeavour to obtain His Mojestie's Clemency to- wards them. " III. That they should deliver up the Old Fort within an Hour, and the Two Gates of the City the next Day, at Eight in the Morning. " IV. That all the Protestants that are in Prison shall be forthwith released. ";V. That all the Arms of the Garrison and Inhabitants should be put into a secure Place. And " VI. That an exact Account should be given of the Magazines, as well Provision as Am- munition." What Colonel O'Kelly refers to, as the barbarous treatment inflicted upon the Irish gar- rison after their surrender, is thus spoken of in King James's Memoirs, and by Doctor Charles Leslie. The former authority says, that they " found little compassion at the Enemies hands, who amongst other cruel usages, were so inhumain as to refuse to bury those who through misery dyed in prison, till they amounted to 30 or 40 at a time through a seeming neglect, or to saue trouble, but in reality that the infection of the dead and corrupting bodys might poison and destroy the rest." " The Irish do grievously complain," adds Doctor Charles Leslie, " that upon the surrender of Cork, the Irish Army, tho' Prisoners of War, were, by the Conditions, to be well used, notwithstanding of which, they say, that the General narrowly escaped being Murtheredby the [Protestant?] y Story's Impartial History, pp. 141-143, and moer's Letter from the Camp before Cork, Sept' Continuation, pp. 44-45 Harris's Life of Wil- 29th, 1690, No. CLIX. in Clarke's Correspon- liam III., pp. 291-292 Major-General Scrave- denee Memoirsof King James II., vol. ii. p. 419. Notes and Illustrations. 391 [Protestant ?] Inhabitants, and had no Justice done him, nor any Satisfaction, upon his Complaint to the English General. That several of the Earl of Clonkerty's Servants were forced rora him, to serve Major General And that the Garrison, after laying down their Arms, were Stripped, and Marched to a Marshy wet Ground, where they were kept with Guards ybJ^r or Jive Days, and not being Sustained, were forced through Hungar, to Eat dead Horses that lay about them, and several of them Dyed for Want. That when they were Removed thence, they were so crowded in Jails, Houses, and Churches, that they could not all lye down at once, and had Nothing but the bare Floor to lye on, where, for Want of Sustenance, and lying in their own E.xcrements, with dead Carcasses, lying whole Weeks in the same Place with them, caused such Infection, that they Dyed in great Numbers Daily. And that the Roman Catholick Inhabitants, tho' promis'd Safty and Protection, had their Goods Seized, and themselves Stripped, and turned out of Town soon after." So far for these accounts of King James and Doctor Leslie. From a perusal, however, of the original evidence in Clarke's Correspondence, cited by Harris, respecting the condition of Cork and its Williamite garrison subsequent to the capitulation, as well as from two official letters, dated Cork, November 17th and 20th, 1690, written by Charles Thompson, Esq., Surgeon-General to William's army in Ireland, and preserved in the State Paper Office, Lon- don, it is but JUST to add, that a great deal (though not all) of the sufferings of the Irish pri- soners on this occasion, would appear to have been no more than a natural consequence of the destitution and disease, to which both the town, and the Williamite garrison themselves, are represented to have been reduced'. Note 177, Page 81-82. The Duke of Graf Ion, an illegitimate son of King Charles II., slain in the attack on Cork. " Henry Fitz-Roy, second son of Charles II., by Barbara Villiers, Duchess of Cleveland," says Collins, " was born on September 20th, 1663; and being of a brave and martial spirit, addicted himself first to the experience of maritime affairs, having been on several naval ex- peditions with Sir John Bury, Knight, Vice-Admiral of England : he was, by letters patent, hearing date August IGth, 1672, created Baron of Sudbury, Viscount Ipswich, and Earl of Euston, all in the County of Suffolk ; also on September 1 1 th, 1675, created Duke of Grafton, in the County of Northampton." The same authority, after mentioning, with respect to the Duke, at the siege of Cork, that " a considerable breach being made, the grenadiers were or- dered to storm the town, headed by his Grace, and some resolute volunteers," adds, " but, as he was leading them on to the assault, on Septendjer 28th, he received a wound with a shot, which broke two of his ribs, whereof he died, at Cork, on October 9th, following; and his corpse ' Harris's Life of "William III., pp. 292, 296, vol. ii. p. 419 LesUe's Answer to KiiiK, p. 162 297 — Story's Impartial History, pp. 141-143, and Clarke's Correspondence, and Letters in .State Continuation, p. 29.— Memoirs of King James II., Paper Otfice, London, as referred to. 392 Notes and Illustrations. corpse was brousrht to England, and buried at Euston, in Suffolk." Mr. Croker asserts, that " the shot which mortally wounded the Duke of Grafton is said to have been fired by a blacksmith from a forge in ' Old Port Office Lane' (leading from the South Main Street to the Grand Parade). The place where he fell, which was then a marsh," adds Mr. Croker, " is now built upon, and the street called Grafton's Alley, in memory of the event"". Note 178, Pages 81-82. The Duke of Grafton, a naval commander, and as great an enemy to his uncle, King James, and the Irish nation, for their attachment to the Roman Catholic worship, as he >vas himself a violent assertor of Protestantism. According to Collins, the Duke of Grafton was appointed Vice-Admiral of England, December 2nd, 1682. In that capacity, he had under his uncle's reign, or in 1687, observes the same writer, "the command of a squadron of his Majesty's ships of war, to receive Mary Sophia, Queen of Pedro II., King of Portugal, in Holland, and conduct her to Lisbon. His Grace afterwards sailed for Tunis, where he arrived on October 16th, 1687, and having brought the Corsairs of that place to amity, he returned to England in March, 1688, and, waiting on the King, was very graciously received." It would, however, appear by what King James states in connexion with the Duke's death at the siege of Cork, that his not having been elevated to a still higher rank in the navy contributed to make him desert to the Prince of Orange, some months after, at the Revolution. His Majesty, in remarking upon the fall of the Duke, thus adds respecting him: "who after haveing trechirously abandon'd the King, who loved him like a father, had no other recompence from the Vsurper than to be knocked in the head in his service in quality of a Volunteer : he who thought himself so highly injured because the King had not given him the command of the Fleet, preferable to all the antient and e.Kperieneed Officers in the Kingdom." Dalrymple, too, asserts of the Duke : "He had asked the command of the fleet in place of Lord Dartmouth, but James had refused his request. Either irritated, or inflamed with the love of liberty, he went privately to the fleet, and obtained a promise from two- thirds of the Captains, that they would not oppose the Prince of Orange, and informed the Prince of what he had done." Though Colonel O'Kelly speaks of the Duke as a warm supporter of the Protestant faith, and a proportionable hater or persecutor of the Irish for their attachment to the Roman Catholic Church, from such circumstances connected with religion as are related of the Duke, he does not seem to have been a man of much religious consistency, or principle. Thus, when, in 1687, the Duke of Somerset, as Lord of the Bedchamber, was stripped of his appointment by James, for " having," says Collins, " declined conducting Ferdinand Dadda, Archbishop of Amasia, Pope Innocent XL's Nuncio, to his public audience," the Duke of Grafton " was pre- vailed » Sir Egerton Brydges' edition of Collins's Peer- tions of the London Camden Society, No. XIV., age of England, vol. i. pp. 213, 215. — Transac- p. 127. Notes and Illustrations. 393 vailed on by the King to perform it ; and accordingly, on the 3d of July'' that year, he solemnly conducted him to Windsor, attended by Sir Charles Cotterel, Master of the Ceremonies, in one of his Majesty's coaches." Bishop Burnet also relates, that the Duke, shortly before his desertion, being suspected of disaffection by James, the King told him : " He was sure he could not pretend to act upon Principles of Conscience ; for he had been so ill bred, that, as he knew little of Religion, so he regarded it less. But," adds the Bishop respecting the Duke, " he answered the King, that, tho' he had little Conscience, yet he was of a Party that had Conscience." The occurrence which may have contributed to the peculiarly hostile feeling of the Duke against the Irish, assigned to him by Colonel f)'Kelly, was probably the attempt upon his Grace's life in London, during the heat of the Revolution, or in December, IC88, on his advance, by the Prince of Orange's orders, to take possession of Tilbury Fort, where a party of Irish, belonging to King James's army, had been stationed. " As the Duke," says Harris, "was marching through the Strand at the head of his regiment, an Irish trooper, galloping down Catherine-street, took aim at his Grace with his carbine : One of the Duke's grenadiers was quicker than the trooper, and shot him immediately from his horse, nor did he live long enough, to confess the reason of so desperate an attempt"*^. Note 179, Page 82. The Williamites advance to Kinsale, and secure quarters in the Town : the Governor's orders, to commit it to the Jlames, not having been acted on, until too late. Harris states of Marlborough : " The same day (iDth September) that the Earl entered Corh, he sent a detachment of 500 horse and dragoons under Brigadier VilUer.i, to summon the Town and Forts of Kinsale ; upon whose approach and summons, the Governour threatned to hang the Messenger, and he actually set the Town on fire; which being extinguished by the English, the Irish retreated in haste to the Old and New Forts"''. Note 180, Page 82. Marlborough, whose men, in that hitter weather, could not keep the field without the shelter afforded by the Town, is thus enabled to attach the Forts of Kinsale. The alleged neglect, to execute in time the Irish Governor's order for burning the Town of Kinsale, that the enemy might be without shelter in the late and unhealthy season, when they ^ The 23rd of July, according to King James. book v. vol. ii. p. 23: LondoD, 1790. — Burnet's « CoUins's Peerage, &c., ut sup., vol. i. pp. 213, History, &c., vol. i. p. 435: Dublin, 1734.— Har- 214. — Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. ris's Life of William III., p. 1.53. 116-119, 419-420 Dab-ymple's Memoirs, part i. <• Harris's Life of William III., p. 292. IKISH AKCH. SOC. 3 E 394 Notes and Illustrations. they came before the Forts, was a serious omission. " An advanced season in the field is always fatal to foreigners in this country," says Lieutenant-General Keatinge. And Bishop Burnet, having mentioned how Marlborough, on marching to Kinsale, " found the two Forts, that commanded the Port, to be so much stronger than the Plans had represented them to be," adds, " he told me, if he had known their true Strength, he had never undertaken the Expe- dition, in a Season so far advanced"' . See Note 20, p. 181 ; Note 107, p. 323; Note 112, pp. 329-330 ; Note 113, pp. 330-331. Note 181, Page 82. Sir Edward Scot very gallantly defends the New Fort of Kinsale, in expectation of being re- lieved by the Duke of Berwick. Cause of Sir Edward's not having been relieved by the Duke. After the storming of the Old Fort of Kinsale on the 3rd of October, " the Lord Marl- borough," says Harris, " having gained this Fort, resolved to make quick work with the New one, which was much more considerable, being induced by the bad weather, scarcity of provi- sions, and sickness of his Men, to attack the place briskly, by that method judging he should lose fewer Men, than by a tedious Siege. Nevertheless, he summoned it in form : But Sir Edward Scot, the Governour, resolutely answered, ' It would be time enough to capitulate a month hence.'" It held out until the 13th, when the terms of capitulation, for the following day, were, according to Harris, agreed upon, " about mid-night." Colonel O'Kelly's assertion, as to Sir Edward Scot having " held out for 20 Dales," is therefore incorrect, and the other statement, or that in the Latin version, as to the defence of Kinsale having been protracted " till the 20th day," is likewise wrong. Had the Latin said "from the 20th day," that is, of September, on which, it has been seen', the English first advanced from Cork to Kinsale, the assertion would be more justifiable. Of the reasons that prevented the Duke of Berwick from endeavouring to relieve Cork or Kinsale while besieged by his uncle (at which neglect so much censure appears in the Latin version !) the Duke gives us this account. " J'avois cependant ramasse sept a huit mille hom- mes & j'avan9ai du cote de Kilmalock, pour tenter le secours ; mais toutes les troupes enne- mies de ce c6te-la I'ayant joint^, je me trouvai si infirieur en nombre, que je me contentai de I'observer ; & quand son expedition fut finie, nous nous retirames tons dans nos quartiers"". This statement of the Duke of Berwick, as to his having been so inferior in number to the united forces of the Williamites, is evident, from a comparison with their accounts. Note 182, ' Keatinge's Defence of Ireland, chap. v. p. 28. e Marlborough. — Burnet's History of his Own Times, vol. ii. p. >• Harris's Life of William III., pp. 292-293. — 35. Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. p. ' Note 179. 85. Notes and Illustrations. 395 Note 182, Pages 82-83. Sir Edward Scot, being at last reduced to extremities, capitulates, on most honourable terms. Referring to the circumstance of the garrison of Corlc having been obliged to surrender as prisoners of war to Marlborough, in consequence of the place, though so badly calculated to stand a siege, having been so long held out, contrary to the orders of the Duke of Berwick', the royal Memoirs allege of Kinsale, " Sir Edward Scot, tho he made a vigorous defence at Kingsale yet did not let slip a fit time for capitulateing, whereby he got better termes, and his men were conducted to Limerick." " On the 5th of October," says Story of the termi- nation of this siege by the acquisition of the New Fort, " the Trenches were opened and the Fort held out till the 13th, when two Mines being sprung, and our Galleries ready to lay over the Ditch, the Enemy beat a Parley; and the Garrison (being about 1200) had Liberty to march out, with their Arms and Baggage, having a Party of Horse to conduct them to Limerick"'. Note 18.3, Pages 83-84. " Great meeting, at Limerick, of the Jacobite nobility, prelates, chief military officers, and laivi/ers against their form of government. " These animositys indeed amongst themselves," observes King James, respecting the Irish, " were come to so a great pitch, that now when the Enemie gaue them some respit, their whole attention was to make war upon one an other"''. Note 184, Pages 85-90. The Duke of Berwick, after .some delay, consults, that Agents from the Irish, hostile to the administration of the Duke of Tijrconnell, should proceed, with their complaints, to King James, in France. Of the appointment of those Envoys to France, from the opponents of the Duke of Tyr- connell, and other circumstances connected with their mission, the Duke of Berwick gives us this account : " Apres le depart de Tirconel pour la France, Sarsfiekl, Simon Luttrel, frere du Brigadier, & le Brigadier Dorington me vinrent trouver a Limerick de la part de I'As- semblee Generale de la Nation, pour me dire, qu'ils avoient heu de souptjonner que Tirconel ne representeroit pas suffisamment a la Cour de France leurs besoins, & qu'ainsi ils me pri- oient de vouloir bien prendre des mesures pour le faire moi-meme. Je leur repondis, que je m'etonnois > See Note 175. Story's Continuation, &c., p. 45. J Memoirs of King James II., vol. il. p. 419. — ^ Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. p. 421. 3E2 396 Notes and Illustrations. in'etonnois qu'ils osassent faire de pareilles assemblies saus ma permission, que je leur de- feiidois d'eii faire a I'avenir, & que le leudemain je leur ferois savoir mes intentions sur ce dont ils m'avoient parle. En effet, je convoquai chez moi tous les principaux Seigneurs, tant Ecclesiastiques que La'iques, & tous les Officiers Militaires jusqu'aux Colonels iuclus. Je leur fis un discours a peu pres comme la veille ; mais pom' montrer que je ne desirois que le bien, je dis que je voulois bien avoir la complaisance pour eux, d'envojer en France des per- sonnes de leur goiit, pour representer au vrai leur etat & leurs besoins: je proposal I'Eveque de Cork", les deux freres Luttrel, & le Colonel Purcell. Tout le monde approuva dans Vinstant mon choix, & dans peu de jours je fis partir mes deputes : j'envoyai aussi le Briga- dier Maxwell, Ecossois, pour expliquer au Roi les raisons que j'avois cues pour faire cette deputation, & pour le supplier de vouloir bien ne pas laisser revenir le Brigadier Luttrel, ni le Colonel Purcell, les deux plus dangereux brouillons, que j'avois cboisis expres pour les eloigner. Ces Messieurs, etant a bord, soupgonnerent que Maxwell pouvoit etre charge d'instructions sur leur sujet, & proposerent de lejetter dans la mer ; mais ils en fm'ent empe- ches par I'Eveque & I'aine Luttrel: le premier etoit un Prelat d'une piete distinguee ; & le second, d'un esprit liant, m'a toujours paru un honnete homme"'. Malgre ce que Maxwell put representer, le Roi permit a ces Messieurs de retourner en Irlande. Tirconel y consentit ; mais il eut dans la suite lieu de s'en repentir. Comme ils craignoient d'etre mis en prison, ils firent insinuer au Roi, que les Irlandois s'en prendroient a moi du traitement qu'on leur feroit ; & ce fut cette consideration qui determina le Roi a leur permettre de s'en retourner en Irlande"". Note 183, Pages 90-93. General result of the embassy of the Agents of the discontented Irish to France. " My Lord Tyrconnel's back," observe the royal Memoirs, " was no sooner turn'd (when he came from Ireland) but the discontented part of the Army dispatched away the Bishopp of Cork, Coll. Symon, and Henry Lutterell, and Coll: Nicolas Pursel to S'. Germains, with instructions to solicit his repeal ; adressing themselves to his Majesty to this efect, That since with the remains of a broken Army they had stopped a victorious one, and hoped to bring next year an other into the field of aboue twenty thous.and foot and neen {nine) thousand hors ■ind Dragoons, they desired a Generall fit to command such a body of men, who might depend upon no orders but his Majesty's alone ; that My Lord Tyrconnel was not qualifyd for such a superintendance as he had hithertoo exercised, that his age and infermitys made him require more sleep than was consistant with so much business, that his want of experience in military afTairs render'd him exceeding slow in his resolves, and uncapable of laying projects ; which no depending General Officers would do for him, first by takeing a great deal of pains to make ' See Note 33, p. 195, and Note 91, pp. 308-309. " Meraoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. "' See Note 139, pp. 358-359. pp. 88-90. Notes and Illustrations. 397 make him conceiue it; and then either have it rejected, or he to haue the honour of it, if suc- cessful! ; whereas they had to do with enemys who wanted not Commanders of great aliilities and long experience in the war : they insinuated also that mony and imployments had been given with greater regard to private ends, than the King's Service, that his management in fine was universally disaproued of, and that should he return with the Same authority again, it would utterly dishearten the body of the Nation ; they complained of the disponding Mes- sage he sent to the King, after the battle of the Boin, which occasion'd his IMajestys leaveing the Kingdom, whereas had he but stayd a few hours longer in Dublin, he had seen such a number of fine troops, as would haue tempted him not to have abandon'd them ; that dureing the Siege of Limerick, nothing but beans and oates were given to the Soldiers for some time, which they eat raw out of their pockets, while there was wheat enough in the Town ; they ex- pressed likewise much disatisfaction at the conduct of those of his partie, particularly Mr. Antony and Richard Hamilton, and had prevail'd with the Duke to displace same, dureing the Lord Lieftenant's absence, as CoUonel Macdonnell from his government of Galway, and My Lord Riverston from his imployment of Secretary of War (which the Duke of Berwick writ to the King he did upon intelligence of their treateing with the Enemie about the Sur- render of Galway and Limerick) concluding at last with Several personal reflections, particu- larly against the Duke of Tyrconnel, and indeed against all that had any ty to his intrest. " Assoon as My Lord Tyrconnel heard of these Deputies from the Army, tho he had finished his business, and was on his way to Brest, however it alarmed him very much ; he writ to the King, that he wonder'd the Duke of Berwick could be so far overseen as to suil'er Henry Lutterel to go to S' Germain's, unless it were with the same view he himself had formerly sent My Lord Mountjoy- ; and so thinking to cross bite them, perswaded the King to keep them there now he had them, not doubting but matters would go on more to his Satis- faction in their absence; for tho Sarsfield's head (he Sayd) now that it was turn'd to popu- larity was quite out of its natural Situation, yet he hoped when he came back, to set it right again, if his Councellors Hen : Lutterel and Col : Pursel were kept from him j so beg'd of his Majesty to do it, assureing him he would use the softest and gentleest means imaginable to bring people to reason, but if that would not do was resolved to secure the proudest amongst them and send him into France : And indeed he put that method in practice ere he was out of it, for while he was waiting for a wind at Brest, hearing of a person that was sent by Mr. Randal Macdonnel into Ireland, and suspecting he had instructions for those of the other partie, prevail'd with the Intendant of Brest to clap him up, till his Majestys orders were known about him. " These and other considerations, so prepossessed the King against these Deputys, that at their arrival at S' Germains he refused to see them ; but they being cunning and insinuating people, " That is, to have him detained in France, as a of Tyrconnell's aversion to Henry Luttrell, a bad person too dangerous to be allowed to remain in man, the father of a bad man, and the grandfather Ireland. Events i)roved, how just was the Duke of a bad man. 398 Notes and Illustrations. people, and back'd not only by men of distinction in the Army, but at Court too, gain'd so much credit at last, as to make the King ballance with himself, whether partie he should en- deavour to satisfy ; but My Lord Tyrconnel being actually return'd, he thought it not proper to recall him, nor to alter measures already settled with the Court of France, least that chief Minister [Louvois] might turn such instability in Councells to the King's further prejudice, against whom he was but too much bent already. The King therefore resolved to support his own authority in My Lord Tyrconnel, and let things goe on in the methods already agreed upon, and hoped to send back the Army Ambassadors in such a temper, as would make them live easily with him ; which cost the King a great deal of trouble and pains, and was lost labour in the end. But it was the King's hard fate not only to suffer by his Rebellious Subjects, but to be ill serued by his Allies, and tormented by divisions amongst his own people ; as if his enemies gaue him not disquiet enough, but that his friends must also come into their aid, to exercise his patience, and agrevate his sufferings by turns"''. Note 186, Page 95. • Heaoy burden on Connmight, the County Limerick, and the remaining portions of Munster, of vMch the Jacohite territory consisted, imposed by the number of Jacobite refugees, with their cattle, that came therefrom the other parts of Ireland, and especially from Ulster, then occu- pied by the Williamites. Story observes respecting the native Irish : " It has been an ancient Custom amongst them, still to remove out of the Way with their Cattle and all their Substance, at the Ap- proach of an Enemy." Of the inconvenient multitudes of the Ulster Irish, in particular, alluded to by Colonel O'Kelly, as having retired, in this manner, into the territory occupied by King James's forces, the Williamite Chaplain, in describing the return of those emigrants to the North, in October, 1691, after the conclusion of the war by the Treaty of Limerick, says: "All the Roads and other Places leading from the Counties of Kerry and Clare towards the North, are now full of Nothing but Creights, and vast Stocks of Cattle driving homewards," &c. Yet, of the crowding of so many of the inhabitants of the other parts of the island into that occupied by King James's army during the winter of 1690-91, the same writer acquaints us with this pleasant and characteristic result: " It's observable, that there have not been so many Marriages for many Years before amongst the Irish, as was last Winter in Limerick, Galwai/, and all Connaught over ; whether it was out of Confidence that they should certainly be Masters of the Kingdom after all, or else that they were crowded into a narrower Com- pass, and so had the more Opportunities of Courting, I leave others to judg'"". See Note 170. Note 187, i> Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 422- 1 Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 146, 196-197, 425. 270-271. Notes and Illustrations. 399 Note 187, Page 95. Disorders commilled in their quarters by King James's army — the WiUiamite troops acling so likewise, in the territory under their occupation. Dalrymple, having remarked how, during the military operations of the summer in Ireland, "both sides had kept up their spirits, because that season had passed in various successes to both," says : " But, when the armies retired into their winter quarters, the people of Ireland found themselves oppressed with miseries which admitted of no alleviation, because they were attended with no variety. The armies spread themselves in parties, placed at small distances from each other, all over the frontiers of the provinces they possessed, to cover them, and to get provisions and forage with the greater ease. Whilst the armies had been ranged in camps against each other, the common laws of war were observed, because it was the interest of all to respect them ; and the soldiers had not injured the country, partly because they were sup- plied from public magazines and by public officers, and partly because they still however depended for many things upon the country-people. But they had no sooner got into canton- ments, than they indulged in the wantonness of cruelty, because it was attended with no dan- ger ; and plundered friends and foes alike, for which the want of pay among the English, and the brass pay of the Irish soldiers, furnished them with excuses. The Germans, French, and Danes of the English army," he adds, " declared without scruple, that they considered them- selves as in an enemy's country; and they were too numerous to be punished"'. Note 188, Pages 95-96. The Duke of Berwick stated, to have been more mindful of his youthful pleasures, than attentive to the conduct if his troops. The Duke gives a different representation of his conduct. " Pendant cet hivre," says he, " il ne se passa rien de considerable, & je ne fus occupe que de la visite du pays & des postes, du retablissement des troupes, & de I'approvisionnement des magasins"'. Note 189, Page 97. Necessity of a particular account of the coinage of copper or base money in Ireland, hi King James II., owing to the great evils it was considered to have occasioned. The establishment of a brass or inferior description of coinage in Ireland under .laniee 1 1., was 710* such a " new design" as the Latin translator of Colonel O'Kelly seems to have con- sidered it. "In •■ Dalrymple's Memoirs, part ii. book v. vol. iii. ^ Memoires du Mareclial de Berwick, tome i, pp. 48-49; London, 1790. pp. 90-91. 400 Notes and Illustrations. In the latter end of the reign of Henry VIII., observes Cox, " the Necessities of the State obliged the King to Coyn Brass or mixt Moneys, and to make it currant in Ireland by Proclamation to the great Dissatisfaction of all the People, especially the Soldiers." In Harris's Ware, the Proclamation to that effect is spoken of, as one " prohibiting the Im- portation of this Money into England, under the Penalty of forfeiting Treble the Value, and of Fine and Imprisonment." Under Henry's successor, Edward VI., this sort of base coin continued to circulate in Ireland, since we read, in Co.x, of the King being " advised to lower the Value of Brass Money." In the next reign, or that of Mary, the same annalist men- tions the sending over, in 1558, by the Lord Deputy, Thomas, Earl of Sussex, of " an Order to coyne Brass Money; and to make it currant by Proclamation; which he did." After the statement, in Harris's Ware, of that Queen's having " coined Shillings for Ireland in two Periods of her Reign," it is added, " and both of a very vile Metal, little better than Copper." Simon, who characterizes this coinage for Ireland, to have been " of as coarse and base a metal, as any made use of, in the two last reigns," informs us, at the same time, of Mary, how, " in order that she might ingratiate herself with her people in England," she " prohibited the currency of the base money there, and ordered gold and silver to be made of a better standard." Again, in Elizabeth's reign, or the year IfiOl, an exclusively hase coin was fabricated for Ireland, respecting which the English historian Carte says : " The regular payment of her army in Ireland, in gold and silver coin, had drawn thither a large quantity of the specie of England: and, a great part of it coming, either by excursions, plunder, or trafiRck, into the hands of the rebels, they were enabled to purchase in France, Flanders, and Uollande, what- ever armes, ammunition and provisions they wanted. To prevent this inconvenience, her Majesty, who had, in the beginning of her reign, acquired great glory, by reforming the coin of England to the true standard', thought fit to cause a base sort of money to be coined in the Tower of London: and by a Proclaination, on il/oy21[?] ordered it to he current imly in Ire- land, and there to be taken in all payments, as if it were sterling". Great quantities of this money being sent over thither, there was, in a short time, no other to he seen ; and, it being of little service for purchasing munitions in foreign countries, where it would pass for no more than its intrinsick value, the rebels, already distressed by the forts erected in their countries, and ' " About this time (1560) the coin, which had sic de cateris, he'mg tendered in payment of wages, been so debased, dm'ing the three former reigns, fees, stipends, or debts, that they should be punished and in the beginning of this, was restored to near as contemners of her Majesty's royal prerogative its former purity, and intrinsic value, as well in this and commands; and in order to make this coin kingdom, as in England."— (Simon's Essay on Irish more current, it was also ordered by the said Pro- Coins, p. 36 : Dublin, 1810.) clamation that, after the 10th of July next ensuing, " The Queen's Proclamation, May 20th, 1601, all other monies current in this kingdom (Ireland) states, that if any person or persons should refuse should be annulled esteemed as bullion, and not the said mixed monies, according to their ilenomi- as the lawful and current coin of said realm — nation, or valuation, that is shilling for shilling, and (Simon's Essay, &c., pp. 38, 90-94.) Notes and Illustrations. 40 1 and the garrisons which destroyed everything that could serve for sustenance, were soon re- duced to the necessity either of perishing by famine, as vast multitudes did», or of making their submission." The Irish historian, Don Philip O'Sullivan Beare, after laying down, that, in the long war of his countrymen against Elizabeth, " Non armis, sed artibus varijs, Ibernos fuisse superatos," thus alludes to this brass money, and the other policy by which it's hripositiuiL upon Ireland was accompanied : " Nee est praetereundum aliud Protestantium stratagerama, qui Catho- licorum agros, municipia, segetes, armenta, ferro, flammaque corrumpebant, vt quos virtute superare no poterant, fame, & inedia vincerent, neque suorum quidem Prouincialiuni, vel Ibernorum factionis Anglicse finibua interdum parcentes, frumentum & arraentum interuer- tendo, & agricultui'am prohibendo, ne commeatus esset, quo Catholic! potiti bellum gererent. Ahena moneta Reginae iussu excusa mittitur in Iberniam anno 1601. qua partira Regina facultatibus consumptis exercitum alebat, partim Iberuicum aurum & argentum est surrep- tum. Quae simul ac bellum est confectum, nihil valere copit magna iactura Ibernoru, etifi tributariorum Regina;, maxime mercatorum. Quippe persuasum habuerunt Protestantes nunqua finiendum fuisse Ibernicum bellum, dum Ibernis commeatus suppeteret, vel aurum, & argentum, quo ilium compararent: exercitui vero suo Angliam victum suppeditaturam. Hse cause fuerunt, quamobrem tanta vis Ibernorum pauperum exteras gentes, maxirau Hispaniam, & Galliam inundauerit." And, in another place, inquiring "Quemadniodum Catholici sint viribus diminuti," after mentioning the various contrivances, by which " Angli, in summum discrimen amittendce Ibernice deducti," resolved to prevent this, O'Sullivan adds : " Principio senea moneta excusa in Iberniam mittitur, qua omne Ibernum aurum, & argentum in Angliam subtrahitur, ipsaque breui cepit nullius esse pretij. Quo eflfectum est vt Iberni pecunia sua de- fraudati sint ad ingentem paupLTtatem redacti. Segetes quoque scinduntur, & alia damna inferuntur." Moryson, as cited by Simon, speaks of the above-mentioned money for Ireland as " this bitter pill, which impoverished not only the rebels, but her Majesty's best servants in this kingdom, only enriching her paymasters sitting quietly at home, while others adventured daily their blood in the service." Simon computes, that " if at that time (IGUl) the merchant had complied, and parted with his sterling money; if he had brought it to the office, there to receive twenty-one shillings of the base money (in reality not worth above three shillings and four-pence) for every twenty shillings of sterling money, his stock, if twelve thonsand puuiuls, must at once have been reduced to three ihounand pounds, narj, to two thousand pounds, for the goldsmiths did not value these shillings at more than two pence each." Elizabeth's successor. King James I., in his Proclamation of November 16th, 1604, boasts of having restored to the " realme of Ireland monies of pure silver, in lieu of the base coyne, with which the necessity of the tymes, by accidend of warres, constrayned our sister, the late Queen of happy memory, to pay the armies." ., '^'^■' ■' ' •' Note 190, » See Note 78, pp. 291, 292. 293, 307. — Harris's Ware, vol. ii. p. 217. — Si- « Cox's Hibernia^Anglicana, vol. i. pp. 280, men's Essay on Irish Coins, pp. 34, 35, 39, 40, lEISH ARCH. SOC. 3 F 402 Notes and Illustrations. Note 190, Pages 97-98. James II., on arriving in Ireland, in March, 1 GCQ, finds the country drained of gold and silver, by the flight to England of the wealthier class, or those of English race, with their effects. It has been seen, in Note 83, by the account which the Irish Viceroy gave the King, after his landing in Ireland in March, 1689, that, besides the great deficiency of the supporters of the royal cause, or the Irish in general, in almost all the requisites for an army but men, his Irish government had " no mony in cash'"'. In this financial emergency, the first monetary measure adopted by the King, after his arrival in Dublin, was to issue, on the 25th of March, " a Proclamation," says Simon, " for raising the value of English and foreign gold and silver coins." This writer, who informs us, that previous to the breaking out of the Revolution, "the exchange between England and Ireland was thenat par in the strictest sense of the word," and that " gold and silver must have been very plentiful here in the latter end of the preceding reign, probably owing to its currency being raised in 1683," adds, in reference to the above mentioned Proclamation, and the circumstances which occasioned it : " But now the scene changes, on the prospect of a civil war ; the Protestant merchant, the monied man, secures his eftects, and flies to England. Without money, how could King James maintain his army? Its value, therefore, must be raised, and as Guineas are less cumbersome and of an easier carriage than Crowns, or any other silver coins, he raises the value of English gold twenty per cent., and the English silver eight one third per cent, only, and other foreign gold and silver species in proportion ; that what little money was left in the Kingdom, and the few thousand livres he had borrowed from the French King, might go a greater way"». Note 191, Page 99. The Jacobite copper coinage, erroneously stated not to have been proceeded tdth until August, 1689. Having observed, how neither by the provisions of the royal Proclamation of the 25th of March, 1689, nor by those of another Proclamation of the 4th of May following, money came in fast enough, the King, says Simon, " laid aside the patent by him granted but four years before to Sir John Knox, and then in the hands of Colonel Roger Moore, and having given an order for seizing on that gentleman's engines and tools for coining, set up mints of his own, one at Limerick, in the deanery-house, and the other in Dublin, in Capel-street ; which last consisted of two presses, one called the James-press, and the other the Duchess ; over which 41, 42,43 Carte's History of England, vol. iii. 118, 168, 169. p. 689 : London, 1752 — O'Sullevan Beare's His- » See, also, Notes 48, 88, 105. toriae Catliolicas Iberniae Compendium, pp. 117, J Simon's Essay on Irish Coins, pp. 56-57. Notes and Illustrations. 403 which were appointed several Officers, viz. six Commissioners divided into two classes, the first and second, four Comptrollers, two Secretaries, one for each class, two Warders, one Trea- surer, four tellers, four feeders, eight laborers at the fly, two porters, a messenger, a store- keeper, and two door-keepers. Each set of men were obliged to work at each press twelve hours night and day, wherefore a double set of hands was required. The Commissioners in Dublin were John Trinder, Thomas Goddard, William Talbot, William Brumfield, Francis Rice, and Edward Fox, Esqrs. ; and Walter Plunket, at Limerick. The Secretaries, Mr. John Tringer, and Mr. Samuel Clark, Mr. Hewlet, Treasurer, Messrs. Holland, Morgan, Osborn, and Dempsey, Comptrollers. This settled, they went to work, and King James, on the eigh- teenth of June, issued a Proclamation for making two sorts of money, of brass and copper mixed-metal, current in this Kingdom. The one for twelve, and the other for six pence." Colonel O'Kelly, in supposing King James's mint was not set to work till the sixth month, O. S., or August, 1()89, is wrong, as appears by the following passage from Snelling's Supplement to Simon's work : " The gun' money of James the Second, we think commenced with the six pence, as it is the only piece with June 1689 on it, the other months found on them are July. Aug. Sept. 7 her. Nov. Dec. Jan. and Feb. Of the shillings there are of every month from July 1689 to June 1G90, and one of September 1690." This last piece would seem to have been coined at the mint in Limerick, since from the battle of the Boyne, in the previous July, Dublin was in William's possession; Limerick hence- forward, or till the end of the war, in the autumn of 1691, was the Jacobite metropolis of Ireland ; and we know, moreover, from Bishop Nicolson, that, within this last period, money was coined there. The dates of other pieces mentioned by Snelling, besides those above stated, would also show Colonel O'Kelly to be wrong, in having assigned August as the month, in which the coinage of the brass money began^. Note 192, '• Snelling here alludes to the metal, amongst that " L'argent manquant a Toiras, il donna sa others, of " old guns," which the King caused to be vaisselle d' argent, et cette ressource etant epuisee, coined, as a temporary equivalent for gold and sil- il tit i'ondre une piece de canon ; donna a la mon- ver money, and witli which, by his Proclamation naie qu'on en tira la meme valeur que si elle eut from Dublin Castle, June 18th, 1689, he accord- etc d'argent; en fit fabriquer ainsi pour 110,000 ingly bound himself to redeem such coin, when the livres, et s'obligea, au nonidu Roi, (Louis XIII.,) "present necessity" for issuing it should expire. a indemniser, apres la levee du siege, le banquier A similar minting of gun-metal into a circulating qui se chargea de prendre cette monnaie pour la medium, or representative of real money, when the valeur (ju'cn y avait ail'ectee. II se maintint ainsi precious metals were not to be had, was resorted to dansCasal," &c (King's State of the Protestants by a celebrated French General, in Italy, fifty-nine of Ireland, sect. xi. p. 112 : Dublin, 1713. — t^opy years before the Jacobite coinage of 1689, in Ire- of King James's Proclamation above-cited Die- land. Amongst the various means by which the tionnaire Historique et Biographique des Gene- Marquis de Toiras (afterwards Marshal of France) raux Franfais, tome ii. pp. 147-1.00 : Paris, 1821.) managed to defend Casal, in 1630, against the Im- " Simon's Essay on Irish Coins, pp. bl-OS; and perial, Spanish, and Piedmontese forces under SnelUng's Supplement, p. 6 Nicolson's Irish His- Spinola, we are informed, by a French writer, torical Library, pp. U2-63 : London, 1776. 3F2 404 Notes and Illustrations. Note 192, Page 99. Wlien this money first appeared, the Protestants in Dublin seemed reluctant to take it, but were soon forced to do so, 8fc. " In this wretched Sort of Money the Popish Soldiers were paid their Subsistence," ex- claims the Williamite Harris, " and the Protestant Tradesmen and Creditors obliged to receive it, for their Goods and Debts ; and it was reasonably computed," he complains, " that they lost upwards of £60,000 a Month by this cruel Stratagem !" But Simon alleges : " Al- though great part of the copper and brass money was forced on the Protestants, by taking their goods, and giving them this coin in payment, yet it appears from a Proclamation issued the 23rd of February, 1690, that the Roman Catholic subjects were far the greater sufferers by it ; since, as the Proclamation says, it was found by experience, that they had then in their possession the whole or the greater part of the said coin." A late Irish Protestant historian, Mr. O'Driscol, in noticing the financial measures of James and William for the War of the Revolution, has these observations, as to the comparative griev- ances of the Irish Protestants and Roman Catholics, from the brass money. " The two Kings, who divided the British empire at this time, were both driven, by their necessities, to schemes of finance. William, having been reared in the counting-house of Holland, was the abler con- triver. He laid the basis of the debt of England by borrowing gold, and pawning the revenue of the country to the lender. James did not understand the matter, or could get no one to lend upon his security ; and the alchemy of banking, or converting paper into gold, was not yet discovered. But his plan w.as not very different. " James's plan was, to convert copper, or other metal of small value, into gold andsilver. He coined a large quantity of base metal into pieces, upon which he stamped a nominal value, and made them a legal tender for crowns, half crowns, and other silver and gold coin. By his proclamation, this new coinage was to be received in all dealings, except only in the payment of trust-money, or money due on bills, bonds, or mortgages, and except for customs on im- ported commodities. These exceptions were soon removed — all but the latter. " James promised, that this coin should, at the end of the war, be received in payments at the Exchequer, and exchanged for sterling money. A respectable historian (Leland) says, that this plan of finance was against all ' law, reason, and humanity,' and that it has rendered the name of James 'horrible to Irish Protestants.' It was not against law, because a law was made for the purpose; and reason and humanity seem to have little to do with financial schemes. James's was as good as many of later date. His bank failed undoubtedly, so have many other banks; but the Protestants did not suffer more by the failure, than people of other creeds. The Catholics were far the greatest holders of James's promissory tokens. " James's plan was a copper bank, set up instanter, with an immediate hank restriction. There might have been, no doubt, an over-issue, but if the Protestants lost, they had least right of any to complain, for they did all they could to break the banker, and finally succeeded Notes and Illustrations. 405 in driving him out of the kingdom, copper notes and all. The Catholics lost by the coin very severely, and they lost their estates also. The Protestants, though they lost by this early experiment in banking, recovered the land, which was ample compensation"''. Note 19.3, Page 99. The brass money circulates well at first throughout Ireland, from the previous want of any coin, among the people, to carry on trade. The .Tacobite journal, after mentioning the first issuing of the brass six-penny coins in 1689, says : " Nor can enough be made for the payment of the army, which is very well satis- fied with them ; and they pass now in the country without difficulty"". Note 194, Pages 99-100. Decline of this money, on its being more abundantly coined ; on the merchants, who found it use- less abroad, proportionably raising the price of their goods ; on the country-people doing the same with their commodities ; on the French troops, who icere paid in silver, undervaluing it : and on the great ones, attached to James's own Court, doing so lihewise. " But," observe King James's Memoirs respecting the brass money, " this proveing too easy a resource when his Majestys wants encrcased, occasion'd the coining twice as much as was y" usual current cash of the Nation, which made it such a drug, that things were soon sould for treble the rate they had formerly been at, and brought a mighty Scarcety of corn, cloath and indeed of all things necessary for life ; because no one was willing to part with his goods for mony of so low a value, if they could any ways subsist without it; but what quite ruined the credit of this new invention, was the bringing in of some french mony with other necessary succors, which caused such a confusion between the great inequality of coins, that the importation of forraign gold and silver, which generally is the most solid benifit to a Country, proved in some measure the ruin of this." And, in another place, the royal Memoirs thus allude to the efi'ect which the conduct of the French was supposed to have had, in re- ducing the value of the brass money. " Their dispiseing the brass mony brought the credit of it so low, as it never had any sort of currency afterwards, and was one of the most essential strokes to the King's intrests that had happen'd of a long time ; for it made him depend upon supplys of mony from France, which was so exceeding hard to be got, so long a comeing, and so little when it came, that it only served to make his authority linger a while longer, but could not preserue it from certain death in the end"''. Note 195, i" Harris's AVare, vol. ii. p. 220 — Simon's Essay "^ Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i. p. 197. on Irish Coins, p. 63 O'Driscol's History of Ire- >■ Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 370. land. vol. ii. pp. 38, 39, 40 : London, 1827. 421. 4o6 Notes and Illustrations. Note 195, Page 101. This coin considered, to have been calculated to ruin Ireland entirely^ by destroying trade — and yet the Irish Jacobites maintain the war against William III., by means of an extensive foreign traffic. O'Halloran, who, as having been born at Limerick in 1728, or only about thirty-seven years after the War of the Revolution, refers to, and could learn, several things from imme- diate contemporaries, as to the state of King James's adherents during that contest, informs us, notwithstanding what Colonel O' Kelly affirms, as to the territory occupied by the Irish army having been deprived of foreign commerce, — that it was by a barter-trade with France, in which the Irish gave their wool, hides, tallow, and butter, for powder, ball, and arms, the war was so long maintained against William III. And what O'Halloran states, to that effect, is supported by the official information of William's Lord Justice for Ireland, Coningesby, in the State Paper Office, London. " By this expedient," says the Irish writer, in reference to the brass money, " the landlords received no rents; at least, the payments made were of no real value. They then sent their wool, their hides, their tallow, and butter to France, to barter for powder, ball, and arms. Not- withstanding this distress, they knew King William wished for peace as much as they, and the more solicitous he was for it, the more obstinate were they in refusing it." Writing from Dublin Castle, February 17th, 1691, the Williamite Lord Justice observes: "My notion proves intirely true, that it is not the King of France supplies the Irish; he not being at one penny's expense to do it. But it is the advantagious trade hither for hides and tallow that does it; and while the mercliants can make such vast advantages, with so little hazard, they will furnish them to the end of the world ; for the profit is at this time about cent per cent, and the trade with Ireland is better than the trade with the Indies, and so will continue to be, as long as their cattle hold out." That what O'Halloran says, as to the necessity of a peace to William having been calcu- lated upon by the Irish, when they persevered in their resistance by means of this barter-trade, is proved to have been a just calculation on the part of the latter, by the private admissions of William's Ministers themselves. In the same letter from which the last-cited passage is taken, the Williamite Lord Justice for Ireland, writing to the King's Minister, Lord Sydney, exclaims : " Vou know, my Lord, how little inclined I am to show any favour to the Irish, more then what is absolutely necessary for our own sakes ; but, I protest, I see every day so many diffi- culties & uncertainties in our management, that I cant help wishing the war were ended upon any terms"". And the Marquis of Caermarthen, another of William's Ministers, writing to the Kingin Holland, from London, February 20tb, 1691, and remarking that "aft'airs in Ireland" seemed " to be in so ill a posture, and so likely to be worse than better," that he ofiered to go there, « See Notes 7 and 250. Notes and Illustrations. 407 there, to endeavour to set them to rights as Lord Lieutenant, says: " Your Majesty will easily believe that, my circumstances considered, I should not have named myself, hut that I would rather perish in endeavouring to save this government, than perish with it, which (as infirm as I amj I may probably do, if Ireland should cost another year's war"'. Note 196, Page 102. Dctecliun, early in Nooemher, 1690, by Sarsfield, of a correspondence between .some members of King James's Oovemment and the enemy, about a passage of the Shannon by the latter, and a betrayal to them ofGalway and Limerick. The origin of the " conspiracy," thus alleged to have been detected in November, 1690, by Brigadier Sarsfield, may, perhaps, be traced to the following passage of a letter of the Wil- liaraite Lords Justices for Ireland, Sydney and Coningesby, from Dublin, October 5th, 1690, to the British Government, in London. " A person," says that Williamite document, " well recommended to us, & fitt for such a service, is imployed by us to goe into Lymerick, if possible, or otherwise as neere it as he can, to find out the condicon of the place, & to trv whether the Governor, or any others who may be properly made use of in such an occasion, maybe dealt withall, to deliver up the place, from whome we expect to heare in a fewdayes." And further on, the same letter says : " We have alsoe, by a letter sent last night to my Lord Granard, encouraged his treating with Coll. Grace for the delivering up of Athlone, haveing promised life & estate to him & his son on those tearmes, which my Lord Granard sent us word, he believed would be accepted." Colonel Grace, however, did not accept of those " tearmes," that Lord Granard " believed " he would, but was killed, at the defence of the place, against Lieutenant-General Ginkell, the following June". Note 197, Page 102. The Duke ofBenvick stated, to have been loith difficulty prevailed upon by Sarsfield, to dismiss Lord liiverston from his office of Secretary, and his Lordship's brother-in-law from the Government of Galway. For those dismissions of Lord Riverston and Colonel Mac Donnell, by the Duke of Ber- wick, during the Duke of Tyrconnell's absence in Trance, see Note 185. Of ' Ferrar's History of Limerick, p. .369: Lime- Coningesby, Dublin 17. Febf 16!)?," anil Lord Syd- rick, 1787 — O'HaUoran's Introduction to the Study uej's Letter of March 3rd, 16«; in State Paper of the History and Antiquities of Ireland, Appen- Office.— Dalrymple's Memoirs, appendix to part ii. di.i, pp.370, 376, 377, 379, 380, 381, 382, .383: booli vi. vol. iii. pp. 177-179: Lon.lon, 1790. London, 1772 — Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 47- e State Paper, «t mp. — London Ciazette, No. 48.— -Harris's Life of William III., pp. .305-308.— 2678, and No. 2679 Harris'sLifeof WilLJamlll., Paper, endorsed, " Extract of a Letter from Mr. pp. 319-321. 4o8 Notes and Illustrations. Of Thomas Nugent, or Lord Riverston, second son of Richard Nugent, second Earl of Westraeath, Lodge says, that he "was seated at Pallace, in the County of Galway, and being bred to the profession of the law, was appointed by Privy Seal, 12 September, 1685, of Coun- cil, learned in the law, to K. James II., and SSrd April, 1686, Sir Richard Reyiiell's successor, as one of the Justices of the King's Bench; the day after which, the King ordered that he, Denis Daly, Justice of the Common Pleas, and Charles Ingleby, Baron of the Exchequer, should be admitted to their respective places, without taking the Oath of Supremacy 15 October, 1687, he succeeded Richard Pyne, as Chief Justice of the said Court ; and by patent, dated by the King at Dublin, 3 April, 1689, was created Baron Nugent of Rivei'ston, in West- nieath ; but the title, being conferred after the King had abdicated the English Crown, is not allowed in this Kingdom"" — He was also, 6 July, 1689, made a Commissioner of the Treasury in Ireland, as he was again, 17 June, 1690, with Richard, Duke of Tyrconnel, Henry, Lord Dover, Bruno Talbot, and Sir Stephen Rice ; but was outlawed for being engaged in rebellion against K. William." He died, according to the same authority, in May, 1715, leaving by his wife, Mariana, daughter of Viscount Kingsland, whom he married in 1680, three sons and five daughters. The present representative of this Jacobite title is William Thomas Nugent, fifth Baron Riverston. He married a daughter of Michael Bellew, Esq., of Mount Bellew, County Galway, (grandfather to Sir Michael Dillon Bellew, created a Baronet, August 15th, 1838), and has issue. Colonel (or as he is termed by Lodge, Brigadier-General) Alexander MacDonnell, other- wise Mac Gregor, of Dromersnaw, in the County of Leitrim, was married in 1685, to Lady Jane Nugent, the fifth and youngest sister of Thomas, first Lord Riverston. Colonel Mae Donnell, who was Mayor of Galway for the year 1 690, " until the 8th of December," according to Mr. Hardiman, was then " removed by order of Government," and his place supplied by Arthur French, Esquire'. Note 198, Page 104. Excellent information, privately conveyed to Sarsfield from Dublin, by the industrious sagacity of his trusty spies, who penetrated every project of the enemy. Story, under the head of " the Present State of the Irish Army," in the winter of 1690-91, says : " They are very watchful and diligent, having always good Intelligence, which is the Life of any Action." And the contemporary official paper on the condition of King James's adherents ''" The dignity of Baron Riverston," says a later legal one."— (Burke's Genealogical and Heraldic work, " was conferred upon this branch of the Nu- Dictionary, &c. ; ut infra.) gent family by King James II., when that Monarch ' Note above referred to.— Archdali's Lodge's was in the full and unrestrained possession of the Peerage, vol. i. pp. 241-245. — Hardiman's History regal power in Ireland— rfe/arto and deJKre King ; of Galway, p. 220. — Biuke's Genealogical and it is therefore held, although the title is as yet un- Heraldic Dictionary of the Peerage and Baronetage acknowledged, that the creation was a good and of the British Empire, pp. 86, 1036 : London, 1849. Notes and Illustrations. 409 adherents in Connaught, &c., previously mentioned as having been sent to London for Wil- ham's inspection, after setting forth that " The Irish gentry, looking upon themselves undone, seeme desperately resolved to hold out to the last, the sencible they cannot abide it," adds, " but, however, they are mightily encouraged by their intellegence which is verry good, their spyes giving them a constant account of all things that are done here," namely, in those por- tions of the island occupied by William's forces'. Note 199, Pages 104-105. Atletnpt.i of the Williamiie forces to pass the Shamion mto Cotinaught, in the winter of lG90-9\, at Lanesborough, Jamestown, SiC, defeated with loss by the Jacobites, under the Duke of Berwick and Brigadier Sursfield, and by the great severity of the season. " The English," according to King James's Memoirs, " made an attempt during the winter to pass the Shannon at Lanesborough, James Town, and Banaker bridg, atone and the same time, but the Duke of Berwick sent out parties which prevented them and endeavour'd what he could to molest them in his turn all the winter long"'. Story thus describes those Williamite movements, at the end of December, and beginning of January, 1690-91, to penetrate into Connaught. " We had now," he observes, " a Part of our Army on their March towards Lmieshorvugh-Pass, Commanded by Major- General Kirk and Sir Jultn Laneir ; the Foot were my Lord Lisbnru's Regiment, my Lord Geur"e llam- bleton's, part of Col. Brewer's, some of Major-General Kirk's, and several other : A Party of the Militia also were ordered from Dublin, and those in the Country were to be up on all Hands. At the same time, Lieutenant General Douglas was to march towards Sligo, and fall upon the Irish on that Side. " On Wednesday, the 3\st December, part of our Army under Colonel Brewer, went towards Lanesborough : The Enemy appeared on the Bog on this Side the Town, being, as they say, nigh Three Thousand, and had cut several Trenches cross the Causeys, that go through the Bog towards the Town ; these they disputed for some Time, but losing some of their Men, they retired into Town, and from thence to beyond the Shimon, defacing the Fort on this Side, and breaking the Bridge behind them: {You'l say they icere not very closely I* Story,Imp. Hist., p. 160.— State Paper, KfsT/p. country [County] where they killed a hundred and ' Under tliis head, the same authority says of the twenty Dragoons, burnt the Town, and carryd native guerillas, armed peasantry, or Rapparees, away a great booty of horses." The Williamite " But nothing did it so much as the llappereeswho Chaplain speaiss of those Jacobite irregulars, du- performed many bould actions" — of which an in- ring the winter between 1690 and 1C91, as " DoiuK stance is then given in " One O'Connor, who with much more Jlischief at this Time o' th' Year, than sixty men on horsback and as many on foot sur- any Thing that had the Face of an Army eoidd pre- prized two companys of Granadeers, whom they tend to."— (King James, ;i< infra Story's Con- cut to pieces, then went to Philips Town in King's tiuuation, &c., pp. 49, 55.) IRISH AKCH. SOC. 3 G 41 o Notes and Illustrations. closely pursued, that had Time to do all this). However, our Men took Possession of the Town and Fort, as they had left it; and if we had had the Boats, we might have gone over ; the Enemy quitting tlie other Side for at least Three Days" ; but then we were too small a Party : and before the Rest of our Men came up, Three Regiments of the Irish were posted on the other Side the River, and then little hapned of Moment, only some small Firings, and sometimes they made Truces, Colonel Clifford and the other Irish Officers drinking Healths over to our Men, and those on our Side returning the Complement." " But I beard of Nothing further remarkable at Lanesborough, except one Captain Edg- worth's defending a Pass with One Hundred Men against a much greater Body of the Irish ; and after our Men had laid there in the Cold a Fortnight, they were ordered back, being much harassed with Cold and Hunger. The Boats were never brought to the River" ; and Lieutenant-General Z)o!/^fas went as far as James-Town, and then retired again info the North, without doing any Thing remarkable" . Compare with the failure of this ivinter expe- dition, Note 180, and its references to other Notes. Note 200, Pages 103-106. Judge Denis Daly, upon suspicion of maintuiiiing a private correspondence with the Williamites, is committed to prison in Galway, by the Duke of Berwick, early in January, 1 690-91 . Of this gentleman. Lodge says : " Denis Daly, of CarrownekellyP, in the County of Gal- way, Esq., was Second Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, and a Privy Counsellor in the reign of K. James II. He continued to fill this station at the Revolution, and with such im- partiality and integrity (in those arduous times), as added lustre to his judicial character." The Judge does not, however, appear to have stood so well with the Irish or Jacobite side, by which he rose, and on which he professed himself to be, as he stood with their opponents, the English, or Williamites. On the 4th of May, 1 689, he was impeached by the House of Commons of King James's Parliament, and after the matter had been brought on and put off in the House upon the 31st of May and the 1st of June, he seems finally, or on the 4th, to have gotten out of the dilemma in which he was placed, by a mode, which would have been less likely to succeed on the other side of the Channel, than on this. " The Commons Quarrel to Judge Dull//," says a contemporary letter from Dublin, dated June 12th, 1689, " for which they impeached him, was, upon some private Discourse he had with Sir Alick Bourk, and some other Gentlemen, in which he disapproved of the Commons Proceedings, and said, they were a Kind of Massanello's Assembly, and that it could not be expected that Men, from whom the King took Estates, would fight for him, or to this Effect' Tuesday, the ith instant, we ™ Query, only apparently, or as a stratagem ? «• Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. p. 4.33. " From this assertion of Story, should not even — .Story's Impartial History, &c., pp. 155, 156, *' the Plunder of a few Islands" spoken of by Colo- 158. nel O'Kelly, be understood, at such a season, as that p Now Dunsandle. of very few ? i This was said, with respect to the proceedings Notes and Illustrations. 411 we had an Alarum that Derry was burnt with Bombs, that the King's Army had taken it, and put all in it to the Sword ; Nugent of Carlandstown brought this News into the House of Commons, just when they were putting to the Vote, whether they should prosecute the Impeachment against Judge Dally ; some think Nugent, being his Friend, did it designedly ; the News was received with loud Huzzas, and in that good and jolly Humour, they acquitted the Judge: But our Friday's Express brought us another Account," &c., respecting Derry. As to Colonel O'Kelly's statement concerning the Judge,. — of his having been imprisoned, for privately corresponding, though a member of King James's Government, with his Sove- reign's enemies, to facilitate their invasion of Connaught, — the fact of the Judge having main- tained such a correspondence \s ulloived, under the events of July, 1691, by William's bio- gi-apher, Harris. That Williamite writer, after styling the Judge, " a worthy judge under K. James," says: " He, and some other Irish. Gentlemen, had held a correspondence with the English Government for several months, and had once proposed the surrendering of Galway, which occasioned part of the Army's march to the Shannon the foregoing year," as described in the preceding Note. The representative of this gentleman, at the latter end of the last century, was the Right Hon. Denis Daly, many years Member in the Irish Parliament for the County Galway ; dis- tinguished for his eloquence and ability; and characterized by Henry Grattan, as " one of the best and brightest characters Ireland ever produced." His eldest son, James, after having also represented that County many years in Parliament, was, by the title of Baron of Dun- sandle and Clan Conal, County Galway, raised to the Peerage of Ireland, June 6th, I845^ Note 201, Page 106. Lord Riverston only held the office of Secretary, during the absence of Sir Bichard Nagle, a lawyer also, and generally esteemed as a man of ability and integrity. In Mr. Croker's MS., the word " Cleomenes" is interpreted into " Lord Dungannon." But the writer of this note has never met with the name of any such Lord in the service of King James II., either as a Secretary, or in any other official employment^ The " lawyer," in whose absence Lord Riverston is spoken of by Colonel O' Kelly as holding the office of Se- cretary, can only have been Sir Richard Nagle, who, having been Attorney-General to King James, of the House, for the Repeal of the Act of Settle- Burke's Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of ment, &c. See Notes 89 and 90. the Peerage and Baronetage of tlie Britisli Em- ■■ Archdall's Lodge's Peerage, vol. iii. pp. 204, pire, pp. 341-342 ; London, 1848. 396 The Journal of the Proceedings of the Par- ^ Lewis Trevor was Viscount Dungannon at the liament in Ireland, with the Establishment of tlieir period of the Revolution, and did 7wt sit in the Forces there, pp. 8, 13, 1.5, 20 ; Licensed July 6, Parliament, held by King James in Ireland. — 1689: London, printed for Robert Clavell, &c., (Harris's Life of "William III., appendix xxxi., 1689 Harris's Life of William III., p. 328 pp. xxxii.-xxxiii.) 3G 412 ' Notes and Illustrations. .lames, was, on the retirement of Lord Melfort, appointed, by the Duke of Tyrconnell's inte- rest, Secretary of State, in the summer of 1689, as well as Secretary at War, to his Majesty, and returned from France with the Duke in January, 1691, to which he most probably sailed along with his Grace, in the French fleet, after the raising of the siege of Limerick ; leaving the duties of Secretary to be fulfilled ad interim by Lord Rivei-ston. The Duke of Berwick, in relating the circumstances which led to the transfer of that post from Lord IMelfort to Sir Richard Nagle, gives Sir Richard this character : " Le Chevalier Nagle, Irlandois, & Procureur General, eut a la sollicitation de Tirconel, la charge de Secre- taire d'Etat. C'etoit un tres-honnete homme, de bon sens, & tres-habile dans son metier, raais nullement verse dans les affaires d'Etat." The return of Sir Richard Nagle from France to Limerick, with the Duke of Tyrconnell, in January, 1691, is thus mentioned in a letter in the State Paper OfSce, London, from Lieu- tenant- General Ginkell to the English Secretary at War, Blathwayt, endorsed, " To be shewn ye King," and dated from Dublin, 24th January, 1691 : "Nous avons nouvelles que Monsf de Tyrconnel est arrive a Lymrick avec le Secretaire Neagle, & le Baron Rfiys, (Rice) iSi qu'ils ont emmenez 13 ou 16 vaisseaux marchands, avec tons sortes des provisions," &c.' Note 202, Page 10". T/ie Duke of Tyrconnell stated, to have brought with him from France no troops, very few arms, little provisions, and no money ; and it was confidently said, he brought not above a fort- night's provisions, for the garrisons of Galway and Limerick, SfC. " Vers le milieu de Janvier," says the Duke of Berwick, " le Due de Tyrconel revint en Irlande." A letter, dated Clancarty House, Dublin, January 24th, 1690-91, from the Williamite Lords Justices, Porter and Coniugesby, to Lord Sydney, states ; " Wee are well assured, that Tirconnell is now landed with 16 ships, with provisions and armes, but noe men. They had but 3 men of warr with them." The nature of the supply which the Duke of Tyrconnell received from the French Minis- ter", and the great necessity under which the Irish were for assistance at the time, are thus described in the royal Memoirs : " My Lord Leiftenant at his arrival in January ^f found the Soldiers so miserably naked, that it moued compassion, nor were the Oflicers any better; so he thought in the first place to cloath the latter, which he proportioned to doe for fine louis d'ors a piece, and that they might not think it too mean a cloath, resolued to wear a sute of the same himself, but they having more mind of the mony, he sent a man into France only to buy linen, and • Transactions of the London Camden Society, Royal and the Forces of the Prince of Orange, No. XIV. pp. 73,76. Memoires du Marechal de &c., p. 6. — MS. Copies of King James's Irish Berwick, tome i. pp. 86-87.— A Relation of what Proclamations Copy of Lieutenant- General Gin- most Remarkably happened dm-ing the last Cam- kell's unpublished Letter, as above cited, &c. paign in Ireland between his Majesty's Army " See Note 164. Notes and Illustrations. 4 1 3 and distribited the greatest part of tlie mony he had brought amongst them ; he could not giue less than a hundred crowns to a Collonel for Cloaths, equipage, and all necessarys, and so proportionably downwards two hundred crowns to a Brigadeer, and four hundred to a Major General, thistooke theerteen thousand louis d'ors, and he brought but fourteen thousand with him, besides ten thousand he left at Brest to buy meal, &c. ; so there remain'd but a thousand louis d'ors for all other necessary provisions, caisons, carts, carriages for the artillery, &c., nothing of which could be had or made to moue without mony: in this situation the number of men instead of augmenting the strength only serued to multiply difficultys, and encreas the burthen'". Note 203, Page 109. The Duke of Tyrconnell, after landing from France in Ireland, orders, that even/ one coming from France should be strictly searched for letters, that they might be brought to the Chief Secretary, Sir Richard Nagle, for detention or transmission, as he, after perusal, should think fit. It has been remarked, in Note 3, what power the government in these countries had, till some years after the War of the Revolution, to prevent the printing of any production they might not wish to "license." In addition to this power, the existence of a system of intercepting and destroying ob- noxious letters is alluded to in contemporary documents, as practised both by the Jacobite and Williamite government, during the contest in Ireland. Thus, shortly after the arrival of King James in Dublin, in the spring of 1G89, a Williamite, residing in the Irish metro- polis, writes, as follows, to his correspondent in London : " I have not omitted to give a Weekly Account of the present State of Affairs liere, but I fear a Miscarriage in the Post, or some other Way, may prevent their coming to your Hands, by Reason of these distracted Times. The Pacquets have been stopt ; no less than Ten came in the last Time together : there being as Many now due. They, when ever they come, are carried to the Lord Chan- cellours", where they are all eiewed and opened, and such as are not lih'd, committed to the Flames." Thus, also, in reference to William III.'s unsuccessful siege of Limerick, a letter of Lord Melfort, King James's Embassador at Rome, dated September 16th, 1690, in answer to his correspondent, Mr. Nelson, states : " There is mor care taken, than ever has been seen, to seize all letters from Ireland, & they are all sent to Whytehall, and burnt"^. See, in connexion with this assertion. Note 159, p. 377- Note 204, " Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. " Alexander Fitton, Lord Gawsworth. p. 91. — Letter of Williamite Lords Justices for ' An Account of the Present, Miserable, State Ireland, &c Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. of Affairs in Ireland, &c., as in Note 3. — LordMel- pp. 433-434. fort's MS. Correspondence, vol. iii. pp. 52-53. 414 Notes and Illustrations. Note 204, Page 1 10. The Duke of Tyrconnell then called in the brass money, though he is said to have brought no silver coin, to pay the soldiery, Sfc. This measure of decrying the brass money seems, by the Williamite accounts, to have been attended, for a time, with good effects in the Jacobite quarters; perhaps, from some general impression having spread amongst the Irish, that the Duke of Tyrconnell would not have cried down that base coin, unless he had brought either a greater quantity of French money from the Continent than King James tells us was brought*"; or that more would soon be on the way from France to Ireland. But, howsoever this may have been, for some time after the Duke of Tyrconnell's crying down of the brass money, subsequent to his return from Fi-ance, we are informed by Harris, from his contemporary Williamite sources of intelligence respecting the condition of the Irish, that " they had exceeding plentiful markets occasioned by crying down the currency of the brass money, beef at 6 or 7s. a quarter, and a good fat sheep at half a crown or three shillings, and other things in proportion." The Williamite Lord Justice Coningesby, in his letter from Dublin of February 17th, 1690- 91, to Lord Sydney, likewise says, in reference to the Duke of Tyrconnell's decree respecting the brass money, and the effects of that decree in the Williamite as well as the Jacobite quar- ters : " They have cried down the brass money, and have found a way of returning it again upon us, with vast advantage to themselves, so that we must be forced to cry it down too, or otherwise it will be left in the Protestants hands, & they be the loosers; whereas it is now all in their custody, & they will be the loosers. Besides, it being most part of the currant money they have amongst them, crying it down in our quarters will destroy all commerce with them, & consequently prevent their carrying provisions from us to them, which now they daily do, to their great relief & support." Accordingly, the Williamite government, " on the 22nd of February ioWovi'm^," says Har- ris, " intirely took away all currency from the said moneys". Note 205, Page HI. The Duke of Tyrconnell unsuccessful, notwithstanding his precautions, to intercept letters, from the Agents of the Irish Army in France, to Sarsfield, Sfc. King James's Memoirs state, that the Duke of Tyrconnell, on his return from France, " haveing brought a patent of an Earle for Coll : Sarsfeild, it put him in a good temper enough, I This supposition is not discountenanced by the &c. For what he did bring, see Note 202. Williamite intelUgenee, on that point, from the Ja- ^ Harris's Life of William III., pp. 279-280, cobite quarters, cited by Harris: " That Tyrconnell 301-302. — Copy of the Lord Justice's Letter, had brought with him from France oidy £60,000," above specified, in State Paper Office, London. Notes and Illustrations. 415 enough, and he being realy zealous in the King's service, engaged for the quiet comportment of the other muteneers, and acted heartely in conjunction with the Lord Lieftenant while his' former Councellors were absent, which made him'' press the King mightely to keep them where they were." According to the inscription attached to the French engraving of Sarsfield, the titles conferred by this patent of King James were. Earl of Lucan, Viscount of Tully, and Baron of Rosberry. Note 206, Page 113. From Limerick, the Duke of Tyrconnell went to Galway, and was there as magnificently received, as became the King's Lieutenant, Sfc. " The only comforth My Lord Tyrconnel had," observe the royal Memoirs, " was to find himself well enough receiud at his return, notwithstanding the factious endeavours of his Enemies"''. Note 207, Page 11.3. During the festivities at Galway, in. honour of the Duke of Tyrconnell' s visit, the Irish soldiery were in want of bread, the common people ready to starve, and the nation, in general, reduced to the greatest hardships. " All this while want and miserieencreased amongst the Irish troops, the tieet which Mons' Louuois promised with provisions, (Src, was not yet arrived, tho it was near the end of March, which forced the Lord Lieftenant to press its departure with great earnestness, and at the same time tp represent its insufficiency when it came, their necessitys being greater than immagined, even to occasion mutenys in several places; the garison of Thm-eley (Thurles) had unani- mously layd down their armes, saying, they would not serue only to be starved, but upon per- swasions and promises were prevail'd upon to take them up again, which was become the only method " Sarsfield's. M. A. Bregenn F; Tilliard Scnlpsit. After the Ori- '' Tyrconnell. ginal Picture in the Possession of Sir Charles Bing- '' The lettering, in capitals, under this engraving, ham, Bart., at Caj'ebarin the County of Mayo, in connected with Sarsfield's titles, &c., runs thus: the Kingdom of Ireland." By the way, would " Patkick Sarsfield, Eakl of Lucan, Vis- not the publication of engi'avings of the eminent COUNT OF Tully, Babon of RosnERRY, and a men of Ireland be an interesting object for some Colonel of the Life Guards to James the National Art Union, or Society? (Memoirs of Second, Commander in Chief of the Forces King James II., vol. ii. p. 434 Copies of Engrav- IN Ireland, and afterwards General Of- ing of the Earl of Lucan, belonging to John Ed- FICER IN the French Service, killed in the ward Pigot, Esq., 89, Leeson-street, Dublin, and to battle of Neerwinde, or Landen." The J. T. Gilbert, Esq., Secretary of The Celtic So- lettering, in Italics, showing the a!(Mor!«y for the ciety.) engraving, is as follows: "Mgladg Bingham Pinxit. ^ iMemoirs of King James II., vol. ii. p. 434. 4 1 '6 Notes and Illustrations. method of keeping men to their duty ; for their was no chastizeing nor even reprimanding an Officer, for he presently cryd, He would serue no longer, and there was no obligeing them to it without pay ; nor was it possible to keep the Soldiers togather without subsistance at least, whereas for a long time, ere the fleet arriued from France, they were reduced to halfe apound a bread a day to each Soldier, and even wood was grown so scarce that the French Intendant at Galway, proposed the sending bisket rather than meal, there not being wherewithal! to bake it ; that they had been forced to buy the ruins of houses and old ships for bakeing the fiouer they had already, and that now instead of deserters coraeing to them'', the excessiue misery occasion'd great desertion amongst the Irish themselues"'. Note 208, Page 114. The arrival of Lieutenant- General St. Ruth most earnestly desired by the generality of the Irish, but delayed so long, that the most coiifident began to doubt of its taking place. " It was now the begining of May and there was yet no news of the Fleet, tho for a month they had been reduced to eat hors flesh, nor had the Soldiers seen a bit of bread, nor any sort of drink but water, for aboue that time : besides by the account which My Lord Tyreonnel had of what this Fleet would bring when it came, he perceiued it would fall infinitly short of sup- plying them with those necessarys, that were in a manner indispensebly required ; there was so little mony, and so small a quantity of provisions, that all My Lord Tyreonnel aimed at was only to giue the Soldiers, each a penny a day, and their bread, with rations to the Officers in proportion, yet upon computation he found it would not reach for two months, unless the King sent a thousand pistoles more, which he earnestly beg'd of his Majesty to doe, tho he spared it out of his small allowance, and retrenched it from the necessary expence of his family. Thus was the King press'd and teazed with more vehemence, as the difficulty of answering their expectations encreased ; it was a grievous affliction to him, not (to) be able to relieve them, but he could not do impossible things." "This put the Irish under a necessity of equiping, paying, cloathing, and provideing for an Army, in a manner without mony, cloaths, amunition, or provisions, except what came from France, which was so little, and so long a comeing, that they had all like to haue perished ere it arriued, and yet were under a necessity all the while of repaireing their fortifi- cations, tho the poor Soldiers had scarce a piece of bread to eat, or a handful of straw to ly upon, when they return'd tired from their worke; so that under such an universal indigence, togather with want of discipline, and union amongst themselves, it was a miracle they brought it so far as they did"''. Note 209, e See Note 210. s Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 438, f Memoirs of King Jas. II., vol. ii. pp. 436-437. 439, 440. Notes and Illustrations. 4«7 • Note 209, Page 114. When despair was general, the French fleet appeared. May 9th, 1691, and landed Lieutenunl- General St. Ruth, and the Marichaux de Camp, D' Usson and Be Tessi, (J-c, at Limerick. " Le Sieur de Saint-Ruth, Lieutenant General," who, says the Duke of Berwick, "avoit avec lui Messieurs d' Usson & Chevalier de Tesse, Marechaux de Camp," reached Limerick, according to the London Gazette, on the 8th of May, 1691, " with Provisions, Cloaths, and Ammunition, but no Men!' nor Moneij !" The principal circumstances connected with the condition of the Irish, immediately pre- vious and subsequent to the French General's arrival, until the commencement of hostilities, are thus described in the royal Memoirs : " Before this the English Army was prepareing to take the field in Ireland, and the Irish as yet heard nothing of the Fleet from France, tho they were at the last extremity, and writ to the King in case it came not in a few days they would need no enemy to destroy them. The Duke of Tyrconnel had however been makeing all the preparation he could in the intrim, and had found means with great difficulty to get two pare of broagues, a pare of breeches, and a pare of stockings for each foot Souldier, which with the coats and shirts they expected from France, would cover them at least ; he had distribited the little he had as long as it lasted, with as much equality as possible ; haveing sent part of what was at Galway to Sligo by sea, and to Athlone upon men's backs, for want of Carriages. At last upon the 8th of May the PVenoh tleet appeared in the river of Limerick, it was like the gaining of a victory to people in so great distress ; they sung Te Deum as soon as it arriued, and went heartely to work to put things in redyness to take the field, but tho this Fleet brought some amies, cloaths, ammunition, and provisions, it brought it seems no muny, for want of which they were hard put to it to get carriages and other necessarys which were still wanting, but by paying tradesmen and workemen.part mony, part little necessarys of appar- rel, part fair words, and part promises, in which they were liberal enough, workemen were prevail'd upon to do their best and at last they got to gather 170 caissons, four hundred small cartes, and carriages for ten field pieces ; they proportioned the little mony they had left to pay a penny a day to each Soldier for three weeks', which was all infine it would reach too, so My Lord Lieftenant repeated his earnest petition to the King, to send him a thousand pistoles more, which would continue that pay three months, by which time, he sayd, the matter would be decided, and that since the fate of a Kingdom depended upon it, he took the freedom to tell him, He ought to sell his shirt from his back rather than fail." Having shown how even this sum could not be granted, the royal Memoirs then mention the >• Yet the Jacobite army is often ignorantly writ- ' Compare this pay of the Irish troops with the ten of, as if it had been, in this campaign, a mixed extra guineas distributed by Baron de Ginkell to force, or an ** Irish and French army;" and simi- Ins men, for their "greater Encouragement," by lar language is frequently used, without adequate the " powerful InHuence of Gold," as mentioned reason, in reference to other periods of tiiis war. in Note 219, p. 426. IRISH ARCH. SOC. 3 H 41 8 Notes and Illustrations. the diminution of the military power of the Viceroy, occasioned by the arrival of St. Ruth : " On this Fleet came Monsr S' Ruth with other French Officers, as also those gentlemen who had been in France to soUicite the Duke of Tyrconnell's removeal ; which tho the King had not yeelded too, however had so far given way to their advice as to abridg his power in reference to the military affairs, the direction of which was vested in a manner wholy in S' Ruth. So that My Lord Tyrconnel who before could haue made a Lieftenant General, had not power now to make a Collonel, which so lower'd his credit in the Array that little regard was had to his authority; but he prudently submited, and left the whole management of it to S' Ruth, who seemingly carryd fjiir, but in the bottom was prepossessed against him, which those gentlemen that came with him from France had leasure and opertunity to doe, so that when S' Ruth writ to the King for more mony, he desired it might not be remitted to My Lord Tyrconnel's hands" J. Note 210, Page 116. The foreign, troops in King William's army discouraged from deserting to that nf King James, by learning the latter was without money, owing to St. Ruth's not having brought any from France. On the efforts of King James's officers in Ireland, in 1690-91, to weaken William's army by the encouragement of desertion from it, Harris says : " A Declaration of Brigadier Dor. rington's, dated at Limerick, the 13th of December (wherein he styles him self Governour of the City and County of Limerick) was taken up in the streets of Cashel, intended to inveigle his Majesty's army to desert to the Irish quarters. After several invectives against his Ma- jesty, he promises great things to all who should forsake his service, and such who had no mind to serve in K. James's army, should have all necessary accommodations to transport them to France .... After the Lord Tyrconnel's return from France to Limerick, he also, on the 27th of January published a Declaration of the like import with that of Col. Dorriiigton, but couched in more modest terras, and founded upon the extremities under which King William's army laboured for want of pay, promising rewards in Gold and Silver to such as should desert his service, and conveniencies to transport themselves to France, if they had no mind to serve K. James." Harris adds, that " these temptations had very little effect." But King James observes on that head, notwithstanding the bad condition in which his forces were, " It was very wonderfuU that the extream miserie and universal wants the Irish Army was in, should not deterr the Enemie from deserting over to it, which they did in great numbers ; and shew'd so general a disposition to it, that My Lord Tyrconnel assured the King, that had he bClt so much mony to spare, as would reach a pistole a piece, and subsist them afterwards, he believed a therd part of the Prince of Orange's Army would haue come over"". Note 211, i Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. ^ Harris's Life of ■William III., p. 299, and p. 97 London Gazette, No. 2664 Memoirs of Appendi.x, p. Ixx — Memoirs of King James II., King James II., vol. ii. pp. 450, 451, 452. vol. ii. p. 435. Notes and Illustrations. 419 Note 211, Page 11". Lieutenant- General Baron de Ginkell attacks Ballymore, and is stated to hace taken it without opposition, on the 8th of June, 1691 ; the Governor and garrison being made prisoners of war. Colonel O'Kelly has been incorrect in asserting, that Ballymore was taken " without op- position" by Baron de Ginkell. The Dutch General came before Ballymore about twelve o'clock on the 7th of June, and summoned the Irish Governor, Colonel Ullick Biu-ke, to sur- render. But Burke held out until the next day. Then, there being no greater artillery in the place, according to Story, than " two small Turkish Pieces, mounted upon old Cart- wheels," as opposed to four batteries of cannon and one of mortars, — the works of the Fort being found unable to stand against the very superior fire of those five batteries, — and the Irish Engineer, Lieutenant-Colonel Burton, being slain, — the place was surrendered at dis- cretion. By Ginkell's letter from Dublin, of May 24th, 1691, to Lord Nottingham, acquaint- ing his Lordship with the design of marching towards the Shannon, the Dutch General ap- pears to have considered Ballymore, as incapable of offering any opposition of consequence, to the force he could bring against it. " La resolution," he observes, " est prise de marcher droit a la riviere, si tost que nous aurions pris Ballymoor, qu'apparament ne fera pas de longue resistance"'. Note 212, Page 118. On the 1 9M of June, Ginkell advanced to Athloue, and having battered that portion of the town, on the Leinster side of the Shannon, with his artillery, carried it by assault, on the'20th, Si'c. Baron de Ginkell remained, according to Story, until the 18th, at Ballymore ; repairing and strengthening the works, which Ullick Burke's resistance had obliged him to batter down. On the 18th, he marched from Ballymore to Ballyburn Pass, where he encamped for the night ; was joined by the Duke of Wirtemberg and Count Nassau, with 7000 foreign merce- naries ; and himself went out, with a party of horse, to reconnoitre Athlone. " Very early" next morning, June 19th, it is added, that the advance-guard of his army, (then about 18,000 men,) moved forward, to drive the Irish outposts into the works of the English Town of Ath- lone, or that half of it on the Leinster side of the Shannon, which was not effected, till near "nine a clock." Of this last circumstance, and the capture of the English Town by Ginkell, King James's Memoirs, after mentioning the appearance of the Williamite forces before Athlone, give this account : ' ArchdaU's Lodge's Peerage, vol. ii. p. 153 DCI., in Clarke's Correspondence, Trinity Col- Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 87-91, and Errata. lege Library Harris's Life of William III., p. —MS. Letter of Ullick Burke to Baron de Gin- 318 MS. Letter of Baron de Ginkell, &e., in kell, dated Mullingar, June 11th, l(i91, and marked State Paper Office, London. 3H2 420 Notes and Illustrations. account: "Coll: Fitzgerald the Governour sent out some Granadeers to dispute the passes and defiles, to retard their aproach, which was done with courage and prudence enough, still retireing before them, which cost the enemie many men ; but at last their whole Army and Artillerry comeingup, they raised a battery the next day and had soon made a breach in the slender wall, so that on the 20" the Enemie appointed foure thousand detached men to make an assault; there was not aboue three or four hundred in the town on Limpster side, however they defended the breach for some time, till at least two hundred of their men were kill'd or wounded, and the rest so exhausted with eight and forty houres continual action (whereas the Enemie were relieved by their whole Army) that they were forced to retire to the bridg, where they sustain'd all the power of the Rebells"' till they had broaken down two Arches of it, and thereby stoped at least all communication with the other Town"". " In this war, pregnant with acts of heroism and sacrifice to country," says a late Irish historian, " this is an achievement, which might claim the pencil of Tacitus, or the descriptive powers of Thucydides, to give it immortality. But the Irish have had no historians, and not- withstanding numerous such instances of heroism during the campaign, the malignity of their conquerors has succeeded in stamping the national character with cowardice in their domestic wars"". See, also. Note 216. Note 213. Page 118. St. liuth, having been informed, late on June lOth, of the fall of the English Town of Athlone, advanced, with a body of horse and foot (variousbj called 1500 and 15,000), and encamped within a convenient distance of the Irish Town of Athlone. " The Irish Array," says the last-cited authority, " by this time was got into a tolltrable readiness to march, and as this action happen'd, came and encamped at a little distance from the Town at Connoagh side ; had it been in a condition to take the field sooner, it had pre- vented the loss of the other Town ; but the late arrival of the Fleet with other unavoidable impediments, made that impracticable, however they doubted not but to put a stop to the Enemies further progress, and prevent their passing the river." With reference to Ginkell's project in general, of seeking to force a passage across the Shannon into Connauglit in front of Athlone, and the Irish army so near to succour the place, the Duke of Berwick observes : " Les armees etant assemblees, le Sieur Ginckle, General des ennemis, marcha vis-a-vis d' Athlone, & s'efant empare facilement d'un fauxbourg, qui y etoit, resolut d'attaquer la place, la riviere de Shannon entre deux ; projet dautant plus chimerique, que cette riviere est fort large, qu'il n'y avoit qu'un gue tres-profond, pres du pont, a passer environ six homraes de front, & que I'armee du Roi etoit campee a deux milles d' Athlone " See Note 21, p. 185. » Military History of the Irish Nation, &c., by " Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 91-95. — Me- the late Matthew O'Conor, Esq., pp. 137-138: moirs of King James II., vol. ii. p. 453. Dublin, 1845. Notes and Illustrations. 421 d'Athlone du meme cote de la riviere, par consequent, a portee d'y envoyer tel nombre de troupes qu'il seroit necessaire." The great difference between the numbers of men with which St. Ruth is stated, in the English and Latin texts, to have advanced to Athlone on the 21st of June, and encamped near the Irish town, after the capture of the EngHsh town by Ginkell, will be observed; the Eng- lish speaking of but " 1500 horse and foot " — the Latin mentioning so many as "15,000!" This can, perhaps, be reconciled by supposing, that St. Ruth hurried forward to Athlone at first with but 1500 horse and foot, and was followed the same day by as many more as made up 15,000. The best estimate which the writer of this note has been able to form of the largest force St. Ruth had about Athlone during the siege, or both inclusive of the troops encamped with himself .some miles to the rear of the place, and of those detached from them to garrison it, would make the whole between 22,000 and 23,000 infantry and cavalry''. Note 214, Pages 118-119. St. Ruth alleged not to have imagined, that the Duke of Tyrconnell would have meddled ivith any but the Civil Adtninistration, instead of interfering likewise with the Government of the Army; King James, having promised to write to the Duke to that effect, although his Majesty at the same time asserted, it would not be fit to insert anything in the Commission given to the French General, that might seem to lessen the authority of the Crown, through the person of its Viceroy. The King, as has appeared in Note 209, so far circumscribed the Duke's previous power in military matters, on account of the complaints against him, as to transfer the regulation of appointments in the Irish Army to St. Ruth, who was also, no doubt, designed to have had the actual command over that army in the field. Yet, partly, as Colonel O' Kelly intimates, from a wish not to lessen too much the dignity of the royal authority in the Duke's person, and partly, as the King's Memoirs allege, from a feeling of gratitude for the Duke's past services, we find St. Ruth is mentioned, by the Duke of Berwick, to have been sent to Ireland, " pour commander I'armee sous le Vice-Roi !" — an unlucky loop-hole for that ruinous discord in the face of an enemy, which arose when the Viceroy, as well as the French General, appeared together in the same army. The royal Memoirs refer to the failure of the King's endea- vour, to effect some sort of compromise between the conflicting factions represented by Tyr- connell and St. Ruth, as well as to the other bad effects which such dissensions had, both abroad and at home, in weakening the Irish means of resistance, in this last and decisive campaign. After stating of the King, that "the continual complaints, dissentions and animositys amongst his own people perplexed him more than all the rest, whereas it was of the greatest importance to p Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 453- pp. 97-98. — Memoirs of Captain Parker, p. 25, 454 Memoires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. &c. 42 2 Notes and Illustrations. to mentain an unity," the Memoirs say, " The Duke of Tyrconnel's signal services clamed a right to a continuation in the high station he had put him, and yet not being so versed in the leading of an Army and management of Military Aflfairs as many whose sole profession it was (which his ill-willers failled not to represent, togather with certain partialitys which it was hard for a man in so much power and so many provocations to keep entirely free from,) put the King in great doulrts, which side to incline too, or how to keep the ballance so even, as that though he could not make them friends to one an other, at least he might keep all sides in amity with himself; for besides the four Envoys from the Army, others had sent up remon- strances against his conduct." As to the Duke of Tyrconnell, " what gaue him most disquiet, he sayd, was to find by his Majesty's couldness to him, he had giuen too much credit to the insinuation of his enemys ; whilst they, on the other hand, were dissatisfyd he did not giue more, and the Court of France the less inclined to giue a helping hand to people that pulled so many different ways"''. Note 215, Page 121. Baron de Ginkell, having taken the Leinster part of the town of Athlone, and occupied that bank of the Shannon, with his guns, in various positions, battered both the Castle and the trench along the river, night and day, till he reduced the Connaught part of the town to ashes, Sfc. Captain Robert Parker, of the Earl of Meath's Regiment (or present 18th Royal Irish Foot) then serving in General Ginkell's army, after mentioning their capture of the English Town of Athlone, adds, they " the same night threw up an intrenchment along the river side, beginning above the bridge, and carrying it on below the works of the other town." The Irish, besides "a deep and rapid river between them and us," he observes, " had also on their side of the river, and about the middle of the town, a large strong castle or tower, which over-looked all our works." Respecting the arrangement and amount of the artillery of the English, he says, " they caused the intrenchment, on the river side, to be raised very high, and made very strong ; with embrasures for fifty battering cannon and eight mortars^. With these," he continues, "we soon battered down that face of the castle which lay next us, and from which they had annoyed us with their small arms, and a couple of drakes" — i. e. long guns. " We had also beat down and levelled their works on the river side," &c. Mr. Daniel M'Neal, a correspondent of Sir Arthur Rawdon, writing to him from Ginkell's " Camp, Athlone, June 28, 1691," states : " We have battered the Castle all down on this side, and have so cannonaded the enemy's part of Athlone, as I believe never town was. All day yesterday, and this day, we have played from five batteries, one of 8, one of 6, one of 5, one 1 Note previously cited, and Notes 164, 184, and ' The " Battery of Mortars," marked I in Story's 185 Memoires dn Marechal de Berwick, tome i. plan of the siege of Athlone, has ten mortars (or pp. 80, 97, 99, 100, 103, 104. — Memoirs of King two more than Parker mentions) set down upon it. James 11., vol. ii. pp. 439-440. — (Cont. Hist., pp. 106-107. J Notes and Illustrations. 423 one of 4, and one of 3, besides the mortar batteries. We have laid very level a great part of the works to the water side, where they design to attack in going over Our carcasses' have burnt all the thatched houses in the enemy's quarters ; we dismounted all the enemy's cannon, so that we can now stand almost at the water side to look over. . . .Thirteen squadron of waggon horses are set out for Dublin for more ammunition; you may judge how fast we play them with our cannon, when our whole artillery is employed." As to the effects of this battering and bombardment upon the town, which the Williamite Chaplain, Story, speaks of as going on night and day. Colonel Feli.x O'Neill, who was present in the Irish army, in his letter to the Countess of Antrim from Aughrim, July lOth, 1691, asserts, that, previous to the surprise of Athlone by the English on the 30th of June, " the place was so ruined, and the passages so filled up with lumber and stones, that there was not room for 2 men in a breast to march any way." Finally, Story, in giving an account of the surprise of the town by his countrymen, on that day, says : " The Rubbish and Stuff thrown down by our Cannon was more difficult to climb over than a great Part of the Enemies Works, which occasioned our Soldiers to Swear and Curse, even amongst the Bullets themselves." Nor is this destruction to be wondered at, since, in referring to Ginkell's great rejoicings after the town was taken, it, remarks the Williamite Chaplain, "had cost us 12000 Cannon Bullets, 600 Bombs, nigh 50 Tmi of Powder, and a great many Tun of Stones, shot out of our Mortars"'. Note 216, Page 121. The efforts of the English, to force an entrance across the river, had always failed, through the gallant resistance of the regiments, sent from the Irish camp, to defend the town, -^'c. King James, having stated with respect to Ginkell's design of " passing the riuer," how the English "fell immediately upon making a bridg of boats under the cover of their Cannon, which batter'd the Castle all the while very furiously," adds: "nevertheless the Irish, thu they had no other Artillery but a few field pieces", prevented that design ; this put the Enemie upon endeavouring to throw planks over the broken arches of the bridg, which they had in a great measure effected, when one Custume with eight or ten men proffer'd to pull them down again ; ^ The English translator and editor of Feu- on Fire. It is lifted into the Mortar by two small quieres' Memoirs has thus defined that military Cords, fixed to its Sides." — (Marquis de Feu- implement of destruction called "a carcass." It quieres' Memoirs, vol. ii. appendix : London, 1735.) " is," he observes, " an Invention of an oval Form, * Memoirs of Captain Parker, p. 26. — The Raw- made of Iron Ribs, and filled with a Composition of don Papers, pp.344, .345, 346, 347, 349 .Story, Meal-Powder, Saltpetre, Sulphur, broken Glass, Continuation, &c., pp. 99, 101, 105, 108, 114, 115. Shavings of Horn, Pitch, Turpentine, Tallow, and " AV'hen the town was taken, Story says, this field Linseed Oil, and then covered with a pitch'd Cloth ; artillery was found to be but eight pieces, or " six itisprimedwithMeal-PowderandQuickmatch,and brass Guns, and two Mortars." — (Continuation, fired out of a Mortar ; its Design is to set Houses &c., p. 108.) 424 Notes and Illustrations. again ; this was joyfully accepted, and accordingly with courage and strength even heyond what men were thought capable of, they threw down the planks and beams notwithstanding the continual fire of the Enemy, and held it out till they had finished their worke, tho most of them were killed in the action. This forced the Enemie to try an other method, and en- deavour to carry on their work, by a close gallerie upon the bridg, but the Irish found means to set it on fire, which so disheartned the English, that they held a council of war whether they should not rais the Siege ; and had they not, by great fortune just at that time, found a fordable place on the river, they had certainly done it." The Williamite Chaplain, in his narrative of the siege, has this passage illustrative of the bravery shown by the Irish soldiery : " The 26th. was spent in firing from seven Batteries upon the Enemies Works, and a great many were kill'd in endeavouring to repair them. About thirty Waggons loaden with Powder come to the Camp ; and that Night we possess our selves of all the Bridge, except one Arch at the farther End on Connaught Side, which was broken down, and we repair another broken Arch in our Possession ; and all Night our Guns and Mortars play most fiu'iously. . . . The General and the other Great Officers resolve to try what can be done in forcing our Way through Athlone it self, and therefore we labour hard to gain the Bridge ; but what we got here was Inch by Inch as it were, the Enemy sticking very close to it, though great Numbers of them were slain by our Guns : And this Service cost us great Store of Ammunition." Colonel Felix O'Neill, after observing of the English, in his letter to the Countess of Antrim, how " they raised their batteries and trenches so very high, that a cat could scarce appear without being knocked in the head by great or small shot, and all these disadvan- tages," alleges, of the courage of the Irish soldiers : " and notwithstanding the French Ge- nerals acknowledged, they never saw more resolution and firmness, in any men of any nation ; nay, blamed the men for their forwardness, and cried them up for brave fellows, as intrepid as lions"*. See, likewise. Note "2 1 2. Note 217, Page 121. St. Ruth and his French Officers believed, that all GinhelVs efforts to force the passage of the river would he of no avail, inasmuch us such a design ivas vain or impracticable. Captain Parker represents the Williamite army to have been generally of the same unfa- vourable opinion, regarding Ginkell's attempt to cross the Shannon at Athlone, as Colonel O'Kelly aifirms that St. Ruth and the other French Generals were, and as the Duke of Ber- wick, by the extract from his Memoirs, given in Note 213, appears to have been. Having premised, respecting the " difficulties" in the way of such an attempt — " Notwithstanding all these difficulties, our Generals seemed resolved on passing the river at this place, for they judged, from the extreme dryness of the season, that it might probably be fordable," the Wil- liamite ' Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 453- Wars of Ireland, pp. 101-102. —The KaH don Pa- 454. _ Story, Continuation of the History of the pars, pp. 346-347. Notes and Illustrations. 425 liamite Captain adds : " Yet however the undertaking seemed rash, and almost desperate to every one but themselves, even though the river should prove to be fordable'". See Note 220. Note 218, Pages 121, 122. The French Officers, through overmuch confidence, delay the timely demolition of the ram- part towards the western or Connaught side of Athlone, by which, in case of need, troops from the Irish camp might enter to support those in the town ; though St. Ruth, on finding Ginhell bent upon proceeding with his design, at last, or on the evening of June 19th, ordered the rampart to be levelled accordingly ; which order, being neglected by D' Usson, occasioned the misfortune of the follounng day. " The begining of this misfortune," say the royal Memoirs, " was oweingin great mea- sure to that spirit of opposition and contradiction, which different humours and intrest are sure to rais when there is no one thai has authority sufficient to make himself be obeyed; on one hand Mons'' d' Vson the govemour, would have had a regular garison of choice men fixed in the place proper to sustain an attack, but S' Ruth had a mind to accustom his new raised troops to fire and discipline, so made them rowle by turns, and as another expedient proposed, that considering the slightness of the work and the armys being so near, to demoUish the Curtin on their own side, that a whole battallion might march into the place at once to relieve the garison and mentain the pass: but Mons' d'Vson in his turn opposed that, saying, Their business was to defend not demolish forteresses, and was so confident the English would never attempt so bould an action, that he was at breakefast a cannon shot from the Town when the Enemie made the assault ; for which .S'' Rulh {had he lined) would have called him to an account; he made hast indeed to the Town upon tlie first alarme, but was born down and run over by the men that fled." According to Colonel Felix O'Neill, St. Ruth gave the order above-mentioned for the preservation of the town, but it was neglected to be executed by the French Engineers. " The French engineers," observes the Irish Colonel, " were more in fault than any, for they were ordered by the General to rase the works on our side the town, except the trench next the river, that, whensoever we were attacked, our whole battalion might march, with sword in hand, to cut off the enemy as fast as they could pass the river." That neglect, on the part of the Engineers, was " an unexcusable false step," continues the Colonel, who, in allusion to such as were for throwing the blame of the loss of Athlone on St. Ruth, asserts : " These are men that would have Frencli Generals cried out upon, and that would willingly discourage all mankind, nay, accept of conditions, if they knew how." Colonel O'Neill, in this last state- ment, appears to reflect on those who were partizans of the Duke of Tyrconnell, in opposition to St. Ruth". Note 219, » Memoirs of Captain Parker, p. 26. Colonel O'Neill's Letter in Kawdon Papers, pp. " Memoirs of King Jamea II., vol. ii. p. 456. — 346, 347, 348. IRISH ARCH. SOC. 3 I 426 Notes and Illustrations. Note 219, Page 122. Ginkell, June SOth, detaches 8000 of his best troops to attack the ford, who, passing the river, enter the town {as it is said') without any opposition ; the Irish regiments who were to defend the passage, being surprised through the {alleged) neglect or treachery of their commanding officer, Maxicell. After the defeat of Ginkell's attempt upon the place on the 29th of June, by the burning of his "close gallerie," already mentioned'', "it was generally believed on both sides," says Captain Parker, " we should make no further attempts here, but endeavour to pass at some other place. And indeed it looked something like it, for next day we were drawing off our cannon and mortars, and all combustible matters out of our trenches, and that, after such a manner, that the enemy might easily perceive it." Harris, having observed, that, for the attack which was secretly preparing by the English, " the General (Ginkell) commanded, that the detachment drawn out the day before should be brought down at six in the evening, being the usual hour of relieving the Guards, that the Enemy might have no suspicion of the design, which succeeded accordingly," adds : " As a lucky Omen to the attempt, two Officers from the enemy at this juncture swam over the river, and assured the General, ' now was his time ; for that the Irish were mighty seciu-e, thinking the destruction of the works on the bridge would certainly oblige them (the English) to draw off, and that it was impossible to attempt passing the river in the face of their (the Irish) works, especially as their army was so near ; and further, that 3 of the most indifferent Irish Regiments' were only then upon guard, the rest being secure in their camp.' All circumstances concurring with the inclinations of the brave Commanders, the signal for passing the River was to be the tolling of the Church Bell. About 2000 detached Men were prepared to be com- manded by Major General Mackay, assisted by Major General Tettau, the Prince oi Hesse, and Brigadier la Melloniere, Major General Talmach going also a Volunteer with a party of Grenadiers commanded by Col. Oustavus Hamilton'^. The signal being given six minutes after six o'clock, Captain Sandys and two Lieutenants led the first party of sixty Grenadiers, twenty J See Note 216, p. 424. enter'd the Town and obliged the garison to retire ^ King James (as well as the Duke of Berwick, to the Cimp." — (Memoirs, vol. ii. pp. 4o4-455.) hereafter quoted), states those Irish regiments to * Harris omits this circumstance, mentioned by liave been but two, instead oi three. ** It was," Story: *' And for the greater Encouragement to observe the royal Memoii's, " an additional misfor- the Soldiers, the General destributed a Sum of Gui- tune to the King's aft'airs (which always contribi- nea's amongst them, knowing the powerful In- ted more to the enemies success than their own iluence of Gold, tlio our Army had as little Occasion vallour or experience) that there happen "d that day for such Gratuities (I mean as to that Point of to be upon the guard two regiments which con- whetting their Courage) as any in all the World, sisted most of recruts, who maldng but a feeble and have done as much without them." — (Cont. resistance, the enemie soon made good the passage. Hist. p. 106.) The Irish soldier had but Id. aday ! Notes and Illustrations. 427 twenty abreast, all in armour, seconded by another strong detachment of Grenadiers (which were to be supported by six battalions of foot) and with unparallelled resolution took the ford a little to the left of the bridge in the face of a Bastion, the river being very rapid and deep'', and the passage difficult by reason of some large stones. At the same time, the English from their Batteries and Works played upon the Enemy, who fired as quick as possible upon those in the river: but, by an incredible effort of bravery, they forced their way through fire and smoak, and, having gained the opposite bank, laid planks over the broken part of the bridge, and prepared their Pontoons ; by which means the English made their passage so quick, that in less than half an hour they were Masters of the town, and in possession of the Works, which lay intire towards the Enemy's Camp ; the Irish being so amazed at the suddenness of the attack, and resolution of the assailants, that they abandoned the place, and fled to the army though not without considerable loss." Of the conduct of Brigadier, Major General, or Colonel Thomas Maxwell, to whose supposed "neglect or treachery" Colonel O' Kelly ascribes the circumstance of Athlone having been surprised, the Duke of Berwick gives this very different account : " Maxwell, Marechal de Camp de jour, qui s'y trouvoit alors commandant a son tour, eut beau avertir Saint-Ruth des preparatifs qu'il voyoit faire, & demander un renfort de troupes, n'ayant nue deux bataillons de nouveiles troupes (car on y relevoit la garde comme dans une tranchee), on lui repondit que s'il avoit peur, on y envoyeroit un autre OfRcier General : les ennemis done se jetterent dans I'eau & attaquerent la breche, que nos troupes abandonnerent apres une decharge. Maxwell y fit ferme avec quelques Officiers ; mais la plupart ayant ete tues a ses cotes, il fut pris, & alors les ennemis coulerent le long du rempart'\ It should be noted here, that Maxwell was a partizan of Tyrconnell as opposed to St. Ruth, and that what the Duke of Berwick writes of this campaign of 1691, was evidently derived from a Tyrconnellite source. Colonels O' Kelly and O'Neill, on the other hand, were the par- tizans of St. Ruth against Tyrconnell. Note 220, >• Otthe actual depth of the river, as ascertained a Bastion of the Enemies, where a Breach was some days before, by three Danes appointed for the made already." And King James, mentioning how purpose. Captain Parker says: " The deepest part the English having "found a fordable place in the of the river took them up to the navel: but it had river," it " encouraged them to a fresh attempt," not been known so low in the memory of any liv- adds, " haveing already made such breaches in the ing." The Williamite Lord Chancellor and Lord wall by three batteries which playd cross the water. Justice for Ireland, Sir Charles Porter, in his un- that Me river was become the sole dcfenee.^^ — (Au- published letter, DubUn, June 29th, 1691, describ- thorities, ut infra.) ing this trial of the depth of the river by the « Memoirs of Captain Parker, pp. 26, 27, 28.— three Danes, alleges: "they found it not above Harris's Life of William III., pp. 319, 320 Me- knee deep in most places, & that 20 might march a moires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. pp. 89, breast." "With respect to the condition of the for- 98, 99 Lord Chancellor Porter's Letter in State tifications on the Irish side, in the direction where Paper Office Story's Imp. Hist., p. 97, and Cent. the English attacked, Story states: "The Ford Hist., pp. 30, 106, 108, 109. — Memoirs of King w^as a little to the left of the Bridge over against James II., vol. ii. p. 454. 3 I 2 428 Notes and Ulustratmis. Note 220, Page 122. Immediately on gaining the place, the E7iglish manned the wall which covered the Connaaght side of the town, and, raising the draw-bridge, presented all relief entering the place from the Irish Camp. Captain Parker, after observing, " we were masters of the town before St. Buth knew anything of the matter," says : " As soon as he heard it, he marched down in great haste to drive us back again ; but here he found, when it was too late, that be had been guilty of a great mistake, in leaving the works on the back part of the town standing, and in good repair ; for these icere now a defence for us against himself, and indeed this was the only thing that induced our Generals to attempt passing the river ; for had he destroyed these works, we should never have been able to defend the town against his whole army, especially as the castle, which still held out, was crowded with men ; for though we had battered down that face of it which lay to the water, yet the other parts remained intire, and had a number of men in them." See, also. Note 217. The Duke of Berwick informs us, that, when the English assaulted the place, " Saint-Ruth entendant I'attaque, & craignant quelque malheur, y envoya le Major General, Jean Hamil- ton, avec deux brigades d'infanterie ; mais il etoit trop tard, car il trouoa le rempart bordc des troupes ennemies, & ainsi il fut oblige de retourner au camp"''. Note 221, Page 123. Maxwell asserted to have refused bullets, when called for by the Iriih soldiery in the town, asking them, " Whether they would shoot against the birds of the air?" and was likewise alleged, to have ordered the men to take their rest, as there would be no action till night, so that most of them were asleep, and few or none at their posts, when the enemy entered the town. Colonel Felix O'Neill, who, in speaking of the defence of Athlone, gives it as his opinion, that " no place was ever better defended than it was, till the very day that it was lost, by as perfect a surprise as ever was," thus refers to Major-General Maxwell's alleged conduct in connexion with that surprise : " Whose fault that was, I will not take upon me to decide, but certain it is, that our men sent thrice for ammunition, and could not have it ; and when pow- der was had, ball was wanting, and that when Major General Maxwell, who was for that day called to by Cormack O' Neil's men for ammunition, he asked them often, whether they de- signed to kill larks ?" or, as the Irish Colonel adds, in reference to Maxwell's Scotch mode of speaking, " lavracks he called them." From what Captain Parker asserts, respecting the state in which the Irish garrison were found •J Memoirs of Captain Parker, p. 29 Memoires du Marcehal de Berwick, tome i. p. 99. Notes and Illustrations. 429 found when the English made their assault on the place, it is as evident, that the Irish soldiery were taken by surprise, as Colonel O'Neill and Colonel O'Kelly represent them to have been. The Williamite Captain, who was was himself with the body of troops appointed by Lieutenant- General Ginkell to make that assault, having mentioned how the signal was given, says : " On a sudden we bounced over our works into the river, and were a good way on before the enemy perceived us. This rouzed them as it were out of sleep, and they began to fire upon us after a confused manner ; but the cannon from our latteries, and the small arms from our trenches, fired continually over our heads, iintil ive had gained the opposite hank, so that they did us very little hurt; and then they were in such consternation, that they made little or no resistance." This likewise appears to have been the fact, from what Story alleges of the small loss of the WilHaraites in carrying the town, which he makes to have been but forty-six in killed and wounded : amongst whom no more than twelve were slain, and thirty-four hurt. " We lost," he observes, "in this Action only 12 men, and Lieutenant Col. Collumbine with 4 more Offi- cers and 30 Soldiers wounded"'. Note '222, Page 123. Maxwell, a Scotchman by birth, and, according to Colonel O'Kelly, only by pretence a Roman Catholic, as well as a person of mean extraction, ^-c. Colonel O'Kelly's account of this Scotch officer is, to say the least of it, incorrect. Tho- mas Maxwell is related to have been of a very good family in his native country ; pro- •bably a branch of the Maxwells of Nithsdale. Previous to the retirement of King James II. into France, or on November 18th, 1688, he was appointed in England Colonel of a Regiment of Dragoons (the present Fourth Dragoons, or Queen's Own Regiment), in place of James Berkeley, Viscount Fitzharding ; and, as a Roman Catholic, following the fortunes of King James, he was succeeded in command of that regiment, December 31st, by the Viscount, its former Colonel. Maxwell rejoined King James in Ireland in 1689; was made Colonel of the Regiment of Irish Dragoons, to which Daniel Macgennis was Lieutenant Colonel, and Callaghane Major ; and, in the course of the war there against the Prince of Orange, during that and the two ensuing years, became Brigadier and Major-General in the Irish Army. The confidence placed by the Duke of Berwick in Maxwell, when sent with the representatives of the discontented party in the Irish Army, &c., into France, has been already seen. After his capture at Athlone, he mentions, in a letter of thanks to George Clarke, the Irish Wil- liamite Secretary at War, that he met with the best treatment as a prisoner, both at Dublin Castle and Chester Castle. He afterwards passed over to France, to rejoin King James's Army there, and as Brigadier of Dragoons, at the head of two Regiments of Irish Dragoons (spoken of by Marshal Catinat as performing " des chases surprenantes de valeur ^- de ton ordre « Rawdon Papers, pp. 34«, 347— Memoirs of Captain Parker, pp. 28, 2U Story, Cent. Hist., p. 108. 430 Notes and Illustrations. ordre dans le combat,") was killed at the battle of Marsaglia in Piedmont, gained over the Duke of Savoy and the Allies by Catinat, October 4th, 1G93. Brigadier Maxwell was mar- ried to Jane, Duchess of Norfolk, widow of Henry, the sixth Duke of Norfolk, and Earl Marshal of England, a lady "remarkable for her beauty and accomplishments," who died August 28th, 1693'. Note 223, Page 123. The Duke of Tyrconnell took advantage of the seasonable pretext afforded him, by the irrita- tion of the Army against him, to leave the Camp, and return to Limerick. King James, having mentioned how, on the fall of Athlone, St. Ruth "thought fit to decamp, and marched that night a mile towards Balinasto (Balliiiasloe), and having passed the river Suck, stayd there three days, from whence he continued his march to Acrim," or Aughrim, then adds : " My Lord Tyrconnel left the camp and return'd to Limerick, those animositys increasing (as usually they do by misfortune) he thought it more prudent to yield awhile, than by opiniatring increas the distemper." The Duke of Berwick, after relating the retreat of St. Ruth to Aughrim, thus refers to the cause of the Duke of Tyrconnell's departure from the Irish Army to Limerick : " Quoique le Vioe-Roi eiit pour Saint-Ruth tons les egards imaginables, & qu'il le laissat le maitre de tout faire, celui-ci etant naturellement fort vain, supportoit impaliemment d'avoir un supe- rieur a I'armee: ainsi se servant de ces memes brouillons, dont j'ai parle, il se mit a declamer contre Tirconel, & fittant qu'il I'obligea a quitter I'armee, & a se retirer a Limerick"». See Notes214, 218, 219. Note 224, Page 127. Balldearg O'Donnell tvas popular among the old Irish, principally those of Ulster, who super- stitiously believed he was the person, pointed out by an ancient prediction, that was to liberate Ireland from the English yoke. Lord Melfort, King James's Embassador at Rome, writing to his correspondent, Mr. Nelson, September 9th, 1690, remarks : " There is a new life got amongst the Irishmen upon the ' Granger's Biographical History of England, in Notes 184 and 219. — King's State of the Protes- Tol. iv. p. 152 : London, 1779 Noble's Continua- tants of Ireland, &c. , appendix, pp. 276, 277 : Dub- tion of Granger, vol. i. p. 184. — Beatson's Politi- lin, 1713. Letter of Major-General Maxwell cal Index, vol. ii. p. 188: London, 1805 Leslie's from Chester Castle, August 19th, 1691, in Clarke's Answer to King, pp. 149, 150: London, 1692. — Correspondence, Trinity College Library. — MS. A Relation of what most Remarkably happened Collections from Official Docmnents in Paris. — during the Last Campaign in Ireland betwi.xt his Memoires & Correspondence du Marechal de Ca- Majesties Army Royal and the Forces of the Prince tinat, par M. de St. Gervais, tome ii. pp. 218, 219, of Orange, &c., p. 3 : Dublin, 1689 Memoirs of 222, 223, 232, 240: Paris, 1836. King James II., vol. ii. p. 372. — Berwick, as cited e Memoirs of Jiing James II., vol. ii. pp. 455, Notes and Illustrations. 43 1 the arivall of the old heir of the familly of Tyrconnel, Odonald, of whom they pretend a prophecy, that he is to obtain a victory of the English near Limmeriok. So far the people ar led by this fancy, that the very Fryars, & some of the Bishops, have taken arms to follow him ; but I am affray'd, that they will forgett all, when danger, draws neer." Story, in connexion with the military transactions of the 18th of August, 1090, at the first siege, or successful defence, of Limerick, against William III., speaks as follows of O'Donnell, and the Irish predictions connected with his presence there : " About this Time, we had an Account of one Bulderock Rho ODonnel, of the ancient Family of Tyrconnel .- this Man was born and educated in Spain. But there being a Prophecy amongst the Irish, that he should free his Country from the English, doing great Matters in his own Person, and more by his Conduct, he was sent for on Purpose, and came to Limerick. It's incredible how fast the vulgar Irish flocked to him at his first Coming ; so that he had got in a small Time 7 or 8,000 Rapparees, and such like People together, and began to make a Figure ; but after a while the Business cool'd, and they were weary of one another : and he is only now a Colonel in Limerick. They had another Prophecy also. That he should come to the Field above Cromwell's Fort, where stands an old Church, where on a Stone hard by we should pitch our utmost Colours, and afterwards be undone, with a thousand such like Fop- peries, not worth the Naming." Nevertheless, Story elsewhere admits, in alluding to Irish predictions : " I have heard also Some of the Irish tell us before we got thither, that we should not succeed at the first Siege of Limerick ; and they had no other Reason for it, but because one of their Prophesies said so." O'Donnell is likewise noticed in the London Ga- zette, as "that Baldarick ODonnel, whose Name has been made great Use of among those of the Irish, who build much upon Prophecies." Mr. Croker, in noting how "a prophecy was generally current in Ireland, that an O'Don- nell, with a red mark, should free his country from the dominion of England," adds, " hence his soubriquet of Baldearg — ' Ball, a stain, spot, or speck, either natural or artificial,' and Dearg, crimson.' " But this soubriquet is related to have been borne in Ireland above 1200 years before the War of the Revolution ; as O' Flaherty, noticing a miracle, alleged to have been connected, in St. Patrick's time, with the birth, to the first Christian King of Thomond, of a son, called Achaius Balldearg, thus gives the derivation of the Irish sirname by whicli O'Donnell was known in the seventeenth, as Achaius was in the fifth, century. " Puer turn natus Achaius Balldearg vocatus est, i. e. vestigii rubei, vel artus rubei. Ball enim Hibernis idem est aliquando quod artus vel membrum, aliquando quod vestigium : & Dearg idem quod rubeum. Mansit enim in ejus carne, in testimonium miraculi, quoddam rubeum ves- tigium''". Note 225, 456. — Memoires du Marecha! de Berwick, tome i. and Continuation, pp. 145-146.— London Gazette, pp. 99, 100. No. 2688. —Transactions of the London Camden •i MS. Correspondence of Lord Melfort, vol. iii. Society, No. XIV., pp. 133-134. — OTlaherty, pp. 41-42.— Story, Impartial History, pp. 123-124, Ogygia Domestica, pars iii. pp. 386, 388, 389. 432 Notes and Illustrations. Note 225, Page 127. Tile Duke of Tyrconnell had taken from Balldearg O'Donnell some of his new Regiments, to incorporate thetnwith the Standing Army ; leaving him, and the rest of his men, without any manner of subsistence, but what they were thus compelled to extort from the country. In allusion to the evils arising from such a state of things between O'Donnell and the Duke of Tyrconnell, after the return of the latter from France in January, 1691 , King James observes : " Balderrick O'Donnal had set up for a sort of an independent Commander, and haveing got togather no less than eight regiments newly raised, with a crowd of loos men over and aboue, lived in a manner at discretion : so that these troops were in effect, but a rabble that destroyd the Country, ruin'd the inhabitants, and prevented the regular forces from drawing that subsistance they might otherwise haue had from the people ; nor was this inconvenience to be remedyd unless there had been mony to pay them, however," adds the King respecting the Duke, " to make things go as far as possible, Commissioners were sent out to regulate the quartering of Soldiers, and that the takeing up Cattle, provisions, &c. for the use of the Army might be done with as much equality, and as little burthen as possible to the people"'. Note 226, Page 127. The Duhe of Tyrconnell asserted, to have principally aimed at fomenting discord between Ball- dearg O'Donnell and Gordon O'Neill, descended from the chief Prince of Ulster. The O'Neills and O'Donnells, the ancient Princes of Tyrone and Tyrconnell, deduced their origin from two of those fom- sons of the famous Irish Monarch, Niall of the Nine Hos- tages, who, says the learned author of the Ogygia, "paulo ante adventum S. Patricii, in Ul- toniam profecti, occuparunt ibi amplas regiones, quas eorum posteri, qui Septentrionales Hy-Nielli dicti sunt, ad nostros usque dies possederunt, nempe Eugenius, ex quo Kinell- Eoguin, seu Tironii, de quibus sedecim Hiberniffi Reges clarissims O Neill gentis Tironiae Principum, ac Tironi» Comitum, majores : Conallus Gulbanus, ex quo Kinell-Conaill, seu Tirconnallii Principes, & Comites, & decern Hibernia; Reges." The venerable Charles O'Conor, of Belanagare, having observed of the eight sons of Niall the Great, that they, " under the appellation of North and South Hy-Nialls, became, in their posterity, the first family in Ireland ;" that " they not only, from the time of DathyJ, ruled without molestation, in their own feudatory sovereignties, but swayed the sceptre of the whole island, down to the deposition of Malachy II.'^, for five hundred and eighty-four years, without the intervention of any of the provincial kings, excepting that of the great OlioU Molt alone" (A. D. 463-483) ; and that, after the invasion of Henry II., the Southern Hy-Nialls, " being ' Memoirs of King Jas. II., vol. ii. p. 434. J For Niall and Dathy, see Note 67. " A. D. 1001. Notes and Illustrations. 433 " being most exposed to the incursions of the English, and the most embittered against one another, fell a sacrifice to foreign power, as well as to their own perverse politics," remarks of the O'Neills ami O'Donnells : " The chief names of the North Hy-Niall are well known, O'Neill of Tirone, and O'Donnell of Tirconall. For more than eleven hundred years, they maintained their authority in five Counties of Ulster against all opposition, foreign and do- mestic. I refer," he adds, " to the English as well as Irish annals." And finally, he observes, " thus it continued until the seventeenth century, when, in the reign of King James I., they lost their countries, in the most unaccountable manner"'. Gordon O'Neill, son of the celebrated Sir Phelim O'Neill, of Kinard, or Caledon, in the County Tyrone, was, pursuant to James II.'s policy, of favouring the old Irish as much as possible, appointed, in that Monarch's reign. Lord Lieutenant of the County Tyrone ; made a Burgess of the remodelled or reformed Corporation of Strabane ; Member, also, in the Irish Parliament of 1689, for the County Tyrone ; Colonel of a Regiment of Infantry in the Irish Army; and is mentioned to have been a Brigadier, at the battle of Aughrim. He was left for dead there, and stripped as such. But, being recognised the following day, on the field, in that state, by some Scotch officers, connected with him through his mother, who was of the noble house of Gordon in Scotland, those otRcers had him kindly attended to, till he recovered from his wounds. After regaining his liberty as a prisoner of war, he followed the Irish Army to the Continent, where he served, as Colonel of the Charlemont Regiment of Infantry, with the forces of Louis XIV. "' Note 227, Page 129. St. Ruth, after the fall of Athlone, having retired to Ballinasloe, held a Council of War, at which some were of opinion, to remain encamped where they were, with the river Such before them, and, by hindering Ginkell to cross that river, thus stop his march to Galway ; which advice seemed agreeable to St. Ruth, as he was eager to blot out the affront he had suffered, by the enemy's capture of Athlone. " July the 2d," says the Williamite Chaplain, " we had an Account by some Deserters, that the Enemies Foot were gone beyond Balynasloe, and their Horse were Encampt on this Side of it ; that they resolved to stay thereabouts and Fight us, tho at present they were in a great Consternation, and seem'd doubtful of their own Performances." And " Satur- day the Mth," he adds, "we marcht to Ballynasloe, and encampt along the River Such, upon ' See Note 79. tants of Ireland, &c., appendix, pp. 2B7, 270, 279 : " O'Flaherty's Ogjgia, pp. 399, 400, 401. — Dublin, 1713 Rawdon Papers, p. 350.— Story's O'Conor'sDissertationson the History of Ireland, Continuation, &c., pp. 137, 143.— Transactions of sect. XV. p. 203, sect. xxil. pp. 279, 280, 281 : the Camden Society, No. XIV., p. 90: London, Dublin, 1812 Carte's Life of Ormonde, vol. i. 1841. — Hibernia Dominicana, p. 332.— Mac Geo- p. 158.— Authorities attached to Note 91 and Note ghegan, Histoire de I'lrlande, tome iii. pp.751, 116 Archbishop King's State of the Protes- 732. IRISH ARCH. SOC. 3 K 434 Notes and Illustrations. upon the Roscomon Side ; this is a good Pass, and the Irish might have given us some Trouble in gaining it; but that they had found out a much better Place, as will soon appear.' On St. Ruth's impatience to come to an engagement after the loss of Athlone, the Duke of Berwick observes, that " e^ant fache & honteux du mauvais succes qu'il avoit eu a Athlone, il se determina a combattre." And, continues the Duke, " il eut bientot ce qu'il souhaitoit ; car les ennemis voyant que le debouche d' Athlone etoit libre, marcherent droit a lui"". Note 228, Pages 129, 130. Sarsfield and the majority of the Jacobite Officers gravely set forth in opposition, how GinkelVs army was superior both in numbers and discipline ; his troops being mostly veterans, whom William had enlisted not only from Germany, but from Denmarh, Stveden, and the Nether- lands ; and had likewise strengthened by a considerable body of Protestants out of France, bred up to arms, and inured to war. Of the comparative numbers of the Irish and English armies for the battle of Aughrini, Story says : " The Line of Battle will direct you how many Regiments we had in the Fight, and considering all Circumstances, they could not make up 1 7,000 Horse and Foot. The Irish," he adds, " were nigh 20,000 Foot and 5000 Horse and Dragoons, as appears from the most Rational Accounts, that can be gathered from the Number of their Regiments, and the Con- fession of their mvn Officers." The VVilliamite account of the battle of Aughrim in the London Gazette expresses itself, in this manner, respecting the numbers of the two armies : " Their Army was superior to ours in Number, consisting of 20,000 Foot, and 8,000 Horse and Dragoons." Bishop Burnet, who is acknowledged by Story to have corrected and furnished informa- tion for his history, though setting down the Irish at Aughrini as having been 28,000 men, yet rates the English army at about 3000 tnore than Story, or 20,000 men. " My Lord Bishop of Salisbury," observes the Williamite Chaplain, " has been pleased, not only to commend the Undertaking, but to honour me with the Correction of some of my Papers with his own Hand, and also with an Account of the Reasons for some Particulars, that before I was in the Dark for Want of." The Bishop's words, relative to the strength of the two armies, are : " He (St. Ruth) retired to Aghrim ; where he posted himself to great Advantage, and was much superior to Ginkle in Number ; for he had abandoned many small Garrisons to increase his Army, which was now 28,000 strong; whereas Ginkle had not above 20,000." As connected with this enumeration of the two armies by the Bishop, and that likewise given from the London Gazette, M. de la Brune, who dedicates his Williamite account in French of the campaign of 1691 to Ginkell himself', appears to have rated William III.'s Aughrim " Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 1 Id, 121. — Me- " Ginkell's titles are thus set forth in the head- moires du Marechal de Berwick, tome i. p. 100. ing of the dedication : "A son Excellence, Mod- Notes and Illustrations. 435 Aughrim army, at the same number as the Bishop. De la Brune's statement relative to that point, in his narrative of the battle, is : " L'armee Irlandoise etoit plus forte que celle des Anglois d'environ 8000 hommes," or, in other words, Ginkell's army, to St. Ruth's, were as 20,000 to 28,000 men. Another contemporary Williamite account in French, published in Holland, would like- wise make Ginkell's force at Aughrim, compared with St. Ruth's, as 20,000 to 28,000 men. That account affirms, of the Irish army there : " lis etoient plus forts que 1' Armee Angloise d'environ 8000 hommes." Captain Parker, already noticed as having served in that campaign under Ginkell, states, of the respective amount of the forces, with which Ginkell and St. Ruth opened the campaign : " About the middle of May, General Ginkle assembled the army near MuUingar, which was computed to be about 23,000. The Irish army," continues the Captain, " was assembling at the same time on the other side the Shannon, near Athlone, and was esteemed to be imich about our number." In his description of the contest at Aughrim, where he was present, the Williamite Captain makes no remark, as to the comparative numerical strength of either side. So much for the assertions of such contemporary Williamite authorities on this subject, as render it unnecessary to notice any of the rt/jfrt^/ons of subsequent compilers. With regard to the opinions, entertained on the Jacobite side, concerning the amount of their own army, as compared with Ginkell's, between the fall of Athlone and the battle of Aughrim, Story's assertion as to the Irish infantry in the battle having been "nigh 20,000," is neither countenanced by the statement of King James's Memoirs, nor of Colonel O'Kelly. The royal Memoirs, in mentioning the retreat of St. Ruth, after the loss of Athlone, to Aughrim, say ; " In this retreat the Conough regiments grew very thin, so that the foot by desertion and maroding was reduced from 17000 to about 1 1000 men." Colonel O'Kelly, as will be seen in the text, reckons this arm of the Irish force at Aughrim still lower, or as only " about 10,000 Foot." The Jacobite or Irish infantry there would consequently be, by their own accounts, but about 10,000 or 11,000 men. The Irish cavalry there, of both kinds, heavy and light, or " horse and dragoons," according to the language of the day"", are rated by the Colonel, our only Jacobite authority on the affair, at 2000 of each denomination, or 4000 in all. Hence, the whole of the Irish army for the engagement, as represented by Memoirs of K. James II., vol. ii. p. 456.— Connaught, pp. 132, 133: Dublin, 1839. Notes and Illustrations. 441 and never has been a Place of any Strength, only as it's seated upon a Pass. There are about Half a Score little Cabbins on the other Side a small Brook, with the Ruins of a little Church and a Priory dedicated to St. Catherine, and founded by the Butlers ; the whole being at this Day the Estate of the D. of Ormond." Like other hattles, however, that have had different appellations given them, — such as CuUoden, which, though so named by the conquerors, was known to the Highlanders as the battle of Druramossie Moor, — or such as Waterloo, which, though so denominated by the English, was styled in France the battle of Mont St. Jean, — the battle of Aughrim, as it is called in those islands, is the " bataille de Kilconnel" of the French writers. It was thus entitled from the old Abbey of Kilconnell, to the left of the Irish position, originally a mag- nificent structure, " the ruins of which still remain in good preservation," says Mr. O'Dono- van, and which, he informs us, was founded, in 1333, by the famous William Boy O'Kelly, Chief of Hy-Manyi». See, also, Note 240. Note 232, Page 131. GinkeU's army came, July \1th, in sight of Auglirim, where St. Ruth immediately drew up the Irish forces, consisting of \0,0 Story's Continuation, &c., p. 136, and Plan last Frangoise dans les Gaules, &e., tome x. p. elxiij : referred to Jacobite Minstrelsy ; with Notes il- Amsterdam, 1729. — L'Art de Verifier les Dates, lustrative of the Text, and containing Historical &c., p. 604: Paris, 1770 O'Donovan's Tribes Details in relation to the House of Stuart from and Customs of Hy-Manj, pp. 103-105 : Dublin, 1640 to 1784, pp. 255, 256, 267, 299: Glasgow, 1843. 1829. — Memoirs of Napoleon Buonaparte, by M. ' Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 456, de Bourrienne, vol. iv. pp. 170-174 : English trans- 457 — Macplierson's Original Papers, vol. i. p. 307 : lation, London, 1836.— Pere Daniel, Ilistoire de Dublin, 1775 — Harris's Life of William III., pp. France depuis I'EtabUssement de la Monarchic 219,223. — Rawdon Papers, p. 353. IKISH AHCH. SOC. 3 L 442 Notes and Illustrations. Note 233, Page 132. When Ginkell had so far advanced, that his whole train of artillery could act with effect, he ordered it to open fire, and, as he had a vast number of guns leith him, he directed them to play incessantly upon the Irish ; hoping thereby to drive them from the hill, ivhich was of great advantage. On the Williamite engraved " Plan of the Battle of Aghrim," General Ginkell is repre- sented as having /our batteries planted against the Irish position; two of those batteries to play from his centre upon the Irish centre, over the bog between both ; and the two other batteries upon his right wing against the Irish left wing at Aughrim. Of the total amount of Ginkell's guns, we only know, that they were more than the Irish had, from the number which one of Ginkell's oflBcers, Major Robert Tempest, informs us were with the EngUsh right wing alo7ie towards Aughrim. The Major, having stated how his General ordered the advance, " upon the right wing," of " the horse and foot," adds : " and 12 pieces of cannon, which were come up by this time, and played upon the enemy." But while, in addition to these twelve pieces, marked in the Plan as two batteries, Ginkell had two other batteries, or those in his centre'', St. Ruth had, on the whole, but nine field-pieces. " The only thing which St. Ruth wanted to give him the full advantage of such a situation," remarks Dalrjniple of the Irish position, "was cannon: but he had only nine field-pieces with him." These guns are marked, in the Williamite engraved " Plan," as forming but two batteries, or half the number of Ginkell's, represented, as has been said, at four. With reference to the hopes alleged to have been placed by the Williamite General in the eflfects of his artillery upon the Irish, King James, after mentioning the first advance of the English towards the Irish position, says : " They had no positive design to come to a general action, but to try the countenance of the King's army, and to drive them, if possible, from that post ivith their cannon, but," adds the King, " being once engaged and encouraged by their former success, soon brought it to a decisive point." And this assertion of the royal Memoirs, as to there having been " no positive design to come to a general action" at first, on the part of the enemy, is confirmed by Major Tempest, who says of Ginkell : " The General, advancing forward upon a hill to take a view of the enemy, an outguard of theirs appeared, upon which he ordered some di-agoons to march towards them, and horse to follow ; but not to engage the enemy. Yet, however, the dragoons (being too forward) advanced up, and fired upon them : they ■> If Ginkell's two batteries of the centre each information as to the amount of guns Ginkell ac- consisted of the same number of pieces, as the two tually had on the field, which would seem to have batteries on the Aughrim side appear to have con- been many more than twenty-four, fioni King sisted of, or six guns each, he woidd have altoge- James's allusion to them in this Note, as well as ther a train of twenty-four cannon in the action. in Note 229, combined with Colonel O' Kelly's de- But it were to be wished that we had more exact signation of them as " a vast Number." Notes and Illustrations. 443 they returned the like," &c. Then the Williamite Major gives the result of this movement, and of the battle in general, in his letter, remarking in the postscript : " One thing in the above is observable, which is, that if the dragoons had obeyed their orders, and not have fired and fallen upon the enemy, which was positively against the General's orders, the battle had not been. Such small accidents sometimes hazard great bodies'"'. Note 234, Page 132. The Irish, encouraged by the presence and conduct of St. Ruth, kept their ground, and beat the English, as often as they advanced towards them. The contemporary Williamite letter in the Rawdon Papers, from " Dublin, the 15th July, 1 691 ," to Narcissus Luttrel, Esq. , commencing, " On this moment we have, by an express from the Genera], the happy and blessed news, that on Sunday night, the 12th instant, our army engaged the Irish," &c., observes upon the obstinacy of the contest : " The combat lasted with great bravery near 3 hours ; our men being obliged to attack them from trench to trench, which they had thrown up for their advantage, having a bog on both sides to cover them. Never was an attack made with more bravery and courage, and never was it known that the Irish fought with more resolution." King James's Memoirs assert, on the resistance of his army to the English : " The Irish considering that this was like to proue the last effort for restablishing the King's authority, and secureing the estates and liberties of an oppressed people, expected them with great con- stancy, and convinced the English troops, they had to doe with men no less resolute than themselves ; so that never was assault made with greater fury, or sustain'dwith greater obsti- nacy, especially by the foot, who not only mentain'd their posts and defended the hedges with great valour, but repulsed the enemie several times, particularly in the center, and took some prisoners of distinction ; in so much that they looked upon the victory as in a manner certain, and S' Ruth was in a transport of joy to see the foot of which he had so mean an opinion behaue themselves so well, and performe action worthy of a better fate." MacGeoghegan adds, respecting this delight of the French General, and the cause of it: " L'infanterie royale fit des prodiges de valeur, elle poussa trois fois celle des ennemis jusqu'a leur canon ; & on pretend qua la troisierae fois le General Saint-Ruth en fut si content, qu'il jetta en I'air son chapeau pour exprimer sa joie." On the same points, thus spoken of by the King and the Jacobite Abbe, the Williamite Chaplain, Story, alleges: " Mons. St. Ruth, when he first saw our Foot in the Centre repulsed, in a great Ecstasy, told those next him, that he zvou'd now heat our Army hack to the Gates of Dublin." The Williamite official account of the battle in the London Oazette, after stating, that "the « Story's Continuation, &c.,pp. 134-135 Raw- vol. iii. part ii. book vi. p. 159: London, 1790. — don Papers, pp. 352-355 Dalrjraple'a Memoirs, Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. p. 457. 3 L 2 444 Notes and Illustrations. " the Irish were never known to fight with more Resolution," observes, " especially their Foot," The contemporary Huguenot or Williamite Mercure, referring to the relations given of the behaviour of the Irish army in general at Aughrim, likewise alludes, more particularly, to the gallantry which the infantry were mentioned to have displayed : " On leur rend," it says, " ce temoignage, qu'ils sebattirent en gens de coeur, & que leur infanterie sur tout fit des mer- veilles." The famous Chevalier Charles Wogan, nephew of the Duke of Tyrconnell, noticing, in 1734, the conduct of his countrymen in this engagement, adverts to it as one which, " till the sudden fall of their General (St. Ruth), was fought with more bravery on their side, than any battle had been, perhaps, for some centuries past, by any people, under equal disadvantages"^ Note 235, Page 132. The fight continued from noon till sunset. The particulars supplied by the Williamite Chaplain, Story, as to the time during which the battle of Aughrim lasted, are the following. He states, in reference to the first approach of Ginkell against the Irish position, which was by his left wing, and opposite tlieir right wing, on the side of the pass of Urrachree, that, on account of " the Morning proving Foggy," the Williamite " Army stood still till nigh 12 a Clock," when they " were Commanded to Ad- vance, the General going with a Party before to view the Enemy, and perceiving some of their out Scouts upon the Hills, ordered a Party to beat them from thence," &c. Story goes on to describe some of the Williamite cavalry movements with an out-post of Danes, and part of Conyngham's Dragoons, against Urrachree, while the main army continued to march forwards, by which time, he says, " it was Two a Clock." He proceeds with the continuation of Gin- kell's cavalry movements against the Irish in the same direction, by part of Conyngham's Dragoons, by Eppinger's Dragoons, and the greater portion of the Earl of Portland's Horse Guards ; which movements are described as terminating " after about an hour's dispute," or, in other words, about three o'clock. He next informs us, how, as " all Things seemed pretty quiet for a while," the Williamite " General Officers coming together, began to consult whether it was fit to give the Enemy Battel that Night," &c. Of this consultation, he gives us to under- stand, that it lasted till "about Half an Hour past Four in the Afternoon," when, he says, still speaking in reference to the Urrachree side, " a Part of our Left Wing moved towards the Enemy, and bi/ Five the Battel began a fresh," — occasioning, amongst the hedges lined by the Irish infantry, "gi-eat Firing on both Sides," that "continued on the Left nigh an Hour and ' Rawdon Papers, pp. 419-420. — Memoirs of 2680 Mercure Historique et Politique, tome xi. King James 11., vol. ii. p. 457 — Mac Geoghegan, p. 208 : La Haye, 1691. — Dean Swift's Works, Histoire de I'lrlande, tome iii. p. 746 — Story's vol. xvii. pp. 417, 418, 447, 4a0 : Scott's edition. Continuation, &c., p. 133 — London Gazette, No. 1824.— Notes 228 and 233. Notes and Illustrations. 445 and a Half, e're the Right of our Army, or the Centre engaged, except with their Cannon." This "nigh an Hour and an Half," according to the previously mentioned renewal of the action by "five " o'clock, would postpone the general engagement, or that between the wings and centres of the two armies, until about half-past six. The Williamite Chaplain's narra- tive of those subsequent portions of the engagement between the respective centres, and the opposite wings at Aughrim (as well as at Urrachree) which made the action a general one, supplies no particulars as to time, until, having related the fall of St. Ruth, and the pursuit of the Irish troops of the centre, and of the wing at Aughrim towards Loughreagh, he returns to what was doing at Urrachree, where the Irish last maintained their ground. Then he says : " Duriiio all this Stir, and Noise, on the Right and Centre uf the Army, those towards our Left, that first Engaged, kept their Ground, and not much Action happened therefor near two Hours past ; nor did the Danish Horse and Foot, that were on the Left of all, disturb the Enemy as yet, but stood opposite to several Bodies of Horse .ind Foot, that faced them on the other Side the small Brook. But .... they then engaged them, and for about Half an Hour there was pretty hot Work. But the Enemy, being then in a declining Condition, and pressed hard on all Sides, they fled all out of the Field Their Horse were pursued nigh three Miles ; but the Night corning on, with a thick Misty Rain, prevented us from getting between them and a very Advantageous Pass, nigh Loughreagh," &c. By the computation of " near two Hours" having passed in comparative inactivity on the side of Urrachree " during all this Stir, and Noise, on the Right and Centre of the Army," which, as has been stated, did not begin on the said right and centre until half past six o'clock, the period of " near two Hours," and the additional one of " about Hal f an Hour ' of "pretty hot Work," would make the Irhhnot to have been defeated finally, or on their right at Urrachree, as well as elsewhere, until about nine o'clock, and perhaps somewhat later, as would appear by the mention of " Night coming on," at that time of the year, which, according to our present mode of computation, was the 22nd of July. The commencement of the general engagement between the two armies is assigned to the same time as Story assigns it, or about half-past six o'clock in the evening, by De la Brune. " On donna le signal de la bataille," he observes, " environ les six heures 4' demie, au quel temps loute I'armie Angloise sortit de derricre des rideaux ou elle etoit, & s'avanca vers les ennemis." And, as to the cavalry of the Irish right at Urrachree, described by Story as the last of the Irish array that kept the field, or, as De la Brune designates it, " la cavalerie qui composoit Taile droite des ennemis," the Huguenot writer says, that " enfin apres environ trois heures de combat, elle commenga a prendre la fuite, ce qui fut un signal assure de la defaite des rebelles." According to the period above cited, as that at which he reckons the battle or gene- ral engagement to have begun, — that is, about half-past six in the evening, — this commenceme?it of the flight of the Irish horse from Urrachree after a combat of about three hours, would have taken place at about half past nine. And what the same authority alleges, concerning the want of more day-light to follow up the pursuit of the Irish army, seems in accordance with his pre- vious assertions, on the other points in ijuestion. " On la poursuivit," he observes, " mais la nuit 446 Notes and Illustrations. nuit etant survenue, on ne put la poursuivre cjue fort pen de temps'^, ce qui empecha qu'eWe ne flit tout a fait defaite." Reckoning, as it appears, from the beginning of the general engagement, though not spe- cifying at what hour that began, the contemporary Dutch account of the battle in French says of the Irish : " lis commencerent a fuir diet outes partes, apres avoir combatu environ trois heures." The letter from Dublin of July 15th, 1691, to Narcissus Luttrel, cited in Note 234, like- wise without particularizing the hour when the general engagement commenced, alleges, that " the combat lasted with great bravery near 3 hours." The Williamite Secretary, John Davis, writing to Colonel John Michelburne from " Dublin Castle, the 15th of July, 1691," and premising, " This Morning by an Express we have an Ac- count of a very great Victory gained over the Enemy, the Particulars whereof are as foUow- eth," says : "About six of the Clock on Sunday in the Evening, the Battel began at a Place call'd Aghrim in the County of Gallway," and he adds : " The Battel lasted about 3 Hours, and had not the Night overtaken us, in all Probability the Slaughter had been much greater, we persued the Enemy 5 Miles'"", &c. Since Davis, as Secretary to the Williamite Lords Justices for Ireland, must have read the original express from Ginkell, respecting his victory, to the Castle, this letter of the Secretary to Colonel Michelburne may so far be considered to embody Gin- kell's own statements, or those of his Secretary, George Clarke, respecting the hour the general engagement commenced, and the time which elapsed, before it was terminated by the defeat of the last body of the Irish who stood their ground, or the cavalry on the side of Urrachree. Major Tempest and Captain Dunbar, both in Ginkell's army at the battle, and, as it ap- pears, on the English right wing, directed against the pass of Aughrim, where the Xnih first gave way, assign to the same hour as Secretary Davis's letter does, or to about 6 o'clock, the beginning of the general engagement between the two armies. The Major's words are, after describing the preliminary operations, "at six in the evening begun the fight." The Captain, after a similar preliminary, says it commenced " about six at night." The Major mentions nothing further as to time. The Captain informs us, that, " on the right," or, as previously observed, where he and the Major appear to have been, "the dispute lasted very sharply for about two hours or more, and then," he adds, "we had the slaughtering of them for four miles"', &c. The words "or more" applied to what is stated as a "tioo hours'" very sharp dispute even on the Aughrim side, will very readily allow of the lapse of a third, or about a third hour, before the completion of Ginkell's victory on the other wing, at Urrachree. In 8 A manuscript account of the battle on the Ja- authorities to Note 97, p. 313. cobite side, or one mentioned to be taken from the ^ The above figure of 5 would seem, from Story, description of an Irish soldier who fought there to be a misprint, for a figui-e of 3. underSt.Kuth, would tend to confirm De la Brune's ' .Story, as before cited, says only "■nigh three assertion, as to the shortness of the pursuit. See Miles." Notes and Illustrations, AA7 In fine, from the main tenor of the preceding evidence, it would appear, that, with the exception of the fighting on the side of Urrachree, which began, more or less, so early as between twelve and one o'clock, the general engagement between the two armies did not take place till ahout six in the evenings and that it lasted for about three hours before all the Irish were driven from the field, or till about nine in the evening, — though De la Brune makes the period of " about three hours" to have been, from ahout half-past six, to about half-pant nineJ. Note 236, Page 132. The Irish infantri/ had still the better of the enemy. " The Battel," says the Williamite Secretary, Davis, " was chiefly (by reason of the Bogs) between the Foot on both Sides." Describing the resistance of the infantry of the Irish right, or Urrachree, wing, first at- tacked upon the renewal of the battle in that quarter by Ginkell, about 3 o'clock, Story states : *' A Party of our Foot marched up to their Ditches, all strongly guarded with Musketiers, and their Horse posted advantageously to sustain them : here we fired one upon another for a considerable Time, and the Irish behaved themselves like Men of another Nation^, defending their J Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 126, 127, 128, 129-134, 135— De la Brune, &c., pp. 52, 57, 58, 59 Mercure Historique et Politique, tome xi. pp. 206-208.— Letter cited in Note 234. — Secretary Davis's Letter to Colonel Michelbui'ne, in Account of the Transactions in the North of Ireland, Anno Domini, 1691, &c., pp. 11, 12. — George Clarke's Manuscript Correspondence, Trinity College Li- brary, Dublin, and Oificial Correspondence in State Paper Office, London, passm. — Letters of Captain Dunbar and Major Tempest in Rawdon Papers, pp. 349, 350, 352, 353-355. ^ In opposition to this favourite theory among a certain class of British writers, as to the Irish being a people deficient in courage, Story's countryman, Forman, observes: " The Romans^ with an handful of men, in comparison of the Britons, conquered the greatest part of the island of Britain^ and kept pos- session of it four hundred years. Most of what the Romans possessed fell afterwards to the share of the Saxons. The Irish, who were called Scots until the tenth century, likewise conquered North-Bri- tain, ov Albany, to which they gave the name of Scot- land^ and destroyed the Pictish kingdom : Yet no autlior ever yet called either the Britons or the Picls cowards, because they lost their country. The Eng- lish were subdued by the Danes, and groaned under the yoke oftliree," (or rather four,) *' successive Danish Kings. They had hardly recovered their Uberty, when the Duke of Normandy also, with an army much inferior to King Harold's in number, , conquered all England in one day, and kept it in bondage until he died. Would it be fair, neverthe- less, in a Dane or a Norman, to say, fi'om these events, that the English wanted courage, or that they were infamous for cowardice, whenever they fought against those nations ? Such a proceeding in them would be to makea satire upon themselves; since there cannot possibly be any honour actjuired in overcoming a coward. For this reason," adds Forman to his opponent, *' you ought to ask pardon of your countrymen, for the atfront you have given them, in telling the world, it was ivith a parrel of mere paltrotis, divided among themselves, and par- celled out into several petty principalities, that the English were struggling and fighting Jive hundred years, before they could become entire masters of Ireland. But," he concludes, *' I let that pass, be- cause passion and spleen got the better of your judgment, and tumbled you headlong into a blun- 448 Notes and Illustrations. their Ditches stoutly ; for they would maintain one Side, till our Men put their Pieces over at the other, and then having Lines of Communication, from one Ditch to another, they would presently post themselves again, and flank us." According to the extract from the Williamite Chaplain, given in the last Note, " this occa- sioned great Firing on both Sides," while Ginkell's arrangements were going on to bring into action the rest of the two armies, or their respective centres, and the opposite wings at Augh- rim. Nor, until " near two Hours," reckoned, as has been seen, from about half-past six, or, in other words, until about half-past eight o'clock, does Story claim any greater advan- tage for Ginkell's troops at Urrachree, than that, as he says, " those towards our Left, that first Engaged, kept their Ground," — and, it may be added, were only able, at most, to do so there until after the death of St. Ruth, as will appear from Captain P.arker, and a comparison of the preceding particulars, as to time, with the period to which Colonel O' Kelly assigns the fall of the French General. Of Ginkell's infantry attack across the bog, from his centre, upon that portion of St. Ruth's centre nearest to Urrachree, Story gives this account ; " Colonel Earl, Colonel Herbert, Colonel Creighton, and Colonel Brewer's Regiments went over at the narrowest Place, where the Hedges, on the Enemies Side, run furthest into the Bogg. These four Regiments were ordered to march to the lowest of the Ditches, adjoining to the Side of the Bogg, and there to post themselves, till our Horse could come .ibout by Aghrim Castle, and sustain them, and till the other Foot had marched over the Bogg below, where it was broader, and were sus- tained by Col. Foulk's, and Brigadeer Steuart's. Col. Earl advanced with his Regiment, and the Rest after him, over the Bogg, and a Rivulet that ran through it, being most of them up to their Middles in Mudd and Water. The Irish, at their near Approach to the Ditches, fired upon them, but our Men contemning all Disadvantages, advanced immediately to the lowest Hedges, and beat the Irish from thence. The Enemy however did not retreat far, but posted themselves in the next Ditches before us : which our Men seeing, and disdaining to sufTer their Lodging so near us, they would needs beat them from thence also, and so from one Hedge to another, till they were got very nigh the Enemies main Battel. But the Irish had so ordered the Matter, as to make an easie Passage for their Horse, amongst all those Hedges and Ditches, by which they poured in great Numbers both of Horse and Foot upon us : which Colonel Earl seeing, encouraged his Men, by advancing before them, and saying. There was no Way to come off but to be Brave. As great an Example of true Courage and Generosity as any Man this Day living. But being both flanked and fronted, as also exposed to all the Enemies Shot from the adjacent Ditches ; our Men were forced to quit their Ground and betake themselves to the Bogg again, whither they were followed, or rather drove down by main Strength of Horse and Foot, and a great many killed. Colonel Earl, and Colonel Herbert, der, from which a little good-tiatiu-e, and the least Courage, Honour, and Loyalty of the Irish Nation, shai-e imaginable of conunon sense, would have &c., by Charles Forman, Esq., pp. 27-29 : Dublin, saved you." See Note 284 (A Defence of the 1767.) Notes and Illustrations. 449 Herbert, were here taken Prisoners ; the former, after twice taking and retaking, got free at last', tho not without being wounded." Of Ginkell's other infantry attack, across the bog, from his centre, upon that portion of St. Ruth's centre, farther away from Urrachree, and nearer to Aughrim, the same Williamite authority says, in reference to that last cited : " Wiilst this was a doing here. Col. St. Johns, Col. Tiffin, Lord George Hambleton, the French"', and several other Regiments, were march- ing over below upon the same Bogg. The Irtish, in the mean Time, laid so close in their Ditches, that several were doubtful whether they had any Men at that Place or not : but they were convinced of it at last ; for no sooner were the French, and the Rest, got within twenty Yards, or less, of the Ditches, but the Irish fired most furiously upon them ; which our Men as bravely sustained, and pressed forwards, tho they could scarce see one another for Smoak. And now," he observes, "the Thing seemed so doubtful for some Time, that the By-standers would rather have given it on the Irish Side ; for they had driven our Foot in the Centre so far back, that they were got almost in a Line with some of our Great Guns, planted near the Bogg, which we had not the Benefit of at that Juncture, because of the Mixture of our Men and theirs." Captain Parker, who was present in Ginkell's army at the battle, adds of the Irish forces, previous and up to the death of St. Ruth : " They maintained their ground on the right and in the center with great obstinacy and resolution, and repulsed our men in those places several times with considerable loss"". Nevertheless, owing to the circumstances to be mentioned in the next note, such success did not exist, as Colonel O'Kelly has supposed to have e.xisted, " on ALL sides," or on the Irish left wing, at Aughrim, as well as in their centre, along Kilcomedan hill, and on their right wing, at Urrachree". Note 237, Pages 132-133. St. Ruth, observing the advantage on his side, and the considerable disorder of the enemy's in- fantry, resolved, by advancing with his cavalry, to render victori/ complete, when an unlucky canno7i-shot, hitting him in the head, ended his life, and took away the courage of his artni/. The circumstances alleged to have enabled the Williamite infantry and cavalry to get, the former over the morass to the firm or hedged ground at the foot of Kilcomedan hill occupied by the Irish, and the latter over the narrow, boggy causeway, or trench, through which, accord- ing to Major Tempest, horsemen could only pass one by one, or, according to Story, with great difficulty but two by two, and that under a tire of but thirty yards distance, as he tells us, ' See Note 241, p. 457. left wing, towards Urrachree. "1 Story (as the writer of this note has elsewhere " See Note 234, p. 443. shown) was ivrong in placing the French Protes- » Secretary Davis's Letter, as previously cited, tant infantry regiments in this quarter of the field, — Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 128, 129, 130,131. or on Ginkell's right centre. They fought with his —Captain Parker's Memoirs, pp. 30, 31. IRISH ARCH. SOC. 3 M 45 o Notes and Illustrations. us, from the Castle of Aughrim with its outworks in the possession of the Irish, are thus men- tioned by King James, and the Jacobite Abbe Mac GeogheganP : " It seems in the begining of the day," observe the royal Memoirs, " St. Ruth Cperceiveing that the enemie, who outnumber'd him, stretched out their left so far that he fear'd being flank'd) order'd the second line of the left to march to the right ; but he, who was to execute that order, caused a battallion of the first line to file off with the rest, supposeing the bog in the front would prevent the enemies advanceing, but they who stood in awe of that Battallion while it faced them, took courage when it was gon, and by the help of hurdles made a shift to get over the bog, and at the same time four Squadrons of the enemies hors, passing a causey, began to forme themselves on the other side of the defile," &c. Mac Geoghegan accounts as follows for the passage of the English cavalry by the Castle of Aughrim, where Colonel Walter Bourke of Turlough, County Mayo, was stationed; the same officer, by the way, afterwards so distinguished with his regiment in saving Cremona from Prince Eugene in February, 1702, and who died a Marechal de Camp, or Major- General, in the service of France, in 1715. Having premised, how advantageous the French General's position at Aughrim was, the Abbe says : " Le Chateau d' Aghrim, situe a la tete d'une chaussee, le seul endroit par ou I'en- nemi pouvoit aborder, masquoit son front: il etoit convert d'un autre cote par un marais d'une grande etendue. Les ennerais, qui mai-choient sur les traces des Royalistes, parurent le Lund) 22 du mois"", a lavue du camp, & commencerent a defiler par la chaussee. Le Colo- nel Gautier Burke etoit poste avec son regiment dans le Chateau, pour disputer a I'ennemi le passage de la chaussee ; mais une meprise, trop fatale a la cause qu'il vouloit defendre, le mit dans rimpossibilite de remplir .son objet: ayant envoye demander au camp les munitions dont il avoit besoin, on lui envoy a quatre barils de poudre & autant de plomb ; mais au lieu de halles de fusils, il ne trouva que des boulets de canon qui lui itoient inutiles', de sorte que la cavalerie passa hardiment Sf sans crainte par la chaussee, pendant que I'iufanterie debouchoit par le marais ;" &c. Respecting the advance of the right wing of the English horse through the boggy cause- way near the Castle of Aughrim, in order to get to the aid of their centre, and the death of St. Ruth, when approaching to attack those who had passed on that side. Story says : " The Right Wing of our Horse in the mean Time were making what Haste they could to succour our Foot ; for seeing their Danger, and indeed that all was in Hazard by Reason of the Difli- culty of the Pass, they did more than Men, in pressing and tumbling over a very dangerous Place, and that amongst Shoicrs of Bullets, from a Regiment of Dragoons and two Regiments of p See Note 48, pp. 211-212. defeated by a similar sort of mistake; it being men- 1 See Note 240. tioned, in a letter from one of the survi ving officers, ' The writer of these notes has elsewhere re- that appeared in some of the papers of the day, marked ;" It is odd enough, that another Irish offi- that the kegs, supposed to contain ammmiition, cer, Sir Charles Mac Carthv, who was cut off by w ere fomid to have macaroni, instead of powder, theAshantees, January 21st, 1824, should have been in them!" Notes and Illustrations. 45 r of Foot, posted conveniently under Cover, by the Enemy, to obstruct our Passage. Our Horse, at this Place, were sustained by Major General Kirk's, and Colonel Guntavus Hamblelon's Foot, who after we had received the Ennemies Fire, for a considerable Time, marched under the Walls of the Castle, and Lodged themselves in a dry Ditch, in the Throng of the Ennemies Shot from the Castle, and some other old Walls, and Hedges, adjoining^. Those that have seen the Place, and considered the Disadvantages that our Men had at such a Juncture to encoun- ter withal, must needs Acknowledge the Action very Brave. For it's reported, that Mon- sieur St. Ruth, seeing our Horse draw that Way, and then begin to scramble over at a Place where only tivo a Breast could pass', and that too with great Difficulty ; after all which, they had no other Way to march, but to go within thirty Yards of the Castle. The French General seeing our men attempt to do this, askt What they meant by it 1 And being answered. That they would certainly endeavour to pass there, and Attack him on the Left ; he is said to reply with an Oath, They are brace Fellows, its a Pity they should be so exposed, or Words to that Purpose. Our Horse, with much difficulty, made good that Pass ; ^\r Francis- Comptun, with my Lord of Oxford's Regiment, being one of the first that could be in a Posture to Engage, he fell at Random in amongst the Enemy, and charged them briskly, with Sword in Hand : and tho his Men were once or twice Repulsed, yet being seconded with Part of Major General Ru- vigny's Horse, Colonel Langston's and some of Colonel Byerleys Horse, as also Brigadeer Leveson's Dragoons, they soon made Good their Party on that Side, tho' not without the Loss of several, both Men and Horses But seeing our Horse press over towards the Castle, he (St. Ruth) ordered a Brigade of his own Horse to march up; then Riding to one of his Batteries, and giving Orders to the Gunner where to fire, he was marching towards the Place where he saw us indeavour to come over, but was killed with a great Shot from one of our Batteries, as he rid down the hill oi Killhomodon, the Place where the main Stress of the Battle was fought, being just under the Enemies Camp. When Monsieur St. Ruth fell, one of his Retinue threw a Cloak upon his Corps, and soon after removed him beyond the Hill, his Guard going off at the same Time, which the Irish Horse perceiving, a great many of them drew off also. I never could learn," adds the Williamite Chaplain, " what became of his Corps, some say that he was left stript amongst the other Dead, when our Men pursued beyond the Hill ; and others that he was thrown into a Bogg." King James's Memoirs, — after the .statement previously cited respecting the mistake in the withdrawal of an Irish battalion from the edge of the morass towards Aughrim, which enabled some of the English foot to get over, and the mention of the " four squadrons" of English horse there having likewise passed the boggy defile, and begun to form themselves upon the Irish side, thus describe the circumstances of St. Ruth's death : " Assoon as the General was informed of the fault that had been made, he order'd all the Cavalerie to march, puting himself at the head of it, which being extream good would soon haue ' Compare this assertion, and what follows, with ' " Our horse," says Major Tempest, who makes the last-cited passage from Mac Geoghegan, as to the undertaking still mure difficult, " passed a defile the want of " balles de fusils" by the Irish. one by one through a boggy trench." 3 M 2 452 Notes and Illustrations. haue dispersed those few squadrons of the Enemie, who o.s yet were but a formeing, when by a cannon shot he was unfortunately kill'd, just as he was saying to those about him. They are beaten, let us heat them to the purpose : this accident caused a great confusion, and tho en- deavours were made to conceal his death, yet the first Squadron of the life guard, who was next him, stoping upon it, the rest did the same and occasion'd a great delay, which the enemie tooke care to profit by, and passing in the intrim a considerable body of hors through the defiles, attack'd and broke both the lines of the Irish foot, the hors not advanceing in time to their assistance : but insteed of that, giveing all for lost, thought of nothing but saveing them- selues, and so gaue an entire victory to the English"'. This is accounted for in next Note. Note 238, Page 133. The Irish cavalry, discouraged at St. Ruth's death, and none of the General Officers coming to head them at that place, gave back, and (juitted the field. Besides those cavalry, that the French General is mentioned, in the royal Memoirs, to have brought with him, for the intended charge, before which he was killed, we are told by Captain Parker, that " St. Ruth also had posted Lieutenant General Sarsfield with a reserve body of Horse in the rear of their (the Irish) center, with positive directions not to stir from thence, until he received his orders." Then, after having mentioned the advance of St. Ruth to his left wing at Aughrim, to set matters to rights there, and his death, the Captain states : " Sarsfield was very punctual in observing St. Ruth's orders ; for though he had several opportunities of doing great service, yet he would not stir from his post, still expecting his General's orders. At length he saw all was lost, and was then obliged to scamper off with the crowd, without striking one stroke, though he had the greatest and best part of their Cavalry with him." A disagreement between Sarsfield and St. Ruth, at and for some time previous to the battle, — and which may, under such circumstances, have rendered it the more imperative on Sars- field to observe that strict obedience to orders which would prevent his venturing to do any- thing on his own responsibility, until it was too late, — is aftirmed to have contributed to the loss of the day by the Irish. Harris, who mentions that quarrel to have been connected with the surprise of Athlone, and to have been, as regards the battle of Aughrim, " of fatal consequence to their cause," after observing of St. Ruth's death, " His fall dismayed his troops, and many of them drew off with his guards, who removed his body," adds, ''Sarsfield, who should have commanded them, (and who, since the dispute at Athlone, was on the reserve with St. Ruth,) not knowing the order of battle. " The editor of the Rawdon Papers remarks to the same effect, on Monsieur de St. Ruth, the French •Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 131, 132, 133, iii. pp. 746, 753. — Pere Daniel, Histoire de France, 1.34, 136, 137.— Rawdon Papers, pp. 332, 353, 354, &c., as cited in Note 231. — Archdall's Lodge's 355 — Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 457, Peerage, vol. iii. p. 417. — Hibernia Dominicana, 458 Mac Geoghegan, Histoire de I'lrlande, tome p. 318. Notes and Illustrations. 453 French General, having had his head shot off with a cannon ball : " As the order of battle had not been communicated to Sarsfield, who had not lived on friendly terms with the de- ceased, this commander was unable to form the proper dispositions, till the business was decided"". Note 239, Page 133. The foot, being engaged with the enemy, and thus kept from perceiving , either the death of the General, or the flight of the cavalry, remained fighting, till they were surrounded, §-c. Amongst these infantry, would appear to have been King James's Royal Regiment of Irish Foot Guards, respecting whose Colonel, Major General Dorrington, that was made prisoner, Israel Fielding's letter from the Castle, already cited, after observing " Dorrinton tells me our Army outnumbered theirs," adds, "and St. Ihilie is not killed." To that fine regiment, whose complement was twenty-two companies of ninety soldiers each, or 1980 men, besides officers, the celebrated Doctor Alexius Stafford, Doctor of the Civil and Canon Laws, Dean of Christ Church, Master in Chancery, Member of Parliament, and Preacher to the King's Inns, was likewise Chaplain ; and he fell in the engagement. Mr. Duhigg, the historian of the King's Inns, observes of Doctor Stafford : " His voluntary services and heroic death exact, even from a firm opponent to his political or religious creed, a ready belief of Stafford's personal virtue and humanity." And upon the conduct of the Chaplain of the Guards at Aughrim, Mr. Du- higg states : " There the genius of his country triumphed over professional habits ; a peace- ful preacher became a warlike chief; the awful ceremonies of religion were dispensed to a submissive flock, and their courage strengthened by an animating harangue. Then, with the crucifix in hand, Stafford passed through the line of battle, and pressed into the foremost ranks, loudly calling on his fellow-soldiers to secure the blessings of religion and property, by stea- diness and attention to discipline, on that critical day. Success crowned his manly efforts, until death interrupted his glorious career; then, indeed, the infantry was panic-struck"'. Note 240, Page 133. St. Ruth was killed about sunset. In other words, as the day of the engagement was, by our present mode, or the " new" and correct " style" of reckoning, the 22nd of July, the French General was shot, about ten minutes past eight o'clock in the evening, at which time the sun would then set. The same dav, or the 22nd of July, is connected, it may be observed, in our modern military history, with the cele- brated " Captain Parker's Memoirs, pp. 30, 31 — Har- Story's Impartial History, p. 97, and Continuation, ris's Life of William III., pp. 321, 326.— Rawdon pp. 31, 128, 137 Rawdon Paper.?, p. 360 Du- Papers, p. 358. higg's History of tiie King's Inns, pp. 233, 238, ' Israel Fielding's letter, &c., in Note 228. — 239, 351, &c.: Dublin, 1806. 454 Notes and Illustrations. brated defeat, in Spain, of Marshal Marmont, Duke of Ragusa, by the Duke of Wellington, at the battle of Salamanca, or the Arapiles", in 1812". Note 241, Pages 133-134. 7"/«'« was the issue of that famous battle at Aughrim, so glorious to Ginhell, and so fatal to St. Ruth and the Irish, who lost there the Jioicer of their army and nation. The loss of General Ginkell's army at the battle of Aughrim, as tabularly arranged from the published official account, was as follows : Killed. Wounded. Killed & "Wounded. Officers, .... 73 Ill 184 Soldiers, .... 600 906 1506 Total, . . 673 1017 1690 Captain Parker, however, alleges of what his own or the Williamite side suffered on that day, — " We had above 3000 killed and wounded"". The principal officers, mentioned as killed in Ginkell's army, were Major General Hol- staple (as spelled by Story, but, more probably, Holtzapfel), who commanded the Earl of Portland's Horse Guards, Colonel Charles Herbert, the Danish Colonel Mongatts, and Majors Devenish, Cornwall, Colt, and Fox. The principal officers, specified as wounded, were Bri- gadier Prince George of Hesse Darmstadt, Colonel Lord George Hamilton, Colonel Lord John Cutts, Colonel Thomas Erie, the French or Huguenot Colonel Belcastel, and Lieute- nant-Colonel Brudenell. The importance attached, at the time of its occurrence, to the battle of Aughrim, not only in an Irish, but a British and Continental point of view, and the proportionate fame acquired by General Ginkell for gaining it, are attested by the following, amongst other evidence that might be adduced. The " "Les AlUcs," says the Spanish historian. Guerre de la Peninsulede 1807 a 1814, &c., tome i. Count Toreno, "donncrent a cette bataiUe le nom pp. 230-234, 063-667 : Paris, 1836. de Salamanque, parce qu'eUe se livra dans les en- ' Which of those two Williamite statements of virons de cette ville, et les Franfais des Arapiles, the Williamite loss at Auglirim is most entitled to monticules fameu.\ dans les chansons popu- our belief? Are the proportions, in the first ac- laires de ce pays, et qui rappellent les glorieuses count, of wounded to lulled, such as they should aventures de Bernard del Carpio." See Note 231. be? If Captain Parker considered t/m( account ^ Hiirris's Life of William III., p. 327.— The correct, why did he not adopt it, instead of such a Dispatches of Field Marshal the Duke of Wei- different estimate of his own ? Compare, on those lington, &c., vol. ix. pp. 299-308 : London, 1838.— points, the conflicting Williamite statements, given Toreno, Histoire du Soulevement, de la Guerre, in Note 159, p. 377, respecting William's loss at & de la Revolution d'Espagne, tome V. pp. 67-74: Limerick, and the annexed references to other Paris, 1838. — Belmas, Precis Historique de la Notes. Notes and Illustrations. 455 The Williamite Lord Justice for Ireland, Coningesby, writing to Ginkell from Dublin four days after the battle, or July 16th, 1691, says: " My Lord, with what satisfact" I rec>' y' acct of y' Exc"" success, it's impossible for me to describe, I may say y' no friend you have in y' world (besides ye advantage it will be to all Cristendome) C" be more pleased upon y' Ldshps particular ace', all allowing it was in great measure owing to yrself It looks, methinks, my Lord, as if Providence had designed this work for you, and it is most cer- tainly a great one, 7iot less than estahlisliing our Master far ever." Another English Williamite, the author of the defence of the conduct of Ruvigny, Earl of Galway, in Spain and Portugal, adverts to the battle of Aughrim twenty years after it was fought, or in 1711, as " the famous Victory oi Aghrim, which decided the last /nsn War in F'avour of King William:" and further mentions the influence of that victory on "the late happy Resolution" as such, that it " was not perfecthj settled, till that Blow was given." In consequence of that victory, and the previous capture of Athlone, General Ginkell was created by patent, March 4th, 1691-92, " Earl of Athlone and Baron of Aghrim, with 201. annual creation fee," says Lodge. " And," adds the same authority, " as a reward for his services, he had a grant, 13 October, 1693, of the forfeited estate of William Dongan, Earl of Limerick (attainted 16 April, 1691), containing the castle, town, and lands of Castletown, the manor of Kildrough, &c., in the Counties of Kildare, DubUn, Carlow, Meath, Kilkenny, Longford, Tipperary, and Queen's County, amounting to 26,480 acres, with several houses in DubHn, and many tithes ; all which were confirmed by Act of Parliament, 7 December, 1695." As to the total amount of the Irish slain at Aughrim, Story affirms, " We killed 7,000 of the Irish upon the Spot, as was generally believed, and there could not be many fewer, for looking amongst the Dead three Days after, when all our own and some of their's were buried, I reckoned in some small Inclosures 130, m others 120, Sfc, lying most of them by the Ditches where they were Shof; and the Rest from the Top of the Hill where their Camp had been, looked like a great Flock of Sheep, shattered up and down the Countrey for almost four Miles round : And the Irish themselves, tho they will not allow so many to be killed, yet they own, that they lost more, which they could never have any Account of, except they stole home privately, or else turned Rapparees." See, however, next page. According to the best Williamite return, or "List of the Irish Prisoners, taken at the Bat- tel of Aghrim, on July 12. 1691," they amounted to 326 men of aM ranks. The contemporary Dutch account in French observes, with respect to the loss of officers in the Irish army at Aughrim : " II suffit pour juger de I'opiniatrete du combat, de savoir que plus de la moitie des Officiers de I'Armee Irlandoise furent tuez ou faits prisonniers : & que •■ The first account of the battle, in the London reported, and is reckoned at 7,000 Men."— ( No. Gazette, says, respecting the lossof the Irish : " Of 2680 and No. 2681.) the Enemy, about 3000 were killed upon the Place." » Compare this circumstance with the state- The next number adds, on that point: " The Ene- ments, as to the brave defence of those ditches, in mies Loss appears to be greater than was at first Note 234, p. 443, and Note 236, pp. 447-449. 456 Notes and Illustrations. que presque tous les Officiers Generaux y ont perdu ou la liberie, ou la vie." The reasons of this obstinate resistance on the part of the Irish officers appear in an unpublished letter to General Ginkell, from George Peyton, Esq., Williamite High SheriiiF of the County West- meath, June 10th, 1691, or only about a month previous to the battle, as stated to him by two Irish Captains, his acquaintances, who were made prisoners at Ballymore. " They say," he observes, " it is our fault we have so many enemies ; and that they are sensible of their un- happiness in depending on the French ; that they must, and will, and are preparing to fight it out soon ; that they have orders to have none but fighting men," &c. King James's estimate of the loss of his own and the opposite army at Aughrim is, that " the Irish lost near 4000 men, nor was that of the English much inferior." The Williamite Captain Parker says of the Irish, " the enemy had near 4000 killed." But, perhaps, the near- est approach to accuracy, at which we can arrive on this point, has been supplied by the testimony of a Huguenot Captain, as thus cited by a contemporary biographer of William: " Mr. Du-Teny, a Captain in one of the French Regiments, and a Person of great Integrity, has assu7'd me, that the Day after the Fight, he counted 4638. dead Bodies upon the Field of Battle, of which he supposes near 4000 to have been Irish ; besides those that were hilled in the Pursuit beyond their Camp." From these 4638 bodies, deducting Ginkell's admil/ed proportion of 673 for men and officers slain, the Irish, killed on the field, would be 3965. And, from the late hour at which the battle turned against the Irish, — the time it must have taken, to kill all who still fought on, or were denied quarter on the field, — the foggy rain, as well as the night, which set in, — the great bogs so convenient for the shelter of a broken infantry against cavalry, — with other circumstances that might be mentioned, — it seems difficult to conceive, how any very considerable number, in addition to those who fell on the field, could have been slain''. A very large proportion of the Irish loss is related to have taken place under the follow- ing circumstances, mentioned, on the Williamite side, in Story, Major Tempest's letter, and the previously cited Dutch account in French, and, on the Jacobite side, by Dr. Charles Les- lie. " The Irish," says Story, "upon their Advantage in the Centre of the Battle, had taken some Prisoners (as has been said) ; but not being able to carry them off, they killed Col. Herbert, and one or two more ; which several have lookt upon as a Piece of Cruelty : and yet it's no more than what has been practised in such Cases ; for at the Battle of Agincourt, Fought between Hen. 5th. of England, and Charles the 6th. of France, upon the 24th. of Octob. 1414. the Number of the Prisoners, taken by the English, being very great, and King Henry, after the Battle, perceiving fresh Troops of the King ofSicills [Sicily] to appear in the Field, and these strong enough without any new rallyed Forces to Encounter his wearied Soldiers ; that he might not therefore have both Prisoners to Guard, and an Enemy to fight at once, he commanded every Man to kill his Prisoner, contrary to his Generous Nature ; which was immediately done, some principal Men excepted." From ■> Compare the extract from Dr. Leslie, further drawn from an Irish Jacobite source, and with this on in this Note, with De laBrime's assertion. Note statementof King James: *' The night indeed come- 235, pp. 445-446, with the annexed remark there ing on prevented the pursute." Notes and Illustrations. ^S7 From what Major Tempest states of the success of the Irish in the centre, though Story conveys the impression of Colonel Erie's having gotten oft' in the struggle, it would appear, that Erie, and other ofticers of his regiment, became just as much prisoners as Colonel Herbert was, or were kept so until the eventual passage, by their horse, through the boggy causeway, near the Castle of Aughrim ; which circumstance, by disabling the Irish from keeping their prisoners where they were, or conveying them elsewhere, would either facilitate the escape of those prisoners, or cause them to be killed, in order to prevent their being rescued. Major Tempest's words respecting Colonel Herbert are, " We lost one Colonel, which was Herbert', and cut to pieces after quarter." And of the capture of Colonel Erie, &c., in the centre, the Major says : " Here Colonel Erie, with Captains Bingham and Gooking of his regiment, were taken prisoners, but rescued afterwards by our horse, who passed a defile one by one through a boggy trench," — or that by the Castle of Aughrim. The Dutch account in French, after stating of the slaughter made of the Irish — " lis perdirent plus de "000 hommes, ou dans leur camp, ou dans la poursuite qu'on en fit, jusques bien avant dans la nuit" — then adds — " Peut-etre quelques uns furent immolez au manes de Colonel Herbert, qu'ils avoient fait prisonnier des que le commencement du combat, & qu'ils massacrerent inhumainement, lors qu'ils virent qu'ils avoient du pire. Quelques autres Ofli- ciers qu'ils avoient pris en meme tems furent sauvez par lagenerositede quelques uns des leurs." On the destruction of so many of the Irish army after the battle, the Protestant Jacobite, Dr. Charles Leslie, informs us the following year, or 1692, that the Irish did "grievously complain," that there were " killed in cold Blood" of them " at Aghram, above Two Thousand who threw down their Arms, and asked Quarter, after the English were absolutely Masters of the Field : and that several, who had Quarters given them, were after Killed in cold Blood, in which Number were the Lord Galway, and Collonel Charles Moore. And this is no Secret, the Major of Monsieur Epingham's'^ Dragoons owned to Major General Doriiigton, That the Lord Galway was Killed after Quarter, and the Battle over. More Vouchers might be pro- duced, if needful," concludes the Doctor. Upon Lord Galway 's death, under such circumstan- ces, " Some say," observes Story, "that My Lord Gahvaij had hard Measure from some of our Foreign Troopers, who kill'd him after he had surrendered himself a Prisoner ; not to them- selves, but to some others." He, adds Lodge, " was a nobleman of true courage, and endowed with many good qualities," and when "killed at Aghrim" was "not full 22 years old." On the general conduct of Ginkell's army in the pursuit, " the English," says Dalrymple, " dis- graced all the glories of the day, by giving no quarter." All the tents, baggage, artillery (consisting, as has been said, of but nine field-pieces), and a great number of the small arms of the Irish, either belonging to the slain, or cast away in the pursuit, were taken, together with thirty-two pair of colours and eleven standards, accord- ing ' That is, one English Colonel ; a Danish Colo- '^ The name of the officer here alluded to bj Dr. nel,Mongatts, having likewise been slain, as before Leslie was no* " Eppinghani ;" but, according to mentioned. his own signature, " Abram d^Eppinger.*^ IRISH ARCH. SOC. 3 N 458 Notes and Illustrations. ing to Story, or twenty-nine colours and twelve standards, according to the London Gazette ; which ensigns General Ginkell " sent," says the Williamite Chaplain, " afterwards by my Lord O Bryan, as a Present to Her Majesty'" — Queen Mary, daughter of King James II. Note 242, Page 134. Though every man's particular loss (in Ireland) seemed to exhaust their whole stock of tears, yet none was more generally lamented than the brave St. Ruth ; for it was the opinion of all people, if he had lived but an hour longer, the Irish would be victorious that day, 8(c. Story says of St. Ruth, " The the Man had au ill Character in being one of the greatest Per- secuters of the Protestants in France, yet, we must allow him to be very brave in his Person, and indeed considerable in his Conduct, since he brought the Irish to fight a better Battle, than ever their Nation could boast of before'. And this was the Reason, as the Irish report, that the General being killed, tho it was not presently known, yet their Army was soon in Confu- sion for Want of Orders, and so the Horse forced to draw off. But the Truth of it was, the Irish before they began to shrink, had behaved themselves beyond all Expectation, and had fought longer than ordinary ; yet when they saw our Horse come over so dangerous a Pass, and our Foot in the Centre rally, and resolve to dye every Man rather than be beat back again ; the Irish then thought they must be beat, if the other would not : so that, notwithstand- ing all their Advantages of Hedges and Ground, Sun and Wind, they were forced to quit one advantagious ' Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 130, 135-139. _ Captain Parker's Memoirs, p. 31. — Rawdon Papers, pp.350, 354, 355, 419, 420. —London Gazette, Nos. 2680, 2681, and 2682. — Letter of George, Landgrave de Hesse, to Baron de Gin- kell, July 17th, 1691, in Clarke's Correspondence, &c History of the Sixth, or Royal First War- wickshire, Regiment of Foot, in Historical Re- cords of the British Army, prepared for Publi- cation under the Direction of the Adjutant Gene- ral, pp. 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 34, 35, 36.— Biographia Britannica, vol. iv. pp. 569-673 : London, 1789. Letter of the Williamite Lord Justice Co- ningesby, as above specified in Clarke's Corres- pondence A Diai'y of the Siege and Surrender of Lymerick : with the Articles at Large, both Ci- vil and Military. Preface. By Authority. London. Printed for R. Taylor, near Stationers- Hall, 1692. An Account of the Earl of Galway's Conduct in Spain and Portugal : London, Printed and Sold by J. Baker, at the Black Boy, in Pater-Nostre-Row, 1711.— Arclidall's Lodge's Peerage, vol. i. p. 138, and vol. ii. pp. 153-155. — Mercure Historique et Politique, tome .vi. p. 209 Letter of George Pey- ton, Esq., to Lieutenant General GinkeU, as above specified, in Clarke's Correspondence, &c Me- moirs of King James II., vol. ii. p. 458. — The History of King WilUam lU., vol. ii. p. 267 : Lon- don, 1702-1703. — Leslie's Answer to King, pp. 161, 162, 163: London, 1692. — Dalrymple's Me- moirs, part ii. book vi. vol. iii. p. 162 : London, 1790. ' Was it a better battle, when tested by the com- parative numbers engaged, the length of the en- gagement, the e.\tent of the loss on both sides, &c. , than that of Clontarf, wliich preserved Ireland from such a miserable yoke, as that to which the English Saxons are related to have been so long subjected ? See Note 56. But Story's notions of Irish battles were not beyond the scanty and one- sided Irish history of his day. — (Cont. Hist., pp. 142-143.) Notes and Illusti'ations. 459 advantagious Post, and after that another, till being beat from Ditch to Ditch, they were driven up to the Top of the Hill of Killhoinodon, where their Camp had laid, which being le- velled, and they exposed to our Shot more openly, they began now to run down right ; the Foot towards a great Bogg behind them on their Left, and the Horse on the Highway towards Loughreagh"^. The Duke of Berwick, — respecting whom, it should be premised, that not having been in Ireland from the February previous to the battle, or ever after, he was necessarily indebted for his account of it, and of St. Ruth's conduct there, to others, and that this account, from its being at variance, as well with the general tenor of the Jacobite information in the royal Memoirs, &c., as with the several details here given out of the Williamite writers, probably emanated from the French General's party adversaries, or the supporters of Tyrconnell against him, but, at all events, as not being the result of the Duke's own personal knoivledge, can be of no more authority than it may be found to possess, after being tested by the other Jacobite and Williamite evidence, quoted from Note 234 to the present — the Duke of Berwick, under these qualifying circumstances, affirms of St. Ruth at Aughrim : " II etoit fort bien poste, ayant a quelque distance en avant un marais impraticable a la cavalerie, hors sur les chaussees qui le traversoient. II eut pu aisement les empecher de passer ; mais il avoit tant d'envie de batail- ler, qu'il repeta le meme dictum du Marechal de Crequi : Que plus il en passeroit, plus il en battroit ; & cela lui reussit aussi de meme. Les ennemis passerent tous, & se mirent en bataille sans etre inquietes ; alors il les attaqua. Son infanterie d'abord poussa celle des enne- mis : mais bientot elle fut ramenee a son tour : ses deux ailes de cavalerie furent aussi battues ; sur quoi voulant aller chercher son corps de reserve, qui n'etoit composee que de six escadrons, il fut emporte d'un coup de canon, & I'armee du Roi ne songea plus qu'a se sauver. Plu- sieurs personnes ont publie que, s'il n'avoit pas ete tue, il auroit gagne la bataille ; mais j'en faisjuge le lecteur. Lui auroit-il ete possible, avec six escadrons, de retablir une affaire deja perdue? Tout ce qu'il auroit pu faire, c'eiit ete de faciliter un peu la retraite ; ce que firent les Officiers Generaux apres sa mort." Captain Parker, however, who fought upon the Aughrim side of the field, or opposite that quarter of it where St. Ruth fell, after relating how " St. Ruth was taken off by a cannon ball," alleges of the state of the action when the French General met his death : " It was at a very critical juncture, when his orders were much wanted ; for their center and right wing still maintained their ground ''; but seeing their left put to flight, and not having orders from their General, they soon ran into confusion, and were put to a total rout Had it not been that St. Ruth fell, it were hard to say how matters would have ended : for to do him jus- tice, notwithstanding his oversight at Athlone, he was certainly a gallant, brave man, and a good Officer, as appeared by the disposition he made of his army this day. Had he lived to order See Note 228, p. 437. Introduction, &e. Second appendix, pp.378, 379: " Story's Continuation, p. 134. — Memoires du Dublin, 1772 Ferrar's History of Limerick, pp. Marechal de Berwick, tome i. pp. 91, 100, 101 369, 370: Limerick, 1787. — The Irish Melodies, Memoirs of Captain Parker, pp. 31, 32. — Harris's and other Poems, by Thomas Moore, Esq., p. 106 : Life of William III., pp. 316, 327. — Keatinge's Dublin, 1846. Defence of Ireland, chap. v. p. 26 O'Halloran's " Memoirs of King James XL, vol. ii. p. 458. 462 Notes and Illustrations. that is, the 19th of July, old style, or the 29th, according to our present computation. " The unfinished Work on a Hill," which is represented as " very near the Walls," and as having been " occupied" by him the night of his arrival, seems to have been amongst those alluded to by Story. " The Ridge of Land," says the Williamite Chaplain, "between the Bog and the Bay towards the East, is but very narrow, and may, with no great Difficulty, be Fortified, without which the Town is not to be defended, since an Army may approach under Covert of this Ridge within less than 100 Yards of the Town- wall, where there is a rising Ground, that overlooks a great Part of the Town. There had been some Works upon the Neck of this Ridge in former Times, and the French had begun to repair them, but had not brought them to any Perfection," &C.'' Note 245, Page 136. Galway was not well manned at that time. The manuscript letter of a Mr. John Morgan, sent out with a Williamite party on the 19th of July, about nine miles beyond Kilcolgan, to make discoveries respecting the Irish, states, on the 20th, to Lieutenant- General Scravemoer : " The man I sent to Galway is come back, & 1 Capt° French of the L"* Clanrickards Reg' with him, who surrendered himself to me. They both say, that they have the reputation of 7 Reg" in the town, but that they are not above 2000 strong; but they expect, as they hear, O'Donnel's Brigade." Story, after the surrender of the place, calls the Irish garrison " not above 2300 Men, and those," he ob- serves, " but indifferently armed, and worse cloathed"'. Note 246, Page 136. The enemy, the day after they sat dovm hefore Galway, crossed the river in boats, constructed a bridge, and, having passed a part of their army over into Western Connanght, besieged the city on that side ; thus excluding O'Dunnell, who purposed to introduce his troops by that way, as his only one for doing so. After mentioning an unsuccessful design formed, the day they came before the town, by the English, with their tin boats, against the ships in the harbour, and that " the Boats there- fore were to be imployed otherways," the Williamite annalist adds : " As soon as it was grown dark. Lieutenant General Machay, with Colonel Tiffin's, Colonel St. John's, Monsieur C'am~ ban's. Lord George Hambleton's, one Dutch, and a Danish Regiment of Foot, with four Squa- drons of Horse and Dragoons, were wafted over the River, about two Miles above the Town : by Break of Day," he continues, " our Men were all safe on the other Side, meeting with no Opposition, p Story's Continuation, &c., pp. 153, 155, 156, 1 Letter, &c., dated Kilcolgan, July 20th, 1691, 157. — Do la Brune, &c., pp. 63,64. — Harris's Life in Clarke's Correspondence Story's Continua- of William III., p. 329. tion, p. 173. Notes and Illustrations. 463 Opposition, only a small Party of Dragoons fir'd at the first Party that landed, and then scoured off; whether the Irish really expected Balderock O'Doimell to come into Town that Way is uncertain, however we had now destroyed all Hopes of it, and he retired again into the County ofMayo, &c.' Note 247, Page 137. The inhabitants of Galwmj {had they stood a siege) could not miss getting as good conditions the last day as they got at first, and much more to their credit. Israel Fielding, sometime acting Secretary to the Williamite Lords Justices for Ireland, writing from Dublin Castle, July 6th, 1691 (or six days before the battle of Aughrim), to Ge- neral Ginkell's Secretary, George Clarke, respecting the very favourable conditions, already agreed upon at the Castle, to be offered to the people of Galway, in order to induce them the more readily to submit, remarks : " The latitude given the Galwaynists is very large, but 'tis worth our while to get the town, almost at any rate'". Note 248, Pages 137-138. One of the Civil Magistrates, the son of an Englishman and a Protestant, escaped to Ginkell's camp, by the contrivance of the first Civil Magistrate, as it was then believed ; who was arrested for this, and would likely have suffered, had not the sudden arrival of the enemy prevented it. Story, under the date of the 18th of July, having noted, how some Protestants made their escape out of Galway, and gave Ginkell information of the state of the town, observes, in par- ticular, how " one Mr. Shaw, a Merchant," arrived in the English camp from Galway, " and gave the General a full Account how Matters stood within ; that the Garrison were only 7 Regiments, and those neither full nor well Armed ; that they agreed not amongst themselves about keeping or surrendring the Town, tho it was probable they would never abide a brisk Attack ; that D' Ussone, the French Lieutenant General, was there, and that my Lord Dillon was Governour, and that the Irish expected Balderick ODonnel, with his Party to come into Town, by way of Ire Conanght, without whom they were not in a Condition to make Resis- tance." Nevertheless, as the civilian spoken of by Colonel O'Kelly is subsequently men- tioned by him, as having gone to Ginkell and given him information at Aughrim, three days after the battle, or three days sooner than this Mr. Shaw is said by Story to have done, it would appear, that the Milesian Colonel and the Williamite Chaplain had in view two diffe- rent refugees, and bearers of intelligence, from Galway, to Ginkell. The " first Civill Magistrate" mentioned by Colonel O'Kelly, as having been arrested in Galway, for disaffection to King James's government, was the Mayor, Arthur French, already ' Story's Continuation, pp. 156, 157. • MS. Letter in Clarke's Correspondence, &c. 464 Notes and Illustrations. already seen, in Notes 185 and 197, to have been substituted in December, 1690, for Colonel Alexander MacDonnell, who was deprived of that office, on a similar charge, or suspicion. Mr. Morgan's previously-cited letter from Kilcolgan, of July 20th, 1691, shows this, by its statement of what some persons, who escaped from Galway, in a boat, the day before, alleged. " They say, that the Mayor & some more of the townsmen are imprisoned for endeavouring to surrender the town to us." The desertion of the Captain French of Lord Clanrickard's Regiment to Ginkell (quoted from the same letter in Note 245) inay have been by the conni- vance of his namesake, if not relative, the Mayor'. Note 249, Page 138. It is likely, that those who were for a treaty and submission to William, were the more encou- raged to propose it, because they knew very well, that their acting in that manner would be countenanced by the Duke of Tyrconnell, and perhaps no way displeasing to James himself. What the royal Memoirs state of the surrender of Galway, after the account they give of the defeat of Aughrim, is as follows : " It was not to be expected that after this defeat Gal- way could make any great resistance, however it might well haue retarded the enemies pro- gress some days, and given time to perfect the fortifications of Limerick ; which, with the helji of the rainy season then near at hand, would infallibly haue saued it that campaign, but My Lord Clanrickard and others considering nothing but their own security, made such haste to sur- render it, that they would not wait the comeing up of the enemies cannon, which was yet at Athlone and without which there was no forceing the place, but gaue it up and themselves with it, for he and several others both Officers and soldiers remain'd in Town tho the garison had libertie to march out, which was conducted to Limerick accordingly"". Note 250, Page 139. The day the English passed the river, which was the next after their coming before the town, those in Galway beat a parley to treat about capitulating, and, though the articles far a sur- render were concluded 071 the second day, the 7tegocialions lasted for six days, as the Duke of Tyrconnell's decision from Limerick, upon propositions by Ginkell for a general capitula- tion, was waited for. Lieutenant-General Ginkell arrived with his army before Galway on Sunday, July 19th, O. S. He dispatched, as already mentioned, a considerable body of troops across the water to West Connaught side, by next morning, or Monday, the 20th. He had, the same day, nego- ciations for a capitulation entered into, hostages exchanged, and a truce concluded with him, to last till ten o'clock in the morning of Tuesday, the 21st. Upon that day, the Articles of Capitulation, • Story's Continuation, p. 151, &c. " Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. p. 459. Notes and Illustrations. 465 Capitulation, &c., were duly ratified between himself and the Irish. And, finally, according to those Articles, the place was evacuated by the Irish garrison, and given up to him, on Sunday, the 26th of July, or a week from the day he came before it. " This Town with a good Garison in it," says Story, from whom the preceding particu- lars are taken, " might have given us more Trouble, anrf so have postponed the Siege of Lime- rick" : yet considering their present Circumstances, they did not manage ill in procuring for themselves those Terms which they had, tho' the General might safely condescend to grant any Thing included in the Lords Justices Declaration, which both the Articles of Galhcmj and Limerick are. At the same Time," he continues, " that Gallway was Capitulating, there came a Drum from Limerick, which put us in Hopes that all was over, and that they had a Mind to make Terms not only ior Gulhray but for the Irish Nation in general, but it was only about the Exchange or Releasing of some Prisoners, which at that Time could not be granted, or rather it was to understand what became of Gallway, that so the others might take their Measures accordingly." Yet, from the lapse of time which was to intervene between the signing of the Articles of Galway on the '21st, and the giving it up on the 26th, and from the great anxiety observable in the correspondence of the VV'illianiite Lords Justices for Ireland, to terminate the Irish war above all things, what Colonel O'Kelly affirms, of such a delay having arisen from a proposal on Ginkell's part, that a capitulation should be entered into for the rest of Ireland as well as for Galway, seems by no means improbable. The Williamite Lord Justice, Coningesby, for instance, writing to Ginkell from Dublin, July 21st (or the day the Articles of Galway were signed), has this postscript to his letter : " My Lord, it is my opinion, that this war should be ended upon any terms ; and though it seems to be so near something, yet nobody can answer for y' events of war"". Note 251, Page 140. The 26 No. III. p. 53, and Appendix, No. IV. p. 54 : 2485 WiUiamite Lists of Regiments, &c. 3O2 468 Notes and Illustrations. " Coll. Michelhurne had brought the Garrison o{ Sligoe to Articles, which were approved on by General Ginkell, and Signed and Sealed: The Garrison was to be delivered up to the said Collonel on the 15th. of August last past ; but for the Falseness of O Donnel who was then on Capitulation with General Ginkell, and sent to Coll. Michelhurne to joyn him, if the Gar- rison should prove Obstinate, and so to reduce them by Force. The General ordered Coll. Michelhurne to pay him 200 Guineas, as a Mark of his Favours, of which accordingly he paid him 100, and the other 100 he promised to pay him in two or three Days; but the said ODonnel, notwithstanding his Ingagement with the General, the Payment of the 100 Gui- neas, he appeared the only Person that obstructed the Surrender, and took Part with the Garrison of Sligoe to defend them against Coll. Michelhurne, or what other the General should send, Signing an Instrument under his Hand, that notwithstanding any Contract made be- tween the General Ginkell and himself, his only Design was to prolong the Time ; and what he did, or acted, was for King James's Interest ; and promised the Garrison of Sligoe, to joyn with them when there was Occasion. The Lords Justices understanding the Abuse that was committed by the said ODonnel, issued first their Order to the Militia of the most Part of the Province of Ulster, to joyn Coll. Michelhurne the latter end of August, who, by the Gene- ral's Orders, and the Lords Justices, Commanded the Summer past at Ballyshannon, to the Intent, that when a considerable Body could be got together, he was to Advance toward Sligoe, their Lordships ordered likewise a considerable Body of the Militia from Dublin and other Parts of Leinster, to be Commanded by the Right Honourable the Earl of Granard, with a Commissioner to Command the whole Forces of Leinster and Ulster, to reduce ODon- nel, as also the said Forts of Sligoe, to Their Majesties Obedience ; but the said ODonnel in the mean Time makes his Peace with the General, and joyns his Forces with the Earl of Gra- nard," &c., — whereby, (it may be added,) Sir Teague O'Regan and the Irish garrison were obliged to surrender, which was done on Monday, September 14th, 1691. They were, according to the Williamite Chaplain, but 600 men, and the terms on which they capitulated were honourable : " Their Party to march to Limerick with Arms and Bag- gage ; and that all the little Garisons thereabouts," — that is about Sligo, — " in the Hands of the Irish, should have the Benefit of the Capitulation"''. Note 254, Pages 142-143. Notwithstanding all the expostulations of a particular friend. Colonel Charles O' Kelly, O'Don- nell concluded the treaty the very day of their meeting; therehy revolting from his natural Prince, and unhappily joining the sworn enemies of his country. Balldearg O'Donnell not only rejected the advice of his friend, Colonel Charles O'Kelly, in going over to the Williamites, but soon directly contributed to reduce the Colonel himself to » Account of the Transactions in the North of pp. 234, 235 — Ireland Preserv'd, and the Protes- Ireland, &c., pp. 84, 85, 89 Story, Cont. Hist., tant Interest Defended, pp. 18-21 : London, 1707. Notes and Illustrations. 469 to submit to the same side. For, after giving an account of the junction of O'Donnell ami his forces with those of Lord Granard, in their advance by " Ahhij Boyle," September 'Jth, against Sligo, " On their Way," says Story, " they summon'd LoughVm, commanded by Colo- nel Theobald Dillon ; and another Place, commanded by Colonel Charles Kelly, both strong Castles, and garison'd by the Irish, -vih'ich surrendred;" &c. The period about which O'Donnell completed his arrangements with Ginkell's agent, Co- lonel James Richards, for going over to the Williamites, appears from the Colonel's above mentioned letter of August 10th, 1691, to Colonel John Michelburne, in which he observes: " My Lord ODotinel, and 1, have now regulated all Matters, and will, to the utmost of his Power, do what shall most contribute to Their Majesties Service :" &c. By a valuable official MS., which was in the Duke of Buckingham's library at Stowe, " was the property of Alger- non Capel, Earl of Essex, in 1701, and bears bis arms on the outside cover," says Dr. Charles O'Conor, we find, "that to Colonel O'Donnel and to Colonel Henry Luttrell, who capi- tulated to General Ginkle, yearly pensions of ^£300 each are allowed from Christmas, 1691, during their lives." And, in another official MS. volume, belonging to J. T. Gilbert, Esq., Secretary of the Celtic Society, this annuity to O'Donnell, under the head of " Military Pen- sions, 1702," is thus entered, " To Col. o Donnell, pursuant to the Capatul'} between Lieute- nant General Genkle, now Earl of Athlone, and him — p' diem £1 „ 7 „ 4;^ — p' ann. £oW)"': Respecting this conduct of O'Donnell— of whom, as has been seen. Story remarked at one time, " it's incredible how fast the vu\ga.T Irish flocked to him," and Lord Melfort noted, that " the very Fryars, & some of the Bishops, had taken arms to follow him," — King James, allud- ing to his " hidden practices," through which " there was a design of puting the Kingdom into the hands of the antient Irish, upon an equal foot with England," says, "this it was made ODonnel so popular, and had raised him that mighty crowd of followers with which he liued in a manner at discretion while the war lasted ;" and finally acted as has been related. The conclusion of O'Donnell's career in this manner, after such anticipations as were en- tertained of the wonderful things he was to accomplish, and the consequent popularity he had acquired among the vulgar, was not unlike the end of another individual, noticed several centu- ries before, in our history. Under the year 1215, according to the learned editor of the Annals of the Four Masters, "the Annals of Ulster and of Kilronan mention the appearance of a certain character, called Aedh Breige, or the false or pretended Hugh, who was styled the Cohhartach," i. e. " the Aider, Liberator, or Delioerer. He," it is added, " was evidently some person, who wished to make it appear, that he came to fulfil some Irish prophecy, but failed to make the intended impression"''. See Note 224. Note 253, >> In page 19.3 of the same curious volume, there £9 ,, 2 ,, 6 p. ann," as an " Ensign" in the Regi- is, among the pensions on the Irish Establishment ment of " La Melonier." Query, of the same family in 1727, to the Officers of the four French Protes- of our illustrious literary contemporary, M. Gui- tant Regiments, who first served King William in zot? Ireland, and afterwards in Flamlers, the follow- ' Transactions of the London Camden Society, ing: " James Anthony Guizott, lid. p. diem," or No. XIV. p. 96.— Story's Continuation, p. 234 47 o Notes and Illustrations. Note 255, Page 143. After the battle ofAughrim, the Duhe ofTyrconnell sent a messenger to King James, to repre- sent all was lost, and that no other resource remained, than for Ireland soon to submit to William. " My Lord Tyrconnel was got to Limerick before this," according to King James's Me- moirs, " and was making all the preparations he could for a defence, for upon the death of St. Ruth he began to reassume his former authority, so immediately dispatched an express to St. Germains, to beg either a speedy succour, or leaue to make conditions for themselves. The King who was hugely afflicted at this misfortune, and abundantly sencible of the hard cir- comstances the Irish were reduced too, fail'd not to lay their necessities open to his Most Christian Majesty'', telling him, That after the many hardships they had suffer'd, and diificultys they had struggled with, it was necessary some speedy resolution should be taken in reference to them ; that as he was resolved, on one hand, not to consent to any thing that was disadvan- tagious to France, so it was neither sutable to his inclination, nor the cause for which he suf- ferd, to let the best and faithfullest of his subjects labour in vain against such a superiour strength, with no other prospect than to be most cruelly butcher'd in the end by the declared enemies both of England and France. This was too reasonable a request not to be complyd with, and accordingly some succours were prepared, and some mony order 'd to be sent, but the Enemie pressed too hard to giue any great hopes they could wait the relief which was to come from a Country so remote ; this made My Lord Tyrconnel aprehend the Army would capitulate in spite of his teeth, and many persons of distinction were so much inclined that way, as had like to haue brought it about even before the enemie apear'd in sight of the Town"''. Note 256, Page 144. The Duke of Tyrconnell, after having dined with M. D' Usson on the Wth of August, and having been very merry and jocose, upon returning home, and retiring to his chamber, was seized with a great ft of apopleocy, and, being deprived both of speech and feeling, expired on the Mth. The royal Memoirs give the following account of the Duke of Tyrconnell's death, in con- nexion with the numerous difficulties he was contending against at the time, both on the part of his own countrymen, and on that of the enemy, whose fleet in the Shannon were blocking up Limerick on one side, while their army were advancing to attack it on the other. In Colonel James Richards' Letters, as referred to in vol. ii. p. 461. — O'Donovan's Annals of the Four Note 252 Dr. O' Conor's Descriptive Catalogue, Masters, vol. i. p. 186: Dublin, 1848. &c. (as in same Note), No. CX. vol. ii. p. 489 ^ Louis XIV. Folio MSS. penes J. T. Gilbert. —Authorities ' Memou-s of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 459, cited in Note 224. — Memoirs of King James II., 460. Notes and Illustrations. 47 1 In reference to the domestic " obstacles" resulting from the disaffection of Colonel Henry LuttrelF, &c., with which the Duke had to contend, the Memoirs allege: " all these obstacles hinder'd not the Lord Lieftenant (tho he was now very infirme, and naturally slow in his motions as well as his resolutions) to doe all that was possible to put the Town in a condition of defence : he assembled the troops and formed a Camp under the Canon of the place, encom- passing it by a line, and sent out parties to fetch in beef, &c., and made the Officers and Soldiers (first shewing the example himself) to take an Oath of fidelity which contain'd a resolution to defend his Majestys right to the last, and never to surrender without his consent; but not- withstanding this Oath and engagement, many Officers soon began to moue for a treaty, alledg- ing that in all probability the affair would be determined one way or the other before the King's mind could be known ; but he press'd them only to haue patience twenty days, there being no likelyhood of their being forced so soon, and that in so much time an answer might be had from the King ; but while he was thus struggleing with the calamitous circomstances of his Country, he was seized with the fit of an Apoplexy upon S' Lawrence's day*, soon after he had done his devotions, and tho he came to his sences and speech again, yet he only lan- guished two or three days'' and then dy'd, just when he was upon the point of procureing an unity at least amongst themselves, the want of which was the greatest of the many evils they labour'd under"'. Note 257, Page 144. The Duke of TyrconneW s death much lamented by his friends, and not less by the English, who cried him up for an honest man, and a friend of peace ; and {as is said) gave out, that he was poisoned by Sarsfield, and the French Commanders. In two unpublished letters to Lord Merion from King James's Irish Attorney-General, Secretary of State and War, and subsequent Lord Justice, for Ireland, Sir Richard NagleJ, dated Limerick, August 14th, 1691, the circumstances under which the Duke of Tyrconnell died, ' Is it not odd, that Colonel O'Kelly says nothing have been struck with apoplexy, about the arrest and trial of Luttrell, for the im- ' Memoirs of King James II., vol. ii. pp. 4()1, proper correspondence, which he was discovered, 462. by his friend, Lord Lucan, to have been carrying J If we had Sir Richard Nagle's papers asJacu- on with the enemy ? See Notes 163, 169, 185, 254. bite Secretary of War, (as well as those of the /('(7- 8 That is, the tenth of August, or a day eai'lier liamite Secretary of War,) how much more would than Colonel O'KeUy says. be our knowledge on the subject connected with ^ It would have been more correct to have such papers, than it ever can be without them. The written " three or four days," since, from Sir writer of this note has grounds for supposing, that Kichard Nagle's letter, (fortunately preserved in a considerable portion of sucli Jacobite military Clarke's Correspondence !) we find, that the Duke papers may be extant, and that he might tind them, of Tyrconnell died on i\\e fourth day after St. Lau- were he permitted to search for them by Goverii- rence's day, or that on which he is mentioned to ment. 472 Notes and Illustrations. died, and the writer's feelings on the event, are spoken of as follows. In his first letter, Sir Richard says : " The Enemy are within four Miles of the Town. Wee do not expect to defend that Line that was near our Camp, so our Horse & Dragoons marched yesterday thorough the Town. I have hopes things will go well, notwithstanding the unfortunate Destemper of my Lord Lieu', who lies gasping, and do beleive he will dy within four & twenty hours. God, of his infinite mercy, preserve us !" In his second letter. Sir Richard adds : " I am sorry to tell you, that My Lord Lieu' dyed this day, about Two of the Clock. It was a fatall stroke to this ))oor Country in this Nick of time, the Enemy being within four Miles of the Town. He is to be buryed privately to morrow, about Ten of the Clock at Night. As he appeared always zealous for his Country, so his Loss at this time was extream pernicious to the welfare of this poor Nation." The Duke was interred, according to Ferrar, in the Cathedral of Lime- rick; but it would appear, without a stone, to tell the place where he rests'* ! The character of Richard Talbot, Duke of Tyrconnell, has been thus given, on the Jaco- bite side, by the Duke of Berwick, and on the Williamite, by the Huguenot editor of the Dutch Mercure Historique : " Richard Talbot, Due de Tireonel," says the Duke of Berwick, " etoit natif d'Irlande, &; de bonne niaison ; il etoit d'une taille au dessus de I'ordinaire ; il avoit une grande expe- rience des affaires du monde, ayant ete de bonne heure dans la meilleure compagnie, & pour- vu d'une charge honorable chez le Due d'York. Ce Prince, devenu Roi, I'eleva a la dignite de Comte, & peu apres, connoissant son zele & son attachement, il le fit Vice-Roi d'Irlande. II avoit un tres-bon sens ; il etoit tres-civil, mais infiniment vain, & fort ruse. Quoiqu'il eut acquis de grands biens, on ne peut dire que ce fut par de mauvaises voies ; car il n'a jamais paru avide d'argent. II n'avoit point de genie pour la guerre, mais beaucoup de valeur. Sa lermete conserva I'lrlande apres I'invasion du Prince d'Orange, & il refusa noblement toutes les oflFres qu'on lui fit pour se soumettre. Apres la bataille de la Boyne, il baissa prodigieuse- ment, etant devenu aussi irresolu d'esprit, que pesant de corps." The editor of the Mercure, after mentioning the intelligence of the death of "le Comte de Tyrconnel, si fameux par I'attachement qu'il a temoigne pour le parti du Roi Jaques," ob- serves : "Le Comte de Tyrconnel etoit fort blamable d'avoir pris un mauvais parti. Mais a cela pres, on doit avouer qu'il a marque dans toute sa conduite qu'il etoit assez honnete homme dans le fond, & qu' etant dans I'erreur, ily etoit du moins de bonne foi. Sa conduite a toujours ete uniforme, & il n'a jamais dementi ses veritables sentimens. Ayant ambrasse le parti du Roi Jaques, il s'y est tenu fortement attache, sans avoir jamais joue un personnage contraire a ses inclinations. Mais il y en a eu bien d'autres, qui semblables a des girouettes, ont am- brasse & repris plusieurs fois le meme parti, sans autre raison que celle de leur inconstance& de leur mauvaise foi, negociant aujourdhui pour le Roi Guillaume, & demain pour le Roi Jaques. Une conduite uniforme est beaucoup plus louable que toute cette inconstance ; & lorsqu'on •* As a matter of archaeological ciu"iosity, could this tomb be now discovered? Notes and Illustrations. 473 lorsqu'on voit un homme engage dans un raauvais parti, s'y tenir dans I'adversite, comme dans la prosperite, le deffendre avec courage, & aveo perseverance, on ne pent s'empecher de I'honorer de son estime, pendant qu'on lui refuse son amitie. Je suis persuade que leurs Majestez Britanniques ont plus fait de cas du Comte de Tyrconnel, tout ennemi qu'il etoit, que de I'Amiral Torrington, & de quelques autres qui lui resemblent. On estime partout la vertu, meme dans son Ennemi." On the rumour of poison alluded to by Colonel O'Kelly, and other reports mixed up with it, and conveyed by deserters to the English camp, respecting the last illness of the Duke of Tyrconnell, Story, in noticing the Duke's death, adds: "which some say was not without Suspition of foul Play, in being poisoned with a Cup o( Rattafean, this is Nothing but Apri- cock-stones bruised and infused in Brandy, which gives it a pleasant Relish, some of which my Lord Tyrconnell had given him at an Entertainment ; and falling ill upon it, he often re- peated the Word, Rattafeau, which made several believe that he had received Poyson in that Liquor, because he would not comply with the prevailing Faction then in Town. But most People say, that he died of a Fever"'. Then, respecting the Duke's political character, the Williamite Chaplain observes : " How- ever it was, he certainly had managed the Affairs of that Kingdom, from his Entrance upon publick Business to his dying Day, with as much Dexterity and Zeal for the Interest he pre- tended to serve, as any Man could have done"". Note 258, Page 144. The Duke of Tyrconnell was the eighth son of a private gentleman, who, hy practising the law, made his fortune, and teas raised to the dignity of knighthood. Richard Talbot, the subsequent Earl and Duke of Tyrconnell, was, according to Carte, " the youngest son of Sir William Talbot, a Lawyer, and a man of good parts who, by his prudence and management, had acquired a large estate." Sir William was one of the Agents commissioned, with a Deputation of the Roman Catholic Nobility and Gentry of Ireland, to lay the complaints of themselves, and their fellow-subjects of that religion, before James I., in connexion with what they arraigned as Sir John Davies's unjust obtrusion into the Speaker- ship of the Irish House of Commons in IG13, and the other grievances under which they con- sidered themselves labouring, as the members of that Church, and of the great body of the Irish nation". On ' Such, if we had only WiUiamite documents, Ferrar's History of Limerick, p. 69 : Limerick, would be our imperfect knowledge of the circum- 1789. — Memoiresdu Marechal de Berwick, tome i. stances of the death of so remarliable a character pp. 103, 104. — Merciu'e Historique & Politique, as the Duke of Tyrconnell ! tome xi. pp. 217, 336, 341, 342.— Story's Continua- m Authorities cited in Note 201. — Sir Richard tion, &c.,pp. 187, 188. Nagle's Letters in Clarke's Correspondence, &c " See Note 80, p. 295. IKISH AECH. SOC. 3 P 474 Notes and Illustrations. On this occasion, the French funeral oration of the Duke of Tyrconnell, already cited, says of the Duke's father, Sir William, that " sa sagesse intrepide le rendit si formidable aux Ministres, que leur politique cruelle lui attira une prison de plusieurs annees ; par cette seul raison, disoient-ils, qu'il ne leur seroit jamais possible de soiimettre I'lrlande, tant qu'elle au- roit un tel defenseur." He was, as stated in the Desiderata Curiosa Hiberniae, " a long time imprisoned in the Tower, and Jiued ten thousand pounds," — an enormous sum for that pe- riod ! He left his estates, on his death, to his eldest son, Sir Robert Talbot ; who took a dis- tinguished part, on the side of the Irish Confederates, or royalists, against the Parliamentarian and C'romwellian republicans, or revolutionists"; and is characterized by Carte, as " a Gentleman of very good sense, strict honour, and great bravery," &c. Of » See, in Note 21, p. 184, the opinions of King Charles I. and Abbe Mac Geoghegan connected with the application of the term " rebels" to the Irish, by British republican or revolutionary wri- ters, or their copyists. An amusing instance of tlie correctness, per antiphrasin, of this appellation to the Irish, in the time of Charles I., is given by Ludlow, who first fought for the Parliament against the King in England, and next commanded for the Parliament in Ireland against the Irish, then fight- ing under King Charles II. 's commission, after the sale and execution of his father. King Charles I., in Great Britain. Ludlow, having related his being made prisoner bj one of Charles I.'s officers, his being brought " to Oxford, conducted by a party of horse," and his then " reposing a while at a house near Christ Church, till the pleasuj-e of the King might be known," says: " There came to me two persons, very zealous to justify the King's cause, and to con- demn that of the Parliament. These men were Irish Papists, sent over by the rebels in Ireland, to treat with the King on their part, about assisting him against the Parliament. This I afterwards under- stood from one of them, whose name was Callaghan OCallaghan, when together with the brigade com- manded by the Lord Musquerry, he laid down his arms to me in Ireland. The King, looking upon such men as most to be confided in, gives the Pre- sidentship of Jlunster, vacant by the death of Sir William St. Ledger, to the Lord Musquerry, an Irish rebel ;" &c. ! Thus far LutUow, while it is certain,— *«;- 8 in dealing with the quotations. Some of them are obscm-e, as being taken Horn works concerning which we possess no other information, or referrmg to events of which no other records have come down to us. But many of them are of the greatest value and interest. They furnish the most curious information respecting the mythology and customs of the pagan Irish, and put the stamp of genuineness and antiquity upon ancient documents of various kinds, laws, poems, and liistories, which have fortunately been preserved to om* times.' " The Council could have no hesitation in adopting the views expressed by jMr. Graves in this valuable statement ; but two difficulties at once pre- sented themselves. It was cleai'ly impossible to give Cormacs Glossary to the Members as the book for 1849; and the great amount of unpaid subscriptions rendered it difficult to say whether the Council could afford the expense of the publication, especially as it wdl of course be necessary to remunerate Mr. O'Donovan and Mr. Curry for the labour and research which they must give in order to supply, as the work proceeds, the necessary materials for its illus- tration. " To meet the first of these difficulties there was but one course, suggested by the necessity of the case. Another book must be selected for the year now nearly elapsed ; and the choice fell on the Macaria; Excidium, which was quite ready for the printer, and which, it is hoped, ^vill ]Jro^■e an acceptable volume to the Society. " The other difficulty was more embarrassing, but it has now been very considerably duninishcd by the liberal donations made to the Society by Mr. Reeves and the Marquis of Kildare ; which, as we have already said, will enable the Council to devote the subscriptions of the year 1850 to the relief of the Society's difficulties, and, if the subscriptions in arrear can be recovered, enable them to meet the expense necessary for the pubhcatlon of Cormac's Glossmy. The Macaria E.rculium was, therefore, put to press as the publication for the year 1849, and a considerable jjortion of It has been printed. But it has extended to a much greater length, owing to the valuable notes which the editor has appended to it, than was at first anticipated. The anxious desire of the Council to bring out Cormac's Glossary necessarily caused some delay in ill puttiug the work substituted for it into the printer's hands ; and It Is hoped that the Society will therefore excuse the late appearance of this work. It will contain also the curious French account of the campaign of William III. in Ireland, by Mons. Dumont, who was an eye-witness of what he relates. Tliis very interesting narrative has never before been piil )lished, and will supply the historian of the Revolution with new and importp.nt matter. The Society is aware that we are indebted for the use of the original autograph uianuscript, from Avhich the work is printed, to the kindness and public spii-it of the Very Rev. the Dean of Ossory. " On the whole, it is hoped that this volume will prove acceptable to a large number of our jNIembers. Mr. O'Callaghau's notes abound in curious and valuable matter, and contain references to all the original sources of the hlstoiy of that period ; and the text will place In juxta-posltion two narratives of the same events, by eye-witnesses engaged on opposite sides, and holding military command, the one under Iving James II., and the other under King WUliam. " It should also be stated that, although the Macaria ExcicUimi has already been published by the Camden Society of London, yet the present volume will contain a Latin copy, which was not known to exist when the Camden Society brought out their publication, and which preserves many considerable passages not found in the English, as printed by that Society. We are in- debted for this to the munificence of the late Pi'ofessor Mac Cullagh, of Tri- nity College, whose zealous and enlightened support of eveiy society having for its object the promotion of learning and the welfiire of Ireland will long, we trust, cause his memory to be revered amongst us. The circumstances under which Professor Mac Cullagh became possessed of the Latin MS., and the motives which induced him to present it to the Secretary for publication by this Society, will be spoken of in the preface to the work. It will be accom- panied by an English version from a very correct MS., written on the Conti- nent, at the beginning of the last century, and compared with another, oi' about the same date, In the library of Trinity College, Dul)lin. The English copies, however, often omit paragraphs and sentences that occur In the Latin; in which cases the defects are supplied from the translation prepared for publi- cation, by Denis Henry Kelly, Esq., before the MS. alluded to was discovered. " In the last year's Report mention was made of the curious naiTative of b the lO the wars of the Daues in Ireland, discovered in the library of Trinity College and in the Royal Library at Brnssels. This work woidd be far too expensive for the Society to undertake in the present state of its funds ; but the Council would earnestly recommend it to their successors as one of the most important original authorities on Iiish history that has recently been rescued from obli- vion. Its publication woidd be a boon to the literature of Europe ; for it is well known that great obscurity still hangs over the history of the maritime expedi- tions of the ancient Norsemen ; and a local narrative of undoubted antiquity, as tills curious work most certainly is, woidd be hailed with gratitude by all those nations who are interested in the liistory of that extraordinary peojile. In 1770 the Leyden Academy offered a prize (for which there was no competitor) for the best account of the invasion of the Low Countries, and the settlement of the Norsemen there ; and similar questions have been proposed for compe- tition by the Academy of History and Antiquities of Stockholm, in 1800; by the University of Abo, in Finland, in 1818, for an account of the expeditions of the Norsemen into Russia ; and by the Royal Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres of Paris, in 1820, for an accoimt of the remarkable expedition which gave name to Normandy in France(a). " It would, therefore, be an indeliljlc disgrace to Ireland, possessing, as we do, an ancient and authentic narrative of the Norse wars in tliis countiy, such as no other European nation, where the Norsemen settled, has as yet pro- duced, if it should turn out that we are unable, not so much from poverty, as fi-om indifference to the subject, to make known that literary treasiu-e to the world. It can scarcely be doubted that were this object sufficiently under- stood, the pubHcation of the work alluded to could not be delayed for want of funds. The Council have, therefore, had it in contemplation to bring the sub- ject not only before the Members of this Society, but also before the public generally, with a view to ascertain how far the projected publication may be expected to obtain support ; but as these measm-es are not yet fully matured, they must, for the present, be dismissed with this brief allusion to them. " At (a) See the Preface to the valuable and interesting worls by Slons. Depping, to which this last prize was awarded by the Academic des Inscriptions in 1822 ; it is entitled, " Histoire des Expeditions maritimes des Normaiids et de leur etablissement en France au X"" siecle." A new and improved edition of this work was printed in Paris in 1845. II " At the last Annual Meeting a Resolution was adopted, on the recommen- dation of the Council, to tlie following effect : " ' That Members who are not in arrear be permitted to purchase copies of such books as were issued prior to their election, at prices to be fixed by the Council, re- serving, however, for the use of future Members, as many complete sets as the Council may think desirable.' " In pursuance of this Resolution, the Council have taken a complete list of the stock of the Society's publications now remaining in the hands of our publishers ; and, after making allowance for the cost of printing and other concomitant expenses, they beg leave to recommend to the Society that the following prices be adopted : £ s. d. Complete sets (to the end of 1848) ... 6 6 Tracts, vol. i {out of print) Grace's Annals, 080 Battle of Moira, 10 Tracts, vol. ii., 10 Accoxmtof Hy Many, 12 Obits and Martyrology of Christ Church, 10 Register of All Saiuts Monastery, ... 7 Account of Hy Fiachrach, 12 Description of West Connaught, . . . 15 Irish Archfeol. Miscellany, 8 Iiish Version of Nennius, 15 Clyn's and Bowling's Annals, .... 8 " The result of this Resolution will be, that any Member now joining the Society, or any Member who has not been an original Member, may obtain a complete set of the Society's publications, or any one or more volumes which he may particularly desire, at the lowest terms on which they can be afforded; but no Member, of course, can procm-e in this way more than one copy of each publication. " This arrangement, it is hoped, may prove beneficial to the Society, and may, perhaps, induce some to become members who have hitherto been de- ^ 2 terred 12 terred by the expense of procuring our past publications. It may be observed further that one of our publications, with the exception of the copies reserved ibr complete sets, is entirely out of print, and that of others but very few co- pies remain. " Members desiring to avail themselves of this regulation, must make application for the books they require to the Treasurer or Secretary." The Report having beeu read, the following Resolutions were passed unanimously : Moved by Viscount Adare, M.P., Vice-President of the Society, and resolved, " That this Report be adopted, printed, and cu-culated among the Mem- bers of the Society." Moved by the Very Rev. Dr. Renehan, President of St. Patrick's College, Maynooth, and resolved, " That the warmest thanks of the Society be presented to the Rev. Wm. Reeves, and the Most Noble the Marquis of Kildare, for their munificent donations to the Society." Moved by the Rev. S. Butcher, D.D., Fellow of Trinity College, and resolved, " That William E. Hudson, Esq., and John C. O'Callaghan, Esq., be ap- pointed Auditors for the ensuing year ; and that theu- statement of the accounts of the Society be piinted as an Appendix to the Report." Moved by Captain Larcom, R. E,, and resolved, " That his Grace the Duke of Leinster be requested to accept the oflSce of President to the Society for the ensuing year." The Duke was pleased to signify his willingness to comply with this request, and briefly expressed his anxiety to promote, by every means in his power, the welfare of the Society. Moved ^3 Moved by John O'Donoghue, Esq., and resolved, " That the Most Nol)le the Marquis of Kildare, M.P., the Riglit Hon. the Earl of Leitrim, and the Riglit Hon. the Viscount Adare, M. P., be elected Vice-Presidents for the ensuing year." Moved by J. C. O'Callaghan, Esq., and resolved, " That the following be elected as the Council of the ensuing year : Rev. Samuel Butcher, D.D., M.R.I.A. Rev. Charles Graves, A.M., M.R.I.A. James Hardiman, Esq., M.R.I.A. William Elliot Hudson, Esq., M.R.I.A. Captain T. A. Larcom, R.E., V. P. R.I. A. Charles MacDonnell, Esq., M.R.I.A. George Petrie, Esq., LL.D., R.H.A. Rev. William Reeves, D.D., M.R.I. A. Very Rev. Dr. Renehan, President of St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. AquillaSmith, Esq., M.D., M.R.I.A., Trea- surer. J. Huband Smith, Esq., A.M., M.R.I.A. Rev. J. H. Todd, D.D.. M.R.I. A., Seure- tury. Moved by W. E. Hudson, Esq., and resolved, " That the thanks of the Society be voted to the President and Council oi' the Royal Irish Academy, for their kindness in permitting the use of their rooms for this Meeting." On tlie motion of the Secretary, resolved, " That the thanks of the Meeting be voted to his Grace the Uuke of Ijcin- .stei', lor the warm interest he has always taken in the advancement of the Society." And then the Society adjourned. «tj >H H t<3 HH O o t» C) w 00 K P3 H Id P5 CZ3 P^ s ^ o o Q H tD HH H X I-H - Ph H d W o m M H W O H <1 « H P^ CO P4 fQ . Q ft Q Q ft Q M o o .si I S 5 S 5 5 S o bo <3 ■_) ij tj O « O H H H E-i H H H o s ^ J ^ ^ s ^ o . o C^ CO c^' ■-; -^ o s ^ Q 5 O .23 rt S 03 ti « t: " ■» W i; ?, ^ £ -5 i S -2 H H H H H IRISH ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 1849-1850. patron : HIS EOYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE ALBERT. ^rcsiljcnt : HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF LEINSTER. FttE--ptcsiticnts: The Most Noble tue Marquis of Kildare, M. P., M.R.I. A. The Eight Hon. the Earl of Leitrim, M.R.I. A. The Right Hon. the Viscount Adap.e, M. P., M.R.I. A. GDouncil : Rev. Samuel Butcher, D. D., M-E. I. A. Rev. Charles Graves, A.M., M. R.I. A. James IIardiman, Esq., M. E. LA. William Elliot Hudson, Esq., M. E. I. A. Captain T. A. Larcom, E.E., V.P.E.LA. Charles Mac Donnell, Esq., M.E. I. A. George Petrie, Esq., LL. D., E. H. A., V.P.R.LA. Rev. AVilliam Reeves, D.D., M. R.I. A. Very Rev. Dr. Renehan, President of St. Patrick's College, Mayuooth. Aquilla Smith, Esq., M.D., M.R. I. A., Treasurer. J. IIuband Smith, Esq., A.M., M.R.LA. Rev. J. H. Todd, D. D., M. R. I. A., Secre- tary. •His Roval Highness The Prince Albert His Excellency The Eahl of Clakendon, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. His Grace the Lord Primate of Ireland. *His Grace the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos. *His Grace the Duke of Leinsteb. iUcmbcrs of tl)c ^ott'cty : \_Life Members are marked thiis.*'\ *The Marquis of Drogheda. •The Marquis of Kildare, M.P., M.R.I. A. *The Marquis of Lansdowne. The Marquis of Ormonde. The Marquis of Sligo. •The Marquis of Waterfoed. The Earl of Bandon. The i6 The EARLof Bective. The Eaul of Carusle. The Earl of Cawdor. The Earl of Charlemont, M.R.I. A. The Earl of Clancarty. •The Earl De Grey. The Earl of Donoughmore. The Earl of Donraven, M.R.I. A. The Earl of Enniskillen. The Earl Fitzwilliam. The Earl Fortescue. The Earl of Glengall. The Earl of Gosford. The Earl of Leitrim, M.R.I.A. The Earl of Meath. The Earl of Portarlington. The Earl of Roden. The Earl of Rosse, P. R. S., M. R. I. A. The Earl of Shrewsbury. The Viscount Adare, M. P., M. R. I. A. The Viscount Courtenay, M. P. The Viscount De Vesci. The ViscouNT Lorton. The Viscount Massareene and Ferrakd. The Viscount O'Neill. *The Viscount Palmerston. The Viscount Suirdale. The Lord Bishop of Casiiel, Emly, Wa- TERPORD, and LiSMORE. The Lord Bishop of Chichester. The Lord Bishop of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross, M. R. I. A. The Lord Bishop of Kilmore, Elphin, and Ardagh. •Lord Clonbrock. Lord Cremorne. Lord Farnham. Lord George Hill, M.R.I.A. Lord Talbot De Malahide. Rev. Edward S. Abbott, Uppei- Mount-street, Dublin. *Sir Robert Shafto Adair, Bart., Ballymena. Miss M. J. Alexander, Dublin. Rev. John H. Armstrong, A. B., Herbert- place, Dublin. George Atkinson, Esq., A. M., M. B., Upper Temple-street, Dublin. Rev. James Kennedy Bailie, D.D., M.R.I. A., Ardtrea House, Stewartstown. Abraham Whyte Baker, Esq., Blessington- street, Dublin. James B. Ball, Esq,, Merrion-square, East, Dublin. Sir Matthew Barrington, Bart., M. R. I. A., St. Stephen's-green, Dublin. Hugh Barton, Jun., Esq., Regent's-street, London. Miss Beaufort, Hatch-street, Dublin. Samuel Henry Bindon, Esq., Limerick. Lieutenant-General Robert H. Birch, Leeson- street, Dublin. John Blachford, Esq., Bueklersbury, Lon- don. The Rev. Beaver H. Blacker, A. M., Air- field, Donnybrook. Loftus H. Blund, Esq., Upper Fitzwilliam- street, Dublin. Bindon Blood, Esq., M. R. LA., F.R. S. E., Ennis. Sir John P. Boileau, Bart., London. Walter M. Bond, Esq., The Argory, Moy. •Beriah Botfield, Esq., M.R.I.A., Lon- don. W. H. Bradshaw, Esq., Dysart House, Car- rick-on- Suir. Right Hon. Maziere Brady, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, M. R. I. A. William ^7 William Brooke, Esq., Q. C, Leeson-street, Dublin. William Edward Delves Broughton, Esq., Captain, Royal Engineers. John W. Browne, Esq., Upper Mount-street, Dublin. *R. Claj'ton Browne, Esq., Browne's Hill, Carlow. Haliday Bruce, Esq., M. R. I. A., Dame-st., Dublin. Colonel Henry Bruen, M. P., Oak Park, Carlow. Samuel Bryson, Esq., High-street, Belfast. The Chevalier Bunsen, London. John Ynyr Burges, Esq., Parkanaur, Dun- gannon. Joseph Burke, Esq., Elm Hall, Parsons- town. John Burrowes, Esq., Herbert-st., Dublin. Robert Burrowes, Esq., Merrion-square, N., Dublin. Rev. Samuel Butcher, D.D., M.R.I.A., Fel- low of Trinity College, Dublin. The Very Rev. Rich. Butler, A.B., M.R.I. A., Dean of Clonmacnoise, Trim. "William E. CalJbeck, Esq., Kilmastiogue. •Robert Callwell, Esq., M.R.I.A., Herbert- place, Dublin. Edward Cane, Esq., M.R.I. A., Dawson- street, Dublin. *Rev. Joseph Carson, D. D., M. R. I. A., Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. Thomas Cather, Esq., Blessington-street, Dublin. •Patrick Chalmers, Esq., Auldbar, Brechin, N. B. John David Chambers, Esq., London. William Chambers, Esq., High-street, Edin- burgh. Sir Montagu L. Chapman, Bart., M.R.I. A., Killua Castle, Clonmellon. Edward Wilmot Chetwode, Esq., M.R.I. A., Woodbrook, Portarlington. Thomas Clarke, Esq., Baggot-street, Dublin. Rev. William Cleaver, A.M., Delgany. James Stratherne Close, Esq., Gardiner's- row, Dublin. Rev. Thomas De Vere Coneys, A. M., Pro- fessor of Irish in the University of Dub- lin. Frederick W.Conway, Esq , M. R. I. A., Ter- race Lodge, Rathmines Road, Dublin. Adolphus Cooke, Esq., Cookesborough, Mul- lingar. James R. Cooke, Esq., Blessington-street, Dublin. Philip Davies Cooke, Esq., Ouston, Doncas- ter. Rev. Peter Cooper, Marlborough-street, Dublin. Sir Charles Coote, Bart., Ballyfin House, Mountrath. William Coppinger, Esq., Barryscourt, Cork. •Rev. George E. Corrie, B. D., Fellow of St. Catherine's Hall, Cambridge. The Ven. Henry Cotton, D. C. L., Archdea- con of Cashel. Rev. George Edmond Cotter, Glenview, Middleton. James T. Gibson Craig, Esq., Edinburgh. Michael Creagh, Esq., Upper Gloucester- street, Dublin. Rev. George CroUy, Professor of Theology, St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. Rev. John C. Crosthwaite, A.M., The Rec- tory, St. Mary-at-Hill, London. Rev. Edward Cupples, LL, B., V.G. of Down and Connor, Lisburn. Miss J. M. Richardson Currer, Eshton Hall, Yorkshire. Francis E. Currey, Esq., Lismore Castle, Lismore. •Eugene i8 'Eugene Curry, Esq., Portland-street, North, Dublin. •James W. Cusack, Esq., M. D., M.R.I.A., Kildare-street, Dublin. *The Rev. Edward Fitzgerald Day, Home, Cabinteely. Quentin Dick, Esq., London. *F. H. Dickinson, Esq., Kingweston, Somer- setshire. C. Wentworth Dilke, Esq., London. Thomas Dobbin, Esq., Armagh. William C. Dobb.s, Esq., Fitzwilliam-place, Dublin. •William Donnelly, Esq., LL.D., Registrar- General, Auburn, Malahide. Rickard Donovan, Esq., Crown Office, Cork. Charles Druitt, Esq., Lima. William V. Drury, Esq., M.D., M R.LA., Darlington, England. Charles Gavin Duffy, Esq., Holme Ville, Rathmines, Dublin. Col. Francis Dunne, M. P., Brittas, Mount- mellick. John Edward Errington, Esq., C.E., London. •Right Hon. Sir Thomas Esmonde, Bart., Ballynastra, Gorey. Robert Ewing, Esq., Greenock. 'J. Walter K. Eyton, Esq., Elgin Villa, Leamington. M. Le Comte O'Kelly Farrell, Chateau de la Mothe, Landon, Bourdeaux. Rev. Thomas Farrelly, St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. Samuel Graeme Fenton, Esq., Belfast. Sir Robert Ferguson, Bart., M. P., Derry. John Ferguson, Esq., Castle Forward, Derry. •Edward F^itzgerald, Esq., Carrigoran, New- market-on-Fergus. John D. Fitzgerald, Esq., Merrion-square, West, Dubhn. Rev. Joseph Fitzgerald, M. R. 1. A., P. P., Rahan, Tullamore. Patrick Vincent Fitzpatrick, Esq., Eccles- street, Dublin. John Flanady, Esq., Dublin. Thomas Fortescue, Esq., M. R. L A., Ra- vensdale Park, Flurrybridge. Allan Fullarton, Esq., Westbank, Greenock. Alfred Furlong, Esq., Newcastle, County Limerick. Rev. Robert Gage, A. M., Rathlin Island, Ballycastle. Edmund Getty, Esq., Victoria-place, Bel- fast. Rev. Richard Gibbings, A. M., Myragh Glebe, Dunfanaghy. L T. Gilbert, Esq., Jervis-street, Dublin. Michael Henry Gill, Esq., Mount Haigh, Kingstown. Rev. William S. Gilly, D. D., Norham Vica- rage, Berwick-on- Tweed. The Knight of Glin, Glin Castle, Glin. •John Graham, Esq., Craigallian. •Rev. Charles Graves, A.M., M. R. L A., Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. Rev. James Graves, A. B., Kilkenny. John Gray, Esq., Greenock. John Gray, Esq., M. D., Upper Bucking- ham-street, Dublin. Rev. John Greham, LL. D., Portora House, Enniskillen. John Grene, Esq., Clonliffe. James Sullivan Green, Esq., Lower Pem- broke-street, Dublin. •Richard Griffith, Esq., M.R.LA., Fitzwil- liam-place, Dublin. John Gumley, Esq., LL.D., St. Stephen's- green, Dublin. Edward Hailstone, Esq., Horton Hall, Brad- ford, Yorkshire. James Haire, Esq., Summer-hill, Dublin. Right 19 Right Rev. Francis Haly, D.D.,R.C. Bishop of Kildare and Leighlin, Braganza House, Carlow. George Alexander Hamilton, Esq., M. P., Hampton Hall, Balbriggan. James Hamilton, Esq., Finfra House, Killy- begs. Sir Wm. R. Hamilton, LL.D., V.P.R.I.A., Observatory, Dunsink. James Hardiman, Esq., M. R. I. A., Galway. Hon. Algernon Herbert, Ickleton, Saft'ron- VValden. *Right Hon. Sidney Herbert, M.P., London. Thomas Hewitt, Esq., Spencer's Library, London. Sir W. Jackson Homan, Bart., Drumroe, Cappoquin. *A. J. Beresford Hope, Esq., M. P., Lamber- hurst. •Sir Francis Hopkins, Bart, Rochfort, Mul- lingar. Herbert F. Hore, Esq., Pole Hure, Kyle, Wexford. The Very Rev. Edward Gustavus Hudson, Dean of Armagh, Glenville, Watergrass- hill. William E. Hudson, Esq., M.R.I. A., Upper Fitzwilliani-street, Dublin. James S. Hamilton Humphreys, Esq., London. Thomas Hutton, Esq., M.R.LA., Summer- hill, Dublin. John Hyde, Esq., Castle Hyde, Fermoy. Sir Robert H. Inglis, Bart., M.P., London. *Rev. James Ingram, D.D., President of Trinity College, Oxford. James James, Esq., New Palace Yard, West- minster. Rev. John H. Jellett, A.M., M.R. I. A., Fel- low of Trinity College, Dublin. •Robert Jones, Esq., M. R. I. A., Portland, Dromore West. •William Bence Jones, Esq., M. R. I. A., KilgarifFe, Clonakilty. Sir Robert Kane, M. D., M. R. I. A., Grace- field, Booterstown. Wm. Kane, Esq., Gloucester-street, Dublin. Charles Kean, Esq., Keydell, Horndean, Hants. Denis Henry Kelly, Esq., M. R. I. A., Castle Kelly, Mount Talbot. Rev. Matthew Kelly, St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. Henry Kemmis, Esq., Q.C., Merrion-square, East, Dublin. Thomas Kippax King, Esq., London. Rev. Henry Barry Knox, M. R. I. A., Had- leigh, Suffolk. Rev. John Torrens Kyle, A. M., Clondrohid, Macroom. •The Right Hon. Henry Labouchere, M. P., Belgrave-square, London. David Laing, Esq., Signet Library, Edin- burgh. Alexander C. Lambert, Esq., Ballinrobe. Denny Lane, Esq., Sydney-place, Cork. •Captain T. A. Larcom, R. E.,V.P.R. 1. A., Dublin. •Walter Lawrence, Jun., Esq., Captain 41st Welch Regiment, Lisreaghane, Lawrence- town, county Galway. Rev. William Lee, A. M., M. R. I. A., Fel- low of Trinity College, Dublin. •Frederick Lindesay, Esq., Mountjoy-square, . West, Dublin. John Lindsay, Esq., Maryville, Blackrock, Cork. Rev. John Lingard, D. D., Hornby, Lancas- ter. Rev. Humphrey Lloyd, D. D., P. R. I. A., Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. ' Willi.am Horton Lloyd, Esq. , Park-square, Regent's-park, London. c2 Rev. 20 Rev. Richard H. Low, Lowville, Ahascragh. Joseph Lowell, Esq., London. Robert M''Adam, Esq., College-square, Bel- fast. *D. MacCarthy, Esq., Florence. The Rev. Daniel M'Carthy, Professor of Rhetoric, St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. Rev. Charles M'Crossan, Drumquin, Omagh. G. A. M'Dermott, Esq., F.G. S., Chester- ton Hall, Newcastle-under-Line. Right Hon. Alexander M'Donnell, Tyrone House, ISLarlborough-street, Dublin. Charles P. Mac Donnell, Esq., M. R. L A., Bonabrougha House, Wiclilow. Edmund Mac Donnell, Esq., Glenarm Cas- tle, Glenarm. •Rev. Richard Mac Donnell, D. D., M. R. L A., Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. George M'Dowell, Esq., A. M., M. R. L A., Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. The Right Rev. Patrick M'Gettigan, D. D., R. C. Bishop of Raphoe, Letterkenny. James M'Glashan, Esq., D'Olier-street, Dub- lin. Most Rev. John Mac Hale, D. D., St. Jar- lath's, Tuam. Rev. John M'Hugh, Baldoyle. John W. M'Kenzie, Esq., Edinburgh. Most Rev. Dr. Mac Nally, R. C. Bishop of Cloghei", Clogher. Sir Frederick Madden, Hon. M. R. 1. A., British Museum. James Magee, Esq., Leeson-street, Dublin. Pierce Mahony, Esq., M. R. I. A., William- street, Dublin. Andrew John Maley, Esq., Merrion-square, South, Dublin. John Malone, Esq., Rathlaslin, Ballynacargy. Henry Martley, Esq., Q.C., Harcourt-street, Dublin. Rev. George Maxwell, Askeaton. *Andrew Milliken, Esq., Dublin. William Monsell, Esq., M. P., M. R.L A., Tervoe, Limerick. Rev. Philip Moore, Rosbercon, New Ross. John Shank More, Esq., Great King-street, Edinburgh. •Andrew Mulholland, Esq., Mount Collyer, Belfast. Sinclaire Kilbourne Mulholland,Esq., Eglon- tine, Hillsborough. •Joseph Neeld, Esq., M. P., Grosvenor- square, London. The Very Rev. Dean Nolan, P. P., Gow- ran. William Nugent, Esq., Killester Abbey, Ra- heny. Cornelius O'Brien, Esq., Ennistimon. Francis O'Brien, Esq., Thurles. Sir Lucius O'Brien, Bart., M. P., Dromo- land, Newmarket-on-Fergus. The Very Rev. Dominick O'Brien, Water- ford, John Cornelius O'Callaghan, Esq., 2, Drum- condra-hill, Dublin. John O'Connell, Esq., M. P., Gowranhill, Dalkey. Maurice O'Connell, Esq., M. P., Darrynane Abbey, county of Kerry. Denis O'Connor, Esq., Mount Druid, Bele- nagare, county Roscommon. John O'Donoghue, Esq., Lower Mount-st., Dublin. The O'Donovan, Montpelier, Douglas, Cork. *John O'Donovan, Esq., Newcomen-place, Dublin. The O'Dowda, Bonniconlan House, Ballina. •Joseph Michael O'Ferrall, Esq., Rutland- square, West, Dublin. The Right Hon. R. More O'Ferrall, Gover- nor of Malta. * William Ogilby, Esq., London. Nicholas 21 Nicholas Purcell O'Gorman, Esq., Q. C, Blessington-street, Dublin. The O'Grady, Kilballyowen, Bruff. Major O'Hara, Annamoe, Collooney. Sir Colman M. O'Loghlen, Bart., Merrion- square. South, Dublin. Rev. Mortimer O'Sullivan, D. D., Killyman, Dungannon. Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel, Bart., M. P., London. George Petrie, Esq., LL. D., K. H. A., V. P. R. I. A., Rathmines, Dublin. •Sir Thomas Phillipps, Bart., Middlehill, Broadway, Worcestershire. John Edward Pigott, Esq., Merrion-square, South, Dublin. *Rev. Charles Porter, Ballybay. Colonel Henry Edward Porter, Minterne, Dorchester. Robert Power, Esq., Pembroke-place, Dublin. Hon. Edward Preston, Gormanstown Castle, Balbriggan. John Radcliffe, Esq., Merrion-square, South, Dublin. Colonel J. Dawson Rawdon, M. P., Cold- stream Guards, Stanhope-street, London. Thomas M. Ray, Esq., Dublin. Sir Thomas N. Redington, Bart, M. R. L A., Under Secretary for Ireland, Dublin Castle. Henry Thompson Redmond, Esq., Carrick- on-Suir. Rev. William Reeves, D. D., Ballymena. Lewis Reford, Esq., Beechmount, Belfast. W. Reilly, Esq., Belmont, MuUingar. Rev. Laurence F. Renehan, D. D., President of St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. Rev. G. C. Renouard, B. D., Dartford, Kent. E. William Robertson, Esq., Breadsall Pri- ory, Derby. Rev. Thomas R. Robinson, D. D., M.R.LA., Observatory, Armagh. Rev. Charles Russell, D. D., St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. John Sadleir, Esq., Great Denmark-street, Dublin. Rev. George Salmon, A. M., Fellow of Tri- nity College, Dublin. Robert Sharpe, Esq., Coleraine. Right Hon. Frederick Shaw, Recorder of Dublin, Kimraage House. Evelyn John Shirley, Esq., M. P., Carrick- macross. Evelyn Philip Shirley, Esq., Eatington Park, Shipton-on-Stour. W. F. Skene, Esq., Edinburgh. The Most Rev. Dr. Slattery, R. C. Arch- bishop of Cashel, Thurles. Aquilla Smith, Esq., M. D., M. R. L A., Lower Baggot-street, Dublin. 'George Smith, Esq., Lower Baggot-street, Dublin. •George Smith, F. R. S., Trevu, Camborne, England. *Rev. J. Campbell Smith, A. B., Rome. J. Huband Smith, Esq., A. M., M. R. L A., Holies-street, Dublin. John G. Smyly, Esq., Upper Merrion-street, Dublin. George Lewis Smyth, Esq., Derby-street, London. The Right Hon. Sir Wra. Meredyth Somer- ville, Bart., M. P., Somerville, Drogheda. Augustus Stafford, Esq., M. P., Blather- wycke Park, Northamptonshire. John Vandeleur Stewart, Esq., Rockhill, Let- terkenny. Colonel William Stewart, Killymoon, Cooks- town. Wm. Stokes, Esq., M. D., M. R. L A., Re- gius Professor of Physic, Dublin. The Hon. and Very Rev. the Dean of St. Patrick's, Dublin. The 22 The Ven. Charles Strong, A.M., M.R.I.A., Archdeacon of Glendalough, Cavendish- row, Dublin. Hon. and Rev. Andrew Godfrey Stuart, Rec- tory of Cottesmore, Oakham. Rev. George Studdert, A. M., Dundalk. •Thomas Swanton, Esq., Crannliath, Balli- dahob, Skibbereen. Walter Sweetman, Esq., Mountjoy-square, North, Dublin. 'Edward King Tenison, Esq., Castle Teni- son, Keadue, Carrick-on- Shannon. •Robert J. Tennent, Esq./' Belfast. 'James Thompson, Esq., Ballysillan, Bel- fast. Robert Tighe, Esq., M. R. I. A., Fitzwilliam- square, North, Dublin. 'William Fownes Tighe, Esq., Woodstock, Inistiogue. •Rev. James H. Todd, D. D., M. R. I. A., Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. James Ruddell Todd, Esq., London. Rev. JohnM. Traherne, Coedriglan, Cardiff. William B. C. C. Turnbull, Esq., Advocate, F. S. A., Edinburgh. Travers Twiss, Esq., D. C.L., F. R. S., University College, Oxford. *Henry Tyler, Esq., Newtown-Limavaddy. Crofton Moore Vandeleur, Esq., Rutland- square, Dublin. Edward Crips Villiers, Esq., Kilpeacon. Rev. Charles W. Wall, D. D., V. P. R. I. A., Vice-Provost of Trinity College, Dublin. James A. Wall, Esq., Baggot-street, Dublin. John Wallace, Esq., Belfast. Charles T. Webber, Esq., M. R. I. A., Upper Gloucester-street, Dublin. William Robert Wilde, Esq., Westland-row, Dublin. The Ven. Archdeacon Williams, Llandovery, Caermarthenshire. Richard Palmer Williams, Esq., M. R. I. A., Drumcondra Castle, Dublin. William Williams, Esq.,Aberpergwm, Neath, South Wales. Rev. John Wilson, B. D., Fellow of Trinity College, Oxford. Lestock P. Wilson, Esq., London. John Windele, Esq., Sunday's Well, Cork. Edward Wright, Esq., Upper Leeson-street, Dublin. •John Wynne, Esq., M. R. L A., Hazlewood, Sligo. The Very Rev. William Yore, D. D., V. G., Queen-street, Dublin. LIBRARIES LIBRARIES ENTITLED TO THE I'UBLICATIONS OF THE SOCIETY. Academy, Royal Irish. Advocates' Library, Edinburgh. Athenaeum, London. Belfast Library. Bodleian Library, Oxford. British Museum. Cambridge Public Library. Cork Library. Royal Dublin Society. Dublin University Library. Edinburgh University Library. Glasgow University Library. Irish Office, London. King's Inns' Library, Dublin. Kildare-street Club, Dublin. Limerick Institution. London Institution, Finsbury Circus. London Library, Pall Mall. Archbishop Marsh's Library, Dublin. Maynooth College. O.^iford and Cambridge Club, London. The Portico Library, Manchester. The Signet Library, Edinburgh. St. Stephen's-green Club, Dublin. FUNDAMENTAL 24 FUNDAMENTAL LAWS OF THE SOCIETY. I. The number of Members sliall be limited to 500. II. The aiFairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council, consisting of a Pre- sident, three Vice-Presidents, and twelve other Members, to be annually elected by the Society. III. Those Noblemen and Gentlemen who have been admitted Members prior to the first day of May, 1841, shall be deemed the original Members of the Society, and all future Members shall be elected by the Council. IV. Each Member shall pay four pounds on the first year of his election, and one pound every subsequent year. These payments to be made in advance, on or before the first day of January, annually. V. Such Members as desire it may become Life Members on payment of the sum of thirteen pounds, or ten pounds (if they have already paid their entrance fee), in lieu of the annual subscription. VI. Every Member whose subscription is not in arrear shall be entitled to receive one copy of each publication of the Society issued subsequently to his admission ; and the books printed by the Society shall not be sold to the Public. VII. No Member who is three months in arrear of his subscription shall be enti- tled to vote, or to any other privilege of a Member ; and any Member who shall be one year in arrear of his subscription shall be liable to be removed by the Council from the books of the Society, after due notice served upon him to that eflfect. VIII. Any Member who shall gratuitously edit any book approved of by the Council, shall be entitled to twenty copies of such book, when printed, for his own use : and the Council shall at all times be ready to receive suggestions from Members relative to such rare books or manuscripts as they may be acquainted with, and which they may deem worthy of being printed by the Society. IX. The Council shall have power to appoint officers, and to make by-laws not inconsistent with the Fundamental Laws of the Society. X. No person shall be elected a Member of the Society until the entrance fee and subscription for the current year be paid to the Treasurer or one of the Local Secre- taries. Noblemen and Gentlemen desirous of becoming Members of the Irish Archceo- logical Society are requested to forward their names and addresses to the Secretary, Kev. 25 Rev. Dr. Todd, Trinity College, Dublin. Literary Societies and public Libraries may procure the Society's publications by paying an admission fee oi' £3 and an annual subscription of £1, but without the privilege of compounding for the annual subscription. PUBLICATIONS FOR THE YEAR I 84 1. L Tracts relating to Ireland, vol. i. containing: 1. The Circuit of Ireland; by IMuircheartach Mac Neill, Prince of Aileach; a Poem written in the year 942 by Cormacan Eigeas, Chief Poet of the North of Ireland. Edited, with a Translation and Notes, and a Map of the Circuit, by John O'Donovan, Esq. 2. " A Brife Description of Ireland, made in this year 1589, by Eobert Payne, vnto XXV. of his partners, for whom he is vndertaker there." Reprinted from the second edition, London, 1590, with a Preface and Notes, by Aquilla Smith, M. D., M. R. I. A. II. The Annals of Ireland, by James Grace of Kilkenny. Edited from the MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, in the original Latin, with a Translation and Notes, by the Rev. Richard Butler, A. B., M. R. I. A. PUBLICATIONS FOR THE YEAR I 842. I. Cach TTluishi l?adi. The Battle of Magh Rath (Moira), from an ancient MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. Edited in the original Irish, with a Translation and Notes, by John O'Donovan. II. Tracts relating to Ireland, vol. 11. containing: 1. " A Treatise of Ii-eland: by John Dymmok." Edited from a MS. in the British Museum, with Notes, by the Rev. Richard Butler, A. B., M. R. I. A. 2. The Annals of Multifernam; from the original MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. Edited by Aquilla Smith, M. D., M. R. I. A. 3. A Statute passed at a Parliament held at Kilkenny, A.D. 1367 ; from a MS. in the British Museum. Edited, with a Translation and Notes, by James Haediman, Esq., M. R. I A. PUBLICATIONS FOR THE YEAR 1 843. I. An account of the Tribes and Customs of the District of Hy-Many, commonly called O'Kelly's Country, in the Counties of Galway and Roscommon. Edited from d the 26 the Book of Lecan in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy, in the original Irish; with a Translation and Notes, and a Map of Hy-Many, by John O'Donovan, Esq. II. The Book of Obits and Martyrology of the Cathedral of the Holy Trinity, com- monly called Christ Church, Dublin. Edited from the original MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. By the Rev. John Clarke Crosthwaite, A. M., Rector of St. Mary-at-Hill, and St. Andrew Hubbart, Loudon. With an Introduction by James Henthorn Todd, D. D., V. P. R. I. A., Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. PUBLICATIONS FOR THE YEAR 1844. I. " Registrum Ecclesie Omnium Sanctorum juxta Dublin;" from the original MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. Edited by the Rev. Richard But- ler, A.B., M.R.LA. II. An Account of the Tribes and Customs of the District of Hy-Fiachrach, in the Counties of Sligo and Mayo. Edited from the Book of Lecan, in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy, and from a copy of the Mac Firbis MS. in the possession of the Earl of Roden. With a Translation and Notes, and a Map of Hy-Fiachrach. By John O'Donovan, Esq. PUBLICATION FOR THE YEAR I 845. A Description of West or H-Iar Connaught, by Roderic O'Flaherty, Author of the Ogygia, written A. D. 1 684. Edited from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin; with copious Notes and an Appendix. By James Hardiman, Esq., M. R. I. A. PUBLICATION FOR THE YEAR I 846. The Miscellany of the Irish Archaeological Society. Vol. I. containing: 1. An ancient Poem attributed to St. Columbkille, with a Translation and Notes by John O'Donovan, Esq. 2. De Concilio Hibernia;; the earliest extant record of a Parliament in Ireland; with Notes by the Rev. R. Butler. 3. Copy of the Award as concerning the Tolboll (Dublin): contributed by Dr. Aquilla Smith. 4. Pedigree of Dr. Dominick Lynch, Regent of the CoUedge of St. Thomas of Aquin, in Seville, A. D. 1674: contributed by James Hardiman, Esq. 5. A Latin Poem, by Dr. John Lynch, Author of Camhrensis Eversiis, in reply to the Question Cur in patriam non redis ? Contributed by James Hardi- man, Esq. 6. The 27 6. The Obits of Kilcormick, now Frankfort, King's County : contributed by the Rev. J. H. Todd. 7. Ancient Testaments: contributed by Dr. Aquilla Smith. 8. Autograph Letter of Thady O'Roddy: with some Notices of the Author by the Rev. J. H.Todd. 9. Autograph Letter of Oliver Cromwell to his Son, Harry Cromwell, Com- mander-in-Chief in Ireland: contributed by Dr. A. Smith. 10. The Irish Charters in the Book of Kells, with a Translation and Notes by John O'Donovan, Esq. 11. Original Charter granted by John Lord of Ireland, to the Abbey of Melli- font: contributed by Dr. A. Smith. 12. A Journey to Connaught in 1709 by Dr. Thomas Molyneux: contributed by Dr. a. Smith. 1 3. A Covenant in Irish between Mageoghegan and the Fox; with a Translation, and historical Notices of the two Families, by John O'Donovan, Esq. 14. The Annals of Ireland, from A. D. 1453 to 1468, translated from a lost Irish original, by Dudley Firbisse; with Notes by J. O'Donovan, Esq. PUBLICATION FOH THE YEAR 1 847. The Irish Version of the " Historia Britonum" of Nennius, or, as it is called in Irish MSS., Leabap bpecnac, the British Book. Edited from the book of Balimote, collated with copies in the Book of Lecan, and in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, with a Translation and Notes by James Henthorn Todd, D. D., M. R. I. A. Fellow of Trinity College, &c. ; and Additional Notes and an Introduction by the Hon. Algernon Herbert. PUBLICATION FOR THE YEAR 1848. The Latin Annalists of Ireland; edited with introductory Remarks and Notes by the Very Rev. Richard Butler, M. R.I. A., Dean of Clonmacnois, — viz.: 1. The Annals of Ireland, by John Clyn, of Kilkenny; from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, collated with another in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 2. The Annals of Ireland, by Thady Dowling, Chancellor of Leighlin. From a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. PUBLICATIONS 28 PUBLICATIONS FOR THE YEAR 1 849. I. Macariae Escidium, the Destruction of Cyprus; being a secret History of the Civil War in Ireland under James II., by Colonel Charles O'Kelly. Edited in the Latin from a MS. presented by the late Professor Mac Cullagh to the Library of the Royal Irish Academy; with a Translation, from a MS. of the seventeenth century; and Notes by John O'Callaghan, Esq. Nearly ready. II. The Diary of Mons. Dumont, an officer in the army of William III., during his campaign in Ireland. From a MS. in the possession of the Very Rev. Charles Vignoles, D. D., Dean of Ossory. Edited by John O'Callaghan, Esq. PUBLICATIONS FOR THE YEAR I 850. I. The Leiger Book of Gerald Earl of Kildare, A. D. 1518. Edited by the Very Rev. Richard Butler, Dean of Clonmacnois. From a MS. in the British Museum. In the Press. [Presented to the Society by the Most Noble the Marquis of Kildare.] II. Acts of Archbishop Colton in his Visitation of the Diocese of Derry, A. D. 1397. Edited from the original Roll, with Introduction and Notes, by William Reeves, D. D., M. R. I. A. In the Press. [Presented to the Society by the Rev. Dr. Reeves.] PUBLICATIONS SUGGESTED OR IN PROGRESS. The following Works are many of them ready for the Press, and will be under- taken as soon as the funds of the Society will permit: I. Corraac's Glossary ; with a Translation and Notes by John O'Donovan and Eugene Curry, Esqrs. In the Press. II. The Irish Archaeological Miscellany, vol. 11. III. The Annals of Ulster. With a Translation and Notes. Edited from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, collated with the Translation made for Sir James Ware by Dudley or Duald Mac Firbis, a MS. in the British Museum, by James Henthorn Todd, D. D., M. R. I. A., and John O'Donovan, Esq., M. R. I. A. IV. The Annals of Innisfallen ; from a MS. in the Bodleian Library, Oxford; with a Translation and Notes by John O'Donovan, Esq. V. Ecclesiastical Taxation of Ireland, circ. 1 300. Edited from the original Exchequer Rolls, in the Carlton-Ride Record Office, London, with Notes, by the Rev. William Reeves, D. D., M.R. I. A., of Trinity College, Dublin. VI. The Liber Hymnorum ; from the original MS. in the Library of Trinity Col- lege, lege, Dublin. Edited by the Rev. James Hentuorn Todu, D. D., il. li. I. A., Fellow of Trinity College, and the Rev. William Reeves, D. D., M. R. I. A. VII. Sir William Petty's Narrative of his Proceedings in the Survey of Ireland ; from a JIS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. Edited, with Notes, by Tnos. A. Laecom, Esq., R. E., V. P. R. I. A. VIII. Articles of Capitulation and Surrender of Cities, Towns, Castles, Forts, &c., in Ireland, to the Parliamentary Forces, from A. D. 1649 to 1654. Edited, with His- torical Notices, by James Hakdijian, Esq., M. R. I. A. IX. The Genealogy and History of the Saints of Ireland : from the Book of Lecan. Edited, with a Translation and Notes, by John O'Donovan, Esq., and James Henthorn Todd, D. D. X. An Account of the Firbolgs and Danes of Ireland, by Duald Mac Firbis, from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin; with a Translation and Notes, by John O'Donovan, Esq. XL bopama. The Origin and History of the Boromean Tribute. Edited from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, with a Translation and Notes, by Eugene Cuhrt, Esq. XII. The Progresses of the Lords Lieutenant in Ireland ; from MSS. in the Library of Trinitj' College, Dublin. Edited by Joseph IIuband Smith, Esq., A. M., M. R. I. A. XIII. A Treatise on the Ogham or occult Forms of Writing of the ancient Irish; from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin ; with a Translation and Notes, and preliminary Dissertation, by the Rev. Charles Graves, A. M., M. R. I. A., Fellow of Trinity College, and Professor of Mathematics in the University of Dublin. XIV. The Topographical Poems of O'Hecrin and O'Duggan; with Notes by John O'Donovan, Esq. XV. CogaO goomeal pe Jtilloib. The Wars of the Irish and Danes. Edited, with a Translation and Notes, from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, collated with a MS. in the handwriting of Pr. Michael O'Clery, now in the Burgundian Library at Brussels. By James Henthorn Todd, D. D., and John O'Donovan, Esq. XVI. The Municipal Laws of Dublin, from a MS. in the possession of the Lord Mayor and Corporation. Edited by the Very Rev. Richard Butler, Dean of Clou- macnois. In addition to the foregoing projected Publications, there are many important works in the contemplation of the Council, which want of funds alone prevents the possibility of their undertaking, such as the Brehon Laws, the Dinnseanclius, ihe Annals of Connaucht, the Annals of Tigernach, &c. &c. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 0035524995 5/A.- I^gV 1 ,■ 1955