SPANISH AND MEXICAN 
 IN COLORADO 
 
 my 
 
 ROBERT N. McLEAN, D.D 
 and 
 
 CHARLES A. THOMSON 
 
 BOARD OF NATIONAL MISSIONS 
 OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN THE U. S. A. 
 156 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK. 
 
SPANISH AND MEXICAN 
 IN COLORADO 
 
 A SURVEY of the 
 SPANISH AMERICANS AND MEXICANS 
 in the STATE OF COLORADO 
 
 By 
 
 ROBERT N. McLEAN, D.D. 
 and 
 
 CHARLES A. THOMSON 
 
 August, 1924. 
 
 Department of City, Immigrant, and Industrial Work 
 BOARD OF NATIONAL MISSIONS 
 OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN THE U. S. A. 
 156 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK. 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 In preparation for an enlarged program of National Missions 
 in Colorado, Rev. Robert N. McLean, D.D., and Rev. C. A. 
 Thomson, who has charge of our Spanish program in San Fran- 
 cisco, were asked by the Department of City, Immigrant, and 
 Industrial Work to prepare a study of the Spanish-speaking peo- 
 ple in Colorado. This survey was presented in part at the meet- 
 ing of the Synod in Denver, October, 1 924. 
 
 Mr. Thomson, who did the field work and prepared the 
 data of the study, is one of the Fellowship men of the Board in 
 the Sub-Department of Spanish-Speaking Work. Previous to 
 his taking up work in the United States, he spent a year in the 
 University at Mexico City, where he obtained the degree of M.A. 
 in a special study of industrial economics in Mexico. Mr. Thom- 
 son has contributed articles to several well-known magazines as 
 a result of his study, and approaches from an intelligent view- 
 point the problems which attend upon the great tide of Mexican 
 immigration. 
 
 The Rev. Robert N. McLean, D.D., who for the past seven 
 years has given his entire time to the work of home missions 
 among Mexicans and Spanish Americans as Superintendent of the 
 Spanish Department under the former Board of Home Missions, 
 has been instrumental in giving this work great prominence in 
 the mission program of the Church. Dr. McLean is now Asso- 
 ciate Director in the Department of City, Immigrant, and Indus- 
 trial Work, with special charge of the Sub-Department of Spanish- 
 
 [ m ] 
 
Speaking Work in the U. S. A., making his headquarters in Los 
 Angeles, one of the large centers of Mexican immigrants in the 
 Southwest. Previous to coming into this work, Dr. McLean was 
 head of the Department of Spanish in the University of Dubuque, 
 at Dubuque, Iowa. 
 
 Colorado, with her vast area and diversified types of com- 
 munity life, is still on the frontier of National Missions. The 
 Synod of Colorado has integrated its work with the Board of 
 National Missions and has set up a Synodical organization which 
 makes for unity of purpose and a progressive Christian service to 
 the State. This survey of Colorado's Spanish-speaking popula- 
 tions is a contribution to the thinking and planning of the Synod 
 as with a new enthusiasm it undertakes its share in the building 
 of a Christian Commonwealth. 
 
 [ iv ] 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Page 
 
 Foreword iii 
 
 Introduction vii 
 
 Colorado and its divisions 
 
 Mexicans and Spanish Americans in the state 
 
 I 
 
 LAS ANIMAS AND HUERFANO COUNTIES 
 
 (a) General Description 1 
 
 (b) Population 2 
 
 1. In Trinidad and Las Animas County 
 
 2. In Huerfano County 
 
 (c) Economic Conditions of the Spanish Americans 4 
 
 1. Agriculture 
 
 2. Mining 
 
 (d) Social Conditions 9 
 
 1. Education 
 
 2. Health 
 
 3. Recreation 
 
 (e) Assimilation 13 
 
 ii 
 
 san luis and san juan valleys 
 
 (a) San Luis Valley 18 
 
 1. Introduction 
 
 2. Spanish Americans in the valley 
 
 3. Economic and social conditions 
 
 (b) San Juan Valley 19 
 
 V 
 
Ill Page 
 
 INDUSTRIAL CENTERS 
 
 (a) Pueblo 22 
 
 (b) Denver 23 
 
 Religious work 
 
 (a) The Methodists 
 
 (b) The Presbyterians 
 
 IV 
 
 THE MEXICAN ON THE RAILROADS 
 
 Mileage of the principal railroads in Colorado 26 
 
 The Mexican on the section and in extra gangs 26 
 
 A possible program 28 
 
 v 
 
 THE MEXICAN IN THE BEET FIELDS 
 
 (a) The Beet Sugar industry 29 
 
 (b) Number and location of Mexicans 32 
 
 1. In the Arkansas Valley 
 
 2. In the South Platte Valley 
 
 (c) The Mexican as a laborer 34 
 
 (d) Colonization schemes 35 
 
 (e) Religious and social work 37 
 
 VI 
 
 PRESBYTERIAN SPANISH WORK IN COLORADO 
 
 Fields and workers 38 
 
 Outstanding needs in the development of Presbyterian work 47 
 
 VII 
 
 RECOMMENDATIONS 
 
 Nine recommendations 49 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Tables I to IX 52 
 
 vi 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 Traveling through the beet fields of Colorado, or across 
 her broad grazing lands, one thinks of the state as comparatively 
 level. But if one attempts to cross from one table-land to table- 
 land — "parks" they call them — one is convinced of the fact that 
 one is indeed upon the backbone of America. 
 
 Colorado is high — so high in fact that only one fourth of 
 its area lies below 5,000 feet, while about two thirds of its sur- 
 face ranges between 6,000 and 14,000 feet. Lots of potatoes 
 are raised in Colorado, but boiled with difficulty in almost every 
 corner of the state. 
 
 And Colorado is large. Within its borders the Plymouth 
 fathers could have found land to make twelve states the size 
 of Massachusetts. Although it is seventh in size among the states 
 in the Union, its total population in 1920 was only 939,629; 
 this means a little more than nine persons to the square mile. 
 Still it must be remembered that some of the square miles of 
 Colorado are too vertical for anyone even to try to stand upon 
 them. 
 
 Colorado also is diverse in its topography, as well as in its 
 crops. There are no less than nine clearly defined districts. Be- 
 ginning with the non-irrigated prairie section in the eastern part of 
 the state, one passes to the broad valley watered by the Arkansas 
 in the southeastern part. Across the La Veta pass, where the 
 road crosses the divide at an elevation of ten thousand feet, one 
 comes to the San Luis valley, where since the early days of the 
 Spanish adventurers, millions of sheep have grazed. Another 
 jump over the mountains to the west, and we are in the great 
 San Juan basin, fertile in resources, and needing only adequate 
 
 [ vH ] 
 
transportation facilities to awaken it from slumber. Then there 
 is the valley of the South Platte, the valleys of the Colorado and 
 tributary streams in the central western part, the mountainous 
 mineral districts, and the broad upland grazing lands known as 
 north central and south parks. But whether it be mountain, 
 plain, or valley it is always Colorado — whimsical, strong, re- 
 sourceful — Colorado with her face set toward the days which are 
 to be. 
 
 Colorado is diverse also in her population groups ; and it is 
 a diversity which is exemplified even among the Spanish people 
 which this survey studies. The earliest Americans of European 
 blood were the Spanish Americans living principally in the coun- 
 ties bordering upon New Mexico. These people have been in 
 Colorado for fifty or sixty years; in fact they were there before 
 the Anglo-American appeared, and so were really the first settlers. 
 They are descended from immigrants from New Mexico, who 
 though they passed through old Mexico on their way from Spain, 
 did not dwell there for any considerable length of time, and so 
 supposedly kept their blood free from any Indian tinge. Having 
 been born on American soil, these Spanish Americans are Ameri- 
 can citizens. Because they are native to the United States, they 
 are sometimes referred to by Anglo-Americans as "native Mexi- 
 cans," in distinction to the Mexicans born south of the Rio Grande 
 who are "old Mexico Mexicans." The Spanish used by these 
 people is in many instances extremely archaic. There are obsolete 
 expressions upon the lips of the Spanish Americans which cannot 
 be found outside the pages of the writers of Spain's golden age. 
 The isolation which distances furnished for so many years has 
 been replaced by an isolation of language and blood; and the 
 people have therefore perpetuated many of the characteristics 
 of Spain during her age of gold. 
 
 The Mexicans are those who were born south of the Rio 
 Grande in the Republic of Mexico, and who have emigrated to 
 the United States, usually within the last five or ten years. They 
 are not American citizens, and usually do not wish to become so. 
 
 [ viii ] 
 
In many cases their skin is slightly darker than that of the Span- 
 ish Americans. The Spanish Americans are more phlegmatic, 
 more taciturn than are the old Mexico Mexicans. It is harder to 
 move them; but they "stay put" better than their neighbors from 
 the south. Also they are very much more "Catholic" in the nar- 
 row sense of the word than are the Mexicans. The immigrant 
 Mexicans have seen the effects of unchecked Romanism in gov- 
 ernmental affairs. They have learned to identify church and 
 state, and there has resulted a decided reaction against both. 
 Hence, while Protestantism makes less apparent headway among 
 the Spanish Americans, the results gained are more permanent. 
 
 In addition to the descendents of the early settlers there are 
 people of Spanish blood in southern Colorado, Las Animas and 
 Huerfano counties, in the southeastern part of the state, and also 
 the southeastern end of the mountainous belt. In all, these dis- 
 tricts contain about 25,000 persons. The San Luis valley has 
 approximately 5,000 and the San Juan valley to the west between 
 2,000 and 3,000. For the state, a total of 35,000 is probably a 
 fair estimate. 
 
 According to the census of 1920, Mexicans were found in 
 fifty-two of the sixty-three counties of Colorado. In eighteen of 
 these counties there was a population of 100 or more Mexicans.* 
 Their work as section hands on the railroads probably does more 
 to give them this wide distribution, than any other cause. Their 
 work in the coal mines attracts them in considerable numbers to 
 the eastern edge of the mineral belt, in Weld, Boulder, Fremont, 
 Huerfano, and Las Animas counties. But they are found in great- 
 est numbers in the South Platte and Arkansas valleys, drawn 
 there by the demand for labor for the beet fields. The two in- 
 dustrial centers of Pueblo and Denver also possess a considerable 
 colony of Mexicans. Pueblo has 5,000; Denver a steady popu- 
 lation of about 2,000, which is augmented to two or three times 
 that number during the winter, by beet workers who come there 
 
 ♦See Table I. 
 
 ["] 
 
after the close of the beet season and remain until the spring work 
 begins.* In 1920 the census showed that in the whole state there 
 were 10,894 Mexicans. With regard to the situation at present, 
 it is impossible to give anything more than an estimate. But 
 considering all the industrial and agricultural fields in which the 
 Mexican is now found, the figure suggested by Mr. Jose Esparza, 
 the Mexican consul of Denver, of 22,000-25,000, does not ap- 
 pear improbable, if we understand it to include the migratory 
 beet workers. Thus, with 25,000 Mexicans, and 35,000 Spanish 
 Americans, we have 60,000 people of Spanish speech in the state. 
 
 And there are more to follow. Experimentation as to the 
 adaptability of the soil of the San Luis valley for beet culture is 
 being made. Colorado, the diverse, the gigantic Rocky Mountain 
 state is just coming into her kingdom. 
 
 ♦The development of sugar beets on the Western Slope in the valley of the 
 Grand is attracting the Mexican to that section. Montrose is reported to have a 
 winter population of 1,000 Mexicans, Grand Junction of 800. The Holly Sugar 
 Company shipped 400 into Delta also this year. 
 
 [ * J 
 
I 
 
 LAS ANIMAS AND HUERFANO COUNTIES 
 
 (a) general description 
 
 Las Animas County, lying in the southeastern corner of the 
 state, just over the New Mexico line, is Colorado's largest coun- 
 ty, having an area of 4,809 square miles. Its population accord- 
 ing to the 1920 census was 38,975, but it now claims with some 
 justice 45,000. The western third of the county is clearly marked 
 off from the remainder by the front rampart of the Rocky Moun- 
 tains, which passing a little to the west of the city of Trinidad, 
 the county seat, runs almost due north and south. To the east of 
 this geological dividing line lie the plains, covered with sparse 
 grass and in color a dry brown, save for the vivid green of the 
 irrigated sections. To the west are the mountains, the grey earth 
 staring through their scant vegetation, the slopes dotted with 
 pinon and dwarf cedars. Many of their valleys reward cultiva- 
 tion, but their greatest treasure is that of coal. A long, narrow 
 basin of about 2,000 square miles along the foot of the Rocky 
 Mountains contains the largest and best deposits of bituminous 
 coal west of the Missouri River. Trinidad is the largest town in 
 the countyj the 1920 census gave it a population of 10,906; it 
 now claims 15,000 and probably has at least 12,000. It lies at 
 an altitude of 6,000 feet. Its prosperity is based on the mines 
 adjacent to it, and the agricultural and live-stock section of its 
 own and surrounding counties. 
 
 Huerfano County is found to the north of the western half 
 of Las Animas County. Its area of 1,500 square miles is large- 
 ly mountainous, though the western part of the county is an ele- 
 vated "park". Its population in 1920 was 16,879, but to-day it 
 claims eighteen to twenty thousand. Its county seat and largest 
 town is Walsenburg with approximately 4,000 people. (1920 
 census gave it 3,142.) 
 
 [ i ] 
 
(b) population 
 
 1. In Trinidad and Las Animas County 
 
 The evidence obtained points to a population of about 1 6,000 
 Spanish Americans in Las Animas County. There are very few 
 Mexicans, and those few are found in the mining camps. Mr. 
 Vigil, clerk of the County Court, stated that 35 per cent of Las 
 Animas County (pop. 45,000) is Spanish American. His esti- 
 mate is based on lists of voters, and constitutes the most objective 
 evidence obtained. Mr. McCartney, assistant county superin- 
 tendent of schools, also estimated the Spanish American popula- 
 tion as 35 per cent. Mr. J. M. Madrid, a real estate man, a lead- 
 ing representative of the Spanish Americans, who has lived his 
 whole life in the county (from 1905-1913 he was County Super- 
 intendent of Schools) stated that there are 17,000 or 18,000 
 Spanish Americans in the county. He estimates there are 35,000 
 in the entire state. 
 
 At the present time, more of the Spanish population is 
 found up toward the mountains, that is in the western third of 
 the county, than on the plains. Formerly the eastern part of the 
 county was all Spanish, but within the last ten years many Amer- 
 icans have come in. One of the priests of the Catholic Rectory 
 in Trinidad, who serves the churches to the west, estimates that 
 in the agricultural valleys in that section there are seven Spanish 
 Americans to every three Anglo-Americans or others. 
 
 The mining camps are found in the western third of the 
 county. The mines employ about 4,500 miners, who with their 
 families represent a population of some 14,000 or 15,000. We 
 find that in the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company mines in this 
 county approximately one-third of the miners are Spanish Amer- 
 icans or Mexicans (705 out of 2,054, see Table II). It seems 
 likely that this same proportion would rule in the other mines of 
 the county, since the C. F. & I. mines have made no special effort 
 to attract Spanish or Mexican labor. If this be assumed, we may 
 estimate a population of 5,000 Mexicans and Spanish Americans 
 in the coal mining camps of the western third of Las Animas 
 County. 
 
 [ 2 ] 
 
In support of the above estimate, it may be said that in 
 January 1923, out of a total of 14,051 miners in all the coal 
 mines of Colorado, 3,218, or 23 per cent were Mexicans and 
 Spanish Americans. 
 
 Mr. Felix Poliano, District Secretary of the United Mine 
 Workers, with offices at Pueblo, states that the coal strike which 
 occurred in the spring of 1 922, cut down the number of almost 
 all the national groups, with the exception of the Mexicans and 
 Negroes. 
 
 The Spanish American population in the city of Trinidad 
 was estimated by Mr. Madrid, as 2,000 or 2,500. It is not local- 
 ized in any one section, but is scattered in all parts of the city. 
 However, there is perhaps a larger proportion in the southwest- 
 ern section than in others. 
 
 2. In Huerfano County 
 
 As we said above the total population of Huerfano County 
 is about 18,000. Estimates place the Spanish population any- 
 where from 35 per cent to 60 per cent, or between 6,000 and 
 12,000. 
 
 Mr. J. B. Guerrero, the assistant county assessor, who for 
 the past six years has been in the assessor's office, states that there 
 are 1,500 Spanish tax-payers, and that sixty to sixty five per cent 
 of the county is Spanish, or between ten and twelve thousand. 
 Mr. Guerrero was generally recommended as the person most 
 accurately informed on the Spanish Americans. 
 
 Mr. Atencio, the postmaster, also a Spanish American and 
 born in the county, said that the population is usually estimated 
 at 50 per cent Spanish, 25 per cent foreign, and 25 per cent Anglo- 
 American. 
 
 The Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce stated that the 
 population is usually estimated at 50 per cent Spanish. 
 
 The Catholic priest, a well-informed man, gave the lowest 
 figure, placing the Spanish population of the county at approxi- 
 mately 6,000, or 35 per cent. 
 
 As for distribution, the Spanish agriculturists and ranches 
 are found largely in the valley of the Huerfano River, which 
 runs north and west from Walsenburg. Gardner is a center for 
 
 [ 3 ] 
 
them, though the irrigated lands near that village and La Veta 
 are held more largely by Americans and Italians than by Spanish 
 Americans. The country southwest of Walsenburg toward La 
 Veta is populated principally by Americans. The Catholic priest 
 reported 500 "Mexican" families in and around Gardner. 
 
 The coal mines of Huerfano County are found in a broad 
 band which runs north and south across the eastern half of the 
 county. Walsenburg lies almost in the center of this band. There 
 are 2,491 miners in the county (1923 Report of Inspector Coal 
 Mines, page 57). We may safely assume that between 25 per 
 cent and 30 per cent of these are Mexicans and Spanish Americans ; 
 and 600-800 miners will give us a Mexican and Spanish American 
 population in the mining camps of 2,500 to 3,000. 
 
 The city of Walsenburg has at present about 4,000 people. 
 Of these probably about one third are Spanish. Mr. Guerrero 
 estimates 35 per cent, and Father Liccioli, the priest, puts the 
 number at 2,000. They are found in all parts of the town, 
 though a greater number live on the west side, near the Walsen 
 mine. 
 
 (c) ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF THE SPANISH AMERICANS 
 
 In the cities of Trinidad and Walsenburg, the Spanish Amer- 
 icans are found in many occupations; there are lawyers, doctors, 
 jewelers, masons, clerks, merchants, etc. In Walsenburg it was 
 noted that none of the stores on the principal street was owned 
 by Spanish Americans, though the best barber shop in town and 
 many small groceries and refreshment and cigar stores on the 
 side streets were their property. They also take a prominent 
 part in politics. In Trinidad the County Clerk is Juan B. Romero, 
 and the representative in the state legislature is Carlos Romero; 
 Eusebio Chacon is assistant district attorney. In Walsenburg, 
 both the assessor and assistant assessor are Spanish Americans, as 
 is the postmaster and one of the county commissioners. One- 
 third of the delegates to the Republican and one-half of the 
 delegates to the Democratic County Convention in Las Animas 
 County were Spanish Americans, and in both conventions an 
 interpreter was employed. 
 
 [4] 
 
However, the facts noted above concern chiefly the leaders 
 of this group, and for the Spanish Americans as a whole it may 
 be said that they are found in two occupations — agriculture and 
 mining. 
 
 1. Agriculture 
 
 Most of the eastern part of both Las Animas and Huerfano 
 Counties is suitable for cultivation, and where irrigation is pos- 
 sible, excellent crops are raised. The rainfall is generally suffi- 
 cient to produce fair crops even without irrigation. The higher 
 lands in the western sections of the counties provide good grazing 
 territory, and the irrigated valleys furnish excellent farm land 
 for hay and small grain crops. The principal crops are alfalfa, 
 native hay, potatoes, small grains, beans, and vegetables. Many 
 cattle and goats are raised, though less sheep than formerly. 
 
 With few exceptions the holdings of the Spanish Americans 
 are small. The priest who serves the valley of the Las Animas 
 River west of Trinidad reports that the farms are small and 
 poor, often long and narrow strips lying along the bottom of 
 the valleys, where hay and a little corn are grown; on the hills 
 cattle and goats graze. As a rule, the farmers are poor. Mr. 
 Madrid states that the farms of the Spanish Americans run from 
 25 to 150 acres. Mr. Atencio of Walsenburg says that the ranch- 
 ers are content with 1 60 acres. The County Veterinary of Huer- 
 fano County reports a few large farms held by Spanish Ameri- 
 cans, such as Mr. Martinez, who has several hundred acres of 
 good alfalfa land. But the greater number of the holdings are 
 very small, running oftentimes ten or fifteen acres. 
 
 The ranchers do not as a rule live in palatial quarters. An 
 adobe hut is the common habitation, its exterior surface plastered 
 smooth with mud. The roof is often of antique and picturesque 
 flatness, made also of adobe, though more often to-day one sees 
 the use of shingles or corrugated iron. Many of the huts are 
 accompanied by the ancient outdoor ovens. Some of the more 
 shiftless build their house by standing old railroad ties on end 
 and daubing the interstices with mud. 
 
 These huts on the inside contain one or two rooms, with the 
 floor of dirt. The latter is usually swept very clean, and the 
 sweeping is sometimes extended to the ground in front for a con- 
 siderable distance. 
 
 [ 5 ] 
 
Testimony agreed that the land held by the Spanish Ameri- 
 cans is, as a rule, so poor that no one else would want it, and so 
 their tenure is not likely to be seriously disturbed in the future. 
 However, both Las Animas and Huerfano Counties are anxious 
 to attract more American agriculturists, and there are plans to 
 stimulate dairying and the production of sugar beets. 
 
 2. Mining 
 
 Las Animas and Huerfano Counties together furnished more 
 than half of Colorado's total production of coal in 1923. The 
 total for the state was 10,336,735 tons; of this Las Animas 
 County produced almost a third, 3,195,434 tons, and Huerfano 
 1,969,399 tons. The former has fifty mines, of which twenty- 
 two employed a force of fifty men or more each. The latter 
 operated thirty-one mines, of which nineteen employed on the 
 average more than fifty men. The coal is bituminous, of good 
 quality, and much of it is good coking coal. 
 
 The mines in Las Animas County last year employed 4,456 
 men; those of Huerfano County 2,491. But very few of them 
 could boast of steady employment. The mines of Colorado like 
 those in other parts of the United States are suffering from a 
 chronic economic depression due basically to the existence of too 
 many mines and too many miners, and accentuated by the present 
 oil boom and high freight rates. As a consequence, the Colorado 
 mines as a rule are working only half time, from two to four 
 days a week. Last year the Las Animas mines worked 177.6 
 days during the year; the Huerfano mines 190.3 days. But pro- 
 duction during the first six months of 1924 has not maintained 
 even that rate. These conditions should be remembered when 
 we consider 'daily wages. 
 
 The Mexicans and Spanish Americans in the mines make 
 from $5 to $9 a day. Most of the actual mining is contract 
 work, and the man is paid according to the number of tons pro- 
 duced. For day work the standard wage is $7.75, the eight hour 
 day now being the standard; the six day week also prevails, ex- 
 cept for a few men whose presence is required at the mine seven 
 days a week. 
 
 The Colorado Fuel and Iron Company has an agreement 
 with its men that the wage rates shall conform substantially with 
 
 [ 6 ] 
 
the rates of other coal companies whose products are sold in com- 
 petition with the products of the C. F. & I. So that though the 
 C. F. & I. mines are not completely unionized, the employees 
 there profit from the standard maintained by the labor unions 
 in other mines. 
 
 Following the "Ludlow Massacre", April 21, 1914, it will 
 be remembered that John D. Rockefeller, Jr., made a personal 
 inspection of the conditions prevailing in the coal mines and 
 other properties of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Co. As a result 
 of this visit, there was worked out the "Joint Representation 
 Plan," providing for a certain degree of constitutional govern- 
 ment and employee representation in the conduct of the industry. 
 The company does not recognize any labor unions, but the Plan 
 provides (Part III, No. 3), "There shall be no discrimination 
 by the management or by any of the employees on account of 
 membership or non-membership in any society, fraternity, or 
 union." 
 
 Many of the miners, how many it was impossible to deter- 
 mine, are members of the United Mine Workers of America. 
 The company officials all maintain that there is no discrimination 
 against a man for belonging to the union. A union official, how- 
 ever, states that there is discrimination against at least the offi- 
 cials of the unions j that if a man shows too much activity in be- 
 half of the union, he is not discharged, but his work is temporarily 
 discontinued, he is laid off, and never taken on again. The Com- 
 pany does not permit the locals of the United Mine Workers to 
 hold their meetings in the Y. M. C. A.'s or company clubs situ- 
 ated in the mining camps. 
 
 Other mining companies are reported even more unfriendly 
 in their attitude toward union labor than the C. F. & I. 
 
 The Mexican and Spanish American seems to stand well in 
 the opinion of the mine superintendents. A larger proportion is 
 found doing skilled labor than is usually the case. In answer 
 to the question: "Is the Mexican or Spanish American as good a 
 worker as the Italian or Slav?" the answer generally was, "No, 
 not quite, perhaps. He won't mine quite as much coal in a day." 
 "Why not?" was asked. "Well, he doesn't seem to have as sturdy 
 a constitution," said one superintendent. "He's not so greedy," 
 
 [ 7 ] 
 
said another, "the Italian is always after the money." To the 
 same question another mine boss rejoined in the same tenor, 
 "He's not so hoggish." 
 
 Neither Mexican or Spanish American has yet shown much 
 capacity for leadership. As a rule the mine superintendents do 
 not distinguish between them when it comes to working ability. 
 However, two superintendents made the distinction, that the 
 Mexican makes the better miner on the inside, and the Spanish 
 American the better mule driver and company man. In Valdez, 
 where 199 Mexicans and Spanish Americans are employed, only 
 one man had even started on the way to become a boss. Some 
 Spanish Americans become wagon bosses, but that is about the 
 limit of their rise in the industrial world. In some camps, the 
 racial line is maintained, and only Americans are considered for 
 the responsible positions. But this is not universally the case, and 
 in one camp visited, the superintendent is an Italian. This man, 
 by the way, is accused by the Mexicans of partiality toward his 
 own nationality^ the Mexicans say they cannot, get a square deal. 
 
 The Mexican is often accused of being a "floater", and not 
 staying any great length of time in any one job. This accusation 
 is hardly borne out by the results of an investigation made by 
 Mr. Dickerson, of the Y. M. C. A., in May, 1921. He examined 
 the service records of about five hundred Mexicans and Spanish 
 Americans in the six camps of Cameron, Ideal, Lester, Morley, 
 Pictou, and Walsen. The summary was as follows: 
 
 He says, "Length of service in this connection does not neces- 
 sarily mean that the men have served the number of years indi- 
 cated in any one camp. On the contrary it seems to be not un- 
 usual for miners of all nationalities to move about from camp to 
 camp. They are, however, employed by the same employer and 
 their cards show the total number of years in which they have been 
 in the employ of the company in the various camps ... In some 
 
 Length of Service 
 Less than one year 
 One to five years 
 Five to ten years 
 Ten to fifteen years 
 Fifteen to twenty years 
 More than twenty years 
 
 71 
 203 
 117 
 51 
 27 
 19 
 
 Total 
 
 488 
 
 [ « ] 
 
instances, the men own farms at hand and break into the continu- 
 ity of their service to work on them during the summer, or to 
 work in the beet fields." 
 
 The housing conditions in the camps are generally quite sat- 
 isfactory. Following the Rockefeller visit referred to above, the 
 C. F. & I. company noticeably improved their arrangements. All 
 the camps were provided with electricity, running water, and sew- 
 age facilities. In most of the camps the miners live in company 
 houses. These are rented at the very nominal rate of $2.00 per 
 room per month. 
 
 (d) social conditions 
 
 1 . Education 
 
 The Spanish American and Mexican children in the larger 
 towns of Trinidad and Walsenburg, and in the mining camps are 
 attending school with regularity, and are profiting from their 
 educational advantages. As a rule they speak English with facili- 
 ty. In Walsenburg there is a large parochial school which has 
 twelve grades. It enrolls 800 pupils, of which the priest esti- 
 mates that 500 are Mexican or Spanish American. There is, also, 
 a parochial school in Trinidad. Because of the absence of teachers 
 and educational authorities during the summer vacation, this 
 phase of the investigation was not carried through with any 
 thoroughness. 
 
 The country districts still show much educational backward- 
 ness. Colorado has a compulsory attendance law, but it is diffi- 
 cult to enforce it. Funds are not provided to hire a sufficient 
 number of truant officers, and the teachers themselves tread softly 
 for fear of offending some power which might amputate their 
 job. Miss Nelson, the school nurse of Huerfano County, reports 
 that attendance is most irregular in rural districts which are large- 
 ly Spanish American. Often the parents do not appreciate the 
 value of education sufficiently to send their children to school. 
 The latter are kept at home, even when there is no work for them 
 to do. Where there exists an element of Anglo-Americans in the 
 rural population, the standard is higher. In the rural sections 
 Spanish is still the language of the natives. The younger chil- 
 dren, up to eight or nine years of age, do not know English, and 
 
 [ 9 ] 
 
Spanish is spoken on the play-grounds. The fathers, as a rule, 
 speak enough English to "get by" in their daily occupations, but 
 the mothers usually are limited to the Spanish. 
 
 Up until very recent years the language in many of these 
 schools was Spanish. But now the educational authorities have 
 adopted the policy of sending only American teachers into these 
 districts, and Dr. Katherine C. Polly, the State Rural School 
 Supervisor, announces that the state is now planning a definite 
 campaign to send only its best teachers to these difficult districts. 
 
 2. Health 
 
 "Is there more illness among the Spanish American than 
 among other population groups?" Miss Nelson, the school nurse 
 of Huerfano County, was asked. "From my observation during 
 the past year, I could not say that there is," she answered. "But 
 that may be true largely because only the fittest survive infancy. 
 During the past few months, I have gone through the rural sec- 
 tions of the county, registering births. The work has never been 
 done before, and as a consequence there are many children eight 
 and ten years old whose births have never been registered. I find 
 that in large families, with more than five or six children, there 
 is a high mortality rate; often more than half of the children 
 have died. For instance, here is a family of thirteen children, 
 of which eight have died; another of seven children, of which 
 five have died. Here is another, however, of six, of which five 
 are living. 
 
 "I have noticed," she continued, "that a large number of 
 these Mexican children have eye trouble. Out of 2,000 children, 
 of all races, examined in the county, 400 had some eye trouble, 
 and a large proportion of these were Mexican. More than half 
 had really serious defects. The older children often have pyor- 
 rhea. I notice that the younger children have good teeth, and 
 I tell them it is because they have to chew their tortillas so well ; 
 that pleases them. But often children of fifteen or sixteen will 
 be toothless." 
 
 Miss Nelson had not found a noticeably large number of 
 tubercular cases among the Spanish Americans, but Miss Clark 
 of the Red Cross in Las Animas County states that 80 per cent of 
 applicants for family relief are Spanish Americans, and about 90 
 
 [ io ] 
 
per cent of these applicants have tuberculosis in the family. Miss 
 Phillips, health nurse of Las Animas County, states that the 
 county has more on its blind list (116) than any other county in 
 the state, though it stands fifth in population. Of these blind, 
 96 per cent are Spanish Americans. Both nurses testified to the 
 fact the Mexican children often suffered from malnutrition, due 
 to ignorance of the mothers as to feeding. 
 
 Dr. McKelvey, of the Venereal Section of the State Board 
 of Health, states that the Mexicans and Spanish Americans have 
 as much or more venereal disease than any other racial group 
 with the possible exception of the Negroes. 
 
 Miss Nelson recounted some interesting cases where super- 
 stition had made her work difficult. 
 
 A. She was called in for a family (Spanish American) 
 where the three children were ill with typhoid fever. The two 
 older girls were delirious. The doctor had also been called in, 
 and he advised the use of an ice-pack for the head. The older 
 girl had a great mass of hair, but it had not been combed for 
 days, and was heavily matted. "I asked to cut it," said Miss 
 Nelson. "Oh, no," said the father ; "if you cut off her hair she 
 will lose all her strength and will surely die." "Nonsense," I 
 answered, "the child will be more comfortable, and the ice pack 
 will do much more good." So at last the father consented and 
 thanks be, the child did not die. But where did they get the idea 
 about the hair giving strength? Had they ever read about 
 Samson? 
 
 B. ^ "I visited a confinement case where the baby was about 
 five or six days old. The mother was lying in bed, unwashed 
 and with her hair uncombed. I asked why. "Oh," came the 
 answer from the neighbor who was attending her, "If you bathe 
 or care for a woman at her stage, she will surely have to have 
 an operation later on." But I disregarded the prophecy, and so 
 far the woman has escaped any operation. 
 
 C. In one. family a child was ill with diphtheria. It was 
 given antitoxin against the wishes of the father, who said it would 
 kill the child. The doctor told him to keep the boy in bed, since 
 the antitoxin causes heart weakness; but the father shrugged his 
 shoulders at the possibility of forcing his son to stay in bed. The 
 boy got up, walked about, and died from overexertion. A second 
 
 [ n ] 
 
child was taken ill with diphtheria. The father refused to permit 
 the use of antitoxin since that was the poison which had killed his 
 son, and as a consequence the second child died. Then the father 
 himself fell ill with the same disease, and this time nothing 
 would have it, but he must have the antitoxin. He vehemently 
 insisted on it; it was given and he recovered." 
 
 3. Recreation 
 
 The Mexicans and Spanish Americans living in the towns 
 of Walsenburg and Trinidad have at their disposal all of the 
 amusements usually available in any town of from five to ten 
 thousand population — moving pictures, good, bad, and indiffer- 
 ent, pool rooms, athletics, occasional dances and parties, and vari- 
 ous school, church, lodge, and club affairs. Many families in the 
 rural districts still live an isolated existence, in spite of the 
 apparent ubiquity of the Ford, and their social life is quite bar- 
 ren, consisting of neighborhood acquaintance, an occasional visit 
 from the priest, and the contacts which the school brings to the 
 children. 
 
 In the mining camps, particularly those of the C. F. & I., 
 the center of social life is the industrial Y. M. C. A. or company 
 club. The buildings are relatively new, having been built within 
 the last five or ten years, another of the fruits of Mr. Rockefel- 
 ler's conversion. They housfe a satisfactory equipment including 
 a reading room, a good-sized lobby, an auditorium with stage 
 where moving pictures are shown once or twice a week, and also 
 occasional dances are held, a soda fountain, pool tables, bowling 
 alleys, a barber shop, moving picture machine, and games and 
 magazines. In Walsen, Lester, Valdez, Primero, Morley, Ber- 
 wind, and Segundo these institutions are directly under the Y. M. 
 C. A. management, and are known as Y. M. C. A.'s. A good 
 secretary is in charge. In the other camps of Ideal, Pictou, Tioga, 
 Farr, and Sopris, they are company clubs, and not under the 
 direct supervision of the "Y." Those of this second class are 
 not staffed as well as the first. For instance, the club visited was 
 in charge of an old barber, a man of no personality or leadership. 
 
 These buildings provide an attractive social center for the 
 men and boys, and are extensively used. Through their movies 
 and dances they serve also the women and girls. The Mexicans 
 
 [ 12 ] 
 
and Spanish Americans are generally reported to use these build- 
 ings extensively; and in some camps, such as Morley and Primero, 
 they are seen about the building more than any other group. 
 
 (e) assimilation 
 
 In the contact of Anglo-American culture with the older 
 Spanish American culture of southern Colorado, we have a unique 
 and very interesting case of assimilation. The Spanish Americans 
 were the pioneers and original settlers in this section. They came 
 in during the fifties and sixties and were well-established econom- 
 ically and socially before the American infiltration began. 
 
 With the coming of the Americans in increasing numbers 
 into this territory, the cultural isolation of the Spanish Americans 
 was largely destroyed. In the more secluded rural districts they 
 have maintained and still do, a certain degree of geographical 
 isolation. But economically they found themselves in both min- 
 ing and agriculture, the two dominant industries of the section, 
 thrown in company with the "gringos." Politically they have 
 also mingled, for Spanish Americans are found in both Republi- 
 can and Democratic parties. They play the game of politics with 
 great enthusiasm and interest, and often with intense feeling. 
 Long-standing family feuds have resulted from some elections. 
 The strongest group bonds of these people have been the Spanish 
 language, the Catholic religion, and their heritage of Spanish 
 culture. 
 
 It must always be kept in mind, however, that they look on 
 themselves as real Americans, and cordially resent any accusation 
 of lack of patriotism. Mr. J. M. Madrid, a leading Spanish 
 American of Trinidad, told of starting out on April 17, 1917, 
 only eleven days after the entrance of the United States into the 
 World War, in company with two other men on a campaign of 
 enlistment . "The first eighty-one men who enlisted," he said, 
 "were Spanish Americans." 
 
 These people look not to Mexico or to Spain as their home 
 land. They have been born in the United States and America is 
 their country. But they do look with regret at the passing of 
 their old Spanish culture. For instance, there is Mr. Atencio, the 
 young postmaster at Walsenburg, a man of about thirty. There 
 
 [ 13 ] 
 
was no trace of the Indian in his narrow face, but his olive com- 
 plexion, black hair, and large black eyes showed clearly his Span- 
 ish blood. "My family," he began, "was the second one to enter 
 this region. First came the Leons and after them the Atencios. 
 I can remember when a little boy hearing my grandmother tell 
 of the early days, but now those days seem far away. A few 
 years ago I went down into New Mexico for my vacation to some 
 places which still conserve the old Spanish ways, where people 
 still have the hospitality which gives all to the stranger. Here 
 when we go away from the house, we lock up everything, so no 
 one can get in. But there, the only thing they think about is to 
 keep out an animal ; they are willing to have a human enter their 
 house. The doors, you remember are cut in two sections. When 
 they go out, they may close he lower half, but the upper half 
 is left open. And even when they go away for several days, they 
 may close the door, but they do not lock it. People trust their 
 neighbors. You can't help liking it. I remember my father still 
 kept many old customs. He spoke little English, and my mother 
 none at all. (His own English was perfect.) He taught us in 
 meeting an elderly person on the street always to lift our hat and 
 salute him courteously. But our young people have none of that." 
 
 It is easily seen that in the meeting of these two cultures, the 
 Anglo-American is the dominant one. The Spanish is passing, 
 and rapidly now, save in certain of the rural districts. Said Mr. 
 Madrid, "Within fifty years the Spanish population will be en- 
 tirely absorbed. You would be surprised at the assimilation which 
 has taken place in the last ten years. Since 1905 or 1910 there 
 has been a great increase in the use of English. The Spanish 
 Americans have come to realize that it is the language of the 
 country, and that it must be used." Mr. Madrid himself spoke 
 English well, but with those slight idiomatic slips, which revealed 
 that for him it was an acquired and not a native tongue. "In no 
 school, even in the smallest place, will you now hear Spanish 
 taught or spoken in the class room. Last Saturday, for example, 
 we held our Republican County Convention. Of the 275 dele- 
 gates, seventy to eighty were Spanish Americans, but all but three 
 of them understood English. Previously in our conventions, we 
 have always used an interpreter, but this time our business went 
 along for some time, until one of those thre"e rose and asked for a 
 translation." 
 
 [ H ] 
 
The priest at Walsenburg was of the opinion that Spanish 
 would be spoken for a long time in Southern Colorado. Accord- 
 ingly Mr. Atencio, was asked: "Do you think the Spanish lan- 
 guage will disappear?" "It is already," he answered. "Few are 
 trying to preserve it, though some of us teach it to our children. 
 I have been married for seven years, and we have three children. 
 We resolved to talk Spanish at home, and so the children learned 
 it. But of course they talk English outside, and now the oldest 
 boy talks Spanish only to his grandmother. He will use it with 
 us only when we force him." 
 
 Mr. J. J. Guerrero, the assistant assessor of Huerfano 
 County, said, "Our rule in the family is that the children speak 
 English to me and Spanish to their mother. But now our two 
 oldest boys are rusty in Spanish, and the baby, only three years 
 old, has played outside so much with the other children of the 
 neighborhood, that he won't talk Spanish, though he understands 
 it". 
 
 Said Juan Romero, the county clerk of Las Animas County, 
 who has held that office since 1906, a man of clear-cut speech, 
 sturdy physique and forceful personality, "I was born in this 
 country ; at seven I began my English education; I finished the 
 grades and since then have educated myself by hard knocks. I 
 only had one term of Spanish in school, but I learned it at home 
 and so can speak it well. But I trained my children to speak Eng- 
 lish at home. That is the most difficult language and also the most 
 essential for their self-support. Then when they went to high 
 school, they got Spanish and now they speak it well. And Span- 
 ish helps any man in business in this part of the country." 
 
 Mr. Romero emphasized the danger when transition from 
 the Spanish to the American culture is too brusque. "When the 
 children are in the midst of an American society from childhood, 
 when they get American culture in the schools, they get it right. 
 But I have noticed here in the courthouse young fellows who 
 had come in from the country districts where all was Spanish. 
 They would last in a job one year, perhaps two years, and then 
 fall away. You see they had gotten away from their own en- 
 vironment, from the family group which is so important among 
 the Spanish ; they came to look down on their parents ; they got 
 the vices but not the virtues of the Americans and so assimilation 
 ruined them." 
 
 [ is ] 
 
The American culture is overwhelming the Spanish} but ap- 
 parently the latter is making no impression, or leaving no imprint 
 on the former. Said one of the priests at the Catholic rectory in 
 Trinidad, "The Mexicans have contributed nothing to the Ameri- 
 cans. They have taken on American vices, but not their virtues. 
 Because of their contact with the Americans, they have not im- 
 proved with regard to drunkenness, gambling, sex relations, or 
 in their attitude toward property. They are said to steal} they 
 may take some little thing when they need it, but they will re- 
 turn it and they will not take anything big. Now from the 
 Americans they are learning to steal big things." 
 
 Socially, the racial line is still evident between the Spanish 
 Americans and the Anglo-Americans. In the mining camps the 
 "Mexicans" are reported to mix very well with the other national 
 groups, in fact, they are not as cliquish as are the Italians. All 
 the groups use the Y. M. C. A. or the company club, but when 
 it comes to dances, the groups separate — Americans have their 
 dances, the Italians theirs, the Spanish Americans theirs — with 
 the exception that sometimes the young fellows, Spanish and 
 Italians, will mix. 
 
 Said one of the priests of Trinidad, "The two races (Anglo- 
 and Spanish American) do not have an antipathy for each other. 
 It is rather mistrust, like a person you meet for the first time. 
 The American regards the "Mexican" as inferior; the "Mexican" 
 is rather afraid of the American } he does not known what he will 
 do to him." The Spanish American is less energetic and more 
 easy-going than the American, and is suspicious of what his quick- 
 er neighbor may put over on him. 
 
 The Spanish Americans of course feel the condescending 
 attitude of the Americans and heartily resent it. Said Mr. Guer- 
 rero of Walsenburg, "The Americans think we are no good; they 
 class us with this trash that comes over from Mexico; we are 
 greasers and nothing more. We have suffered much from these 
 Mexicans, for the Americans lump us all together because we 
 speak Spanish. But we are coming to some leadership. A young 
 Spanish American lawyer has just come here, who is fine. There 
 is a Spanish American doctor who has all he can do. My oldest 
 boy, who has just graduated from high school, has decided to 
 study medicine. He has been working in a drug store, but de- 
 cided to take a vacation of about four weeks around Denver. 
 
 [ 16 3 
 
Well, he rested five or six days and that was all he could stand. 
 He went to work at hard labor on a rick pile. Now he has just 
 written me that he has gone to the military training camp at Fort 
 Logan for the summer camp." 
 
 Of course, the walls of prejudice and mistrust are breaking 
 down gradually, and as the two groups come to know each other, 
 there is more mutual esteem. So far there has been very little 
 intermarriage. 
 
 In Walsenburg, the Ku Klux Klan has been active, and has 
 done much to drive the two groups apart. Last January the 
 sheriff and the chief prohibition officer were shot, and shortly 
 after that the Klan held a parade. As a result, feeling has been 
 very bitter. Said a leading Spanish American, "The Klan has 
 made the Spanish Americans a solid group again. We were drift- 
 ing apart, away from the church, away from our old friends. But 
 this has brought us all together again. But you know this bitter 
 feeling hurts. Here's a fellow in town whom I chummed with 
 at school since we were kids. We sat in the same double desk, 
 went to picnics and parties together. I was at home at his house, 
 and he at mine. When mother made some Spanish dish that he 
 especially liked, we had him over for a meal. He married and 
 I did too, but our wives were friends in the same way. And now 
 he's leader of the Klan, and ready to knife me in the back any 
 time. Gosh darn it, it hurts to believe it. (His voice grew a 
 little husky and a lump came in his throat.) But the Klan is 
 wrong and it can't last." 
 
 [ 17 ] 
 
II 
 
 SAN LUIS AND SAN JUAN VALLEYS 
 
 (a) SAN LUIS VALLEY 
 
 1 . Introduction 
 
 The six counties of Alamosa, Conejos, Costilla, Mineral, 
 Rio Grande, and Saguache, which comprise the San Luis Valley, 
 together have an area slightly larger than that of the state of 
 Massachusetts. This valley, lying at an altitude of seven and 
 eight thousand feet, was formerly the bed of a great inland lake, 
 and consequently the soil is very fertile. The average rainfall 
 here is the lowest in the state, being in some localities only 6.5 
 inches. But the Rio Grande and its tributaries, and a large num- 
 ber of artesian wells supply all the water necessary for successful 
 agriculture. The principal crops are grains, alfalfa and other 
 hays, potatoes, field peas, and garden vegetables. Rio Grande 
 county is a leading potato growing district in the state and in 
 September imports many Mexicans for the harvest. Rio Grande 
 and Conejos counties are the two leading sheep producing coun- 
 ties of the state — an industry which provides employment for 
 many Spanish Americans as herders. More field peas are grown 
 in the San Luis valley than in all other sections of the state, and 
 are used largely as feed for hogs and lambs. Mexican laborers 
 are also imported for this crop. The 1920 census gave the six 
 counties of this valley a population of 31,751. 
 
 2. Spanish Americans in the valley 
 
 Rev. M. D. J. Sanchez, Presbyterian pastor at Alamosa, who 
 has been in the valley all his life stated that it contains 5,000 
 Spanish Americans, the majority of whom are found in the two 
 southern counties, Conejos and Costilla. 
 
 [ 18 ] 
 
3. Economic and social conditions 
 
 The Spanish population of this section is maintained prin- 
 cipally by agricultural activities. In Alamosa there are railroad 
 shops and a newly established lumber mill, but otherwise the oc- 
 cupation of the people is dominantly agricultural. Many of the 
 Spanish Americans own their farms, small holdings running 80 
 to 160 acres. They raise grains, potatoes and peas, and some 
 stock, though less sheep than formerly. Many others are agricul- 
 tural laborers. Housing, educational, and health conditions are 
 largely similar to those among the rural population of Las Ani- 
 mas and Huerfano counties. The following selection from the 
 report of Miss Pecover, health nurse for the Child Welfare Bu- 
 reau, gives a vivid picture of certain health conditions: 
 
 "For the most part the Mexican women of this district are 
 afraid of going to a doctor for a delivery unless they have money 
 enough to pay the minimum "full fee" charge which is $35.00. 
 They are afraid of being sued for the amount they are unable to 
 pay, even though agreement is reached with the physician. That 
 this is true was told by several reliable citizens, the Superintendent 
 of the Del Norte Schools being one. They say that some few years 
 ago there were a few doctors who took the attitude that there 
 could be no good in a Mexican; two were sued and all they had 
 was taken to pay for a supposed charity delivery. The Mexicans 
 are having difficulty in believing that all doctors are not alike. 
 The result is that they go to the dirty unregistered midwives even 
 though some of them realize the necessity of having a doctor, and 
 pay them what they can, which is usually from five to twenty dol- 
 lars. Because these women are unregistered they almost never 
 call a doctor when there is a complication of labor, seldom use 
 prophylaxis in the eyes of the babies, and never register the births. 
 At present most of these midwives are friendly toward us and 
 have said that if there were some other way for them to earn a 
 livelihood for another year or two they would be willing to stop 
 their illegal practices, but they must live and this is all they can 
 get to do." 
 
 (b) SAN JUAN VALLEY 
 
 This region in the southwestern part of Colorado is largely 
 mountainous, but possesses a considerable area of agricultural 
 
 [ 19 ] 
 
land. Its development as yet has been limited, due to lack of 
 transportation facilities, it being served by a narrow gauge line 
 of the Denver and Rio Grande Western system. 
 
 Inadequate transportation has long impaired the develop- 
 ment of this very important section of the State. Because the 
 valley is served only by a narrow guage all exports and imports 
 must be rehandled at Alamosa. The grades also are extremely 
 heavy, and the road runs at such a high elevation — 10,015 feet 
 at the pass — that it is frequently blocked to traffic by snow during 
 the winter. The Santa Fe, however, is contemplating a direct 
 line from Denver to Los Angeles through Durango — a develop- 
 ment which will mean much to the San Juan basin. There are 
 valuable coal deposits in both Archuleta and La Plata counties, 
 which are entirely inaccessible to transportation, and it is said that 
 farmers and sheep herders shovel free coal out of the hills and 
 haul it away in their carts. 
 
 The Spanish Americans in this section are found principally 
 in the La Plata and Archuleta counties. Little information was 
 obtained on the latter county; the total population is 3,590, and 
 the Spanish probably not more than 1,000, and largely rural. In 
 La Plata County, Durango with a population of 5,000 is the prin- 
 cipal center. The county has a total population of about 15,000 
 (1920, 11,200) and of these there are 5,000 registered voters. 
 It is commonly estimated there are 700 "Mexican" voters, which 
 would give us a population of 2,000 to 2,500. Of these 700 
 voters, 400 are found in Durango, which would give us a Spanish 
 American population there of 1,200 to 1,500. 
 
 The Durango smelter, owned by the American Smelting 
 and Refining Company is the principal economic foundation for 
 the Spanish American colony in Durango. It employs 177 men 
 of that group, with only 26 Austrians and 9 Italians. The men 
 work the eight hour day and the six day week. Their wage 
 runs from three to five dollars per day. Their work is largely 
 semi- and unskilled; for example, there is no "Mexican" me- 
 chanic and only one "Mexican" carpenter. Mr. Reynolds, the 
 general manager, reports them as satisfactory workmen, and that 
 the turnover is not excessive. The older men are very steady. 
 During the war the smelter shipped in sixty Mexicans from old 
 
 [ 20 ] 
 
Mexico, but they have gradually drifted away and now not one 
 of them remains. 
 
 Some of the Spanish Americans, of course, are agriculturists. 
 Their farms are not large, running from 160 to 320 acres. They 
 are reported as especially skillful as sheep herders; they do not 
 do so well with cattle. 
 
 Not many of the Spanish Americans are reported in the 
 mines of this section. Even in the coal mines, there are more 
 Italians and Austrians. 
 
 Miss McCartney did not seem especially optimistic about 
 the efficiency of the schools in educating or Americanizing this 
 group. She stated that the children rarely go beyond the fourth 
 grade. The ignorance of the people is particularly noticeable in 
 the field of politics where they are considered a "manipulated" 
 vote and are the tools of picturesque but corrupt bosses. A local 
 hero is reported to be worthy of a magazine article. After the pas- 
 sage of the Eighteenth Amendment it is said he went to a lawyer 
 to ask him how much he would charge to defend him by the year. 
 In a recent election he is said to have provided his Mexican co- 
 horts with dummy ballots, with slits cut in the exact places where 
 an X should be placed. Armed with these documents, they went 
 to the polls, laid them over the official ballots, marked their X 
 where the slits were, and thus voted exactly for all the men de- 
 sired. This same local hero appeared one time at a Durango 
 precinct to vote. He was recognized by one of the judges, a 
 woman. "You can't vote here," she said, "you're registered in 
 Ignacio." "That's all right," he answered, unperturbed, "I voted 
 at Ignacio, I voted at Perins, and I'll vote here, if you want me 
 to." 
 
 The Spanish Americans in Durango are found in the south 
 part of town on the eastern side of the railroad in the section 
 known as "Mexicans Flats", and on the west in the region known 
 as the "bottoms." These sections are marked by the usual pic- 
 turesque and motley assemblage of shacks and small cottages. 
 
 C 21 ] 
 
Ill 
 
 INDUSTRIAL CENTERS 
 
 (a) pueblo 
 
 Pueblo, the second largest city of Colorado, is considered 
 its principal industrial center. Its proximity to coal and iron, and 
 its excellent railroad facilities, have occasioned the development 
 there of the largest steel plant west of Chicago, together with 
 almost two hundred other manufactories. The 1920 census fixed 
 its population as 42,908, but the extensive growth of the city even 
 outside its limits affords considerable basis for its claim to have 
 at present 60,000 people. 
 
 All the information obtained points to an estimate of about 
 5,000 Mexicans in Pueblo. The steel works of the Colorado 
 Fuel and Iron Company now employ almost 1,200 Mexicans. 
 A proportion of these are Spanish Americans, but the percentage 
 is not large. About fifty are employed by the U. S. Zinc Co., and 
 small groups by the city, the contractors, and the railroads, notab- 
 ly the Sante Fe, D. & R. G., and the Missouri Pacific. 
 
 As was said above, the steel works dominate the industrial 
 situation for the Mexican. 
 
 The steel works normally employ between five and six thou- 
 sand men, and their figures show that the percentage of Mexicans 
 increased from 8.1 per cent in 1912 to over 20 per cent in 1917, 
 and has continued at that proportion or greater ever since.* In 
 1920 the Mexicans employed comprised 39.8 per cent of the total 
 force, but in 1923 the figure had dropped to 20.24 per cent. Mr. 
 Selleck, the personnel manager, stated that the Mexicans are 
 
 ♦See Table III. 
 
 [ 22 ] 
 
satisfactory workmen, and their number is not likely to decrease 
 and may increase in future years. 
 
 The Mexican is often accused of being a "floater" in indus- 
 try, of being unwilling to remain a great length of time in any 
 one job. On being asked about the turn-over among the Mexi- 
 cans, Mr. Selleck answered: "The Mexican cannot be blamed for 
 a large turn-over. He is a common laborer; he does the hardest 
 work for the lowest pay, and the turn-over is always greatest in 
 that kind of work. Naturally if a man thinks he can better him- 
 self he will quit that kind of a job for something better. The 
 cause for the turn-over among the Mexicans is industrial rather 
 than racial." 
 
 In the steel works, the Mexicans as a rule do the unskilled 
 or semi-skilled work. A few are wire-drawers; one finds an 
 occasional man working as a machinist or boiler-maker, but the 
 great majority do common labor. The steel works now has an 
 eight hour day instituted in 1918 in the month of November. 
 In this connection it may be stated that this steel works was the 
 first to institute the eight hour day. When Mr. Gary in October, 
 1918, announced that the policy of the United States Steel Cor- 
 poration was a basic eight hour day, with time and a half for 
 overtime, the manager here announced to the men, that he did 
 not know the meaning of a "basic" eight hour day, but that the 
 C. F. & I. stood for a real eight hour day. He offered the men 
 eight hours and a 1 0 per cent wage increase and the men accepted. 
 The six day week is now generally observed. There is a mini- 
 mum of $3.98 for eight hours, and this or a little more is the 
 average wage of the Mexicans. 
 
 Mr. A. T. Manzanares, the court interpreter, stated that 
 on an average about fifteen cases a month of Mexicans come be- 
 fore the courts; about two-thirds are for petty larceny, and one- 
 third for drunkenness. 
 
 (b) DENVER 
 
 Denver, the capital and largest city of Colorado, with a 
 present population of about 275,000, has never had a large Mexi- 
 can population. The 1920 census could find but 1,390 Mexicans. 
 Since that date, however, the number has grown. Mr. Jose 
 Esparza, the Mexican Consul with office at 402 Mercantile Build- 
 
 C 23 ] 
 
ing, states that Denver now has a permanent Mexican population 
 of over two thousand, and that in the winter time, when the beet 
 and other migratory workers come to the city, that number is 
 doubled or tripled. The Mexicans live in all parts of the city, 
 on the outskirts to the west and north, but are centralized some- 
 what west of Speer Boulevard, both north and south of Colfax 
 Avenue. 
 
 They are engaged largely in common labor, but their econo- 
 mic situation is not dominated by any one industry as in Pueblo. 
 They work for the railroads, the street car company, the city, and 
 various manufacturing concerns. There has been considerable 
 destitution among them, which the Mexican Blue Cross has been 
 fairly successful in alleviating. 
 
 1. Religious Work 
 
 (a) The Methodists. The Colfax Avenue M. E. Church, 
 situated at the corner of Ninth and Colfax, carries on some work 
 among the Mexicans, which took its rise from a marked interest 
 in that group shown by one of the deaconesses. About 1921 a 
 Mexican pastor, Seneca Garcia, was called to the field, and now 
 has a church of about 100 members. There is a Sunday school, 
 but little social work. The Methodists have been allocated the 
 district north of Colfax Avenue. 
 
 (b) The Presbyterians. The Jerome Park Mission is situ- 
 ated at 2004 W. Holden Place, south of the West Colfax viaduct 
 and just east of the bed of the South Platte River. It is in a 
 district which looks as if both God and Denver had forgotten it. 
 Surrounded by factories, and overhung by a dusky veil of smoke, 
 its little wooden cottages, or ancient one-story bricks, scattered 
 among weed-grown vacant lots, make it seem the mongrel off- 
 spring of a deserted village and a city slum. The district has 
 no paving, no side walks, no sewers. It is one of the most depres- 
 sing sections ever visited. 
 
 The church itself, an old brick structure, with one room and 
 a shallow wing, is situated at the end of the most attractive street 
 of the district, shaded by fine old trees. There is no American 
 pastor, and the staff consists of one woman worker, with whom 
 is now working a Mexican pastor. He has a Sunday school and 
 
 [ 24 ] 
 
preaching service at 10:00 and 10:45 in the morning which have 
 attracted 40 people. There is a Sunday school and preaching 
 service in English in the afternoon. 
 
 C M 3 
 
IV 
 
 THE MEXICAN ON THE RAILROADS 
 
 In the table below will be found listed all the railroads in 
 Colorado which have a mileage exceeding 100 miles: 
 
 Railroad Mileage 
 
 Denver and Rio Grande Western . . . • . . 1,504.33 
 
 Colorado and Southern 729.15 
 
 Union Pacific 852.51 
 
 Santa Fe 505.62 
 
 Chicago, Burlington & Quincy 395.39 
 
 Denver and Salt Lake 252.00 
 
 Rio Grande Southern 171.16 
 
 Rock Island 165.83 
 
 Missouri Pacific 152.11 
 
 (From "Colorado Year Book, 192+," fage 10). 
 
 The Mexicans work chiefly on these roads as section men. 
 The length of a section varies, but it usually runs eight to ten 
 miles, and four to six men care for a section. We can safely say 
 that the Mexican on the sections and in the extra gangs represents 
 a population of 5,000. 
 
 DENVER AND RIO GRANDE WESTERN 
 
 On this road, all the regular section men, with the exception 
 of a few Irish between Denver and Pueblo, are Mexican. They 
 have 3,000 men working on the sections, and of these probably 
 two-thirds are in Colorado. Fifty per cent of these are married. 
 There are 1,000 men on "extra gangs," in groups of about fifty 
 men each. These "extra gangs" are shifted to different parts of 
 the system, and they lay tracks, and roadbeds, and do all special 
 work, for which the regular section men cannot care. In these 
 extra gangs there are some Greeks, but eighty per cent of them 
 are Mexicans. 
 
 [26] 
 
SANTE FE 
 
 In the Colorado Division, La Junta-Pueblo-Denver-Canon 
 City, there are about forty sections, with about four Mexicans to 
 a section, or a total of 160. The number has recently been re- 
 duced from six to a section. Eighty-five men are in extra gangs. 
 Most of the section men have families, and about one-fifth of 
 the extra gangs. In this division we find thirty-eight American 
 bosses, two Mexican, and four or five Italian. 
 
 MISSOURI PACIFIC 
 
 From Pueblo east to the state line, they have about fifty 
 Mexicans averaging two to a section. There are three to four 
 men usually in a section, Americans working in addition to the 
 Mexicans. In Pueblo there is a yard gang of fifteen (ten Mexi- 
 cans, four Greeks, and an American boss), and an extra gang of 
 ten Mexicans. 
 
 COLORADO AND SOUTHERN 
 
 This railroad has its division office at Trinidad, but no in- 
 formation was obtained. 
 
 ROCK ISLAND 
 
 Reported to have few Mexicans employed. These section 
 men work the eight hour day, and the wage is thirty-five to thirty- 
 eight cents an hour. The extra gangs are housed in regular box 
 cars, with usually four bunks to a car, one in each corner. The 
 furniture of the car includes a stove and a wash-stand. 
 
 The section men live in concrete bunk houses, portable frame 
 bunk houses, or box cars set off their trucks and on to the ground. 
 A family may occupy one or two rooms, size about twelve by 
 twelve. The box cars usually have two or three windows in each 
 side, and a door at each end. 
 
 No trace of any social work among these people initiated by 
 the railroads was found, yet they often live lonely, isolated lives. 
 The section men who work near the large towns usually live in 
 or near the Mexican colony, and so have the contacts which that 
 association affords. But those living in the smaller towns, in 
 groups of from two to eight families, are cut off from those of 
 
 C 27 ] 
 
their own language and race. And, of course, the extra gangs, 
 shunted around the system from place to place, lead a nomadic 
 kind of existence. 
 
 So far we do not have sufficient information to initiate an 
 intelligent program for this group, but the following suggestions 
 might be carried out: 
 
 (1) Lay upon each one of our pastors and workers the 
 responsibility of informing himself about and working with the 
 section men in his territory. The distribution of literature should 
 be especially effective with these people. 
 
 (2) Detail one man, preferably one holding a railroad 
 pass, to spend at least one month a year, to make a tour of the 
 points from which the section men and extra gangs could be 
 most effectively reached. One of the most valuable results of 
 such a tour would be the assemblying of information on which 
 to base a future program. If stereopticon slides and moving pic- 
 tures could be used, he would be sure of a warm welcome. On 
 such a tour, the co-operation of various social agencies, particu- 
 larly those interested in health, child welfare, and education, 
 could be enlisted, and thus a well-rounded program of social as 
 well as religious instruction could be given to these people. 
 
 [ 28 ] 
 
V 
 
 THE MEXICAN IN THE BEET FIELDS 
 
 (a) the beet sugar industry 
 
 The journey of a load of beets from the field to the sugar 
 sack is a most fascinating one. Trucks, wagons, and cars con- 
 spire in bringing the great white nuggets to the factory. And 
 no sooner have the wheels of the cars ceased turning than the 
 load of beets tumbles down to add itself to the immense pile 
 waiting to take the plunge down the causeway. 
 
 Torrents of hot water bear the beets to the cutting knives. 
 And as they are borne along, they are washed. In the factory 
 elevators like Gargantuan corkscrews raise the beets to be cut and 
 shredded, whence they whirl away to the various chemical and 
 boiling vats. From the vats slowly flowing rivers of black mo- 
 lasses toil onward in the refining processes. The syrup drips upon 
 the inside surfaces of great whirling cylinders, where the centri- 
 fugal motion holds it in a vertical wall. Streams of water play 
 upon the syrup as it crystalizes, whitens into sugar — then on and 
 on, until at last the weighing machine accurately drops one hun- 
 dred pounds of warm sugar into the mouth of each waiting sack. 
 A beet travels just twenty-seven miles during this long journey, 
 but so rapid is the process, that the load of beets which is hauled 
 out after luncheon, may be sugar for your coffee-cup at dinner 
 the same evening. 
 
 The beet industry in the United States is about twenty-five 
 years old. But though a youth, it has already become a lusty one, 
 for in 1920, its ninety-eight factories produced more than one 
 million tons of sugar. 
 
 There are three great areas — the middle western, of which 
 the most important states are Michigan, Ohio, and Wisconsin} 
 
 [ 29 ] 
 
the western mountain section comprising the states of Colorado, 
 Utah, and Idaho; and the western section, of which California 
 is the chief beet producing state. 
 
 Colorado, in 1920, produced more than one fourth of all 
 
 the sugar refined in the United States, next comes California, 
 Michigan, and Utah, in the order named. 
 
 Of course, this new industry has demanded new labor, and 
 throughout the United States, the greater part of the rough work 
 is done by Mexican hands. 
 
 "Contracts for beet growing are arranged every year be- 
 tween the sugar manufacturing companies and the farmers in 
 beet-raising localities, and every acre of sugar beets is contracted 
 for before the seed is sown. The farmer with his machinery 
 prepares the ground for planting, seeds the crop, cultivates be- 
 tween the rows, and at harvest time loosens the beet roots from 
 the soil. But the intermediate and subsequent processes are per- 
 formed by an army of hand workers, for although machinery for 
 certain of these processes is being tried, it is not as yet in general 
 use. As the work is distinctly seasonal and also comes at a time 
 when regular farm labor is busy with other crops, the farmer 
 usually hires labor on contract to do the handwork. These labor- 
 ers have no more to do with the regular farm work than harvest 
 hands or fruit pickers, though in the intervals between the hand 
 processes they sometimes hire themselves out to the farmers for 
 other work. The amount of hand labor required for the beets is 
 usually estimated at one adult worker for every ten acres, which 
 means that in the United States approximately 87,238 adult la- 
 borers or an equivalent working force of adults and children 
 were required in 1920." 
 
 The supply of contract hand laborers comes from two 
 sources. First, there are the families resident near the beet farms. 
 Since about 1905, a constant stream of Russian-Germans had been 
 flowing into the beet sections of northern Colorado, and these 
 people supplied the bulk of the hand labor. Their ancestors had 
 emigrated from Germany to Russia in the eighteenth century, 
 but had never intermarried to any great degree with the Rus- 
 sians, and had conserved their German language, customs, and 
 religion. The World War naturally cut off this stream, and cre- 
 ated a labor shortage. It was necessary to turn to the second and 
 more distant source, and this was the Mexican and Spanish Amer- 
 
 [ 30 ] 
 
ican labor to the south. From southern Colorado and New Mex- 
 ico Spanish American labor was recruited, but this supply was 
 not adequate to meet the demand. And so agents were sent to 
 Texas and the border of Mexico. Now Fort Worth, El Paso, 
 and San Antonio have become important recruiting centers for 
 beet-field laborers, from which whole trainloads of Mexicans 
 are shipped north, east and west to the beet fields. 
 
 "The laborer contracts to do the handwork on as many acres 
 as he thinks he and his family group can take care of. The sugar 
 companies or the farmer — the agreement is made directly with 
 the latter — contracts to pay the laborer a fixed rate per acre (in 
 1924 this was $21 to $23 per acre), part of the amount to be paid 
 after each operation. In addition, the railroad fares of the work- 
 ers to the fields where they are to work are paid by the sugar 
 farmer for whom the laborer is to work." 
 
 The season for hand work extends over six or seven months, 
 from May to November. The families are usually brought to 
 the beet fields in April and occasionally as early as March. The 
 first operations turned over to them are "blocking" and "thin- 
 ning," which usually take about five or six weeks. It has been 
 found cheaper to be liberal with the seed and to plant more than 
 enough than to risk a poor stand, but to obtain the most perfect 
 beets only one plant must be allowed to mature, and the plants 
 should be from ten to twelve inches apart. Blocking, as it is 
 called, is usually done by adult laborers, and is followed imme- 
 diately by thinning, a process performed as a rule by children. 
 It consists in pulling out all but one beet plant and leaving one— 
 preferably the strongest. The blocking and thinning must be 
 done before the beet plants grow too large, and the work is 
 usually done under pressure. 
 
 Hoeing is the operation which follows blocking and thin- 
 ning, and it is spread over a period of four or five weeks. Be- 
 tween the last hoeing — that is, about the end of July — and the 
 time of harvest, a period of six or seven weeks elapses in which 
 there is no hand work in the beet fields. 
 
 The beet harvest begins about the first of October and lasts 
 until about the middle of November, or between six and seven 
 weeks. " The date of beginning the harvest depends upon the 
 sugar content of the beets and is determined by the chemists in the 
 testing stations of the sugar companies. After the beets have been 
 
 [ 3i ] 
 
loosened from the soil by a horsedrawn machine known as a 
 lifter, they are pulled up by the hand worker and thrown in piles 
 or rows to be "topped." For the latter operation a sharp, heavy 
 knife about eighteen inches long, with a hook at the end, is used. 
 The worker, with the knife grasped in the right hand, hooks up 
 the beet and chops off the crown of leaves with a sharp, down- 
 ward stroke." 
 
 As has been stated, Colorado leads all other States in the 
 Union in beet sugar production. "The beets are grown in the 
 irrigated basins of the Platte and the Arkansas Rivers, the Ar- 
 kansas Valley covering a tract of land approximately 125 miles 
 long from the Kansas State line to Pueblo, and the northern 
 irrigated districts reaching north from Denver for about 75 miles, 
 then running east and north again along the Platte River. On the 
 Western slope of the Rockies along the Grand and the Gunnison 
 Rivers is another irrigated beet-growing section, but the area there 
 is small compared to that in the Eastern part of the state." 
 
 A large part of the above material, and all of that enclosed 
 within quotation marks, was taken from Bureau Publication No. 
 115, of the Children's Bureau of the Department of Labor, en- 
 titled "Child Labor and the Work of Mothers in the Beet Fields 
 of Colorado and Michigan." 
 
 In Table IV will be found a list of the counties of Colorado 
 growing sugar beets, with the acreage and value of the crop pro- 
 duced in each one. Table V gives the monetary value in 1923 
 of the principal agricultural products of the state. From this 
 it will be seen that the crop of sugar beets, valued at $15,001,063, 
 exceeded the valuation of the wheat crop, and was exceeded in 
 turn by only two products, hay and corn. 
 
 (b) NUMBER AND LOCATION OF MEXICANS 
 
 1. In the Arkansas Valley 
 
 The Holly Sugar Company, with their factory at Swink 
 estimated that a population of about 800 Mexicans passed the 
 winter of 1 923 in their territory, half of them in Otero County, 
 some on the farms but most of them at La Junta, and the balance 
 
 [ 32 ] 
 
divided between Pueblo and Prowers Counties. In 1923 they 
 imported 540 fares, and in 1 924, 800. Six hundred of these were 
 brought in from El Paso and the balance from Albuquerque, and 
 other parts of New Mexico. Of the 800, 500 were sent to Otero 
 County, and most of the rest to Prowers. 
 
 Before going further, it may be well to state that all figures 
 for the number of Mexicans imported, are for "equivalent full 
 fares," which represent the total of full fares paid for adults 
 plus one half the number of half fares paid for all children un- 
 der twelve. So that the total number of persons brought in is 
 always somewhat in excess of the number of "fares" quoted. 
 
 The American Beet Sugar Company, with its sugar fac- 
 tory at Rocky Ford in Otero County, is estimated to have brought 
 in 1,200, of which prbbably 1,000 came from El Paso. Probably 
 more than one-half of these would go to Bent County, and most 
 of the balance to Otero. 
 
 2. In the South Platte Valley 
 
 The Great Western Sugar Company has as its total acreage 
 almost nine times as large an area as the combined acreage of the 
 Holly and American Sugar Companies. For, in addition to Col- 
 orado, it has large holdings in Utah, Montana, and Idaho. 
 
 At the beginning of the 1924 season there were 1,026 resi- 
 dent Mexican families within its territory. It shipped in 10,500 
 Mexican fares for its whole territory, of whom 7,481 were sent 
 to Colorado. Of the 10,500, 2,500 were sent from Denver, 
 2,500 from New Mexico, some from Kansas City, and four or 
 five thousand from Texas. 
 
 This company has ten factories in Colorado, four in Ne- 
 braska, one in Wyoming, and one in Montana. Its factories in 
 Colorado are located at the following points: 
 
 Brighton Greeley 
 
 Brush Longmont 
 
 Baton Loveland 
 
 Fort Collins Sterling 
 
 Fort Morgan Windsor 
 
 [ 33 ] 
 
(c) THE MEXICAN AS A LABORER 
 
 The Mexicans were brought in to do the contract hand labor, 
 and in that status they have so far remained. In no place but 
 Fort Collins was there any report of their becoming farm tenants 
 or owners. There the labor manager stated that ten or twelve 
 were farming beets for themselves. He said; "I do not look 
 for them to buy land. They are not thrifty like the German- 
 Russians. But the farmers may come more and more to turn 
 the beets over to them and let them farm them. This work, you 
 know, is adapted to the Mexican temperament. They take life 
 easily and don't mind being idle a part of the year." 
 
 Mr. Kaspar, Manager of the Holly Sugar Company, on 
 being asked what they would do without the Mexican, threw up 
 his hands and said, "We would be out of luck. We'd have to 
 close up our factory and the farmers would lose the crop. You 
 can't get white labor to do this work. We are absolutely depend- 
 ent on the Mexican." 
 
 r 
 
 An official of the American Beet Sugar Company, said, "The 
 Mexican is a good worker, if treated right. If not, he won't 
 work. He is very loyal or very mean. The trouble is, we haven't 
 known how to treat him. Too many have thought they could 
 beat the Mexican and they would be that much ahead. If any 
 farmer beats the Mexican now, he has to talk to us." 
 
 There is unquestionably much child labor in the beet fields, 
 and it is more prevalent among the Russian-German and Mexi- 
 cans than other groups. The redeeming feature of the situation, 
 is that the children, with rare exceptions, work with and under 
 the supervision of their own parents, and except where the parents 
 are ignorant or cruel, may not suffer physically from overwork. 
 The greatest evil seems to be that they are kept out of school, 
 especially in the fall, and thus retarded in their advancement. 
 An apparently careful study of child and women's labor in the 
 beet fields was made in 1920, under the direction of the Chil- 
 dren's Bureau of the Department of Labor, and published in the 
 bulletin No. 1 1 5 referred to above. But this survey because of 
 inadequate publicity and follow-up produced no tangible results. 
 Consequently, another survey is in process this summer, super- 
 vised by Professor F. B. Coen, of the State Agricultural College 
 at Fort Collins, co-operating with the National Committee on 
 
 [ 34 ] 
 
Child Labor. This survey should turn up some interesting and 
 up-to-the-minute data. 
 
 (d) colonization schemes 
 
 Every Mexican fare shipped into Colorado costs the sugar 
 companies from ten to twenty-five dollars. Further, an inex- 
 perienced man cannot do nearly so effective work as a man who 
 knows the beets. For these reasons the companies are endeavor- 
 ing to hold as many of the Mexicans as possible, especially the 
 steadier and more dependable class, within easy distance of the 
 beet fields, and are developing Mexican colonies of various classes 
 and sizes. 
 
 The Holly and American companies are building the colonies 
 at their own expense, and giving the houses rent free to the Mexi- 
 cans. The houses are' of adobe, either in single huts, or built 
 together in "long houses." The rooms are about twelve by 
 twelve, and as a rule two are allotted to a family. The floors are 
 sometimes of dirt, sometimes of cement, sometimes of board. 
 Ground is furnished for a garden if desired, with sufficient water 
 for irrigation. It is planned to set out trees, and make these col- 
 onies really pleasant little communities. 
 
 The Holly Company proposes colonies at the following 
 points: 
 
 Swink Devine 
 Cheraw Dinsmore 
 Holly 
 
 The American Beet Sugar Company has colonies at the fol- 
 lowing points: 
 
 Rocky Ford 
 La Mar 
 Las Animas 
 Manzanola 
 
 A woman in the colony at Rocky Ford was asked how she 
 liked the cement floor in the house. "Oh, Senor, not as well as 
 dirt. It is too cold, and then every time you drop a dish, smash, 
 it is gone." 
 
 La Junta in the Arkansas Valley has a considerable Mexican 
 population of 600 to 1,000. The Baptists have work here. The 
 
 [ 35 ] 
 
Catholics have just completed a new edifice for the Mexicans and 
 Italians, which is a better looking church than the one the Ameri- 
 cans use. 
 
 The Great Western Sugar Company, under the leadership 
 of Mr. Maddux, is following a different policy from the two 
 companies already mentioned. It is encouraging the Mexican to 
 buy and own his own house and lot. In their colonies the lots run 
 about fifty by eighty-five feet in size. The company furnishes 
 the straw, lime, and gravel for the houses, while the Mexican 
 furnishes the labor to make the adobe, and under supervision to 
 lay the walls and build the house. He is given five years in 
 which to pay for his little property. The first year he pays 
 nothing; the next three he pays $40.00 a year, thus reimbursing 
 the company for the $120 cost of each house. In the fifth year, 
 he pays for his lot, which costs from $25.00 to $50.00. He then 
 receives a deed to the property. During the five year period, the 
 company carries the taxes on the property and also all interest 
 charges. It also holds a contract with the individual Mexican 
 which gives it the right to eject him from the property within 
 thirty days, of course, on the provision that it repay him all he has 
 invested. This is to prevent bootlegging or the establishment of 
 a bawdy house in the colonies. 
 
 Fifteen of these houses were built in 1922, forty-two in the 
 next year, and two hundred are projected for this year. They 
 . will be located in the following places: 
 
 West Greeley Brush 
 
 In Nebraska there will be colonies at Scotts Bluff, Mitchell, 
 Miniature, and Bayard. In Montana at Billings and Lovell. 
 
 At Fort Collins, in addition to the Mexican colony, which is 
 situated to the north of the factory, a number of Mexicans live 
 in the "Jungles," a collection of wooden shacks in the river bot- 
 tom to the south of the factory. 
 
 Mr. Maddux stated that he hoped about 2,000 Mexican 
 families would pass the winter of 1924 in their territory. Of 
 these about 300 will be in the Longmont territory. The farmers 
 themselves are beginning to give the Mexican better housing on 
 
 Johnston 
 Hudson 
 Kersey 
 Kingsbury 
 
 Morgan 
 Fort Collins 
 Ovid 
 
 Sedgewick 
 
 [ 36 ] 
 
the individual farm. Some families are given enough work to 
 occupy them through the winter, feeding stock, etc., and if the 
 farmer wants to hold this labor, he must provide adequate 
 housing. 
 
 The Holly Company expects about one-fourth of the 800 
 they imported this year to remain over the winter. 
 
 (e) religious and social work 
 
 The Companies already realize that to hold the Mexicans, 
 it is necessary to do more than to build them adobe houses; that 
 there will be need to encourage the development of a healthful 
 social and religious atmosphere. Mr. Kaspar spoke of the in- 
 tention to build social centers or small churches in the colonies of 
 the Holly Company. This company has already given some 
 financial aid to the building of the Catholic Church for the Mexi- 
 cans and Italians at La Junta, and that in spite of the fact that 
 the company is reported as dominantly Jewish. 
 
 In Fort Collins, an illuminating story came to our attention. 
 There the Presbyterian Church has just sold its old edifice to 
 the Catholics, who were aided in the purchase and remodeling 
 by the Great Western Sugar Company. "The company did it," 
 explained Mr. Griffin, "not on any sectarian basis, but it wanted 
 to establish some center that these people could call their own. 
 It has a French priest who speaks Spanish." Mr. Maddux at- 
 tended the dedication of this church, and reported an audience of 
 over 500. "I witnessed them as they came out," he said, "and 
 you could just see goodness shining in their faces." Mr. Mad- 
 dux announces himself as interested in all religious efforts to help 
 these people. He assumes the catholic position that all religions 
 make for social good. 
 
 In the large colony of West Greeley, he has reserved two 
 fine lots for a social center, which is already drawn in on the 
 prospective blue print of the colony. As soon as thirty houses 
 are up there, he says it will be built. 
 
 [ 37 ] 
 
VI 
 
 PRESBYTERIAN SPANISH WORK IN COLORADO 
 
 In preparation of this survey statistics were not gathered 
 covering the history of our Presbyterian work in Colorado. Such 
 material should be collected before it is lost. It will include 
 the stories of the lives of Alexander Darley, J. J. Gilchrist, the 
 McLean brothers, Eneas and John, as well as the acts of the 
 lives of faithful service rendered by such missionary teachers as 
 Miss Mollie Clements. There are many interesting stories about 
 the early hardship endured and persecutions suffered, by the first 
 missionaries in the state. 
 
 Not far from Conejos, about three-quarters of a century ago, 
 there was a rancher named Gomez. He had heard about the 
 Bible, and was exceedingly eager to secure a copy. Finally a 
 Frenchman came into the valley, who was reputed to be the 
 owner of a copy of the Scriptures. After some bargaining, Mr. 
 Gomez bought it for ten dollars, a fat steer, and the use of a 
 yoke of oxen to make the trip to Santa Fe, the nearest trading 
 point one hundred and twenty-eight miles distant over the moun- 
 tains. From the time of the possession of this Bible the entire 
 Gomez family embraced the evangelical faith, and when the first 
 missionaries came into Colorado they found a group of Protestant 
 people worshipping in the home of the Gomez family. 
 
 Including the wives of ministers there are six missionaries in 
 our Presbyterian force today who are descendents of the original 
 Gomez family. 
 
 One of the most significant and well planned policies of the 
 / early missionary program, was the development of an educa- 
 tional institution for the training of leaders at Del Norte. This 
 college in its early days ministered almost entirely to the Spanish- 
 speaking population, and when the larger plans of the synod were 
 
 [ 38 ] 
 
taken into consideration in the development of Westminster Col- 
 lege near Salt Lake City, Del Norte College was abandoned. 
 The veterans of our missionary force, both in New Mexico and 
 Colorado, are graduates of Del Norte College, and it makes one 
 pause in his thought for the future, when he questions how these 
 men are to be replaced when their span of service shall be ended. 
 
 The veteran workers in Colorado are the Rev. M. D. J. 
 Sanchez, located at Alamosa, and the Rev. Refugio Jaramillo, 
 who is pastor of the church at Walsenburg and the church at 
 Huerfano Canyon, which is located at Tioga. 
 
 Mr. Sanchez has lived all his life^in the San Luis Valley, 
 and it is impossible to measure the influence which his ministry 
 has had upon the Spanish-speaking people of that section. He 
 serves also as presbyterial evangelist for the Spanish-speaking 
 population of the Presbytery of Pueblo, and gives at least half 
 of his time to travel, caring for a mission in Salida, which is a 
 department of the American church, and which, therefore, does 
 not figure in our statistical tabulation ; in caring for a mission at 
 La Jara, the organized church at Saguache; and in serving as a 
 sort of general advisor for all of the other pastors in the area. 
 He is looked upon as the dean of the force in Pueblo Presbytery, 
 and his wise counsel and evangelistic aid have been of inestimable 
 value in all of the fields. 
 
 The church at Alamosa is the second largest Spanish church 
 in the presbytery. It has a total membership of 104, and last 
 year 26 were received into membership, 23 of these being on 
 confession of faith. The church has been trained to give, and last 
 year contributed $1,800 for local expenses and $100 for benevo- 
 lences. The Spanish-speaking people who attend this church, 
 which is called the Second Presbyterian Church of Alamosa, are 
 for the most part clerks and railroad workers living in the city. 
 Because Alamosa is a railroad center and comes in constant con- 
 tact with English-speaking people, most of the members 
 of this church are able to speak and understand English, and 
 except for prejudice in favor of the Spanish language, it would 
 perhaps not be difficult to carry on most of the program of the 
 church in the English language. The property includes a neat 
 cement block church of two rooms, with a shingle roof, a good 
 adobe community house, with kitchen and social hall, and a small 
 manse, upon which the church has a debt of $1,000 to the Divi- 
 
 [ 39 ] 
 
sion of Buildings and Property. Alamosa is a strategic point in 
 the San Luis Valley and the missions, which the church conducts 
 through its pastor, are an important feature of the work. 
 
 There is an organized church, worshipping in an adobe build- 
 ing at Saguache, eighteen miles from Moffett, on the narrow 
 gauge of the Denver & Rio Grande. Saguache has been with- 
 out a pastor for years, and receives only the monthly visits of 
 Mr. Sanchez. The field is an important one, and ours is the 
 only evangelical work for Mexicans which is being done in the 
 city. Our church at the present time numbers only six in mem- 
 bership and the work is not in good condition. The church last 
 year contributed $150 for its own support and $15 for benevo- 
 lences. 
 
 About eighteen miles from the New Mexico boundary line 
 in the county of Costilla, is located the San Pablo church. The 
 district is a sheep growing district, although field peas, hay and 
 wheat, and other products are also produced in large quantities. 
 There is an interesting collection of Spanish villages in the group. 
 The most important of these is San Luis, the county seat. To the 
 south are San Pedro and San Pablo, located only a mile apart. 
 About two and one-half miles to the east of San Pablo is the little 
 village of Chama. The two communities of San Pablo and San 
 Pedro may be considered as one ; San Pedro being the Catholic 
 community with its large and imposing church, and San Pablo 
 the Protestant community with its no less commodious structure. 
 Chama and San Luis have no Protestant work of any sort, al- 
 though there are members of the San Pablo church living in San 
 Luis. The most notable of these is Mr. Valdez, who is editor of 
 the Heraldo Del Valle. Mr. Valdez is a very influential man, 
 not only in San Luis, but in the whole county of Costilla; he is 
 also a graduate of the college at Del Norte. 
 
 There are about 4,000 Spanish-speaking people in the field 
 which the San Pablo church ought to serve. The territory is occu- 
 pied almost entirely by the Latins, there being scarcely any influx 
 of American settlers as yet. Our San Pablo church, because of 
 lack of funds, has been without a pastor for the past seven years 
 and has been cared for by periodical visits made by Mr. Sanchez. 
 Because of the intense cold during the winter months, and be- 
 cause of the great distance from Alamosa, these visits have not 
 been so frequent as the needs of the church would warrant, and 
 
 [40 ] 
 
the work, therefore, is not in the condition in which it ought to 
 be. Nevertheless, during the period when the church has been 
 without a pastor, a summer student has been placed upon the field 
 each year, and during the period of service of one of these, Mr. 
 Primitivo Acosta, who is now located in Cuba, a new adobe build- 
 ing was constructed which cost about $3,500, not including the 
 labor of the people. A very effective work could be done through 
 the location of a permanent pastor at San Pablo, and the field 
 ought not to be cared for in the desultory way in which it has 
 received administration in the past seven years. A man with 
 some vision of community service, who could put on a program 
 which would help the agricultural people living in the district, 
 could make himself not only the spiritual, but the material lead- 
 er of the whole community. In 1923 Costilla County had 4,000 
 acres of spring wheat, but less than 2,000 acres in winter wheat. 
 The climate, however, is high, being on the average about 8,000 
 feet above sea level, and is covered with snow for a large part 
 of the year. Up in the San Luis Valley they have a saying that 
 it is winter for eleven months and then one month when it is 
 very cold. There seems to be a prejudice, however, on the part 
 of the Spanish people to the sowing of winter wheat, and some 
 sort of a demonstration given by adequate leadership might ac- 
 complish wonders in increasing the productive powers of the 
 people living in the area. 
 
 South of San Pablo, and directly on the state line are located 
 the two towns of Garcia and Costilla, Costilla being in Colorado 
 and Garcia in New Mexico. For a number of years our two 
 Home Mission Boards maintained both a school and a church at 
 Costilla, the work being carried on in a building, half of which 
 was manse and the other half church, the separation being by a 
 community wall. In 1917, however, the work by a comity 
 agreement was turned over to the Methodist church, and the prop- 
 erty has been transferred to the Methodist Conference in ex- 
 change for a like transfer on their part at Llano, New Mexico, 
 where they have turned over a field to us. An interesting thing, 
 however, is the fact that the Christian Endeavor Society which 
 was established at Costilla during the Presbyterian tenure, still 
 sends delegates to the convention of the Presbyterian Christian 
 Endeavor Society at its annual meeting in August. 
 
 At Ignacio, in La Platte County, is located a church which 
 has served both Spanish-speaking people and Indians under the 
 
 [41 ] 
 
leadership of the Rev. A. J. Rodriguez for many years. The 
 property consists of a very attractive and commodious building 
 of cement blocks, well located. The town, however, is small, the 
 1 920 census giving it a population of 240 and the Colorado Year 
 Book for 1924 estimating the population at 340. At least half 
 of these are Americans, and are served by an American Methodist 
 church, located about three blocks from our Spanish-Indian 
 church. The building is of wood, but commodious and attrac- 
 tive. Our church serves also the Ute Indians, from the nearby 
 reservation, and yet by the most liberal estimate and counting the 
 nearby ranchers, the two churches, Methodist and Presbyterian, 
 cannot possibly reach more than 1,000 people, of whom half 
 would be Americans. The wisdom of building at Ignacio with 
 the small population which the church could serve is questionable, 
 and wiser strategy would have dictated the policy of spending the 
 money involved in Durango twenty miles to the west, a town of 
 about 5,000 population. The urgent petition on the part of the 
 presbytery for the construction of the church at Ignacio may have 
 been due to the fact that the pastor, the Rev. A. J. Rodriguez 
 had his residence there. It is criminal and foolish in this day 
 and age for two Home Mission Boards to be putting money into a 
 town like Ignacio. If the Methodist church plans to drink the 
 cream off the community, it ought to drink the skim milk also, 
 and plans ought to be made which would serve Americans, In- 
 dians, and Spanish-speaking people alike. This ought not to be 
 difficult, because the Spanish-speaking people have been so long 
 at Ignacio and hold such an important part in its social and in- 
 dustrial life that racial barriers are inconsequential. 
 
 Mr. Rodriguez two years ago reached the age of retirement, 
 and because of the apparent folly of spending Home Mission 
 money in such a field, the sub-department of Spanish-speaking 
 work, recommended to the Board that the appropriation be dis- 
 continued and to the presbytery that Mr. Rodriguez be recom- 
 mended for aid to the Board of Ministerial Relief. Both recom- 
 mendations have been adopted, and Mr. Rodriguez is now upon 
 the retired list. He is aged and infirm, and has been unable for 
 eight or ten years to do the work of an active pastorate. He has 
 a neat home in Ignacio, which he owns, and ever since his retire- 
 ment has carried on the work of the Ignacio church exactly as he 
 did when he was upon the active list. For some time he has been 
 unable to do very much more than to care for the services of the 
 
 [42 ] 
 
church and to do such calling as cases of sickness and urgent need 
 required. Mr. Rodriguez has for years had a small mission in 
 Durango, holding services in the home of one of the members 
 living there, but belonging to the Ignacio church. A wise policy 
 for the future would divorce this plan of letting the tail wag the 
 dog in the Ignacio-Durango field, and would locate a minister 
 in Durango where there is an opportunity for a large and impor- 
 tant work and would plan for the continuation of Ignacio as a 
 mission of Durango in the future, unless the Methodists can be 
 persuaded to take over the work there. 
 
 In spite of the lack of opportunity the Ignacio church has 
 always been one of the best in the presbytery. They reported last 
 year a membership of fifty and received four upon confession 
 of faith during the year. The finances, however, have been at 
 low ebb, the church contributing $52 for its own support and 
 $20 for benevolences. Doubtless the fact that Mr. Rodriguez is 
 not receiving his salary from the Board, and that the church 
 people know that he is cared for by a pension, is largely respon- 
 sible for this fact. 
 
 Another of our Spanish fields centers about Antonito, thirty 
 miles to the south of Alamosa. 
 
 Six miles north of Antonito is the Spanish town of Mogote. 
 Mogote is very much like San Pablo, in that it has close to it a 
 smaller town named San Rafael, which is intensely Romanistic. 
 Our Spanish church was first located at San Rafael and bore the 
 name of the town. Because of intense opposition to the Presby- 
 terians it seemed wise when it was possible to construct a building, 
 to erect it in the neighboring town of Mogote where most of the 
 members lived. The church has served for more than half a 
 century in that community, and as a result Mogote is largely 
 Protestant, while San Rafael is entirely Catholic. In Mogote 
 Miss Mollie Clements served continuously under the Woman's 
 Board as a teacher for twenty-seven years. Her Christian char- 
 acter is written into the lives of all the people of the town, most 
 of whom at one time were pupils of her mission school. 
 
 The Mogote field has as its out-stations the Antonito church, 
 with fifteen members, and the Ortiz church with twenty-six mem- 
 bers. The Mogote church this year reports a membership of 143 
 and received fifteen upon confession of faith. The church con- 
 tributed $268 to its own support and gave $112 for benevolences. 
 
 [43 ] 
 
Just at present the field is vacant, Rev. C. A. Romero having 
 been transferred by presbytery's committee on National Missions 
 to Las Animas, where he is to have a roving commission in caring 
 for the beet workers in the Arkansas Valley. The removal of 
 Mr. Romero leaves the largest Spanish church in the presbytery 
 without pastoral care, and immediate steps must be taken to pro- 
 vide for it. There are elders, however, in the Mogote church 
 who can carry on the work temporarily, and it would seem to be 
 wise, in view of the fact that San Pablo has been without a pastor 
 so much longer, to locate a man at San Pablo for the current year, 
 allowing him to make periodical visits to Mogote. 
 
 Of course, the most strategic point in this field is Antonito, 
 but as yet our work has not made very much of an impression 
 there. In the days of Eneas McLean, who served as pastor on 
 this field, a church was erected in Antonito for the Spanish work. 
 Through some sort of shifting that church, however, has passed 
 over to the Americans and is used by them to the exclusion of the 
 Spanish people, who worship in a home. 
 
 Over the La Veta pass, in the county of Huerfano, is located 
 the town of Walsenburg. Detailed information has already been 
 made elsewhere in this survey about the mining industries, and 
 the number of Spanish-speaking people employed. Our church 
 there is of long standing, has a desirable and well located prop- 
 erty, but the building consists only of a good-looking brick manse, 
 in the front rooms of which services are held. A very urgent 
 need is that of a new church building. The town is important and 
 the church has been a decided influence in the moulding of its 
 character. The Walsenburg church last year reported a member- 
 ship of 120, receiving twenty on confession of faith and three by 
 letter; contributed $400 to its own support and $128 to benevo- 
 lences. It has an out-station in Huerfano Canon church which 
 is located in Tioga. This church last year reported thirty-three 
 members, received two on confession of faith, four by letter; con- 
 tributed $40 to its own support and $20 to benevolences. 
 
 One of the most important fields in the whole presbytery 
 is the city of Trinidad. The Spanish work in this city has had a 
 checkered career. For years services were held in an adobe struc- 
 ture, which was very poorly located. As the district deteriorated 
 it came to be the red light district of the city, and it was impossible 
 to attract any except the people who lived in the immediate vicin- 
 
 [44] 
 
ity to its services. In 1921 through aid given by the Board of 
 Church Erection, an adequate and well located stone church was 
 purchased from the Disciples denomination for the sum of $ 1 0,- 
 000. Since that time the activities of the church have increased, 
 and its membership has grown under the pastor in charge, Rev. 
 Amadeo Maes. He serves not only the Trindad field, but, also, 
 in his Dodge car a number of the mining camps located round 
 about. As an illustration of how much a building counts in the 
 development of a church, a comparison of statistics immediately 
 preceeding the purchase of the new building and the last year, 
 will be interesting in the case of the Trinidad church. In 1920 
 the membership was 80, in 1924 it was 115. The church in 
 1920 contributed for all purposes $315, in 1924, $634. 
 
 There is located also in Trinidad an Italian Presbyterian 
 church served by the Rev. A. Sulmonetti, which reported in 1 923 
 a membership of 36, with a Sunday school of 75. There seems 
 to be little or no co-ordination between the American church, the 
 Italian church, and the Spanish church ; and Trinidad as well as 
 Walsenburg and Alamosa present a fertile field for the working 
 out of a unified Presbyterian program, especially for the indus- 
 triar group which our Presbyterian work attempts to serve. 
 
 The development of the sugar beet industry in eastern Colo- 
 rado has very largely changed the complexion of our work at Las 
 Animas. The people who have come in to care for this industry 
 have for the larger part been immigrant Mexicans from old 
 Mexico. Las Animas for years has been cared for as a mission 
 church from Trinidad, the pastor of the Trinidad church making 
 monthly visits, and the work being carried on in the interim by 
 the elders. The field has become so important, however, that the 
 Rev. C. A. Romero located until August at Mogote, has now 
 been transferred to Las Animas where he will have his residence, 
 and where he will care for as many of the beet workers as he 
 can reach in his immediate territory. Our whole program for 
 work among such a population is in a most primitive stage. Ex- 
 perimentation has been made among the cotton pickers of the 
 Salt River Valley around Phoenix, by equipping a car with a mov- 
 ing picture machine, Testaments, tracts, and other literature. It 
 is probable that an adaptation of some such sort of a program will 
 be used for reaching the beet workers in the vicinity of Las 
 
 [ 45 ] 
 
Animas. The Las Animas church has a membership of thirty- 
 eight and gave $249 for local support and $32 for benevolences 
 last year. 
 
 From a denominational standpoint it is to be regretted that 
 our Presbyterian Spanish mission in Pueblo was abandoned some 
 ten or twelve years ago. There are no facts on file which would 
 indicate the reason of the abandonment, but the remains of the 
 work have been turned over to the Baptists, who are now doing 
 a good piece of work as indicated above. 
 
 The work in Denver Presbytery is of very recent develop- 
 ment and has been due largely to the efforts of the Rev. Paul H. 
 Buchholz, serving under the sub-department of the Spanish Work 
 and located at Denver in October of 1922. Mr. Jose Candelaria 
 was brought from Dubuque Seminary to Iliffe Seminary in Den- 
 ver, in order that he might give part time during the completion 
 of his seminary course to the work in Jerome Center, an enter- 
 prise under the direction of the Church Extension Board at Den- 
 ver. Mr. Candelaria has succeeded in getting together an inter- 
 esting group of Spanish people, and while the opportunity for 
 work in Denver is not particularly large at the present time, the 
 movement of the beet workers will make that city a point of in- 
 creasingly strategic importance. 
 
 Probably the greatest untouched fields, as this survey shows, 
 are the great beet fields north of Denver. A beginning has been 
 made in the locating of Miss Patricia Salazar at Brighton, and 
 an attractive adobe building to serve as a Home of Neighborly 
 Service has been built. It is hoped that this Home will serve as 
 a model for other communities in which there are Mexican colon- 
 ies. Miss Salazar is the product of our Home Mission work in 
 Southern Colorado, her father being an elder in the Ignacio 
 church. She speaks English and Spanish fluently, is of attractive 
 personality, bright, and ought to put over a very successful pro- 
 gram. If the first Home of Neighborly Service at Brighton can 
 be made a success, there is no reason why the Great Western 
 Sugar Company would not go halfway with us in the establish- 
 ment of a number of such community houses in the area which 
 they serve. Miss Salazar began her work this summer with a 
 Daily Vacation Bible School. 
 
 One of the most interesting phases of the work in southern 
 Colorado is the Christian Endeavor Convention which is held an- 
 
 [ « ] 
 
nually. These conventions have been held without a break for 
 the last quarter century and are largely attended by our young 
 people in the southern part of the state. It is the custom to meet 
 on Thursday night in the convention church, and services are 
 held all day Friday, Saturday, and Sunday. Much enthusiasm 
 is shown and the young people look forward from year to year 
 to these conventions. Great good is done the visited church, but 
 the enthusiasm and set up ought to be used for a more educational 
 program than has been the custom in years past. 
 
 The outstanding needs religiously in the development of our 
 Presbyterian work seem to be the following: 
 
 First. — The development of local committees, Presbyterian 
 unions, or Boards of Church Extension, which will vision our 
 Presbyterian work in the larger communities as a unit, instead of 
 along racial lines. 
 
 Second. — The extension of our program in the coal mining 
 districts, so that it will more adequately serve the social and eco- 
 nomical needs of the Spanish workers in the mines. 
 
 Third. — It is essential that we meet the situation among the 
 beet workers. 
 
 Fourth. — There must be developed a more adequate pro- 
 gram of religious education in the church than already exists. 
 
 For the past ten years the Sunday school membership has 
 each year lagged far behind the church membership, not only in 
 Colorado, but throughout the whole southwest, except in Cali- 
 fornia. This is not as it should be, and the churches of the future 
 will ultimately be about the same size as the Sunday schools of 
 the present. Our Spanish people all have large families, and 
 one is led to inquire as to the whereabouts of the children whose 
 parents are members of our churches.* 
 
 An interesting and perhaps mitigating circumstance in this 
 connection, however, is the fact that while our increase in church 
 membership throughout the whole southwest would plot a con- 
 tinually ascending line, the Sunday school membership from year 
 to year fluctuates. One is led to the conclusion, therefore, that 
 the statistics on church membership, because of the necessity of 
 balancing returns according to the blanks furnished by the stated 
 
 ♦See Tables VI and VII. 
 
 [ 47 ] 
 
clerks, prompts a more accurate keeping of the records, than is 
 the case in the Sunday schools. It is probable that the personal 
 element of judgment enters more largely into the statistical in- 
 formation we have on the Sunday schools than on the churches ; 
 but the relative unimportance of the Sunday schools in the minds 
 of the ministers, which this fact would indicate, is not encouraging. 
 
 As a matter of fact, in our Sunday schools all over the south- 
 west, the service is made more of a preaching service for children 
 than a school of religious education. There is too much inspira- 
 tion and too little perspiration; they are exhorted too much and 
 taught too little. Furthermore, the religious leadership is all 
 furnished and not enough effort is being made by our pastors to 
 develop leaders on the part of the coming generation. Much 
 attention must be given in the religious program of our Spanish 
 churches to the expressional side of the work. It is noted that 
 where we have Christian Endeavor Societies, which enable the 
 young people to develop this side of their lives, the Sunday 
 schools are always more flourishing and prosperous, than where 
 such societies do not exist. 
 
 A study of the growth in membership of the churches and 
 Sunday schools of Colorado (Table VI) indicates that there has 
 been much fluctuation year by year. The plotted curve is dis- 
 couraging, for it does not seem to be getting anywhere, either 
 up or down. There is not the regularity which is noted in growth 
 in membership for the whole southwest. 
 
 The same fact is true in the study of the comparative giv- 
 ing in the Spanish-speaking churches of Colorado.* One is at a 
 loss to explain why the years of 1916, 1921, and 1924, are so 
 much above the general average, and the conclusion is almost 
 forced home upon one, that the churches are inclined to give in 
 accordance with the pressure placed upon them. Nevertheless 
 there is an element of permanency in the Spanish-speaking 
 churches of Colorado which is encouraging. Our churches in the 
 southern part of the state fairly adequately cover the field, but 
 there ought to be laid upon the consciousness of all of us that 
 there is much ground yet to be possessed in the beet fields and 
 in the mining camps. 
 
 ♦See Table VIII. 
 
 [48 ] 
 
VII 
 
 RECOMMENDATIONS 
 
 1. The present and future importance of the Spanish work 
 in Colorado, as shown by this survey, fully justifies the wisdom of 
 placing an executive in that field. The already excellent work 
 of Mr. Buchholz in this area is further proof of the Tightness of 
 this step. Denver because of its unexcelled railroad connections 
 is the point from which all parts of the field may be reached 
 most easily, and is also very accessible to the rapidly developing 
 situation among the beet workers to the north. 
 
 2. The work among the beet workers seems the outstand- 
 ing opportunity among the Spanish-speaking people in the state. 
 Here we have a population movement of quite unique interest, 
 where industrial needs are causing the importation of thousands 
 of individuals of a group almost entirely new to the environ- 
 ment and social setting. This region is to be dotted with small 
 Mexican settlements. The movement is still in its early, forma- 
 tive stages. We have now an opportunity to get in early, to do 
 something to mold these small communities in the making, and 
 early to arouse the American communities to their responsibility 
 toward the new-comers. 
 
 3. The greatest opportunity in the two counties of Las 
 Animas and Huerfano appears to lie in the coal mining camps, 
 especially those of the C. F. & I. Company. In almost all these 
 camps there is concentrated a considerable number of Mexicans 
 and Spanish Americans. We have estimated that in Las Animas 
 County there are about 5,000, in Huerfano County between 2,500 
 and 3,000. In all the C. F. & I. Camps there is a Y. M. C. A. 
 or company club, which could easily be secured as a locale for our 
 work. 
 
 As has been stated, the Y. M. C. A. is providing: adequately 
 for the social needs of the men, and also doing something for the 
 boys. Little seems to be done for the women and girls. Accord- 
 ingly it would appear advisable for us to enter the field with a 
 
 [49 ] 
 
woman worker, who could direct organized clubs and classes for 
 the girls and women, help in the Sunday school, and conduct a 
 D. V. B. S. in the summer. 
 
 4. Our two churches at Trinidad and Walsenburg are well 
 located, and seem to be doing good work. It has been suggested 
 that they might render their greatest service by inspiring young 
 people to become leaders, such as health nurses, teachers, and 
 agricultural experts. 
 
 5. The question of the extent of the assimilation of the 
 Spanish Americans was gone into carefully, in an endeavor to 
 learn to what extent separate churches are still needed for this 
 group, and to what extent the Spanish language should still be 
 employed. Investigation has established the fact, We believe, that 
 this group is still sufficiently distinct to warrant separate churches 
 and other organizations, except possibly in the mining camps, 
 where they might form part of a joint program for all racial 
 groups. With regard to the language, though Spanish is indeed 
 rapidly passing, and all work for children can be carried on in 
 English, it is evident that for the next ten or fifteen years, 
 Spanish will still have to be used with the adults, and possibly 
 longer in the rural districts. As one Catholic priest expressed 
 it, "Most of the Spanish Americans, especially the men, under- 
 stand enough English to 'get by' in their daily business and indus- 
 trial life; but if you want to make sure that they understand a 
 thing clearly, if you want to give them a talk or a lecture, you 
 must use Spanish." 
 
 6. Care should be taken to keep our churches entirely clear 
 from any connection with the Ku Klux Klan. Otherwise they 
 will be the object of much greater bitterness and prejudice than 
 they now suffer. 
 
 7. The Mexican situation of Denver is not yet crystallized. 
 But it seems likely that Denver because of the large number of 
 beet workers which pass through it, will, especially during the 
 winter months, come to house a considerable population. For this 
 reason the situation there should be watched with care during 
 the next two years. 
 
 8. Pueblo warrants a more intensive survey, to establish the 
 possibility of initiating work there which would not compete with 
 the Baptist Center and the Y. M. C. A. 
 
 [ 50 ] 
 
9. Durango with its 1,000 or 1,200 Spanish Americans is 
 an important and virgin field as far as Protestant work is con- 
 cerned. The Catholics there seem to be rendering real social 
 service, and have a hold on the people which might make Protes- 
 tant progress difficult. 
 
 [ 51 ] 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 Table 
 
 I Mexicans in Colorado, 1920 Census. 
 II Mines of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company. 
 
 III Percentage by Nationalities of the Total Number of 
 Employees, C. F. & I. Steel Works, 1914-1923. 
 
 IV Production of Sugar Beets in Colorado, 1923. 
 
 V Value of Principal Farm Crops of Colorado, 1923. 
 
 VI Growth of Spanish-speaking churches in Colorado in 
 Church and Sunday school membership. 
 
 VII Growth of Spanish-speaking churches of the Southwest, 
 in Church and Sunday school membership. 
 
 VIII Growth of Spanish -speaking churches of Colorado in Giv- 
 ing: For local support, and for benevolence. 
 
 IX Growth of Spanish-speaking churches of the Southwest in 
 Giving: For local support, and for benevolence. 
 
 [ 52 ] 
 
Table I 
 
 MEXICANS* IN COLORADO 
 
 1920 Census, Vol. Ill, page 149 
 
 A total of 10,894 Mexicans were found in the state, in 52 of its 
 63 counties. The 1 8 counties, in each of which were more than 
 100 Mexicans are listed below: 
 
 Adams 
 
 100 
 
 Las Animas 
 
 893 
 
 Bent 
 
 475 
 
 Mesa 
 
 152 
 
 Boulder 
 
 108 
 
 Mineral 
 
 136 
 
 Crowley 
 
 183 
 
 Morgan 
 
 132 
 
 Denver 
 
 1,390 
 
 Otero 
 
 1,153 
 
 El Paso 
 
 230 
 
 Prowers 
 
 951 
 
 Fremont 
 
 202 
 
 Pueblo 
 
 2,486 
 
 Huerfano 
 
 424 
 
 Saguache 
 
 115 
 
 Larimer 
 
 231 
 
 Weld 
 
 756 
 
 
 By cities 
 
 
 Boulder 
 
 1 
 
 Greeley 
 
 96 
 
 Colorado Springs 
 
 85 
 
 Pueblo 
 
 1,882 
 
 Denver 
 
 1,390 
 
 Trinidad 
 
 89 
 
 In 1920, Colorado had a total of 1 16,954 foreign-born white, of 
 which 10,894 Mexicans comprised 9.3 per cent. 
 
 ♦Mexicans born in the Republic of Mexico. 
 
 [ 53 ] 
 
Table II 
 
 COAL MINES OF COLORADO FUEL & IRON COMPANY 
 
 County 
 Fremont 
 
 Gunnison 
 
 Huerfano 
 
 ''Las Animas 
 
 Pueblo 
 Fremont 
 
 Mine 
 
 Coal Creek 
 Rockvale 
 Fremont 
 Emerald 
 Elk Mountain 
 Crested Butte 
 Robinson No. 1 
 Robinson No. 2 
 Ideal 
 
 Lester & Rouse 
 Cameron 
 Pictou 
 Kebler No. 2 
 Farr 
 
 Frederick 
 
 Primero 
 
 Morley 
 
 Tabasco 
 
 Berwind 
 
 Toller 
 
 Segundo 
 
 (coke ovens) 
 Sopris 
 
 Engleburg (closed) 
 
 (Quarries) 
 Line 
 Calcite 
 
 Caretakers and staff 
 
 P. O. Address 
 
 Rockvale 
 
 Rockvale 
 
 Florence 
 
 Canon City 
 
 Crested Butte ) 
 
 Crested Butte J 
 
 Walsenburg / 
 
 Walsenburg \ 
 
 Ideal 
 
 Lester 
 
 Cameron 
 
 Pictou 
 
 Tioga 
 
 Farr 
 
 Valdez 
 
 Primero 
 
 Morley 
 
 Berwind / 
 
 Berwind J 
 
 Tollerburg 
 
 Segundo 
 
 Sopris 
 
 at mines temporarily closed 
 
 Y. or Co. 
 Club 
 
 Club 
 
 Club 
 
 YMCA 
 
 Club 
 YMCA 
 
 Club 
 
 Club 
 
 Club 
 
 YMCA 
 
 YMCA 
 
 YMCA 
 
 YMCA 
 
 Y at Berwind 
 YMCA 
 
 Club 
 
 Yes 
 
 Cath.Ch. Mex. 
 
 1 
 
 25 
 
 11 
 
 89 
 
 118 
 41 
 
 36 
 3 
 
 58 
 199 
 149 
 
 98 
 
 133 
 
 9 
 46 
 
 69 
 2 
 
 Sp. 
 
 Yes 
 Yes 
 
 Yes 
 
 Yes 
 
 28 
 
 Ital. 
 
 77 
 19 
 
 36 
 
 85 
 
 56 
 32 
 
 16 
 1 
 13 
 89 
 49 
 72 
 
 176 
 
 7 
 27 
 
 185 
 3 
 
 Total 
 (1) 
 
 154 
 78 
 
 174 
 
 426 
 
 226 
 218 
 
 156 
 38 
 183 
 397 
 338 
 285 
 
 494 
 
 100 
 86 
 
 342 
 12 
 
 According to total (1) 
 
 Total in camps 4,049 
 
 Mexicans and Spanish Americans 1,105 or 
 
 Italians 1,015 
 
 Spanish 41 
 
 Total (1) and figures on the number of Mexicans (including Spanish 
 Americans), Spanish, and Italians, were of January, 1924, and were 
 furnished by Mr. Wakeman, Business Secretary of the C. F. & I. 
 YMCA's, with office at Trinidad. 
 
 Total 
 (2) 
 159 
 181 
 146 
 42 
 $ 85 
 1 112 
 
 302 
 
 M.211 
 M.210 
 174 
 91 
 64 
 
 344 
 306 
 M. 261 
 j 217 
 } 224 
 157 
 
 371 
 
 ™ . 20 ' 54 
 
 Club ii 8 25 
 
 7 44 263 
 
 TOTAL 1,105 41 1,015 4,049 
 
 Americans 876 21.63% 
 
 „ n ,„ Austrians 314 7.74% 
 
 27-03% Slavs Ill 2.74% 
 
 2 , 5 -°7% Colored 140 3.47% 
 
 1-01% Others 447 11.04% 
 
 Total (2) was taken from the 1923 report of the State Inspector of Coal 
 Mines. 
 
 "M" Signifies a large proportion of "old Mexico" Mexicans, rather than 
 Spanish Americans. 
 
Table III 
 
 MEXICANS AMERICANS ALL OTHERS 
 
 PERCENTAGE BY NATIONALITIES OF TOTAL 
 NUMBER OF EMPLOYEES 1914-1923 
 
 C.E&.1. STEEL WORKS 
 
 [ 55 ] 
 
Table IV 
 
 PRODUCTION OF SUGAR BEETS 
 IN COLORADO, 1923 
 
 
 
 
 Per cent of 
 
 No. of 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 cultivated, land 
 
 farms 
 
 No. of 
 
 County 
 
 Value 
 
 Acreage 
 
 devoted to 
 
 reporting 
 
 farms 
 
 Adams 
 
 $ 502,975 
 
 5,396 
 
 3.26 
 
 249 
 
 1,535 
 
 Arapahoe 
 
 21,258 
 
 228 
 
 .28 
 
 8 
 
 624 
 
 Bent 
 
 347,288 
 
 2,756 
 
 3.47 
 
 94 
 
 859 
 
 Boulder 
 
 682,000 
 
 7,710 
 
 10.28 
 
 332 
 
 796 
 
 Crowley- 
 
 292,600 
 
 2,526 
 
 6.84 
 
 131 
 
 531 
 
 Delta 
 
 333,300 
 
 2,710 
 
 6.01 
 
 208 
 
 1,500 
 
 El Paso 
 
 16,170 
 
 124 
 
 .10 
 
 3 
 
 1,189 
 
 Garfield 
 
 222,200 
 
 1,410 
 
 2.94 
 
 88 
 
 844 
 
 Jefferson 
 
 43,450 
 
 384 
 
 1.07 
 
 31 
 
 1,029 
 
 Larimer 
 
 320,880 
 
 13,018 
 
 12.42 
 
 575 
 
 1,088 
 
 Las Animas 
 
 12,120 
 
 98 
 
 .11 
 
 
 1,820 
 
 Logan 
 
 1,520,750 
 
 15,340 
 
 3.81 
 
 395 
 
 2,216 
 
 Mesa 
 
 479,325 
 
 3,582 
 
 5.95 
 
 182 
 
 2,662 
 
 Montrose 
 
 306,075 
 
 2,287 
 
 3.47 
 
 224 
 
 1,216 
 
 Morgan 
 
 1,936,000 
 
 22,089 
 
 11.62 
 
 462 
 
 1,432 
 
 Ofp m 
 
 1 144 275 
 
 10,426 
 
 14.02 
 
 457 
 
 1 187 
 
 Ouray 
 
 2,222 
 
 ' 17 
 
 .16 
 
 3 
 
 170 
 
 Prowers 
 
 435,600 
 
 3,586 
 
 2.26 
 
 150 
 
 1,197 
 
 Pueblo 
 
 444,400 
 
 3,387 
 
 3.83 
 
 273 
 
 1,583 
 
 Sedgewick 
 
 504,900 
 
 5,181 
 
 4.44 
 
 127 
 
 534 
 
 Washington 
 
 67,375 
 
 640 
 
 .14 
 
 26 
 
 1,905 
 
 Weld 
 
 4,365,900 
 
 45,305 
 
 8.96 
 
 1,752 
 
 4,176 
 
 Total 
 
 $15,001,063 
 
 147,720 
 
 
 5,775 
 
 
 The above data is taken from the Colorado Year Book, 1924, pages 50, 51, 73, 
 83, 87. 
 
 From the map on the following page it will be noted that there are three 
 principal areas for growing sugar beets in the state: 
 
 1. The South Platte valley, including Adams, Arapahoe, Boulder, Jef- 
 ferson, Larimer, Loganj Morgan, Sedgewick, Washington, and 
 Weld counties. 
 
 2. The Arkansas valley, including Bent, Crowley, Las Animas, Otero, 
 Prowers, and Pueblo counties; also El Paso. 
 
 3. The West Slope, including Delta, Garfield, Mesa, Montrose, and 
 Ouray counties. 
 
 [ 56 ] 
 
ACREAGE OF SUGAR BEETS, 1923 
 
 The largest triangle represents 45,305 acres. The dot represents 
 less than 450 acres. 
 
 Table V 
 
 VALUE OF THE PRINCIPAL FARM CROPS 
 OF COLORADO, 1923 
 (From Colorado Year Book, 1924, pp. 50, 51.) 
 
 A creage 
 
 Corn $23,476,676 1,400,000 
 
 Wheat 14,182,857 1,390,000 
 
 Oats 3,309,066 
 
 Barley 3,346,346 
 
 Rye 639,561 
 
 Potatoes 8,463,499 110,000 
 
 Beans 4,951,663 
 
 Sorghums 5,917,220 
 
 Sugar beets 15,001,063 165,453 
 
 Hay 29,615,941 1,576,000 
 
 Fruits 7,865,310 
 
 Miscellaneous 7,037,200 
 
 Total $123,806,402 
 
 [ 57 ] 
 
Table VI 
 
 700- 
 
 600- 
 
 o 
 
 10 
 <0 
 
 N 
 
 N 
 CO 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 500- 
 
 4oo- 
 
 300- 
 
 20O- 
 
 IOO 
 
 cO 
 
 V) 
 
 s 
 
 o 
 
 lO 
 
 ~tfT 
 
 I 
 
 W 
 
 (Vl 
 
 10 
 o 
 
 10 
 
 w 
 10 
 
 i- 
 
 O 
 
 I 
 
 (0 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 ■i 
 
 1915 1916 1917 I9IS 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 
 
 D 
 
 CHURCH 
 MEMBERSHIP 
 
 SUNDAY SCHOOL 
 MEMBERSHIP 
 
 GROWTH IN MEMBERSHIP 
 CHURCH AND SUNDAY SCHOOL, 
 
 SPANISH SPEAKING CHURCHES IN COLORADO 
 
 [ 58 ] 
 
Table VII 
 
 10 
 
 £ g) 
 
 10 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 o S £ 
 
 O lO (\J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 cvl 
 
 
 B 
 t 
 
 CM 
 
 lO 
 
 CM 
 
 |v 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1877 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 O 
 OJ 
 
 
 N 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 c? 
 
 
 lO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 lO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S / 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1915 
 
 1916 1317 I9IS 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 
 
 D 
 
 CHUBCH 
 MEMBERSHIP 
 
 SUNDAY -SCHOOL 
 MEMBERSHIP 
 
 GROWTH IN 
 CHURCH AND 
 
 SPANISH SPEAKING 
 
 MEMBERSHIP 
 SUNDAY SCHOOL 
 WORK IN SOUTHWEST 
 
 [ 59 ] 
 
Table VIII 
 
 4000 
 
 330O 
 
 9000 
 
 2800 
 
 2000 
 
 ISOO 
 
 500 
 
 
 135IO 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 10 
 M 
 <0 
 lO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 o >o 
 
 O T 
 
 (VI 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 o 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 <M 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Oi 
 
 m 
 
 K 
 
 
 jii 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 00 
 (0 
 
 
 (D 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 
 fl) 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 01 
 io 
 
 
 
 © 
 
 lO 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 CM 
 
 
 IQ 
 O 
 W 
 
 1 
 
 
 01 
 0> 
 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 I9£0 1931 1928 1923 1924 
 
 LOCAL SUPPORT j|J BENEVOLENCES 
 
 GIVING IN THE SPANISH SPEAKING 
 CHURCHES OP COLORADO 
 
 [ 60 ] 
 
Table IX 
 
 \7032 
 
 o 
 
 10 
 o 
 
 oo 
 o 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 CM *o 
 " ! ?5 F=i 
 
 o 
 
 lO 
 
 io 
 
 i 
 
 l 
 
 2 
 
 1915 1916 1917 ©18 1919 
 
 Q LOCAL, SVPPORT 
 
 1920 1921 1922 (923 1924 
 ^ BBNEVOLENCBS 
 
 GIVING IN THE -SPANISH SPEAKING 
 CHURCHES OF THE SOUTHWEST 
 
 [ 61 ]