I \tt.' EIGHT HOURS AND THE REASON WHY, WITH ADVICES HOW TO PUT THE PLAN IN PRACTICE. BY A PRINTER. UNION PRINTING COMPANY, 79 JOHN STREET. 1872 . In the great discussion which is going on between the representatives of capital and labor, the manufacturer says: I cannot get any more for the work turned out on the eight-hour system than I get now. My customers will take the work, so far as possible, away to other cities rather than pay me higher prices, and even at present prices I find it difficult to contend against the exces¬ sive competition, which cuts down my profits to a minimum. But suppose the manufacturers succeed in raising prices uniformly twenty per cent., then every article in the market will be enhanced by more than twenty per cent. With the same wages you cannot buy as much as before, and you are so much the poorer. There is no earthly good in the eight-hour plan; it will upset the equilibrium between capital and labor ; it will throw us out of all concurrence with European labor; exportation will cease; importation will become excessive ; the country will be ruined. The mechanic says: Our fathers worked twelve hours, our forefathers fourteen hours a day. We work less time than either of them, still we are not so much the poorer; on the contrary, we live more comfortably than our fathers ever did, and the country has not suffered any from previous reductions of time. The wages we are drawing no\y, when in regular employ, are generally satisfactory; but it is difficult to find employment at all times, in New York as well as in other cities, and all over the world. There are more hands wanting work than can obtain it, so another reduction of working time appears to be the only means of rectifying the matter. Shrewd argument has been used principally on one side ; experience and common sense on the other. On an average, the opinions upon the subject are rather confused, most people viewing the matter in such a light as agrees best with their own interests. On the part of the laborers a desire for working on the eight-hour plan is almost unanimous, and if they had any peaceable means at their command to establish it without great inconvenience to themselves, they would certainly resort to it. Unfortunately, there is no other way to enforce any concessions from the employers except a strike, and a strike generally cannot be sustained without illegal means. In consequence, the majority of laborers, afraid of the troubles and distresses of a strike, prefer to keep in the background, leaving all risk and responsibility to their more energetic and daring companions. Nor can we blame such mpn much for preferring a continuous small evil to the hardships of a strike, which will press not on them alone, but on wife and children too— especially as they are not secured against the humiliating event of having to go to work again under the old conditions. Let us consider what we are about. If we cannot attain our purpose we would be thought fools for having undertaken it; if we have a chance to gain an advantage and do not take hold of it, we would be fools for not doing so. If our demands are fair, the circumstances favorable, and if a convenient scheme can be resorted to which will facilitate our success, then it is our duty, in justice to ourselves, to make our claims and stand by them, no matter what the temporary sacrifice may be. 4 It is asserted that by shortening working hours by twenty per cent., all com¬ modities would be raised in price more than twenty per cent., so that the work¬ ing classes, unable to buy as much as before with the same wages, would see their position deteriorated in the same proportion as hours were reduced. Will not our opponents let this be our business ? Above all, this is positive : The demand for help will increase vastly, and many will find an opportunity for regular employ and regular earnings who now are sometimes in, sometimes out of work, and, upon the whole, lead a miserable life. Suppose that we, the regu- larlv employed men, want to sacrifice a portion of our enjoyments in favor of our poorer brethren, who will blame us for it? The truth is, however, and past experience has shown clearly enough that by a proper shortening of working hours the workman’s position has never yet become any worse. Our fathers, in some cases, had to work fourteen hours, and, notwithstanding all their labor and toil, they drew a miserable pay and had a life full of hardships. Would the gigantic progress of modern time, the blessings of new inventions, have bene¬ fited us any if we worked fourteen hours yet ? Certainly not. To do the same work, much fewer hands would be required, a large portion of them would be continually out of engagement, and, actuated by want, would seek work at almost any price, thus spoiling the labor market. Even now there are people enough who, from immediate want, would fain work under the price if they had a chance to. Let us, therefore, by a new reduction of time, mutually secure our independence and our positions, as our fathers have done before us. This anticipated rise of all prices by twenty per cent, or more, as the direct consequence of the eight-hour system is the great hobby of our opponents, and generally forms the cream of their argument whenever the matter comes to be dis¬ cussed. The assertion appears to be strikingly true on first hearing it; but on examining the same, I found theoretically only an advance of less than ten per cent., which, however, dwindled down to nearly nothing after taking the actual modifying circumstances into consideration. How some manufacturers came to figure out that an advance of twenty-five per cent, on wages (hour rates) would necessitate for them an advance of thirty or thirty-five per cent, on present prices, to make the same profit as before, I am unable to comprehend. Among others, the piano-manufacturers and printers of this city made that assertion. Suppose a printer pays his compositor §3.30 per day and charges his customer at the rate of $6.00 per day, calculating $1.00 to be his profit and $1.70 the proportionate cost of supervision, rent, interest on capital invested, wear and tear of material, and general expenses. After the day’s work has been fixed at eight hours, he will have to pay his man $3.30 as before, and, as the daily expenses will be $1.70 then as now, he need not charge his customer any more than $6.00 in order to make the same profit as before. The wages per hour would be 33 cents in the first case and 41 cents in the second case, an advance of twenty-five per cent. ; the respective charges per hour would be 60 cents and 75 cents, advance again twenty-five per cent. As piece rates call for only twenty per cent, advance, the manufacturers should on the average increase their prices only by something between twenty and twenty-five per cent. ; there is no reason for them to stick on thirty or thirty-five per cent. Our opponents generally begin their argumentation of the point in question with the premise : “If the new system is to be introduced at all, it should not be confined to one or a few trades, but, to be just and equable, should extend uniformly over all occupations.” This very premise, however, is preposterous. If all citizens were day laborers, employed in regular trades, and had no income but their wages, a general rise of all prices of say twenty-three per cent, would, doubtless, take place after the establishment of the eight-hour plan. But they are not all laborers, nor are all laborers employed in such trades as have any¬ thing to do with the plan. Farm hands, for instance, have hard and long work in summer time, but very little during winter; to set up a certain number of hours for them as a day’s work all the year through would be absurd. In the regular trades such masters as do not employ other men in their service would not either be governed by the plan; they will work even twelve hours, and 5 longer if necessary, to fill their orders. Nor -would the hands engaged in any sort of transportation be much affected by it; and many other occupations may be enumerated which rate the same way. Merchants and dealers would have no reason to add a larger, percentage on the cost for their profits. Evidently only the smaller portion of all hands engaged in production would be directly affected by the eight-hour system, consequently only the smaller portion of all products and commodities will be enhanced in price. To illustrate the correctness of this conclusion, let us examine how far the commodities which a workman generally can buy for his wages will be enhanced by the new system. As farm work is not affected by it, all agricultural products, i. e., all raw produce and all food should sell at the same prices as now. So he will be enabled to buy at present prices : Eood, for which he spends at least one- third of his wages; rent for his dwelling-place*, which, on an average, takes about a sixth; and all imported goods, which take something less than ten per cent, of his wages. These three items constitute the greater part of his total expenditures. The only important item besides them is clothing, for which the raw material will keep at present prices, so that its total advance must be less than twenty-three per cent. The same may be said of all his other necessaries and comforts, for the same reason. So the greater portion of a workman’s commodities will not be enhanced in price at all, while the smaller portion will rise less than twenty-three per cent., and a simple calculation will show the average on the whole to be less than ten per cent. The detriments consequent upon the new system will fall directly upon all other classes of the population; only a small share will finally fall back upon the workman. It may be said that the other classes of the population will ask more for their products or services whenever they find out that in consequence of the new system the purchasing power of their earnings has decreased somewhat. I do not doubt their disposition to that effect; the question is only: Can they get such an advance? Farmers would take two dollars for a bushel of wheat rather than one, even now, before the new system is established ; but the difficulty is, they cannot get the two, and there is no reason why they should be enabled to exact higher prices under the new system, for buyers will have no more money than now to spend for wheat or agricultural products. The essence of the eight- hour plan is to better the laborer’s position mainly at the expense of all other classes, and we think ourselves powerful enough to force this object. If the other classes would try to indemnify themselves and succeed in exacting higher prices for their products and services, laborers would have to follow, and would have to exact higher day-wages, too. Such general increase of all wages and prices, however, would not benefit any one party. The calculated advance of eight or ten per cent on the average prices of commodities would be correct only in the event of the new system being intro¬ duced all of a sudden over the whole country. But a system like this cannot be uniformly established in a day. The agitation for the same commenced a long time ago ; over a year has passed since the first actual success was gained ; a powerful movement for its enforcement has prevailed in New York city for almost half a year with but little success ; there is hardly any trade in which the new system has been fully established; a few of them compromised; and in most cases the laborers’ claim was defeated altogether. If the war is prosecuted the same as for the last four or five months it will be quite a while yet before the single city of New York is carried ; the trades have to be taken one by one. * It may be thought that the rent of new houses will increase somewhat in consequence of the eight hour system, because the building of new houses would become more expensive, and that the owners of established houses may take advantage of this, and also increase their rent in proportion. This supposition, however, cannot be sustained in consideration of the fact that landlords, in fixing the rent, are not guided by the cost ofbuild'ng a house, but by what they can get , which is generally much more than the cost of building would call for. Landlords nowadays take fully as much rent as they can get; they cannot get more than this unless there be a greater demand for dwelling-places. This demand^ apparently, will not increase; on the contrary, it may fall off, because many will be enabled to live fur¬ ther out, at places where the cheapness of lots will make up for the increased cost of building. 6 the different cities one by one, efforts will fail and will have to be made again. No reasonable man will dispute that the general introduction of the eight-hour plan will take several years for its completion. Meanwhile the inventing and. enterprising spirit of our age, stimulated by the exigencies of the situation, will be busy in making contrivances to counterbalance the new obstacles to cheap production and to get work done at lower rates, either by further division of labor, or by extending the use of machinery, or by improvements and new inven¬ tions, so as to do away altogether with a portion of the manual help. Many inventions and machines which are of doubtful avail under present conditions, will be of decided advantage after the manual labor which they are intended to supplant will be enhanced twenty per cent. From my own trade I can state that numerous efforts have been made already to introduce type-setting and press-feeding machines—there is little doubt that one day such machines will be in general use—the new system will extensively multiply such efforts and speed and facilitate their success, after which, printing will be cheaper at eight hours’ work than now at ten. Other improvements will be made in other trades, not only in those which are directly affected by the eight-hour plan, but in all branches of human industry, in manufacturing as well as in farming and trans¬ portation, and all such improvements help to cheapen commodities so that the final rise of the prices of commodities must be far less than as calculated above. A sudden introduction of the eight-hour plan may enhance the prices of com¬ modities by eight or ten per cent, on an average, but if extended over several years, as it actually will be, the enhancement will not be half as much, and will altogether be so paltry that the public at large will not notice it. Our opponents further assert that our expectation to see men better employed would not be realized, because the demand for manufactures would fall off in about the same proportion as manufactures would be enhanced from higher wages. For instance, if a piano could be produced for $250, a hundred of them might be sold per week, but if its cost would rise to $300, fewer would be en¬ abled to buy one, and only about eighty could be disposed of per week, so that no additional workmen would be employed in the manufacture of pianos, because it would not take any more men to make eighty pianos at eight hours’ work than to make a hundred at ten hours’. This assertion, however, is a mere assump¬ tion, which requires to be proved in order to be credible. Wages have been raised before, and more than twenty per cent, in the aggregate, but the demand for manufactures did not fall off in proportion as wages rose ; on the contrary it steadily increased. Why should a rise of wages lessen the demand this time, if it never did so before ? Our adversaries have to answer this question, before they can claim from us an acknowledgment of the correctness of their view. Experience has shown that if any one article was specially cheapened or enhanced, the demand for it increased or fell off somewhat in proportion. But it does not follow that a uniform enhancement of all commodities or of all manu¬ factures must diminish the total consumption of the same. If cabbage should become scarce and high-priced, the demand for it would fall off, and people would buy more potatoes, flour, meat, and other victuals ; or if potatoes were dear, cab¬ bage and the other eatables would be preferred ; but it would not be reasonable to suppose that in case the prices of all kinds of food went up uniformly, there would be less of it consumed, for people will want to be supplied in either case, and hardly will economize in opposition to their appetite. The decrease of de¬ mand for cabbage or potatoes in the respective cases was pretty palpable, and would induce many observers to generalize the single facts, deducing that the demand would always change in proportion as goods would become cheaper or dearer; they overlooked, that reduction of demand in one line in¬ creased the demand in other lines (which was not so palpable and not noticed so easily from being scattered over many articles), so that the total demand remain¬ ed about the same. A similar thing may be said of the products of manufac¬ ture ; if any one article of comfort or necessity will become high-priced, the 7 demand for it may fall off, and people will buy more of other commodities which may answer a similar purpose ; but a uniform rise of the prices of all manufac¬ tures must not necessarily diminish the total demand for them. The purchasing power of wages and incomes generally may be somewhat lessened; and from this it might be inferred that, as the community in the aggregate could not buy as many commodities as before with their incomes, the total production of commodities had to be diminished and there would be less work to give people employment. The point is, however: though the other classes of the population cannot buy quite as much as now, the working classes in the aggregate will be enabled to buy more than now—so the total demand will remain about the same as it is at present. Suppose that nowadays there are always twenty men, on an average, out of employment for every hundred men that are at work, which proportion would, after establishing the eight-hour system, be so changed that a hundred and fifteen men would find employment for every five that remain without it. The total wages paid per annum would be $100,000 in the first case and $115,000 in the other. Considering that the new system will depreciate the purchasing power of money by four or five per cent., the laborers can buy for this amount of $115,000 about as much then as for $110,000 now, L e., they will in the aggregate earn ten per cent, more than now, and their demand for commodities will increase in proportion. A man who is at present employed regularly all the year round will, of course, not derive any pecuniary advantage from the new system; on the contrary, he will find the purchasing power of his wages diminished a trifle ; the monetary benefit will fall on those who now are employed irregularly and cannot make full wages. Now, if our opponents cannot prove that the demand for commodities will fall off, they may take the opposite standpoint, saying the demand would become too large and could not be satisfied sufficiently, because all factories, if worked less time, would not have the same capacities as now to turn out work. This as¬ sumption would be right enough if the plan was to be uniformly established in a single day ; but it is preposterous in consideration of the long years which its introduction actually will take, and which will give the manufacturers time to properly extend their facilities. All that business-men so anxiously care for is “ demand wherever they find this, they know how to manage to meet it. While the demand for commodities will remain about the same as now, the demand for labor will be very much increased temporarily, even in greater proportion than the reduction of working hours would intimate. A printer who at present employs ten men and five presses to do his work will, upon the new plan, employ twelve men and six or seven presses to do the same work. He will have to hire a larger place and will have to buy more presses, more type and material—all of which will require hands again to manufacture the additional material and to build new factories. Other trades will have to extend their facilities in the same way. The total capital invested in such trades as are affected by the eight-hour plan will have to be increased by about one-fifth all through, and as an immense capital is invested in these trades, it can easily be seen that a considerable extension of the same must call for a vast amount of labor to procure the new facilities. The introduction of the plan, with its subse¬ quent creation of new industrial capital, will largely afford employment to cash capitals as well as to laborers that are now idle.* * The creation of new industrial or agricultural capital has been the reason why the growing indebt¬ edness of the United States to other nations, from large over-importations, did not exercise a very depressing influence on our general business, as naturally should be inferred, because the excessive importation of foreign goods kept our own manufactures down, and kept many of our laborers out of employment. If the cultivation and improvement of lands, the building of new machinery and of new factories, the rapid extension of our cities’, and therewith the creation of new capital, had not absorbed a great many laborers, the condition of trade and commerce in our country would be so distressing that Government would have been compelled long before this to do something in the matter. The increase of new industrial and agricultural capital at home has been far greater than the increase of our indebt¬ edness to Europe, so that the nation actually became richer at the same time that it became more and 8 A serious objection to the new system has been preferred by the employers when they stated that business would be wrested from them altogether, and would be taken to other cities or to other countries wherever the nature of the work would admit of it. They are fully justified in this apprehension, so long as the prosecution of the plan is carried on in the same manner as heretofore. 1 hough the workmen assert that other cities will follow as soon as the innovation is established in New York city, yet employers are not sure about this, nor is it likely that other cities will follow immediately; and in the meantime New Yorkers may lose a good deal of business. If the eight-hour plan could be introduced simultaneously at all places, this fear of the employers would be groundless, and in that case they would not show so much opposition to the plan. I shall say more about this subject and about the danger of increased importation in other parts of this treatise. _ Much has been said of late about the prospect of seeing business leaving the large cities altogether for smaller places, where Trade-Unions are not so powerful and the wages, even at the regular Union-scale, not so high ; while the workmen generally are more pliable because there is more difficulty in finding other situa¬ tions. Whenever the work of any particular trade thus leaves our city, the men have to follow. If they are satisfied to take less wages at a country place, all right. If they prefer to stay at the metropolis, they must have sense enough to modify their terms so that their work can compete with country work. But this is a matter which each particular trade has to settle for itself. As long as em¬ ployers can get and keep a reasonable supply of work, they are enabled to pay the laborers’ terms ; whenever the work actually begins to leave the city, then a modification of the men’s terms is advisable. On the other hand, I have to state that, though according to figuring, work can be done more economically at smaller places, yet it is not done there to a corresponding extent. Such manu¬ factures as allow of steady and regular work, for instance paper-making and cotton-spinning, are mostly done in the country, while those more dependent upon jobbing are preferably done in or near large cities, for instance iron-work¬ ing. Some trades are to a large extent dependent upon other trades or stores for materials, supplies and cooperation, and are in consequence bound to large cities, while others, from the simplicity of their manipulations, may be done in small places. With regard to my own line of business I can say that plain book composition, which is very simply done and requires but little variety of material, is done to a large extent outside of New York for City houses, while job and presswork, which always requires a great variety of supplies and repairs, can be done to better advantage in the city. As a general thing, manufacturers in large cities have to pay higher wages, but find many facilities as an equivalent for this, while country places offer cheaper labor, but fewer facilities; these points counterbalance each other in many cases. Manufacturers in large cities have another very important advantage from the greater market for the disposal of their products and from the easiness to hire additional hands in case of temporary extension of business. Occasionally I heard adversaries of ours, when discussing the topic among themselves, express the opinion that tho eight-liour-plan would do no good to the workmen, because the time gained by it would be wasted, and would merely enable them to resort so much the more to ginmills, grogshops, and so forth. This argument was, of course, not used in discussing the matter with the workmen, for *1 don’t believe that many of them Avould keep cool if such things were said to their faces. What do these men take us for ? Are we an inferior race, not fit to more indebted. Of course, the one fact does not justify the other, as the large foreign debt has ren¬ dered our financial position highly precarious, and, besides, American property should he held by Amer¬ icans ; it should not be owned by or mortgaged to foreigners. The want of employment still prevailing, to a deplorable extent, among our industrial laborers, shows clearly that there are hands enough for the home production of such manufactures as are now imported. 9 rank with them ? Is it a curse for us, what they would consider a benefit for themselves ? Are we not good for anything but to work and toil, and make life pleasant for them ? Those men think it very impudent on oun part that we combine to improve and secure our position against their convenience; they speak of our ruling the employers, controverting natural relations, and so on. Such men have strange ideas (if any) about the rights of humanity; they like to recognize only the rights of property, which secure to them the lion’s share of the products of the world, and think it an outrage that the original producers ask for a greater share of comforts than they have hitherto been accustomed to, and that in pursuit of this object they adopt such rules as will to some degree check the arbitrariness of capitalists. As long as the privileges of capital remain unim¬ paired, they believe social matters to be all right. Whether laborers live scantily or decently—whether they find employment, or from want of employment are exposed to misery, all that is not their look-out, and according to their views each one must see to his own affairs individually—at the worst, the community ought to keep the men from starvation. No wonder that, with these views on one side, communistic views spread on the other. I shall not attempt to question the rights of property as such; but at the same time I would like to see the rights of labor established, and wherever the two come in conflict, I would prefer to see the wel¬ fare of the laborers predominate over the privileges of capital. J. S. Mill has advanced the theory that the commonwealth has to say a word about landed pro¬ perty besides the owners, and, if necessary, is justified in cutting down their rights so far as the public welfare will demand it. I shall go a step further and propose that also industrial capital should be put under such restrictions as the welfare of a large class of society will demand, and should not be left entirely to the arbitrariness of proprietors, who naturally care merely for their own inter¬ ests, and to whom the workmen, in many cases, are of no more consequence than mere tools.—We cannot, however, expect such restrictions made in the shape of laws. The existing laws may not suit every one ; they fully acknowledge rights and privileges of capital, but scarcely know of any rights of labor; they secure to the capital-owner the horn of plenty, but do not protect the laborer from misery ; they benefit the rich more than the poor, and thus appear to be partial in favor of the former, but they cannot 'properly be otherwise if social order is to be maintained. Congress and the Legislature have manifested their sympathies with us, but this was about all they could do in the matter. Whatever restric¬ tions on capital have to be brought about, must emanate from the workmen, by taking advantage of the fact that capital cannot do without them. As long as they are disunited and make their bargains with the capitalists separately, the latter will be the more powerful party and dictate the terms, keeping in view the object to make remuneration small and work heavy, striving to employ as few laborers as possible, no matter what becomes of the unemployed ones. The capi¬ talist wants to see labor abundant, so as to readily get fresh hands in case his busi¬ ness extends, or in case the old ones do not suit him any longer, and get them on easy terms, too. The laborers, on the other side, would consider themselves to be on an even footing with the employers only if they could find other positions as easily as the employers find other men. They want to see all of their fellow- men at work, so as not to suffer from their competition. To satisfy the employ¬ ers, some of the workmen always must be out of work, and thus exposed to mis¬ ery, while the labor-party want to see a chance for a fair living secured to every one of their members. It is undeniable that the spirit of modern times and the dictates of humanity are fully in accordance with this wish of the laborers; and as they can secure this object only by uniting in joint action, and by laying cer¬ tain restrictions on the privileges of capital, it follows that Trade-Unions and their objects are in conformity with the spirit of modern times. Some theorists have argued, that as national wealth is dependent upon the superabundance of commodities, capital, and labor, and as these constituents of wealth should be fostered by allowing them the greatest possible competition, and protection against all restrictions whatever, that our efforts to secure a certain amount of minimum wages violated the freedom of offer and demand, 10 and consequently were unnatural and objectionable. This view, however, does not suit our interests exactly. We like to see all commodities superabundant in the market, also capital, but not the labor; for, while the former mean super¬ abundant wealth, the latter means unemployed and starving workmen. We like to see the prices of commodities and the interest on capital screwed down to the lowest attainable rate by encouraging the widest competition, but we do not want to have wages screwed down to a minimum by desperate competition of unemployed fellow-men. So long as theorists rate us along with horses and machines, which are intended to give the most possible work at the least cost; so long as we are considered merely a means f or production , theorists may be justified in their endeavors to make our wages a matter of “ offer and demand. But as soon as it is understood that we cannot rate along with mere tools, and that the products of our toil are intended to benefit us as well as others, we cannot be blamed for trying to secure a reasonable share of enjoyments to our¬ selves, even if the natural course of offer and demand should be violated some¬ what thereby. We naturally care more to be “object” for, than “means” of production. The laborer has more claims on society than protection from starvation or dependence upon the benevolence of others in case he cannot help himself otherwise. A man who is willing to work and toil for his sustenance should have an opportunity of earning not only the necessities of life, but also some of its luxuries, and should be enabled to live in decent style. A working-man should be enabled to procure for his wages a spacious and healthy dwelling- place; well-tasting, nutritious food; proper clothing suited to the seasons; insurance against fire, sickness and premature death; good education for his children. The latter items are pretty much at his command already, whenever he is in steady employ and draws fair wages, say eighteen dollars a week, or more; and with the progress of civilization his situation will be bettered yet. But the difficulty is, he is too often out of work and cannot always make full wages. On the other hand, the laborer is very badly off as yet with regard to dwelling accommodations. After working the long day in the stifling air of the factory he cannot compensate for this at night by changing to healthy surroundings, but generally has to resort to a class of dwelling-houses where the atmosphere is as bad or worse than in the factory. The statistics of mortality and sickness among the working-classes of large cities show these injurious influences plain enough, and are, without any further comment, an urgent monition that some¬ thing ought to be done for relief. The eight-hour system will not only secure to the workman better employ and steadier wages, but will, by giving him more spare time at morning and night, enable him to quit the detestable tenement- houses and to live further out in pleasant and healthy localities at much lower rent. If he could have a nice dwelling-place and more spare time to stay there, the interest in his home and his family would be strengthened, and he naturally would reflect more upon ameliorating home-life. To argue that a great many laborers would not avail themselves of this chance, and would prefer to stay in detestable tenement houses and in the neighborhood of liquor shops, would be entirely unfair. Many men feel so exhausted after ten hours’ steady work, that the use of some stimulant is almost a necessity for them, to refresh the drooping mind, though, unfortunately, they often take too much of the good thing; but this will in many cases be bettered after the cause of the evil is modified. We do not pretend that every laborer is a paragon, or that he always will do the right thing; nor do other people always use their incomes in such way as best conduces to their real welfare or that of their families. With advancing civilization, and especially with better education, the laborer will more and more make use of the advantages and benefits which the eight-horn 1 plan offers him. A few of our adversaries pretended they were not opposed to the eight-hour plan from principle; the same would doubtless be established at some future 11 time, and with progressing facilities of production the hours of toil might be reduced even below that; but they asserted that the enforcement of the plan Avas impracticable just at present. I should like to know what solid reasons those men can adduce for this assertion. The working hours have been lessened at different periods, down to fourteen, to twelve, and to ten. An age almost has passed since the last modification, the ten-hour system has lasted about as long as its precedent, and, judging from the time which has elapsed, another change appears to be indicated. During the twelve-hour period several labor-saving machines of great importance have been invented, and though they were not very extensively put in operation, yet they made up for the subsequent reduction of manual labor, so that no special disturbances of trade took place on the introduction of the ten-hour system. In an economical view it is evidently not of so much importance what labor-saving machines are invented as how far they are put in operation. Examining the last two or three decades on this point, we find not only that the inventing of new machines and improvements has assumed almost gigantic proportions, but especially, that they are made use of in a most extensive manner, more than ever could have been anticipated or imagined thirty years ago. We are better enabled now to make a reduction of working hours than our fathers were in their time—so, what reason can be adduced to abstain from it at present and wait until some future day ? Our adversaries can point with propriety only to the bad condition of our foreign commerce, which would grow worse by the contemplated plan; but I will show in another place how this matter can be adjusted so that it will not be in the way of our purposes. Otherwise the country is in a highly prosperous condition, her riches increase rapidly every year, large capitals are always trying to find employment; in contrast herewith, the laborers are mostly unable to make full wages, and while the wealth of the whole progresses, their position is deteriora¬ ting ; so a change in their behalf appears to be in proper time. Our opponents have asked sneeringly, why not reduce the hours of work to six, or to one, instead of eight ? I shall not stop to answer this question; but as it would be interesting to consider whether in future any further reductions of time would take place, and how far the matter might go, I shall give my opinion about the subject. Eight hours is about the shortest time that can reasonably' be considered a day’s work. Seven hours would look more like half a day’s work; and whenever it should come to that, men would try to arrange it so that they could have either the forenoon or the afternoon for themselves. In that case, however, a great many of them would accept occupation for their spare hours, in their own line of business or in some other line, so that the average of working time would be eight hours again, or more, and practically no reduction would have taken place. I really believe that no earnest attempts will be made for any further modification of “ a day’s work,” after the eight- hour plan is established. The introduction of labor-saving machines is generally intended to throw a set of workmen out of employment. During the last ten or twenty years a vast quantity of such machinery has been put in operation, and the labor market has been affected by this to a considerable extent. If the men thus thrown out of work could readily find employment in other lines of occupation, there would be no specially injurious influences connected with the superseding of manual work by mechanical power ; but it is well known that in nearly every trade or occupa¬ tion there are more hands wanting employment than can be accommodated, so that any additional hands find it very difficult to get themselves in. Though labor-saving machines are doubtless a great blessing to mankind, those injurious influences must be remedied in order to establish their full beneficence. In an economical view the result of their introduction should be either a greater share of commodities for each individual, or a reduction of the working¬ time for those engaged in production. Referring to the actual state of affairs, we find our working-time just as long as ten or fifteen years ago; and though our 12 comforts, or, as it were, the purchasing power of our wages, certainly have enlarged, this is not at all in such a proportion as the increased facilities oi pro¬ duction would admit of. We are enabled nowadays to supply many more com¬ modities than was possible in olden days, but people are not m the same propor¬ tion enabled to get at and procure such additional commodities. Evidently, the production can be increased faster than the demand for products. It all men were properly employed that are out of work now, a great many more commodities would be produced, which, if equally apportioned among the community, would materially augment the enjoyments of each one; but there is no demand for such additional commodities ; people can get all the commodities they want at the present rate of production—any additional supply could not be sold at profitable rates. On the other hand, manufacturers are anxious to produce only so much as the probable demand will call for, and they will employ no more workmen than would be sufficient to meet this demand. There is no difficulty in getting work done under ordinary circumstances, the great desideratum is how to dispose of the work. As the public cannot or will not buy all that could be produced, it follows undeniably that at present rates the power of production is too large in comparison with the demand for products, much to the injury of the working 1 classes, who have to suffer from this misproportion. To establish the equipoise, ,■ either the demand for commodities should be increased or the power of produc¬ tion should be diminished. As it is not in our power to do the former, we have to do the latter. Even the commodities which are actually produced are difficult to be disposed ] of, as is evinced by the pains which manufacturers and dealers have to take to find buyers for their goods, and by the establishment of that numerous class of between-men, agents and drummers, whom they had to resort to in order to over¬ come competition ; and even at that, sometimes goods remain unsold. There is actually more work done in the aggregate than the public demand calls for; and on the other side, there is not work enough done to keep employed all manual help that wants employment. This state of affairs has been brought about, not entirely, but to a certain degree, by the extended use of labor-saving machinery, and any further application of the same will have a tendency to enlarge the evil. In self-defence the laborers several times made war on such machines, which efforts, however, were neither wise nor of any avail. The eight-hour system is the most expedient means to check the injurious influences of labor-saving machinery on the labor market, and will turn into a benefit for each workman what heretofore a great many of them have cursed as the means of depriving them of their bread and butter. I said above that the application of labor-saving machinery should either pro¬ cure a greater share of material enjoyments for all people, or lessen the toil of the workmen. In truth, not only the former has actually been brought about, but the reduction of working time too—only in such a manner as is not desirable. When by means of some improvement five men are enabled to do a job in eight hours which formerly took them ten, the men should have their daily working hours reduced from ten to eight in order to be as steadily employed as before ;* the employer, however, who certainly would not establish the improvement if the men were to have all the benefit of it, prefers to keep four of them working just as long as before and to send one man off altogether. Thus a reduction of manual work actually has been brought about, but instead of being shared by each man and being adjusted uniformly over each day, as would be wanted by * Some political economists have made out that labor-saving machinery did not affect the labor market at all, because, if a labor-saving improvement had cheapened the products of any certain line of trade, for instance, hats, the public would not pay out so much money for hats as before, and would expend the money thus saved on other comforts ; and, though the hat'manufacture would take less hands in consequence, other manufactures would require more, so the men thrown out of work in one line of business would readily find employment in others. This theory sounds plausible enough, but any.practical man knows that all trades are overstocked with hands, ana that any additional men, unexperienced in the business, have little chance to get in. The men did not lose employment in the same proportion as their work was supplanted by machinery, because a portion of the efficiency of the latter resulted in augmenting our comforts; but the other portion resulted in throwing men out of employment. 13 the laborers, it comes highly irregular and generally when it is not wanted, leav¬ ing some of them for weeks or months without employ and without a sustenance. The eight-hour plan is not so much intended for reducing the total supply of manual work, as for taking a portion of the work off those who have too much of it and giving it to those who have nothing at all to do. It will not lessen the total working hours of all men taken together, it merely will apportion the work more uniformly over each man and each day. We do not propose to violate the natural relations between labor and the demand for it by debarring labor from employment where it really would be needed; on the contrary, we take the actual demand for labor as our guide and endeavor to make the supply to correspond to it. The question may be asked : “ Is it certain that eight hours will establish the right proportion, and might not nine hours answer the purpose ?” Of course it is very difficult to state up to the minute what working time would be best suited to the present state of business. I feel sure that considerably more than ten per cent, of all mechanics are on au average out of work—perhaps as many as twenty per cent. The number of additional men, however, for whom the eight-hour system, after been fully established, would procure employment, will hardly be more than ten or fifteen per cent, of their total number. There will always be men left without employment, no matter whether the day’s work be ten hours or eight, or even less. But in the latter case the want of employment cannot be so great as now, and so far as it has been brought about by labor-saving machinery, it will pretty much be neutralized. Labor-saving improvements have in some cases worked against the interest of the laborer; they will be his best allies in establishing the eight-hour plan. Another important point was suggested to me a short time ago, when I had a discussion about the topic with a reputable professor of extensive knowledge. He concluded with about these words : “ Waiving all other points, the plan is a failure for this single reason that it bears a tendency to destroy the basis on which the gigantic successes of modern improvements have been achieved. It will revolutionize the very principle of our progress and the drift of our times, which conspicuously point to the greatest possible concentration of business, while your plan will tend to scatter the trade and break up the large concerns, wherever the nature of the business will admit of it. A man of small business who works without the help of journey¬ men, has some advantages already over large concerns, because he saves the expense for supervision and master’s profits, and generally has more skill than a common workman of his line, which to some degree gives him an equivalent for the advantages of greater subdivision and extensive machinery in larger concerns. Though the latter hitherto had the upper hand and steadily gained ground, yet the situation may be reversed after the eight-hour system has put a serious restriction on the productiveness of large concerns, while the man of small busi¬ ness is not at all affected by it. He will work ten hours, and even longer, if he has work enough, and will try to make up for the lack of facilities of production by greater toil. The growing concentration of business has afforded opportunities to put many new inventions in practice, which never could have been of avail in a small concern. It has suggested and facilitated subdivision of labor to such a wonderful extent, that the same manual labor has been enabled to do far more work than in olden days. It has augmented our material enjoyments, thus improving our whole condition, and raising us to a higher point of civilization. By a measure which violently and contrary to the natural drift of affairs gives small concerns with imperfect means an advantage over large concerns fitted out with every facility for cheap production; by forcibly placing a rude state of business on better terms than the use of refined machinery can secure, you place a check on the very source of our progress in material enjoyments and in civilization, and try to throw us back into a position from which the most eminent thinkers and the greatest benefactors of mankind have just rescued us. Do you think you can reverse the natural course of our progress ? I hope not. A violent restriction on the natural develop¬ ment of our industry would be clear tyranny. But the progress of industry, and therewith of civilization, is irresistible, and will prove and always has proved more efficient than any tyrannical limitations which may be tried to stop it ; no matter whether they came from the ambition of a despot, or from the usurpations of the Church, or, as in your case, from the pre¬ sumptions of a powerful class of society.” That’s what he said, and, perplexed by the eloquence of the learned man, rather than by his reasons, I left him with a deep impression of his sagacity and 14 of the inexpediency of the eight-hour-plan. After a while, however, I began to think' that what he appeared to be so much afraid of, is the very thing which laborers ought to desire. Do not statistical returns show by plain figures how the middle-classes, which are so highly desirable in every State, are more and more disappearing ? Is not the complaint heard so often, that our present sys¬ tem tends to make the rich richer and the poor poorer ? The public have a decided dislike for the consolidation of business and capital in the hands of a few parties, and as the eight-hour-system will give a marked advantage to small concerns by offering them a kind of gratuitous equivalent for the want of machines and facil¬ ities,, and thus bettering their chances to rival their large competitors, it will in many cases check the further concentration of business, and will favor the growth of the middle-classes. The latter would be recruited mainly from the laboring- classes. While under the present system the laborer is more and more deprived of the chance ever to become anything more than a laborer, the new arrange¬ ment will increase his chances to become his own master in course of time, when¬ ever superior skill and ability adapt him to elevate himself above the mass of his fellow-men. He may be compelled to work harder and longer than a journey¬ man, especially at the beginning; but if he prefers freedom at that rate to easier work connected with dependence, this is his own look-out, and nobody should blame him for it. To society his competition with large concerns is merely a matter of dollars and cents, and not a matter of civilization or progress. If the larger capital in combination with extensive and more perfect machinery, and with greater subdivision of labor, cannot overcome the advantage which the eight-hour-system will give to small concerns, then it is preferable to have busi¬ ness scattered among the latter. Let capitalists resort to such lines of industry as really need a large capital; whenever work can be done successfully on a small scale, the laborers as well as society at large are interested in having it done so. It cannot be denied that our present condition is much better than it was in old times, but we dispute that our position is such as it ought to be if the disposable powers of production were properly utilized, and a fair distribution of the pro¬ ducts of human industry established. By a fair distribution we do not mean an even division of all commodities, though some hotheads of our rank may have made agitation in that direction—it is no more than reasonable that skilled labor be paid better than unskilled labor, and that the employer earn more than his workman does ; but, even without cutting down the enjoyments of the wealthy classes, there could be a greater share of commodities allotted to the poor. On one hand there is want of employment among the working-classes ; on the other hand, want of commodities. To produce the commodities, labor and capital are required ; the workmen and capitalists are offering to supply these requirements, if they can have additional commodities in exchange ; but, though the one is equiv¬ alent to the other, the exchange is prevented by some mysterious agency which in the ordinary course of business makes consumption continually fall short of the power of production. The workmen have tried to secure for themselves a greater share of commodities by repeatedly raising their scale of wages, but the result did not correspond with the expectation, because money lost a portion of its pur- chasing power. Now, if we cannot have the additional commodities which a judicious utilization of the unemployed working-powers would allow, then let us take what is accessible to us, and what is naturally suggested by the circum¬ stances, a reduction of working-time. Such a reduction would in many cases offer the working man an equivalent for the unattainable material enjoyments ; it would give him an opportunity of extending his intellectual and social enjoy¬ ments ; it would improve his health, and would be an important step towards establishing the maxim which I consider to be the great aim of modern progress : I hat man does not live merely to work , but that he works to enjoy his life. 15 ne-half of the present rate, so that he can then buy just as much for $10 as for $20 now. Consequently his position will be just as good as at present, and at the same time the great desideratum for the country’s welfare, the re-animation of our ex¬ port trade by lowering our prices and wages, would be secured. And the plan could be worked so smoothly and quietly, that the parties concerned, tradesmen as well as labor¬ ers, would scarcely become aware of the change till after it had actually been com¬ pleted. The plan is; Drive gold up to 200 per cent., and declare resumption of specie payments at that rate, leaving both greenbacks and gold (or certificates of gold deposit) in joint circulation for some time until it is thoronghly understood that one gold dollar is equal to two currency dollars. After that, return to the specie standard and gradually withdraw green¬ backs from circulation. 20 All contracts for a certain amount of dollars should be understood to mean currency dol lars, the same as now, and gold dollars only where this was specially mentioned. The effectiveness of the plan is based on the assumption that wages and the prices of all domestic articles would not go up when gold did. This assumption is so amply confirmed by the experience of the last ten years, that its truth cannot reasonably be disputed. When gold was up to about 300 per cent., wages were, on the average, not as high as now, though gold has come down to 113 since. The enormous fall of gold did not in any of its stages exercise the slightest influence on the general currency prices of labor, why then should wages be influenced any if gold should rise again to 200 per cent ? The rate of wages appears to be entirely independent of the fluctuations of specie. It is true that during the war both of them went up at about the same time, but who can prove that the rise of one was dependent upon the rise of the other ? They did not rise quite simultane¬ ously, nor in corresponding proportions. The laborer hardly became aware of the rise of gold except through the newspapers and by the rise of imported goods, of which he uses too little to feel sensibly affected by it; how then could the rise of gold exercise any pressing or immediate influence oh the laborer to ask for more wages, as long as the purchasing power of his wages remained the same P The fact is, the requirements of the war created such a vast demand for all kinds of products, that dealers took advantage of it to raise their prices all through, and in consequence the laborer, finding the purchasing power of his wages di¬ minished, was compelled to ask for more pay. He could easily enforce his claim, because there was a great demand for labor at the time, the number of laborers having been re¬ duced by enlistments, while for those remain¬ ing there was more work to do than for the whole of them before. The inflation of cur¬ rency, taking place at that time, produced in itself a tendency to depress the value of "Teen- backs. It was from this inflation combined with the great demand for products and labor created by the war, and not from the rise of specie, that wages and prices went up at that time. Theoretically, the purchasing power of a currency dollar should remain the same as long as the total amount of currency in the country remains the same, no matter what the fluctuations of agio be. The experience of the last ten years shows that the wildest fluctuations of agio did not exercise any direct influence on domestic wages and prices. So I am justified from theory as well as from ex¬ perience in presuming that a mere rise of agio by 80 or 90 per cent, will leave our currency prices and wages essentially the same as now. A mechanic who at present draws $20 a week, equivalent to $17.70 gold at 113 per cent, will draw $20 a week when gold will have risen to 200 per cent., making $10 specie; and he can buy for his wages then about as much as now. The manufacturer, not paying any more for wages, can supply his goods at the same currency prices as now; and the farmer who can buy manufactures and other commodities at present prices, has no reason to ask any more for his corn and provisions, and no chance to get any more. Currency prices and wages will not be altered from their present standing, only the currency itself will have its gold value reduced. The beneficial influence of my plan on the general business of the country will consist in opening a wider market for our produce; the farmer who at present is confined to the United States for the disposal of his provisions, these being too high-priced for all the rest of the world, will find an opportunity to extend his market over the whole of Western Europe, after my plan has enabled him to supply his produce at about half of the present gold price, and while he now leaves large tracts of his farm unutilized, and has to let a considerable pro¬ portion of what he actually raises go to waste, because he cannot find buyers for it, he then will find an outlet for all his produce, and can rapidly extend the cultivation of his lands. Our planters who now supply a large propor¬ tion of the cotton used in the world, will be enabled to overcome and suppress all competi¬ tion, after their present prices are lowered to little more than half. All our agricultures will flourish as they never did before. Our industries will likewise receive a vigorous impulse, and though their main object must be to supply the home demand and to keep foreign manufactures away, yet a portion of them may be placed on such terms as to com¬ mence exportation. And our ship-building and seafaring interests will revive from their sad decay, to carry the American flag once more over all the seas of the world and into the remotest harbors. While at present we have to buy more goods from foreigners than we can sell them, this will be entirely changed by the proposed in¬ novation. Our exportation then will not only counterbalance importation—it will exceed the same so much that the interest on our for¬ eign-debt could be paid out of the surplus, leaving still a balance to gradually pay off the debt itself. At the same time a large portion of such commodities as are now imported will then be produced here. I compute that the pecuniary advantage which our country will derive from the change cannot be less than $490,000,000 per annum—the greater portion of which amount will have to be paid to the working classes, so that they will receive the principal share of the benefits of the financial plan. The above amount, when apportioned over the workmen, will increase the income of each one, on an average , by not less than $50 currency per annum, as his direct advantage from the innovation; his indirect advantage, however, will be much larger. Suppose a farmer, from being enabled to dispose of a lar¬ ger share of his products, has his income increased by $50 per annum ; he will, in con¬ sequence, indulge the more in luxuries—which would principally consist of manufactures. The manufacturer, in turn, will find more 21 disposal for Ilia products, not only from his supplying such goods as are now imported, but, in addition, from increased home demand. He will have to employ more men and thus pay out more money for wages. The work¬ men, earning more wages in the aggregate from better employment, will buy additional commodities or luxuries in proportion, part of which will consist of agricultural products, fruit, tobacco, wine, etc., consequently farmers and planters will find additional means of dis¬ posal for their produce, not only from in¬ creased exportation, but from increased home demand , too. The change in our foreign com¬ merce, alone, may enlarge the farmer’s income by $50 ; the increased home demand will raise it probably to two or three times that amount. The same will be the case with the wages of industrial workmen. The establishment of mv plan will benefit our country not only to the extent of what money we would save or gain in our foreign commerce; it will, in ad¬ dition, exercise an invigorating influence on our whole domestic business. It will increase incomes, augment our material enjoyments, and thereby raise the wealth of the whole country to a higher point. As to the working of the plan I do not appre¬ hend any difficulty in driving the gold up— it is certainly easier to do that than it was to get it down to its present unnatural rate. If the establishment of the plan should be con¬ sidered by Congress and the prospects of its success be increasing, gold will probably rise in corresponding proportion; and at the time of its adoption I believe gold will stand at about 200 per cent. In case it should not go up so readily, Government has means enough to make it scarce in the market, and in an ex¬ treme case may inflate the currency to a limited extent, which will, doubtless, enforce the desired result ; but I say this rather to show what ultimately may be done, than with the expectation that it will be done. As green¬ backs have no value in themselves, there is no reason why they should rate higher than fifty cents on the dollar after a declaration of Gov¬ ernment has removed the possibility of ever claiming any more for them; nor would hold¬ ers of gold choose to dispose of it below that rate, in expectation of its speedy rising. A gradual rising of gold may be preferable to such suddenness, but in neither case can any unfavorable consequences be anticipated, except for some gold and stock gamblers, who, however, have no claim on mercy. Importers will find ample time to sell out their stocks at the same gold prices as now, before our reviv¬ ing manufactures will open new channels for procuring goods that at present are imported. Nobody will be impoverished by the operation except those gamblers; on the other hand, holders of gold and Government securities will see their fortunes nearly doubled in conse¬ quence. If Government would drive our currency up to par and then offer to resume specie payments in spite of the general mistrust in the present high standard of greenbacks, there would be such a rush of the same for redemption, that at least $500,000,000 of the $700,000,000 now current would be presented; as Government has only about $50,000,000 specie on hand, it would have to make a foreign gold loan of $450,000,000 more to meet the demand. The resumption according to my plan, being on a more natural basis, would not leave such an uncertainty whether it could be carried through, and the demand for redemption would be much smaller than ..in the other case. But even if $500,000,000 were presented, only £250,000,000 specie would be required, and as Government could easily draw another $(>0,000,000 out of the country without mak¬ ing a loan, only $150,000,000 gold would have to be procured from foreign bankers.* The balance of the currency could readily be ex¬ changed for certificates of gold deposit, or rather for a new gold currency then to be issued. And a portion of it may be with¬ drawn from circulation altogether, as the specie now in the hands of private individuals, which would then come into circulation, would make up for such withdrawal. I have proposed resumption of specie pay¬ ments at 200 per cent., because that rate will facilitate joint circulation the most, and the gold basis can be the more easily introduced that way. The necessity of reducing our large foreign debt by lively exportation may point rather to resumption at 300 per cent., which rate, at the same time, would leave some scope for future attempts to raise wages. and prices, without throwing us back into our present position: but the difficulty is to as¬ similate the specie standard to our present cur¬ rency at such an uneven rate. On the other hand, our exports are quite respectable even now, considering the circumstances, and as the same must be very much increased by the con¬ templated plan, it is likely that our foreign trade will be placed on quite a fair footing even by resumption at 200 per cent. The wages current here then would still be con¬ siderably higher than in Europe ; but this has been so for ages, and we may prosper at that in future as heretofore. The skill of American workmen, our perfection in machinery, and our peculiar advantages for agricultural pro¬ duction from the cheapness of land, and from the large extent of our country, would give us a proper counterbalance against the cheapness of European labor. And if any of our manu¬ factures, the cultivation of which is desirable, should, nevertheless, be unable to stand free competition, the matter can easily be arranged by proper protection. The essence of the whole plan is the joint circulation of greenbacks and gold, so as to fully impress on the mind of the public that two dollars in currency are worth exactly one dollar in gold. The farmer must learn that 75 cents specie will pay his bushel of wheat just as well as $1.50 currency; the boy, that two twenty-five cent stamps and a quarter dollar piece make the right change for a currency dollar; and the journeyman, that $12 cur¬ rency and $4 gold make his full pay of $20. * Provision ought to be made to take up National Banknotes just as well as Treasury notes; otherwise the former would lose in value. 22 Thus one standard can be substituted for the other without a sudden change. The chief merit of my plan is that it modifies and lowers all prices and wages uniformly without necessitating a bargain between the parties con¬ cerned. In no other case can a modification of actual or nominal prices take place without a special negotiation to that effect; and, as human nature is, either the one or the other party will try to gain an advantage in the bar¬ gain. If I would propose to my landlord to settle the monthly rent of $20 in specie, he would have no objection to take twenty gold dollars and call it square. But if I wanted to deduct an agio of 13 per cent., offering him $17.70 gold in full, he would not fancy the change much, saying that that was not accord¬ ing to the original agreement, and, to settle the matter, he probably would propose to call it even eighteen dollars gold. If gold rated at about 200 per cent, instead of 1 < 3 per cent., he would not like either to take $10 gold for the greenbacks. But if specie and currency were in joint circulation according to my plan, he would take the $10 gold without any deliberation. The question whether our national debt is to be paid in specie or in currency would be left open the same as now, but would, as soon as my plan was about to be established, become of more immediate importance than ever. If the debt was payable in currency, it would, after the contemplated operation, amount to just half of what it would otherwise be. From common sense I should say that a debt ought to be paid back in the same medium in which it was contracted; and if it was specially stipulated that the interest should be paid in gold, it naturally must be inferred that the capital should not be so. However, a great many of our citizens, and especially foreign nations, have made a point of honor of the matter, and though it may not be equable, it may be wise to declare the debt payable in gold. If the foreign holders were left to understand that our securities should be redeemed at the rate Of $50 gold for $100 in bonds, the latter would fall at once in price. Europeans would try to get rid of them and throw large quantities back on our markets, and as they would want specie in exchange, while, on the other hand, the little stock of specie in our country would be exhausted at the very beginning of the panic, the dreaded crisis might come over us just while we were preparing to guard against it. The foreign holders should be secured by a plain proclamation of Government to pay the public debt in gold at maturity. The burden to the country would not be materially increased thereby, as the annual interest will be exactly the same in both cases. But., after confidence in our papers and stability in our foreign trade have been established, wo might manage to reduce the interest from (> per cent, to 4 per cent., which would benefit us far more in the long run, than a future settlement of our debt in currency. The assumption, that a rise of gold would not affect the purchasing value of greenbacks is, of course, correct only so far as domestic products are concerned. Such articles as sugar, tea and coffee will rise in proportion with gold, but other articles, which are now imported, such as woven goods, and which can be produced in this country after the in¬ troduction of my plan, will not rise in the same proportion. As the laborer altogether does not spend one-tenth of his income for imported goods, his financial position will not be sensibly affected if imported goods are enhanced somewhat. A capitalist who owns $20,000 and draws $1,400 annual interest will, after the specie standard has been restored by means of my plan, be worth only $10,000 gold, and draw only $700 interest. As his capital at present amounts to $17,700 gold at 113 per cent, he can make out that by the operation he woidd lose $7,700. So far as nominal values and fig¬ ures are concerned he is, it is true, correct, but the purchasing power of his capital as well as of his interest, will remain the same as before. If he considers his riches to con¬ sist of mere figures with a number of ciphers attached to them, he will, doubtless, be greatly impoverished. If he measures his wealth by the amount of commodities or enjoyments which he can procure by either capital or in¬ terest, he will not find himself impoverished at all. He will lose just as little by the op¬ eration as the laborer does, who also will have his nominal income diminished one- half. There are many items of minor importance, which I cannot enter into here, and which will have to be adjusted if the plan should come to life, for instance salaries of Government officers; fixing the amount of the specie loan necessary for resumption; regulation of the tariff and consideration of the probable effect on revenue from customs ; substitution of specie cents for our present currency cents (half cents); but all of these points can be adjusted more or less conveniently, and none of them will allow of any serious objection to the plan, though I do not doubt that many objections will be pre¬ ferred against the same. I myself do not call it perfect in every respect, but it is the best which I can imagine, and, I am sure, it w r ill work well when tried. Whoever knows any¬ thing better, let him come forth and speak out. The plans which hitherto have come to light for the settlement of our difficulties cannot compare with it. The public press will, in many cases, oppose it and say that the honor of the nation will not allow such an act of “ clear repudiation,” as they will call it. I would ask, does the honor of the nation suffer more by a partial payment of her promissory notes, than by not paying them at all ? Gov¬ ernment has been striving at resumption of specie payments ever since the close of the war, but there is no indication w'hatever of its i early accomplishment. Again, how can the honor of the nation be in any way affected by such a measure ? There are none of our green¬ backs in foreign countries, so the matter is an entirely domestic affair, to be settled among ourselves. Suppose a case where one part of our citizens through legislative means would deprive the other part of a portion of their own, for instance by the establishment of communism, then the honesty of such a trans¬ action may justly be questioned ; but there is nothing like this in our case. By the proposed measure no one will be the loser, but all will be benefited. The performance of said plan consists of two operations—first to drive up the premium on gold to 100 per cent, above par, and secondly to redeem greenbacks at that rate. Now, in case the honesty of the plan should be ques¬ tioned, which of the two operations is the dis¬ honorable one ? Is it the redemption ? As soon as the premium of 100 per cent, on gold is an established fact, a holder of two currency dollars will not lose anything by receiving one gold dollar for them; so, as there can be no complainant there can be no wrong. Nor need the redemption be a formal one; the green¬ backs may be exchanged by unofficial agents, in a similar way as is now done whenever Gov¬ ernment wants to dispose of its superfluous gold. Is it morally any worse to sell gold at 200 per cent, than to sell it at 113 or 114 per cent ? Or, on the other hand, is it dishonor¬ able for Government to drive up the agio to 100 per cent ? It would be so for speculators, who by such operations merely intend to enrich themselves and make others the losers, but in the present case there would be no losers and consequently nobody wronged, as it is a special condition of the success of the plan that a greenback should lose noth¬ ing of its purchasing power during the rise of agio, so that with gold at 190 per cent, one could buy about as much for a currency dollar as at 113 per cent. In case any one who wants to be sharp about the matter should argue that Government and the holders of greenbacks are two distinct and opposed parties and that it would be unfair for the one party to try to get over the understood obligations to the other, I can set up another point: If Government at the time agio began to rise had offered at once to redeem greenbacks, dol¬ lar for dollar, its action would have been just and fair. By refusing to do so on request, it has broken its understood obligations already. Since that the financial condition of Gov¬ ernment has been so brilliant that a specie loan might have been negotiated wherewith to redeem all greenbacks; Government never cared to do so. Instead of this it has tried through all kinds of financial manipulations to get agio down, and its officials claim the effected reductions of agio as the result of such efforts; as it were, Government did not care to meet its obligations in a straightfor¬ ward way, but tried to get over them by financial tricks. Now, if Government is al¬ lowed to exercise any influence on the money- market at all, is it morally good to depress the agio and morally bad to drive it up ? To common sense one is just as good or as bad as the other. In pushing up the price of gold to 200 per cent., Government will not do any¬ thing more objectionable than what it has done already, and in redeeming Treasury notes at that rate it will, in principle, do the same as it does every month now. Whoever has approved the course of Government hereto¬ fore cannot find my plan to be dishonorable. The introduction of this plan will depend upon the working classes more than upon all the rest of the population together. The eight-hour plan was acknowledged by Con¬ gress and the Legislature, principally out of respect for the votes of said classes, and by a general combination of the latter it cannot be difficult to enforce the above financial plan too. The capitalists may contend against it (in which case, by the by, they would mani¬ fest that they only care for the welfare of the country when it coincides with their peculiar interests to do so, but disregard the country as soon as they fancy their own interests en¬ dangered), but whatever powerful influences they may sometimes exercise on legislation, their combined influence cannot withstand the combined influence of the working classes. And by simply passing Congress the plan would be effectuated, unlike the eight-hour plan, which after the approval of the Legisla¬ ture remained a problem pretty much as be¬ fore. My plan proposes to raise the price of gold, and thus lower specie wages and prices. If matters are allowed to go on as now, the same results must finally take place, only under entirely different circumstances. Is it not better to master the situation than to wait till the situation masters us ? The evil has grown so large already that it will take long years to wipe it out. Is it not preferable to apply the remedy now, while it will be re¬ ceived as a general blessing, than to wait till it is enforced upon us with an endless train of calamities ? iwgramrae for ffislaMisMafl tte The efforts which have been made during the last four or five months to enforce the eight-hour plan have proved so inadequate that at present the whole movement has come to a standstill. An impression is prevailing that the plau will yet be established, sooner or later, and in many quarters it is believed that within a few years the innovation will be a matter of fact; but how this is to be accomplished cannot be seen from present aspects. To expedite the matter, I shall lay out three schemes, each of which will be in itself an efficient aid towards success, but, when applied combined, and properly managed, will put the glorious triumph of our cause out of question. u In the first place I suggest that the above financial plan be supported and carried out. This would at once dispel all fears that the eight-hour system would drive a portion of our industries out of the country, thus increasing preju¬ dicial importation—which fears would otherwise be well founded; it would' benefit the whole country by giving a powerful stimulus to exportation and to business in general; and, most important for our cause, it would procure employment for a great many workmen, and increase the demand for labor. In fact, if the better employment of men were the only object of the eight-hour plan, this financial measure might almost answer as a substitute for it, because it will produce that very result. But as the eight-hour system is desirable for other reasons also, and as it doubtless will be established ere long in either case, it may be better, to place our industries on the right footing, at the same time when the said financial arrangement will open a new era for them. An increased demand for labor thus having been effected, the workmen will be better enabled to force their claim, because in case of a strike they will not suffer so much from the competition of such men as were out of employment even before the strike, and who would be anxious to get into work at any rate. Generally the laborers are so situated that at dull times, when a bettering of their position is most needed and a means to secure better employment for them is most desirable, they are less able to force any measures in that direction, because the small demand for labor and the large offer of it make it easy for employers to withstand an eventual strike; while, when business is in a prospering condition and when employers are most dependent upon the workmen, and could the more easily be compelled to accede to any claims of theirs, the necessity of a measure for securing better employment has gone, and the men have not the zeal to do anything in the matter. The proper way, however, would be to make provision for bad seasons during the good season. The above financial arrange- ] inent will put the labor market in such a position that any negotiations with the employers about the eight-hour plan will have the best chance of success. 1 have stated above that by means of this financial plan, by driving up the pre¬ mium on gold, we would voluntarily establish a change, which, in course of time, would be enforced npon us anyhow by the circumstances. The plan accommo- i dates itself to actual necessity, merely endeavoring to bring about the change in such a manner and at such a time as would best suit our interests. With regard to the eight-hour arrangement, I would likewise propose that we accommodate ourselves to a necessity which inevitably is connected with its introduction: it is impossible to establish the new system all of a sudden; it would, with the greatest efforts on our part, and under incessant struggles, take several years for its accomplishment.* Let us suit ourselves to this fact, and be satisfied to have the introduction of the plan extended over three or four years, but doing it with system, in a convenient manner, and in most cases avoiding all strife. Let the reduction from ten to eight hours take place GRADUALLY; but let the whole matter be understood, agreed and settled with the employers at once. feuch gradual reduction may be arranged either by taking off three hours per week at the beginning of every year, or one hour every three or four months, until the reduction ot twelve hours is completed. So the working time would be: 59 or b'J hours in 1872, 57 hours in 1873, 54 hours in 1874, 51 hours in 1875, and 48 hours m l® 76 5 or 59 hours in January, 1873, 58 hours in May, 1873, 57 hours in September, 1873, &c. To increase wages of piece-hands in the same propor¬ tion would, in most cases, bo impracticable, because the rate-units are often such small amounts, that an addition of one or two per cent., or even of five per cent., could not properly be traced, and, besides, the capitalists would be bothered in their calculations by such frequent changes. A better way may be to add ten per cent, on the first reduction of three hours, and another ten per cent, on the third iet uc ion, i tie yearly reductions are adopted; or ten per cent, after one year, and the balance after three years, in the other case. See page 5 . 25 A sudden uniform reduction of twelve hours would not be desirable even for the workmen. Suppose it could be accomplished, then the necessity to augment or extend by one-fifth all machinery and factories now engaged in production, at the same time that all spare help should, in consequence of the reduction, be absorbed in the regular production of commodities, would create an immediate excessive demand for labor, which could not be complied with / so that the greatest confusion would be originated, resulting in an unproportionate rise of the prices of all commodities connected with the new system. As soon as this immediate demand is satisfied some way or other, the hands engaged by it would be let off again, and the subsequent relaxation might leave the labor-market in nearly as bad a condition as now. It is never wise to artificially diminish the supply of labor below the demand for it. A gradual decrease of working-time would enable capitalists to gradually extend their facilities—the only method by which they can do it at all. The objection of employers, that the eight-hour arrangement would not allow them to turn out as much work as now, and that in consequence they would have to lose portion of their customers, will be fully overcome by establishing the innovation by degrees. In the third place, I would recommend more uniformity of action on the part of Trade -Unions. The present mode of other cities to leave all initiatory steps to New York workmen, and to wait until we have fought it out for them, before they do anything in the matter themselves, is utterly inadequate to secure success. It takes a powerful combination and joint action over the whole country to force such a measure as the eight-hour plan. The practice of the last five months was to confine the agitation to one city, extending it over the various trades of the same. I suggest, to confine the agitation and the strikes to one trade at a time, but to extend the same over all cities of the United States simultaneously. Let one trade strike at a time over the whole Union, while all other trades by pecuniary subsidies support the strike. After two-thirds or three- fourths of all men of that one trade find employment on the new system, take another trade and manage in the same way, always keeping sight of the pecuniary means and going, further on only after the necessary means of success are pro¬ vided. Such trades as have the strongest organizations, i. e. where the greatest proportion of workmen belong to the Union, should commence the agitation. By means of such simultaneous action manufacturers would be enabled to raise their prices in conformity with wages, without, fear that the higher prices would drive work away to other places. So this scheme would offer the double advantage to employers of protecting them from losses and preventing work from emigrating to other cities, while, in behalf of the laborers, it would prevent employers from getting work done outside, or procuring workmen from other places, so that in that particular trade an almost complete stoppage of business would ensue, which would exert such a heavy pressure on obstinate employers that they could not withstand it for any length of time. In fact, after seeing the extensive preparations on our side, manufacturers would hardly let it come to a strike, especially if the innovation was to be made in such a mild and convenient manner as I have proposed above. To establish the eight-hour system in a single city has proved to be too difficult a task ; its establishment over the whole Union can be accomplished much easier. The three schemes are, then: Increase the demand for labor temporarily by driving up the premium on gold to 100 per cent, above par. Let the reduction of working hours take place by degrees. Let the necessary strikes be made simultaneous over the whole country. I stated above that the financial reform can be carried through almost by the simple decision of Congress to have it done. Congress can be influenced to that effect if the people, and especially the working classes, elect only such men for office, for the Legislature and Congress, as have pledged their word to support 26 the plan, without regard to party politics. I think it time for the laborer to direct his attention somewhat more to such political matters as really concern his own welfare, rather than stick to old party organizations which have outlived their time, and, after accepting the actual facts, have approached each other so much that the remaining distinctions between their principles are almost trifling, scarcely leaving anything more than the distinction between the men. What real difference does it make to the citizens and to the laborers, whether they live under a Democratic or under a Republican Government, provided either be free of corruption ? Cannot a citizen live and thrive as well in Democratic Maryland as in the Republican District of Columbia ? The question whether a day’s work shall be eight or ten hours is a hundred times more important for the laborer, than to know whether the Democrats or the Republicans will elect the next President; yet the public press and the politicians make at last ten times more fuss about elec¬ tion and party affairs than about the labor and financial questions. Congress, too, has spent more time on party politics and other trifles, than on the great questions of national economy, which first of all ought to constitute its business sphere. If our economical situation were in such a fine condition of order and stability as, for instance, obtains in England, I would not blame Congress for spending its time chiefly on the details of government. Every thoughtful man, however, who is capable of forming a judgment at all, has an impression that we are driving towards financial ruin. The statistical returns published every year show that we are getting fearfully indebted to other nations, thus indicating that some¬ thing or other is going grossly wrong in the country, and the public press has repeatedly dwelt in sad reflections on the matter and has asked where will this ® n( i * ^ * s undoubtedly the duty of Congress to inquire into these matters and to find a remedy; but if it is too busy with other affairs, let us take the matter m our own bands and send men there who comprehend the exigencies of the situation and are willing to do their duty. A prudent business-man will give his first attention to putting his financial affairs m a healthy condition, knowing that he can indulge in luxuries and tancies with safety only after his material position is placed on a firm basis. A government, too, ought to strive first to place the finances of the country on a sohd foundation, as only then a normal development of industry and commerce can be thought of. The accomplishment of the above financial plan, or of some measure equivalent m its effects, is absolutely necessary in order to place our business relations in a healthy condition, even if a reduction of working time were not contemplated at all. If this plan and its beneficial consequences for all classes of the population were fairly understood by the public, I do not doubt that the latter would, merely by the weight of its opinion, compel government to adopt it. The laborers, to whom it would not only allot the lion’s share of its direct advantages, but, m addition, open a road to further success, should make its ^^^ ;ublTin^L 1 o?'* and 8h ° Uld U8e aU th “ r 6nergy inflUenC6 E£» footing ^ twelve f) l understood, however, that by putting wages on about the then, because the purdasiny powerof hkwTges fficMn^u st'?,!"“ ft T there would be more employment. f l "“ nc “‘ l refonn 11 woold become better than now, because the samla/terthecEe a nl h n ne ^P a P e , rs told him about it ? His currency wages will he 27 In arranging the second scheme, that form of gradual reduction should be chosen which is most convenient for the employers, provided the change be completed within the specified term. The arrangement may be different for the various trades, though within the same trade uniformity is preferable. A con¬ tract should be made with the employers to the effect, that they will reduce working-time in their shops at the periods agreed upon, without the necessity of any further negotiations in the matter. The proposition has been made to let the eight-hour-system take place after a certain time, say after twelve or eighteen months, and then of a sudden, with a view to give employers an opportunity to extend their facilities in the meantime, so that they would be prepared for the innovation at the lapse of said time. Such kind of protraction, however, would not do any good. As human nature is, employers will not make use of the given opportunity ; but, before investing addi¬ tional capital in business, will wait until they see the new system actually estab¬ lished. To accomplish the third scheme, a far more stupendous combination among work¬ men is requiredthan anything tried heretofore in that line. According to the pres- sentmode of striking, each individual Union has to look out for itself, being pretty much dependent upon its own means, and unable to rely upon a regular supply of the necessary funds in case its own means give out. Wherever the workmen had to meet organized opposition, their efforts generally failed. The present organizations may have been sufficient for past decades, when the war generally was local, and its diffusion prevented by the prolixity of connection with other cities. The improvements of modern days, however, by facilitating connections, by reducing time and space, have extended the means for contending against strikes, while our organizations remain as they were before, of a local nature, and proved totally insufficient to force such a measure as the eight-hour-plan. To achieve this, all single Unions have to combine in joint action, forming a union of Unions, a ruling central body, which would have to devise and to govern the whole movement. To get at this, I propose that a general convention be called, to be constituted of delegates from every Union, with the object of deliberating on the above schemes, devising a detailed programme for carrying out the eight-hour- plan, and nominating candidates for the offices of a permanent Central Union, or Headquarters, which would have to take charge of the execution of the pro¬ gramme, and would have to give directions and information to the individual Unions. Such a programme should be submitted to the ratification of the Unions. If a large proportion of the latter, say f- or T 9 y, would ratify the same, and would agree to comply with the orders of the Central Union, and to raise such subsidies as it would prescribe, the election of officers should be proceeded with and action commenced. As the accomplishment of the first essential object, i.e., financial reform, is dependent upon the decision of Congress, and as Congress probably will not do anything in the matter unless challenged by public opinion, the said officers should direct their endeavors towards agitating the question in the public press, and should, by turning the political influence of the working classes to the best avail, try to effectuate that only such men be elected for Congress, the Legis¬ lature, and important public offices, as have manifested their sympathies with the working-classes. They should invite every candidate to define his views in the matter, and should bring the result of such invitation to the knowledge ot the respective voters. After effectuating financial reform, we cannot derive any fur¬ ther advantages towards establishing the eight-hour-plan from political agita¬ tion ; it is time, then, to organize the strikes, the Central Union deciding which trades are to begin, and how the necessary funds are to be raised. The monetary support afforded to the strikers should not be too scant; it should be about three- fourths of the regular wages. All subsidies should be handed over directly from the paying to the receiving Union, to avoid corruption among the officials, and should be considered as loans, bearing interest at seven per cent. The striking Unions should issue bonds for all subsidies they receive, such bonds to be issued nominally by the Central-Union, and to be guaranteed Dy all the represented Unions of the country, though that Union which received the money would have 28 to look after their redemption. Such bonds, if split up in convenient amounts, Avith coupons attached, would at once become a regular commercial paper, and could be disposed of in the stock-market, as the liability of all Unions together AA'ould give ample security for the same; or, in case they should meet with any mistrust in the market, a slight pressure on such savings-banks as have many workmen among their depositors, would induce them to take any quantity of such papers. To illustrate the modus operandi of this plan, let us suppose the type-setters over the United States stop working all on the same day; and again, that the masons of New York city hand to the compositors of New York city a subsidy of $100. In consequence the Central Union will issue a bond of $100, signed by its officials, of the tenor that the constituents of the Central Union, i. e., each and all represented Trade-Unions, are liable to the bearer for said amount; and fur¬ thermore, containing a clause that the Typographical Union No. 6 ( i . e., the type¬ setters of New York) will pay interest on and redeem such bond at specified terms, and this clause to be signed by its officers. This bond is handed over to the masons of New York city as an equivalent for their subsidy. By selling it for $100 the latter obtain the means for affording a second subsidy to the strikers, without raising any more money of their own, and the operation may be repeat¬ ed as often as required. Of course, the Central Uuion, or some proper agency, will have to negotiate the disposal of the bonds. Thus, by making capitahsts supply us with the means to war against capital, we would make the matter easy to ourselves, and could, by submitting to a small annual payment for interest and for gradual redemption of the capital, evade the necessity of exacting from the Union-men large amounts in short intervals, which, though our means may not be exhausted thereby, would tend to seriously reduce enthusiasm in the matter. I would advise, however, not to try to raise all necessary funds by the mere issuing of paper, at least not at the commencement of action. No individual Union should sign any bonds until after the money for them has actually been received. There should always be large funds disposable without depending upon the sale and the proceeds of such securities. The idea that Trade-Unions seek the support of capitalists to carry out a strike, is not new, as before this, banks have advanced funds to strikers—without finding any difficulty in getting their money back. As the proposed bond arrangement would offer far better security than a single Union could give, besides offer ing it in a more convenient and commercial form, there is reason to believe that our paper would readily find buyers among capitalists. It may be thought that the preparations proposed here are of unnecessary magnitude. I assert, however, that they are merely proportionate to the object, and that nothing less is sufficient to secure such a gigantic success as the estab¬ lishment of the eight-hour plan. Employers will make a determined opposition to our claims only so long as they see any prospects of defeating them, conse¬ quently we ought to make our preparations so extensive that employers would have no prospects to induce them to resist. The business of the Convention should be confined strictly to the solution of the eight-hour problem. Attempts may be made to intermingle other topics, for instance the apprentice-question, which has been ventilated very much of late (and with that hardly enough, as the Unions only care to check the overcrowd¬ ing of their respective trades, but never think how the growing youth might properly be apportioned over the various trades), also the matter of wages, which is now left to the discretion and to the successfulness of each individual Union, and in consequence is sometimes unreasonably high, sometimes unreasonably low, while with a judicious adjustment there ought to be more uniformity. I do not doubt that the regulation of stick matters will, in course of time, be taken ftom the individual Unions and conferred on a central body; but for the present the eight-hour programme should not be encumbered with any projects in that line, because they would meet with much opposition among the Unions, and might endanger the adoption of the whole. It is essential for the sake of success that the programme contain only such points as will receive the approval and 29 cheerful co-operation of all or nearly all the Unions. If a programme of such extent as I have proposed could not be agreed upon in the Convention, or if it would not be approved by at l$ast three-quarters of all the Unions, try to attain a unison #n a less comprehensive one, for instance on the preliminary steps—if only financial reform could be secured the result would be well worth the trouble. After a strike has commenced in any trade, it is desirable for the sake of expeditious success that the participation of the respective members be most comprehensive; which object can be accomplished by making the terms to strikers so liberal that they would not be subjected to any special hardships. This expedient will work far better than resorting to acts of violence and illegal means, as has generally been done heretofore whenever any of the men proved unyielding to other reasoning. I would advise to desist from illegal means altogether, though in case of non-compliance such pressure may be used as will not conflict with the laws. It is not absolutely necessary that all men of the same trade join the strike—if the great majority stick to it they will bring pressure enough on the employers to make them finally yield. During the late agitation much has been said and written about introducing the system of cooperation among workmen as an expedient to improve their position and secure to them the largest possible remuneration for their work. Whenever two or three men of superior skill join to carry on a small business, sharing the profits and agreeing about it with each other, such cooperation may prove highly beneficial. But if tried on a large scale there are more chances of failure than of success. A workman generally has enough to do if he properly attends to his own work, and a manager has enough to do if he properly attends to his. It is not likely that a large body of men will be at the same time good managers and good workers, provided the necessary capital could be raised. Another question is, whether they would agree ; it is not probable that many minds will generally agree on one opinion, when often a single man is doubtful between two opinions. From present aspects the co-operative system cannot be recommended to working men, being too risky, as has amply been demonstrated by the numerous futile trials in that direction. There is a notion prevailing among working men that masters’ profits are exceedingly large in proportion to the men’s pay, which notion may be right in some cases, but oftener is fallacious. It is no more than proper that a manager’s earnings be considerably larger than those of any of his employees; and if the manager is at the same time proprietor, he should, in addition, earn a reasonable interest on the capital invested; but most employers do not derive any profits beyond this from their establishments. If the excess of masters’ profits over men’s pay were divided among the latter, the share of each would be very trifling in most cases. Another scheme devised of late and practised in a few cases, consists of a partnership arrangement between manufacturers and employees, the latter not owning any of the capital, but receiving a certain share of the earnings instead of wages. If this system was practised to any large extent, it might become really dangerous. In fixing their prices, manufacturers nowadays have a firm basis for their calculations, since they know what wages they have to pay and how much a certain amount of work will cost them ; and however urgent com¬ petition may be, they will not put prices down to cost or below. But if fixed wages are done away with, the basis for making calculations is gone, and no check is left to counteract the tendency of competition to depress prices. If afterwards the men would not clear such profits as they expected, they would become inquisitive about the reasons, trying to meddle with the employer s affairs, and advising him how to fix the matter. I warn manufacturers against 30 • entering into any such arrangements, for they will lead us directly over to com¬ munism. Who can say that under the share system there will be no more strikes or attempts of workmen to increase their earnings, even if such ^ttempts were foolish ? And how can their earnings be increased under that system, except by giving them a larger share of the profits ? If they had half the net proceeds, they may ask for three-fourths, and after that for seven-eighths, or more. It can easily be imagined what would follow. To ask for a reduction of working time and take twenty per cent, advance on wages as an equivalent for it, as in some cases was offered by workmen during the late movement, is altogether absurd. Those men abandoned a principle which is good and fair, and, blinded by a pecuniary advantage, substituted a claim which by no means was justifiable. There is no necessity and no proper reason for raising wages so enormously, at least not in those trades which hitherto have been well paid. Wages are already so high, that for this very reason our country is on the direct way to financial ruin, which can be obviated only by artificially reducing wages down to about the same standard as before the war. What is the good of raising wages in the face of this fact ? Workmen should consider that their earnings cannot be increased ad infinitum. Em¬ ployers generally prefer to pay the advance, thinking this the smaller one of the two evils, but I warn them against doing so. Instead of avoiding a great evil by submitting to a smaller one, they unwittingly incur both. The eight-hour system, being a necessity of our time, will be established anyhow within a few years, no matter what influences may be tried against it; so employers will do better to adopt the eight-hour plan now, at twenty dollars wages per week, than raise the same to twenty-four dollars first and then adopt the eight-hour plan, for they will find it very difficult to effect a direct reduction of wages after they have once gone up. In modern days the working-classes have, by means of their Unions, acquired more power than could be anticipated an age or two ago, which power would be still increased by the eight-hour system and by the organizations which are re¬ quired to establish it. The fear of our opponents that such power in the hands of uneducated men might become dangerous because there would be no control to check any extravagancies of theirs, is better founded than the working men generally would like to admit. There appears to be a spirit of revolution ques¬ tioning old established rights, disturbing the existing relations between capital and labor, between the rich and the poor, and trying to draw our Avhole social life into a fermentation of which nobody can tell how far it will go. After throw¬ ing off the fetters of oppression which have kept the working-classes down for many centuries, it may be that the returning wave will not stop at the point of equilibrium, but will strike out towards the other, side —for there are always hotheads in our ranks who care more for carrying out their chimerical ideas than for the dictates of utility or equity, and who, by personal influence and superior persuasion, succeed only too often to inspire their fellow-men with ideas which never can be properly put in practice. The only preventive for this danger is to spread knowledge among the working-classes, and especially to provide a better education for the young (rather than allow them to meddle with men’s work at a tender age), so that a set of men may be raised who can think and form a judg¬ ment for themselves, and be able to discriminate between the exciting language of an agitator and the plain language of solid reason. An improvement of edu¬ cation will not only offer the greatest intellectual and moral advantages, it is de¬ cidedly a political necessity and should receive far more attention from govern¬ ment and the ruling classes than at present is given to it. >>y v. ,-s ^ secure better employment to workingmen all pp^^^rwork generally is uncertain and pretty much de- systeru suppTJ . 'sons, it cannot forever secure employment for all seasons and-, foral'l nien ; nor could this be effected by any further reduction of working-time. I shall, at day, publish advices how this annoyanc e to the m en as ~ weU as to thS-txMlS in general can be treated. For the \ 3 ys%n is sdffiei&rt^o keep the working-classes in .good'^Jiploy for ' hr f’o years, be?auseihe three concurring motives: reduction of workmg-tiin^*" r .formation^of^ima industrial capital, and extension of business by means of finan¬ cial reformyvmlproduce so much demand for labor, that even in dull seasons work¬ men will find ample opportunity to make a fair living. We do not ask for the reduction of working-time as an absolute necessity, but as a matter of high desirability, which would materially improve our position without encroaching sensibly upon the welfare of our fellow-citizens. It cannot be our object to show that we cannot possibly do without such reduction ; it is our opponents’ turn to prove that they are unable to grant it. This they failed to do. The reasons heretofore preferred against the matter, cannot stand the test. I have shown that the anticipated rise of all prices will take place only to a very limited extent, and that the demand for labor and for commodities will not fall off, but, on the contrary, will increase. It is understood that the extended use of machinery will, to a large degree, make up for a lessening of manual work, so that the total production of commodities need not fall off. I have stated how to manage to protect employers from losses—to prevent all injurious influences on our foreign commerce, and to introduce the innovation so smoothly that the public at large will scarcely notice it. So far as can be ascertained from exam¬ ining the present state of affairs, a reduction of working-time appears to be the proper thing for our days, so let us join our efforts to effect it. If once reduced, it will never be up again. N. A. L. ^ 2#i/ INDEX. I. REASONING. Commodities will not become sensibly dearer. 4 Demand for labor will not fall off. 6 Demand for labor must increase. 7 On driving work away to other places. 8 What rights labor is entitled to... 8 Whether the present time is suited for the innovation. 10 Extended use of labor-saving machinery calls for and will make up for a reduction of working-time. 11 Breaking down large establishments. 13 What we want. 14 II. FINANCIAL REFORM. Something wrong in our financial affairs. 15 Free Trade. 15 Protection. 17 Resumption of Specie Payments. 17 Contraction of Currency. 17 What the trouble is. 17 Our financial prospects. 18 A plan for relief. 19 Why it will be effective.20 Its advantages.20 Working of the plan.21 Shall the national debt be paid in Specie or in Currency P.22 Objections to the plan.22 III. PROGRAMME FOR ESTABLISHING THE EIGHT-HOUR SYSTEM. Three Schemes. 24 How to carry out the three Schemes. 25 Co-operation. .. ... 29 Share of profits instead of wages.. .29 Advance of wages instead of eight hours . SO Power of the working classes—how controlled . SO A Promise.,. . ... .... .... 31 Review........ .. ..SI mmm Hag PiiwSriF Pai!i