MASTER NEGA TIVE NO. 92-80525 MICROFILMED 1992 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES * Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material... Columbia University Library reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: CHURCH, ALFRED JOHN TITLE: CARTHAGE. WITH THE COLLABORATION OF .. PLACE: NEW YORK DA TE : 1904 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET Master Negative # <^5- Bo^X5- 1 Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record 88U.9 Church, Alfred Jolin, I629-I912. Carthage. With the collaboration of Arthur Gilman. New York, Putnam, 1904. >!>:, 309 p. illuG., maps. (The stoi-y of the nations) Restrictions on Use: 1. Carthage - Hist. J. Gilman, Arthur, 1837-1909. I. Story of the nations. ■'-7 f^ TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA FILM S^ZE:__ j:>_r«_'ri REDUCTION RATIO: IMAGE PLACEMENT: \A (U^ IB IIB DATE MLMED: 1jJ^9_iJIR. INITIALS____6'_^___ HLMED BY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC VVOODBRIDGE. CT " /■/K I^id Oiles are presented for the reader in their philuso|)hical relations to each Other as well as to univer^al history. 12% Illustrated, cloth, each Half Leather, each . No. 62 and following Nos. Each Half leather, gilt top, each, . $1.50 . $1.75 net $1.35 (By mail) $1.50 net $1 60 (By mail) $i.75 FOR FULL Ll^r SFF 1M> UF THIS VOLUME. CARTHAGE |M^L^bMI^(»J )« wWI THE STORY OF THE NATIONS C/l O *^ «/i c/i O ai o f CARTHAGE BY ALFRED J. CHURCH, M.A. .KO. E.^UK UK LATIN IN rx.VE.s.TV OLI.EOK, LONDON ; AUTHOR OF "Sli'Kll-^ I-KOM HOMEK, hTC. WITH THE COLLABORATION OF ARTHUR GILMAN. M.A. AUTHOR i OF "THE i,TOKY OF HOME," " HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, ETC. NEW YORK G. P. PUTNAM^S SONS LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN 1904 % x«9 WITHDRAWN COPYRir.IIT By G. p. Pi; 1 nam's Sons 1886 Enien-'i at Sfafuffters' Hall, Londm By T. 1 iMiER UNwm .,, I tifll! PREFACE. It is difficult to tell the story of Carthage, because one has to tell it without sympathy, and from the standpoint of her enemies. It is a great advantage, on the other hand, that the materials are of a manage- able amount, and that a fairly complete narrative may be given within a moderate compass. I have made it a rule to go to the original authori- ties. At the same time I have to express my obliga- tions to several modern works, to the geographical treatises of Heeren, the histories of Grote, Arnold and Mommsen, Mr. Bosworth Smith's admirable " Car- thage and the Carthaginians," and the learned and exhaustive '' History of Art in Phoenicia, and its Dependencies," by Messieurs Georges Perrot and Charles Chipiez, as translated and edited by Mr. Walter Armstrong. To this last I am indebted for most of the illustrations of this book. I have had much help also from Mr. W. W. Capes' edition of " Livy " xxi., xxii. 49 9 X PREFACEm I have not thought it necessary to discuss the critical questions which have been raised about the Duilian column (p. 135). The inscription, as it at present exists, may be supposed to bear a general, though not a faithful, resomblance to the original. Had LEY Green, May 27, i8S6t k r CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Carthage founded by Dido The Campaigns of Malchus The Battle of Alalia . First Treaty with Rome . First Battle of I limera Second Treaty with Rome • Hannibal invades Sicily Third Treaty with Rome Capture of Agriijentum Treaty between Carthage and Dionysius Renewal of the War .... Siege of Syracuse by Himilco. Return of Himilco to Africa Mago invades Sicily Treaty of Peace with Dionysius Renewal of the War . . Dionysius attacks Carthage Death of Dionysius The Conspiracy of Hanno . The Battle of Crimessus . I)eath of Timoleon Agathocles defeated at Himera He transfers the War to Africa . He returns to Sicily I'yrrhus invades Sicily He leaves Sicily Beginning of First Punic War Defeat of the Carthaginian Fleet by Duilius Victory of Regulus at Ecnomus . at Mylae BX. 850 480 440 410 406 397 396 396 393 392 383 368 367 340 339 337 310 310 307 278 276 264 260 256 Xll CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Landing of Regulus in Africa Defeat of Regulus 1))' Xantii>|)us .... The Siege of Lilybt'iim iH-i^un Defeat of the Roman Flcrt uuAt-t Claudius at Drepanum Hamikar Barca comes into Sicily Death of Hannibal Defeat of Carthaginian Fleet by Catulus at /Egusa . . Conclusion of First Punic War War of the Mercenaries . . .... Hamilcar Barca invades Spain Dtath of Hamilcar ........ A nation of Ilasdrubal ..... Capture of Saguntum by Hannibal and Commencement of Funic War Battles of Ticinus and Trebia Battle of TraNuniennus . Battle of Cannae ..,.,.. Harmibal winters in Capua Roman Conquest of Syracuse Hannibal takes Tarenturn . . . . . Defeat and Deatli of tlie Scipii'^ m >{)aui . Hannibal marches on Rome lall of ("ainia . Fublius Scipio j^oes to S[)aiu He cai)tute^ Xiw Carthage Death of Marcfllus ....... Hasdrulml en tits Italy His defeat at Metaurus ,•.... Scipio sails to Africa ....... Hannibal returns lu ( arthage Defeat at Zaina ........ End of Second Punic War Death of llaiinil)al ....... Roman Fnd)as>y at Carthage The Thinl i'tuiic War begins . . . , . Fall of Carthage 241- • • Second > * • • • 256 249 249 247 247 241 241 236 236 229 221 218 218 217 216 215 212 212 211 211 210 209 208 207 207 204 203 202 201 183 174 149 146 CONTENTS. PART I. \ LEGEND AND EARLY HISTORY. I. The Legend of Dido The building of Carthage, 5— Dido and /Eneas, 7. PACK 3-8 II. The Growth of Carthage . . . .9-18 The Tyrian traders, ii^Malchus and Mago, 13— Treaties with Rome, 15— Carthaginian possessions, 17. PART I L CARTHAGE AND GREECE. I. Hamilcar and Hannibal .... 21-34 Hamilcar's army, 25— The fate of Hamilcar, 27— Hannibal before Selinus, 29— Attack on Himera, 31— Hannibal's venge- ance, 33. ' NBIb XIV CONTENTS. II. PACE Carthage and Dionysius (406-405) . . 35-45 Siege of Agrigentum, 37— Execution of the generals, 39— Agrigentum evacuated, 41— Gela abandoned, 43— The plague It Carthage, 45. III. Carthage and Dionysius (397) . . . 46-63 Siege of Motya, 47— Motya assaulted, 49— Himilco's ad- vance, 51— Battle of Catana, 53— Siege of Syracuse, 55^ Plague in Himilco's camp, 57— Himilco's escape, 59 — Carthage saved, 63. IV. The Last Struggle with Dionysius . . 64-69 Mago defeated. 65— Defeat of Dionysius, 67-The end of rhe war, 69. V. Carthage and Timoleon 70-74 Timoleon declares war against Carthage, 71— Battle of the Crimessus, 73. VI. Carthage and Agathocles .... Agathocles in extremities, 77— Agathocles invades Africa, 8i — Revolt of Bomilcar, 85 — Pyrrhus, 89— Pyrrhus leaves Sicily, 91. 75-91 THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF CARTHAGE. I. Carthaginian Discoverers .... 95-101 Along the African Coast, 97^(;orillas, 99— A strange tale, loi. CONTENTS. XV II. PACE The Constitution and Religion of Carthage 102-114 Magistrates of Carthage, 103 — Estates of the realm in Carthage, 105 — Justice and religion, 109 — Carthaginian Deities, 113. III. The Revenue and Trade of Carthage . 1 15-125 Carthaginian Mines, 117— Trade, 119 — Ivory and precious stones, 121 — Art and literature, 123 — Wealth and luxury, 125. PA/^T IV. CARTHAGE AND ROME. I. The War in Sicily and on the Sea . . 129-140 The Romans gain Messana, 131— Capture of Agrigentum, 133 — Battle of Mylx, 137 — Battle of Ecnomus, 139. II. The Invasion of Africa 141-151 Defeat of Ilamilcar, 143 — Xantippus, 145 — Defeat of Regulus, 147 — Horace on Regulus, 149 — Revenge for Regulus, 151. III. In Sicily Again 152-165 Roman Losses at sea, 153 — Roman disasters, 157 — The Romans gain Eryx, 159— Hasdrubal's successes, l6l — Battle of i^gates Island, 163 — Conclusion of War, 165. XVI CONTENTS. IV, Carthage and her IVIerci xarifs PAGE Revolt of the mcrcenarits, 167 Massacre of prisoners, 175— End of war with mercenaries, 177. 166-177 of Utica, 171 — Carthage and Spain 178-184 Hamilcar in Spain, 179— Hannibal, iSi— Siege of Sagun- turi), 183. VI. From the E.mo to Iimy .... 185-194 Passage of the Rhoiie, 1S7 — Ruulc over tlic Al^i.^, 1S9— Rocks split with vinegar, 193. VII. The First Campaic.x in Italy Scipio retires to the TrelMa, iqq — Scmiironius fight, 201 — The Cartliaginiatis vict«>riou.s, 205. . 195-205 eager to Trasumennus Liike Trasumennus, 207- llannibal's jiolicy, 211. VIII. Slaughter of the Romans, 209 — IX. Fabius and his Tachcs 212-217 Hannibal a master uf sfratai^em, 213 — Fabius and Minu- cius, 215— Varro and i'aullus m command, 217. CONTENTS. XVll PACK X. Canx/f 218-224 Hannibal's army, 219— The struggle, 221— Will he march on Rome ? 223. XI. AfIER CANNiE 225-231 Mago at Carthage, 227— Hannibal's prospects, 229— Taren- tum gained, 231. XII. The Turn of the Tide .... 232-244 Attempted relief of Capua, 233 -Capua lost to Hannibal, 235— Cartilage lose> Sicily, 237 — Roman successes in Spain, 239 — Death of the Scipios, 241— Capture of New Carthage, 243. XIII. The Last Chance of Victory 245-252 The death of Marcellus, 247— Nero's great march, 249— Ode from Horace, 251. XIV rm: T.a<=t Strccgle 253-264 Scii'io and Syphav, 257— Hannibal recalled, 259— Zama, 261 — Terms of peace, 263. XV. Hannibal in Exile 265-271 Hannil)al with Antiochus, 267— Hannibal in Bithynia, 269 — (Character of Hannibal, 271, iilllliilW Hj UBOiltt xvm CONTENTS. rAOK XVI. The Beginning of the End 272-279 Cato's hostility to Carthage, 273— Africanus the Younger, 275 —Expedition against Carthage, 277— War declared, 279. XVII. The Siege and Fall of Carthage . . 280-301 The walls of Carthage, 281— The Romnns lose their ally Masi- nissa, 285— Scipio in command, 2S9 -Attack on the Mc- gara, 293 — Engagements between the Heels, 295— Fighting in the city, 297— Successors of Carthage, 301. Index . 303 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE CROSSING IHE ALPS Frontispiece CARTHACINI VN STELE FROM SULCI (SARDINIA). . . 1 6 11 AN AND SECTION OF A CARTHAGINIAN TOMB AT MALTA PIKKNKTAN SARCOPHAGUS FOUND AT SOLUNTE (SICILY) oNK OF THE TOW KRS OF I K\ X .... t akiha(;inl^n plattkk- silver .... I hi: WALL OF MOTYA VollVi. BAS-RELIEF TO PFRSEPHONE . AI KK AN AQUEDUCT RURAL CISTERNS PI AN OF THE RUINS OF UTICA .... VOIIVK STELE FROM CARTHAGE (HIPPOPOTAMUS) VolIVK SIELE TO TANIT A >1 KLL TO TANIT ...... VOTIVE STELE TO TANIT FROM CARTHAGE . VOTIVE STELES FROM CARTHAGE .... CARTHAGINIAN COIN CARTHAGINIAN COIN (ELECTRUM) 17 23 36 40 48 61 79 83 87 98 107 no III 113 "5 116 ( ' s PORT OF CARTH V(.l. 1 R( >M -Ak( ncn A(;[ 1 TH E HA R BOU R S < ) !• t A K I 1 i \ . , I \ ^ v - ■ ix i . t \ i , i ( . ] ; | i " HARBOURS OF CARTH \'. I \*-.kl.IX', M OATX) ARRANGEMENTS OF I HE L1RIII> ACCUkDiXG JO Xlr \J Mm* aZsl *■■*••*■ PLAN OF WALL AT BYRSA AFRICAN COLISEUM LK) TO PAGE Il6 121 123 124 135 142 U3 155 159 161 162 ID9 191 197 203 -33 281 283 287 293 293 299 PART I. LKGi:XD AND !■ ARLY H1ST0R\ I.--THF Ln,KM» OF Dido. IL— The c;rowth ov Carthage. Unfortunatfly w ' .\v very little about the history of this ■ '; and tti;it uKic i> (lifticult to assi^ni to any p.irti'-uhr iim%.. Our cl'ii-t ;inthor!tirs arc Justin, a writer of uiu;ci;ain date, w.io wrolc .ui cjutouic of an earlier work ci»uiposeil by one Troji^nis !' uis (li.c. .S5 15 ?) ; and i'olybius, wh< as the text ( ti lul ircalie^ made httwt ' ' irthage and Koine Of Folybius we bhall have sotneihing lu ::>j.y hereafter. THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. THE LEGEND OF DIDO. " Malgernus, King of Tyre, died, leaving behind him a son, Pygmalion, and a daughter, Elissa or Dido, a maiden of singular beauty. Pygmalion, though he was yet but a boy, the Tyrians made their king Elissa married Acerbas, whom some also call Sichaius, her mother's brother, and priest of Her- cules. Among the Tyrians the priest of Hercules was counted next in honour to the king. Acerbas had great wealth, which he was at much pains to hide, so that, fearing the king, he put it away, not in his dwelling, but in the earth. Nevertheless the thing became commonly known. Thereupon King Pyg- malion, being filled with covetousness, and heeding not the laws of man, and having no respect to natural affection, slew Acerbas, though he was brother to his mother and husband to his sister. Elissa for many days turned away her face from her brother, but at last, putting on a cheerful countenance, feigned to be reconciled to him. And this she did, not because she hated him the less, but because she thought to fly from the country, in which counsel she had for abettors 4 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. many nobles of the city, who also were greatly dis- I)lcasc(l at the king. With this purpose she spake to P)ginali()n, /iiig, *I have had enough of sorrow. I ,et inc come and dwell in thy Ivhhc, that I be no more reminded of my troubles.' Tliis tlie king heard with great joy, thinking that with his sister there would also come into his hands all the trci^un s of iVcct bds. liut wlicn he sent his servants to bring his sister's [)o 'ons to his palace she won them over to herself, so that thcv* became i)art;dxers of her flight. Having thus put all lier riches upon shi{)l) > ml, and takintJ with her also such of the citizens a- "ivoured her, she set sail, first duly performing sdci nice to Her- cules. And first she voyaged to Cyprus, where the priest of Jupiter, being warned of the gods, offered himself as a sharer of her enter {)rizc on this condi- tion, that he and his posterity should hold the high priesthood for ever in the city which she should found. From Cyprus also she carried off a com- I)an\' of maidens, that they might be wives for her i>eople. Now when Pygmalion knew that his siste: liad tied he w;is very wroth, and would have pursued after her and slain her. Nevertheless, being cvercDme by the ciiiieaties of his mother, and >et more by fear of vengeance from the gods, he let her go ; for the prophets prophesied, ' It will go ill with thee, if thou hinder the founding of that which shall be the most fortunate cit\' in the whole world.* " After these things Queen Elissa came to Africa, and finding that the people of those parts were well aflfected to strangers, and had a special liking for buying and selling, she made a covenant with them. TfiE BUILDIXG OF CARTPlAGE. huving a piece of land, so much as could be covered uiihthe hide of an ox, that she might thereon refresh her comi)aiiions, who were now greatly wearied with iheir \ owij^e. This hide she cut into small strips that >Iie might thus enclose a larger })iece. And after- wards the j)lace was called Hyrsa, which is, being interpreted, the Hide. " lo this i)lace came many of the people of the land, bringing merchantlize for sale ; and in no great space of time there grew up a notable town. The people ot L'tu ,1 also, which city had been before founded by the men of Tyre, sent ambassadors, claiming kindred with these new comers, and bidding them fix their abode in the same place where they themselves dwelt. But the barl)arous people were not willing that they sliould dei)art from among them. Therefore, by common consent of all, there was built a fair city, to which the builders gave the name of Carthage; and it w.is agreed between Elissa and the people of the land that she should pay for tlie ground on which the said eit\ was founded a certain tribute by the year. In the first place where they were minded to lay the foundations of the city there was found the head of m ox. Of this the soothsaxcrs gave this interpreta- iH'u, saying, 'This signifieth a fruitful land, but one tliat is full of labour, and a city that shall ever be a ^' r\ ant to others.' Therefore the city was moved to another place, where, w hen they began to dig founda- tions again, there was found the head of a horse. Thereupon the prophets prophesied again : * This shall be a powerful nation, great in war, and thL foundation augurcth of victory.' b THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. "After these thinji^s, the city ^Tcatly flourishing and the beautv .»f (Juecii I^lissa ft )r she was very fiiir) being spreati ahr<»a(l, larbas, King of tlic Moors, sent for the cliicf men of Carthage to come to him ; and when they were come lie said, ' Go back to the Uuccn, and say that I demand her hand in marriage; aiid if she be not willing, then I will make war upon her and her city/ These men, fearing to tell the matter plainly to the (Jueen, conceived a crafty device. * King larbas.' said they, * desireth to fmd some one who shall teach his people a more gentle manner of lite ; but who shall be found that will leave his own kinsfolk and go to a barbarous people that are as the beasts of the field ? ' The Queen reproved them, saying, ' No man should refuse to endure hardness of life if it be for his country's sake ; nay, he must give to it his very life, if need be/ Then said the messengers, *Thou art judged out of thine own mouth, O Queen. What therefore thou counscllest to others do thyself, if thou wouldst serve thy country.' B\' tiiis subtlety she was entrapi)eil, uliich when she had perceived, first she called with mucli lamentations and inanv' tears on the name of her husband Acerbas, and then affirmed that she was ready to do that which the will of the gods had laid upon her. * But first,' she said, * give me the space of three months that I may lament my former estate.' This being granted to her, she built, in the furthest part of the city, a great pyre, whereupon she might offer sacrifices to the dead, and appease the shade of Acerbas before that she took to herself another husband. Upon this pyre, having first offered many sheep and oxen, she herself mounted, having a DIDO AND .ENEAS. y sword in her hand. Then looking upon the people that was gathered about the pyre, she said, * Ye bid me go to my husband. See then, for I go.' There- upon she drave the sword into her heart, and so fell dead." Such was the legend of the founding of Carthage as Virgil found it when he was writing his great poem, the . /w/^7^/. He took it, and boldly shaped it to suit his own purposes. This is how he tells it. "/Eneas, saved by the gods from the ruin of Troy to be the founder of Rome, comes after many wander- ings to the island of Sicily, and thence sets sails for Italy, the land which has been promised to him. But Juno, who cannot forget her wrath against the sons ( >f Xroy, raises a great storm, which falls upon his fleet and scatters it, sinking some of the ships, and driving the rest upon the shore of Africa, near to the place where Elissa, who is also called Dido, had newly founded her city of Carthage. By her he and his companions are hospitably received. But this is not enough for Venus, his mother. ' For,' says she to herself, 'haply the mind of the Queen and her people will change concerning my son, and they will deal unfriendly with him and the men of Troy.' There- upon she devises this device. She causes her son Cupid, or Love, to take upon him the shape of Ascanius, the young son of ^neas ; but Ascanius himself she carries to her own bower in Cyprus, and there lulls him to sleep. Meanwhile ^neas is entertained by the Queen at a great banquet, and tells the story of the fall of Troy and of his wanderings ; and as he tells it, the false o THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. Ascanius sits in thc()uceii's Lip, rind l)rcathcs into I ,r heart the s{)irit of love. After this comes Juno to \'ei! ;s, and sa\ s tcj her: ' Why shoiih 1 there be enniit}' between mc and tlice ? I love Cartlia<;(% .md thou lovest the men of IVoy. Ix*t us make an a;^iccinent that these two may join tc )^ethcr in one ihy : and t< > this end let Dido take Jjieas for her husband.' To this Venus gave her assent ; and so it was contrived. "But tlie thinj^ [)leasi:d not Jui)iter that /luu-as should s( > for;.iet tlie ' s to wliidi lie was called. Therefore he called Mercury, that was iiis mcssen^i^^er, find said to him: *(io to the 'I'rojan chief where he now liii,^< 1- at CarthaL;e, fori^ettin;^ the city which he must build in It;dy. and tell liim that he must make ready to dei)art.' So Mercury bore the message to ^Eneas ; and /Ivncas knew that the will of the i,^ods was that he should depart, and biidc his coin[)anions forthwith make ready the sliips. This thcv did ; and when the time came, though it was s(ii, 1\ against his will, yluieas (lei)artcd, knowing tliat he could not re- sist tlie will of the gods. And when Dido saw that he was gone, she bade them build a it |)vre of wood, and mounting upon it, slew herself with the very sword which /Eneas had left in her chamber." II. THE GROWTH OF CARTHAGE. I HAVK said that it was a bold change by which Virgil sought to shape the legend of Elissa or Dido to suit the purpose of his own poem. Bold indeed it was, for he brings together in the Oucen of Carthacre and the Hero of Tro\^ persons w ho must haxe been sei)aratcd from each other in time by more than two lumdred years. Ascanius. he tells us himself in the /luieid, was to found Alba, and at Alba the kingdom should remain for three hundred years, till the ])riestess of Vesta should bear a son to Mars, who should found the great city of Rome. There 'must therefore have been more than three hundred years between the coming of /Eneas into Italy and the founding of Rome. But, on the other hand, it was commonly agreed that Carthage was not a hundred >XNirs older than Rome. If we are to follow Justin, from whom I have taken the legend told in the first chapter, its foundation may be put in the year 850 ; but it must not be supposed that this date is as cer- tain as that of the Declaration of American Inde- pendence, or that of the Battle of Waterloo. The legend tells us that the first founders of Car- thage came from Tyre. Very likely this is true ; it 10 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, is certain that they belonged to the nation of which Tyre was the chief city, the Ph( enicians. This people dwelt in the little strip of land not much larger than the American State of New Hani[)shirc, or about twice the size of the FInglish county of Yorkshire) which is called Palestine, and which occui)ics the south-eastern corner of the Mediterranean coast. The inland tribes of this people, who are known to us in the Bible history under the name of Canaaiiitcs, were subdued and nearly destroyed by the Hebrews, when, after their escape from slavery in Kgypt, they invaded the country about fourteen hundred \( irs before Christ. But many of the dwellers of the coast remained unsubdued. In the south were the Philis- tines with their five cities, almost alwavs at war with their Hebrew neighbours, somcti.nes ah.ost conquer- ing them,* anc 1 sometimes, as in the da\ s of David and Solomon, paying tribute. In the north, again, were the great cities of Tyre and Sidon. Ik^tween these and the Hebrews there seems to ha\e been commonly friendship. They were a nation of sea- men and traders, and they had to im|)ort the food ^ which they did not wish, or perhaps were not able, to grow for themselves. For this food they paid either with the produce of their own irtists and handicrafts- ' Thus we read li Sam icl xiii. > tliat the Israelites were obliged to go down to the I'hilistinex u^ sharpen their tcx^ls, and that only the king and the king's son po- d >vvord and spear. * Thus we find SoIdmioh (Kiyuig Hiram, kin^ of Tyre, for the help that he had given in the building of the I emple with wine and oil. And more than a thousand years after, the men of Tyre are unwilling to remain at enmity with King Herod, because their country is " nourished from the king's country." THE TYRIAN TRADERS, 11 men, with timber cut in the cedar forest of Lebanon, or work in bronze and iron, or rich purple dyes, or with merchandize which they had themselves im- ported. As traders, indeed, they travelled very far, and while seeking new markets in which to buy and sell, they made great discoveries. They went as far south, some say, as the Cape of Good Hope, certainly as far as Sierra Leone ; and as far north as Britain, from which they fetched tin, and probably copper. I^ut I shall have more to say of this hereafter. It u as, however, chiefly the coasts of the Mediterranean that they were accustomed to visit ; and along these it was that they established their trading posts. It is the story of the most famous of these posts that I have now to tell. The word Carthage— in Latin Cart/ia£-o/ Sind in Greek A7^;r^v/^w— contains in another form, changed to suit European tongues, the word Kirjath,a name fami- liar to us in the Bible in the compounds Kirjath-Arba and Kirjath-Jearim.i Kirjath means "Town," and the name by which Carthage was known to its own inhabitants was Kirjath - Hadeschath, or the "New Town "—?ieu\ to distinguish it either from the old town of Tyre, from which its settlers had come forth, or from the older settlement of Utica, older by nearly ' These resemblances of Carthaginian and Hebrew names are very nicresting, and show us how close was the kindred between the Jews and the Canaanite or Phoenician tribes, enemies to each other though itu y mostly were. The chief magistrates of the city, for instance, had the title of Shophetim, the Hebrew word fur "judges," which the Romans changed into Suffetes. One of the Hamilcars agam, of whom I shall have to speak hereafter, bore the surname of Barca, and Barca is the same as the Hebrew Barak, or " lightning.** 12 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. three hundred years, w hich lay about fifteen miles to the north-west. The " \c\v Town " was built in a little bay of the great natuial harbour, tlic finest and most com- modious th.it is to be found along the whole of the north coast of Africa, wliich is now called the Bay of TuniN.' The site ua^ \Kiy hai)[)ily chosen. A river, the Bagradas fnow the Mejerdai was near.^ The land was well watered and fertile, ricli with corn and wine .ind oil. It is a |)roof of its natural ad- vantaj^es that within two (cnturics of its total de- struction, Cartha^^e l)i'C.:imc the third city of the luni)ire, ;uul that its modern success( )r is one of the larL;e^t ami most {)ros|)erous of all the purely Maliometan cities ( »f the world. ( )f the city's early history we knou^ very little ; indeed, it nia\' be said, nothing. More than two centuries are an al)solute blank. We hear nothing for certain of i^aitliai^c and its doinijs, thoui^h we may guess that it was busv trading, and sometimes fighting with its neighbours and with the inhabitants of the African coast, of Strijy, and of Si)ain. Then about the middle of the .^i.\th century lie. (but the date is qulic inicertainj we hear of a certain king or chief who bore the name of Malchus.3 Malchiis made war against the Ah i( an tril)es in the neighbour hood of the c i t } • , ai i d s u be 1 u e d man y o f t h e m . h" r ^ > i m * The present ritv a( th it rorm- , lU* a liitle to ilie soutli- ea>t of tile anci> rtitn- \v.i>.i Tums or I'lim-s in i:Ia>>ical times, 1)111 it was al nail tuwii. lis actual mouth was at Ulica. ' Note again the I lebrew names. The high priest's servant whose eas Peter cut off at Gethsemane '* was named Malchus." MALCHUS AND MAGO. 13 Africa he crossed over into Sicily, and conquered a |)art, doubtless the western part, of the island. From Sicily, again, he went on to Sardinia. There he was beaten in a great battle. The Carthaginians, who were always cruel and often unjust to their defeated lerals, condemned him to banishment. Malchus refused to obey, and led his army against his native city. The magistrates sent out his son Carthalo to intercede with him, but in vain ; Carthalo w^as seized by his father, and actually crucified in sight of the city walls. After a while the city was compelled to surrender; but Malchus was content with putting to death ten of his chief opponents. Those whom he spared not long afteru ards brought him to trial, and condemned him to death. After Malchus came Mago, who still further in- crcasctl the military power of the city. I lis reign or chief magistrac)' — Carthage once had kings, but it is not easy to say w^hen the title was abolished ; in- deed it is sometimes given to the chief magistrate down to a late period of her history — may be said to cover the latter i)art of the sixth century B.C. And now^ for the first time, the State takes a definite place, in history. The inhabitants of Phocaea, one of the Greek colonies on the western coast of Asia Minor, had fled from their native city rather than submit to the rule of the Persians, binding themselves by an oath never to return till a lump of iron which they threw into the harbour should rise to the top of the water. But before they had been long gone, home-sickness proved stronger than their oath, and more than half of them returned. The remain^v* 14 THE STORY OF CARTIIAOr. TREATIES WITH ROME. 13 pursued their journey with their wives and children, and settled at Alalia in Corsica, a place which had been already colonized by Greeks, lliere they took to the trade of piracy, a more respectable employ- ment, it must be remembered, then than now. After five years the Carthaginians and the Etruscans, Rome's neighbours on the north, and then an independent and a powerful nation, combined against them. A great gea-battle followed. The Phocaeans had the sixty ships in which they had migrated from their native town ; their enemies had double the number, half coming from Carthage, half from the sea-ports on the I'^trurian coast. The victory fell to the Greeks ; but it was a victory which was as bad as a defeat ; for they lost forty out of their sixty shijis, and they were compelled to leave their new settlenicnt aiul to seek refuge elsewhere. This battle is supposed to have happened in the year 536 n c. Twenty-seven years later we hear of Carthage again. Polybius ' tells us that he had himself seen in Rome copies of the three treaties which had been made between that State and Carthaijje. 1 he oldest of the three, written, he says, in language so anti- quated that even the learned could scarcely under- stand it, was concluded in the vear 509, the next after that in which the kini^^s had been driven out from Rome. The provisions of this treaty are in- teresting. "The Romans and their allies shall not sail bev'ond the I%air Promontor)." The ** P'air Promontory " was to the north of Carthage. Polybius thinks that the Romans were forbidden by this • Sec the account of him in the Introrluction to Part iv, article of the treaty to sail southwards to the country of the Little Syrtis (now the Gulf of Cabos}, then one of the richest in the world, and for that reason called the Markets. It seems more probable that " be\'ond the Fair Promontory " meant tvestward of it, and that it was specially intended to protect the C.ii thaginian markets in Spain. " Merchants selling ;^ ill Sardinia and Africa shall pay no customs, Init only the usual fees to the scribe and crier." The Carthaginians, it seems, were, so far, " free traders." " If any of the Romans land in that part of Sicily which belongs to the Carthaginians, they shall suffer no wrong or violence in anything." Finally, Cartha- liinians bind themselves not to injure any Latin city, whether it was subject to Rome or not. Some years later — how many we cannot tell — we hear of another tre;ity made between the same parties. The con- ditions are now much less favourable to Rome. Two other limits besides the I^air Proinontory (unfor- tunately we do not know what places are meant by them) are imposed on the Roman traders. These, two, are now forbidden to trade either in Sardinia or Africa. They must not even visit these countries except to get provisions or to refit their ships. In Sicily and at Carthage they were allowed to trade, rile Carthaginians claim the power to take prisoners and booty out of any Latin city not subject to Rome. The city itself, however, they must yield up. In other words, they were not to get a footing in Italy. It is clear that in the interval the power of Carthage had increased and that of Rome had decreased. The latter city did indeed suffer many losses during t 1 6 THE STORY OF CART!!.,.. the first liiinflrfMf tiie (hiviii- out of the kin-^. :■).; uiuLii uc nui\ '' ti the flatten" n*,^ accounts of the Roinan 1 i.m^. U-. can thu . .no ide. of the pou-er and (lomtninns of Cnrthnrr. ft lias pouvt ,,vcr iiuich of the Loan I I »i . vniL.i, uiuui;li it still cuntiiiues to pay a ground rent for tlic s( )il on uliich its capital was CARTH \r,lM A . E r K akdima). built We hear, indeed, of this i)aymcnt having been refused in the da\> cf llasdrubal and llamilcar, sons and success. M-^ - 'f Af i*t., of i\^q African tribes making war for the purpose v>i enforcirv^ it, and compelling the Carthaginians to renew it. Sardinia it claims as entirely its own. Thi> island is said to have been conquered by the Hasdrubal and llamilcar mentioned CARTHAGINIAN POSSESSIONS. 17 above, Hasdrubal dying of his wounds in the course of the war. Of Sicily it has a part, of which I shall say more hereafter. Malta probably belongs to it I • » ^ ^a Zf\ Of Spain, which was afterwards to form an important portion of the Empire, for the present we hear nothing. il 1 i8 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. While Carthage was thus busy extending and strengthening its dominions, it narrowly escaped a great danger from what was then the most powerful empire in the world. In the year 525 Cambyses, the second kmg of Persia, conquered Egypt, a task which he seems to have accomplished with great ease. He then looked about for other countries into which he might carry his arms. The great cities of Cyrene and Barca, lying about five hundred miles to the west of the mouths of the Nile, submitted to him He thought that he might push his conquests still further in the same direction and make Carthage itself a tributary. But a distance of two thousand miles and more was too much for his army, and the conquest would have to be made by his fleet. Here he met with an obstacle which he could not overcome The fleet consisted for the most part of Phoenician ships and the Phoenicians refused to take part in the expe-' dition. nVe are bound," said they, "to the Cartha- ginians by solemn oaths. They are, too, our children • and It would be wicked in us to make war against them." The (ire t King \vas obliged to be content with this answer and to give up his scheme. PART II. CARTHAGE AND GREECE. I.— Hamilcar and Hannibal. n.— Carthage and Dionysius (406-405). III.— Carthage and Dionysius (397). IV.— The Last Struggle with Dionysius. v.— Carthage and Timoleon. VI.— Carthage, Agathocles and Pyrrhus. I Here our cWef authority h Diodonis Siculus, a Greek wnter wild *' tl.urishfd " alioul lUv lit'^intiiiij^ of our t-ra. lit- wa^ a native --f ^i- ily, an-i in hi> riiivrrNal lii^Kiry, or *' IlisKirical Lit»rar\ lu- >ct•ln^ to have calle.! it himself, wrote an account of the uorM from the earliest lime down to his own day. With thiN woik lie took much paiii>. travellinL; over many of the countries of which he inten.icl to write the lii-iMiv, ami collectin^r the uorL. of authofN who had treated the same suhjetl^ i)efore him. Mucli of his History is lust, but the ten bo -m the eleventli to the twentieth have been recovered. A- f. u.i> naturally very nuich interested in the affairs of his own island, he sc,!n> to have taken special pains with this part uf his work, which inchides the one hundre.l and seventy. five years from the l)e^innin<; of the second Persian war (4 So I down to tfi ;ov He liad before iiim the licst .iinhorir , for m.^tance. TinKeus, who wrote the History ut Sicilv oom the earliest times down to 264 (he himself een preserved. Justm also tel . something abcut this Imie, so that, on the whole, wc have [.lenty of authorities. I. HAMILCAR AND HANNIBAL. Sicn.Y would naturally be the place in which Car- thacre would first seek to establish a foreign dominion. At its nearest point it was not more than fifty miles distant ; its soil was fertile, its climate temperate ; it was rich in several valuable articles of commerce. We have seen that, in the treaty which was made with Rome about the end of the sixth century B.C., the Carthaginians claimed part of the island as their own. It is probable that this part was then less than it had l)ccn. For more than two hundred years the Greeks had been spreading their settlements over the country ; and the Greeks were the great rivals of the Phoenicians. If they were not as keen traders — and trade was certainl)' held in less estimation in Athens, and even in Corinth, than it was in Tyre and Carthage— they were as bold and skilful as sailors, and far more ready than their rivals to fight for what they had got or for what they wanted. The earliest Greek colony in Sicily was Naxos, on the east coast, founded by settlers from Euboea in 735. Other Greek cities sought room for their surplus population in the same field ; and some of the colonies founded fresh settle- ments of their own. The latest of them was Agri- THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. jrentum on the south coast, which owed its origin to Gela, itself a colony of Cretans and Rhodians. As the Greeks thus spread westward the Carthaginians retired before them, till their dominions were probably reduced to little more than a few trading ports on the western coast of the island. As long, indeed, as the>' could trade with the new comers they seemed to l)e satisfied. They kept up. for the most part, friendly relations With their rivals, allowing even the right of inter- marriage to some at least of tiicir cities. But in point of fact they were onh' waiting their opportunity, and the opfK^rtunity came when the Persians invaded Greece for the second time. Some historians tell us that it was agreed by the two powersthata combinedcmjrt should be mad J. that while lersia was attacking the mother-country of (irccce, Carthage should attack its imix.rtant coloints in Sicily! Others insist that there is no i)roof of an\- such a-^-ree- ment having been made. It is not e.i>v to see what proof we could e.xpect to find. But there is nothing. I think, im[)robabIe about it. The Fhienician adminils in the service of the Great King who had refused to obey Cambvses when he ordered them to sail against their kinsmen in Carthage, ma)- very well have managed a matter of this kind. Anyhow it is dear that Carthage knew that the opportunitv had come and eagerly seized it. One of the fami'l\- of Mago' Hamilcar by name, was ai)pointcd com'mander-Tn- chief. He set sail from Carthage with a force which, when it had been joined by auxiliaries gathered from' Sicily and elsewhere, amounted, it is said, to three hundred thousand men. There would hav c been even PHCENICIAN SARCOPHAGUS FOUND AT SOLUNTE (sICILY). hamilcar's army- 25 more had not the squadron which conveyed the chariots and the cavahy been lost in a storm. The number is probably exaggerated— the numbers in ancient history are seldom trustworthy— but we may take as genuine the list of the nations from which the army was recruited. The land-force consisted, we iiear of Phoenicians, Libyans, Sardinians, Corsicans, Iberians, Ligycs, and Helisyki. The first four names need little explanation. The Phoenicians were native Carthaginians and men of kindred race from the mother-country of Phoenicia, from Cyprus, and from other settlements on the Mediterranean shore. Sardinia, we know from its mention in the treaty of 50(9, belonged to Carthage ; Corsica had probably been since acquired. The Iberians were Spaniards, over whose country Carthage was gaining some influence. The Ligyes were the Ligurians from the north- west of the Italian peninsula;^ the Helisyki may have been Volscians, neighbours of Rome on the south-east and for some time its most formidable enemies. , Hamilcar reached Panormus (now Palermo) in safety with the main body of his fleet. "The war is over,'' he is reported to have said, thinking that only the chances of the sea could have saved Sicily from such an army as his. At Panormus he gave his army three days' rest, and repaired his ships. Then he marched on Himera. There he dragged his ships on shore, and made a deep ditch and a rampart of wood to protect them. His forces he divided between two camps. The crews of his fleet occupied one, his soldiers the » The modern Piedmont. r 26 THl STORY OF CARTHAGE, other. The tuo covered the whole of the west side of tile city. A fV)rc« * from the city which encountered his advance ^uanl wa.^ driven in, and I'hcron, the t>-rant of Aj^ri-( -ntuni, who had been a[)pointed to trdvc cornniaml of the i^arrison by (ielon of SvTacuse, tile most poucrtul TTUHiruvli in the island, sent off in hot haste for help Uj m- tiuef ( lelon iiad e\er\-thin"- read)-, a fid march. -d at once with an armv far greater ^' »ther (Jreek state could tlien have raised, tiitv thousand infantry and five thousand horse. After tlu»r<>u-iil\- fortifvino the cami) wln'cli he had pitched ne.ir tlie citv, he sent out In*^ ia\alr;v to attack the pculies of the I'artha^i^inians. These suffered ri si-rial (!efe:i! • and tlie i)eo|)le of Mimera now l^reu ^.» i..iiiiuL:nt that they actuallv threw <)r)en the j4atewa\ > win'ch, in their detenm'nation to make a desi)erate resistance, the}' had at hrst bricked up. The conchisive })attle was not long dehued. and (lelon is said to have won it by the lieli) c )f a curious stratagem. His scouts had interce{)ted a letter from ^'i^ P^' >1*1^:' of Selinii-: t-. llaniilcar, in which there was a promise that tlu \ would send on a day named a Un'cc ot cav.drv to Ins .L^sistance. (ielon instructed ^''"1^' « >*' his ( >\\ii liorsemen to i)la>- the part of the c.ivalrv of Sehnns Thev were t(» make their way into the naval Laiiij) t n the Cartliagim'ans. and then to turn against tlieir sui)posed allies. A signal was agreed U|)()n uliich the)' v\cre to show when they were re.ulv to act. ( ielon's scouts were |)o.^ied on the hills to watch for it, and to communicate it to the main bod}' of his army in the plain. The fight was long THE FATE OF HAMILCAR. 27 and bloody ; it lasted from sunrise to sunset, but the Carthaginians liad lost heart, and the Greeks were confident of victor)'. No quarter was given, and by night, one hundred and fifty thousand men (it must surely be an impossible number!) had fallen. The rest tied to the hills, and were there compelled by want ,)f water to surrender to the people of Agrigentum. Of the fate of I lamilcar nothing was ever certainly known. Some said tliat he had been slain by the I)retended allies from Selinus ; others that, being busy with a great sacrifice at which the fire was piled high to consume the victims whole, and seeing that the fortune of the day was going against him, he threw himself into the fiames and disappeared. His body was never found, but the Greeks erected a monument to his memory on the field of battle; and the Cartha- ginians, though never accustomed to be even commonly [ust to their beaten generals, [)aid liim, after his death, honours which it became a custom to renew year by year. The rest of the story is curiously tragic. Twenty ships had been kept b)' Hamilcar to be used as might be wanted, when the rest of the fleet was drawn up. These and tliese only escaped out of the three thou- sand vessels of war and commerce, which Ifasdrubal had brought with him. But even these did not get safe home. They were overtaken by a storm, and one little boat carried to Carthage the dismal news that their great army had perished.' The city was over- ' Note how a similar st..rv i. lol.l of the return of Xerxes from Greece, after his dcfcai m the IVrMan War. According lo Herodotus (on excellent authority, as he was born in 484, '-'• T-ur years before the war) .^.erxes returned by land with a considerable part of his army ; neverthe- less me Roman poet Juvenal writes— 28 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. whelmed with dismay and ^rk(. An embassy was at once sent to ( ielon to be<^^ for peace. Peace was [granted, but on hard conditions. Cartha<:^e was to pay a ransom of twu th( )usand talents, to build two chapels in memory of the event, and, one writer tells us, to abolish the hideous i)ractice of human sacrifices. If this last condition was ever agreed to, it was certainly not k('|)t. It has been said, and one would like to believe, that the great battle of Himera, by which the Greek colonies in Sicily were relieved from the pressing fear of Cartilage, wa^ fought on the vcr\' same day on which the I'ersians were defeated at Salamis. Carthage could not ha\'c been long in recovering from this loss, for we hntl her able soon afterwards to dictate a treat>^ to Rome, but she did not meddle with Sicilian affairs for maiiv \ears. But in 410 a Sicilian town, Kgesta, invited her aid against their neighbours of Selinus.^ Both towns were near the Carthaginian settlements ; and it was possible that these might suffer, if Selinus. which was said to be the aggressor, were allowed to become too powerful. But probably the desire to avenge the defeat of seventv' vears before was the chief reason why Car- thage i)romised the hcl|) that was asked. It so hapi)ene(l, toe >, that Hannibal, grandson of the Hamil- Ihroui^l! ' ' • ' ;, oVr hJHows red with gore, A sin«;lf ^^nii) me i >e:ucn monarch I't)rc." But then Juvenal \vi>lic«I t<» point the moral of "the vanity of human wishes." ' Curiously enough it was a quarrel !»et\veen these same two towns that had l)een the immediate cause of the disastrous expedition of Athens against Syracuse. HANNIBAL BEFORE SELINUS, 29 car who had perished at Himera, was the senior of the two first magistrates of the city. He had been l)rought up in exile— (or Gisco, his father, had been banished after the defeat of Himera— and at this very city of Selinus. " He was by nature," says the historian, "a hater of the Greeks," and he did all he could to persuade his countrymen to undertake the war. After some negotiations which came to nothing, Hannibal sent a force of 5,000 Africans and 800 Italian mercenaries to Sicily. The army of Selinus, uhich w^as busy plundering the territory of their enemies, was surprised, and lost a thousand men and all the booty which it had collected. Selinus now sent to Syracuse to beg for help, and Egesta, on her part, made a fresh appeal to Carthage. This appeal was answered in a w^ay that took the Sicilians by surprise. Hannibal had collected a great force of Spaniards and Africans. This he carried to Sicily in a fleet of as many as 1,500 transports, escorted by sixty ships of war. It numbered, according to the smallest estimate, 100,000 men, and was furnished with an nhnndance of all the engines used for sieges. The -cneral lost no time. Without a day's delay he marched upon Selinus, invested it, and at once began the assault. Six towers of wood w^ere brought up against the walls ; battering-rams headed with iron vvere driven against them, while a multitude of archers and slingers showered arrows and stones upon their defenders. The fortifications had been allowed, during a long period of peace, to fall out of repair ; and the Italian mercenaries were not long in forcing their JO THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. way in. Thr-^c were diivcn out cii^aln with ^rcat loss, ami for a ihir: tlic assault was suspended. The besicj4cte(l. At hist the numbers «»( the barbarians f »v('r{)ou('n(l resistance. HrUvrru tuoand three th.-u.and ( A the armed men •■■^^'M'^ '^i ; about twice as many of both sexes were made [>risoncrs ; the iT>t were massacred. As many as st.xteen thous.md bodies are said to have been counted. At the very time wlien Sclinus was taken, the advance <;u;ir< 1 of the S\iacusan army reached Agri- -"eiitum. The}- tric(! to make terms with the con- (juerorN \n emba>>v vva> sent to I lannibal, bceeino- mi to ransom tfie i)ris()ners and respect the temples of the gods. I lannibid replied, *' Tiie men of Sclinus have not been ablr to K-rc|) their freedom, and must make trial r.l .slavery. A-^ for the gods, they have left Sclinus, h(in<; wroth with its inhabitants." To a ((ond embass)', headed by a citizen who had alwa)'s been on fnendl)- terms with Carthage, he made a gentler answer. Tlie survivors might return, dwell in their cit>- and till their lands, i)aying tribute to Carthage. The walls were razed to the ground, and according to some accounts, the whole city was de- ATTACK ON HIMERA. 31 stroyed. To this day the ruins of the temples show the marks of the crowbars by which the columns were overthrown. Hut Sclinus was not the real object of liannibal's ex[)cdition. That was to be found elsewhere, at llimera, where, seventy \ears before, his grandfather had i)erished. To llimera, accordingly (it lay on the opposite, /.r. the north coast, of the island he marched without delay. Forty thousand troops he posted at some distance from the cit)% probably to deal with .my relieving force from the other Greek cities. With the rest of his arm\\ now increased by twenty thou- sand auxiliaries from the native Sicilians, he sur- rounded the walls. He did not intend, however, to wait for the slow operation of a blockade, but attacked the town as fiercely as he had attacked Sclinus. The walls were biittered and undermined, and more than one breach was made in them. At first he was repulsed. The people of Himcra fought with all the courage of their race, and they had the help of four thousand soldiers from Syracuse and el.sewhere. The Carthaginians were driven back, and the breaches repaired. This success emboldened them to attack the besiegers. Leaving a sufficient force to guard the walls, they sallied forth, and fell on the hostile lines. Taken by surprise, the Carthaginians gave way. Their very numbers were against them, for they were too closely thronged to be able to act, and suffered almost more, says the historian, from each other than from the enemy. The assailants, who numbered about ten thousand, were roused to do their best by the thought UH 32 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. of their helpless kinsfolk, women and children and old men, who were watchini,^ them from the walls. At first it seemed as if liimera w.i^ lo be another Marathon. As man)' as six thousand of the besiegers (to take the smallest and most reasonable computation) were slain. But the pursuit was i)ushed too far. Hannibal l)rou*,-ht down his army of reserve from the hills on which it had been i)osted, and fell upon the victorirais (.reeks. A fierce fight ensued, but the people of II imera and their allirs were overpowered. The main body of them retitaicd into the cit>% but three thousand were unwilling or unable to leave the field, and, after performing prodigies of valour, |)erislied where tlie\- stood. At this crisis came twenty-five Syracusan shii)s of war, which had been taking i)art in tlie war then being carried on between .Athens aiul Si)arta. At first the besieged were full of hope. It was rumoured that, besides tlie slii{)s, the Syracusans were coming to their lielp with a le\>' ev/ f/zassr. Ikit then came a most disquieting report. Hannibal was filling, it was said, his own shi|)s with the |)icked tmnr^s of his army, and intended to fall upon S\racusu wlien that city should be stripped of its able-bodied men. The Syracusan commander darcnl not stav at H imera in tlie fiice of tliis alarm. The >hi[is oi war must, he said, sail home at once. Hut they would take as many of the hel})less population of H imera as they could hold. The offer uas .iccepled ; f(M- dreadful as it was thus to leave their homes, it was the only hope of escape that the poor creatures had. The ships were filled till they could hold no more. Then the riA XXI B A L 'S VEXGEAXCE. 33 Syracusan general marched out of the town in such haste, we are told, that he did not even stop to bury his own dead. Many of the inhabitants who could not be uvvived on board the ships accompanied him on his march, i)rcfjrring this to waiting for the return of the licet ; for this was to come back and carry off the re>t of the po|)ulation. It was well for them that they did so. The next day the C.irthaginians renewed the assault. The be- 1 were sadly reduced in numbers and wear)-, for alter the battle of the day before they had spent the night in arms upon the walls. Still they held out. All that da\' the battle was kept up. On the morrow the ships came back, but at the very moment of their coming in sight a great part of the w^all was broken down })y the battering-ram.s,and the Spaniards in Han- nib.il's army ruslied in. A general massacre followed, and was continued till Hannibal issued strict orders that all that remained were to betaken alive. It was no feeling of nicrc>' that prompted these orders. The women and children were divided among the con- queror> ; the men were taken to the spot where Hamilcar had been last seen alive, and thereto the number of three thousand cruelly slaughtered, an e.\piator\' sacrifice to the spirit of the dead. Himera itself w as utterly destroyed. The walls and houses were razed to the ground ; the temples were first plundered and then burnt. The rest of the Greek cities in Sicily must have trembled lest the f^ite which had fallen on Selinus and Himera should overtake themselves. But for the time, at least, their fears were relieved. Hannibal i| mmmmm i 34 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. had done what he came to do, had avenged the defeat of Himera, the death of his grandfather, and his f^ither's exile, and he u as satisfied. I le sent the native Sicilians who had joined him to their homes, dismissed many of his mercenaries, and, after leaving sufficient force to hold the territor>' which he had (.ccupied, carried tlie rest of his army to Carthage. He brought with him much spoil and many trophies, and his countrymen received him with the highest honours. He haa won in a feu weeks' time victories that surpassed all that had ever been gained by Carthage before. II. CARTHAGE AND DIONYSIUS (406-4OS). Hannibal's success in Sicily had encouraged the Carthaginians to hope that the whole island might yet be theirs. They resolved on making another expedition, and appointed Hannibal to the chief command. At first he declined the ofifice, pleading his advanced age, but consented to act when Himilco son of Hanno, a kinsman of his own, was joined with him in the command. The two generals sent envoys to treat with the chiefs in Spain and the Balearic Islands ; they went themselves to enlist troops among the African tribes and in the various Phoenician settlements along the coast. Mercenaries were also hired from other countries, and especially from Italy. The Italians in Hannibal's former army, thinking themselves badly treated by the general, had taken service with Syracuse, and were, as their late general knew, a very formidable force. At last in 406— four years, />., after the first expedition— the invading force set sail. They numbered, on the lowest calculation, 120,000 ; one writer puts them down at nearly three times as many. They were carried across in more than a thousand transports ; and these again were convoyed by a fleet of one hundred and twenty ships V THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. of war. The Grct ' t.ui-lit 1 )>- experience, were resolved not to be behintlliand this tiiiie witli their preparatioiH for resistance. i''«>ii\' C;irtha;_;inian >h'\\)^ had been -.ent ( )n in advanct : to SiciU' Ai^ainst the^e the SyraciH.r cnt a sciuadrDM of ( 'tjual .stren,L;lh. 'Ihc two tieets ii near the faint )U> pronionttn}' w ONF OF rilF rOWFK^ Ol FKVX. of lu-yx. After a lonf^ strnji^p^le the Greek*^ were victorions, and sank fifteen of the enemy's shii)>, the rest retiring to the African t. Hannibal, hearing of the reverse, sailed out with fiftv' fresh ships. Before this new force the S\Tacns'- <. |uadron retired. It was now evident that the in\.iM( )n could not be prevented. SIEGE OF AGRIGENTUM. ^7 All that remained was to make the best possible preparations for resisting it. S\'racuse sent embassies begging for help to the (ireeks in Italy and to Sparta, as well as to all the communities of the same race in the island. The citv which felt itself most in danger was Agrigentum, th(,^ richest and most populous place in the island after Syracu.se, and, indeed, scarcely inferior to that. The Agrigentines lost no time in preparing f( )r defence. The)' engaged Dcxippus, a Si)artan, who was then at Gela with a body of 1,500 soldiers, and the\' also hired the Campanian mer- cenaries, eight hundred in number, who in the former in\asioii had serxcd under Hannibal. It w^as in May, 400. when the great Carthaginian host appeared lu-fore their walls. 1 lannibal began by offering condi- tions ( )f |)eace. He proposed an active alliance; if this did not plea.se the Agrigentines, it would be enougli if thc>- would be friendly to Carthage, but take neither side in the war which she was |)re])aring to Wcg'^. The Agrigentines, unwilling to desert the cause of their countrymen, refused both offers. Then the siege began. The town had a very strong position, which had been carefully improved. It was built on a range of hills, rising in some places to the height of more than a thousand feet. On the slope ofthe.se hills a wall had been built, or, in some places, hewn out of the solid rock. Only one place was practicable for an assault. Against this the Cartha- ginian generals brought up their engines, especially two tow crs. from w hich they attacked the defending force upon the walls. The fighting lasted throughout the day without any result ; at night the besieged 38 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, sallied forth and burnt the enemy's engines. Hanni- bal then determined to use the stones of the tombs — which, as usual, were outside the walls — to build mounds from which he mii^ht renew the attack. The m(»t si)lc:iidid «»f these tombs was tlie se[)ulchre of TluTon, who had rei,i,med in Aj^^rij^^entum some eighty )cars ht t .ind had borne a part in rej)elling the fir^t ( arthaginian ifivasion. While the men were busy in pulling it ilown it was struck with lightning. A religious panic followed, 'llie sentinels declared that tlie\' were haunted by the si)ectres of the dead whose graves had been violated. A i)estilence broke out in the camp. Great number^ died, and among them 1 1 a 1 1 n i ba 1 h i m sel f, and t he i)rophets dec lared that ih gods were thus sharing their wrath at the im|)iet\- u liicli liad l)ecn committed. I limilco ordered that no more toinljs should he pulled down. As an expiation of what had been done, he sacrificed a child to Saturn or Moloch, and threw a number of animals into the sea as an offering to Neptune. Meantime he pressed on the siege, damming up one of the rivers by which three sides of the town were surrounded. While he was thus engaged the relieving force arrived ; it comprised auxiliaries from Magna Gnecia^ and from most of the Greek cities in the island. The general's name was I)a[)hn.eus, and he had with him thirty thousand infantry and five thousand cavalry. A squadron of thirty ships of war sailed along the coast, keeping pace with the army. Himilco sent against the^ his%anish and ItaliL troops. A battfe was * The name commonly given to the collection of Greek colonies in Southern Italy. See '* The Story of Rome," page 39. EXECUTION OF THE GENERALS. 39 fought on the western bank of the Himera, and was obstinately contested. In the end the Greeks were victorious, routing the enemy with the loss of six thousand men. The whole force indeed might, it was thought, have been destroyed but for the caution of Daphna,'us. Remembering how the men of Himera had been attacked and slaughtered in just such a moment of victory, he held back his men from pursuit The same fear that Himilco, who of course had vast forces in reserve, might take them at a disadvantage, kept the Agrigentine generals from sallying forth upon the fugitives as they hurried past the walls. W^hen the relieving force had entered the city, there was naturally much talk among the soldiers about the events of the day. Some loudly accused the generals of cowardice ; others even declared that they had been bribed. The populace rushed to the market-place and held a public assembly, be- fore which the Agrigentine generals were put upon their trial. Menes of Camarina, one of the leaders of the relieving force, was the chief accuser. The furious people would not listen to any defence from the accused. Four out of the five were seized and stoned to death ; the fifth was pardoned on account of his youth. At first Daphnaeus thought of attacking the Car- thaginian camp ; but the place was too strongly fortified, and he contented himself with scouring the roads with his cavalry and cutting off the supplies. The distress soon became very great ; many died of starvation, and the mercenaries crowded round Himilco's tent, clamouring for their rations, and de- F it THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. clarinj^ that unices tin;)- wen; saii^ticd they would takt • wiili I lie riu'iin*. 'ITk- ral had just heard that the ,11-. \\cr( : takiii^ a convoy of CA U I 1 1 At ; I N 1 AN li A I IK K -SILVER. provisions l)>- - - A-rij^entum. His ( )nl}- hope ^ relief was in i^cttiii"- lioM <.r tlii^. He cnlivati-d the mutineers to wait tut .t Uw il.i\ -, -ivin;-"tlu'ni meanwhile as pledges the costl\- drinkin-j-cups and plate of the AGRIGENTUM EVACUATED, 41 Carthac^inian officers. The Syracusan fleet had no expectation of being attacked, as Ilimilco had never attempted to claim command of the sea. They were taken by surjirise and completely defeated. Eight of the ships of w ar were sunk, the others chased to the shore, and the whole of the convoy captured. This event changed the whole aspect of affairs. It was Agrigcntum that was now in distress. Before long the Italian mercenaries in the city departed. They alleged that their time of service had expired ; but It was Slid that Dexippus, their commander, had been bribed b\- the besiegers to tell them that there was no food in the city, and that they would find more profitable service elsewhere. That there was no tood was too true; for when the generals came to examine the stores, they found that there was nothing to be done but at once to abandon the citv. That very night the plan was carried out. Guarded by the troops from the pursuit of the Carthaginians, the whole population of Agrigentum, with the exception of some who could not and others who would not leave their homes, crowded the road that led eastward to Gela. At dawn Himilco entered the city. It was one of the richest cities in Greece, and from its foun- dation three hundred years before it had never had an enemy within its walls. The houses were full of pictures and statues, of rich furniture, of gold and silver plate. The treasuries of the temple were rich with the offerings of many generations of worshippers. Himilco spared nothing. Everything that was valu- able, sacred property as well as profane, was carried fi 42 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, off.« The richest citizen of A^^rigentum, unwilling to leave his native country, had taken refuge in the shrine of Athene. When he found that its sacredness would not protect him, he set it on fire and perished in the ruins. Himilco, who took the city just about mid-winter (i.e., eight months after his first landing in the island,, occupied it till the si)ring of the following year. When he was ready to take tlie field again, he levelled the houses to the ground and defaced the temples. This done he marched again-t ( Ida, ravaged the country, wiiich indeed there was no attempt to defend, and then assailed the city. Gcla was for the time left to its own resources ; it was neither so well placed nor so stn )ngly fortified a-> Agrigcntum. Still it held out bravely, the women, who had refused to be sent away to a place of safety, being conspicuous by their courage. Meanwhile Dionysius, the Syracusan commander,^ had collected a relieving force numbering, to take • The most precious p. "m- indeed, the on U' one mentioned by nail in. t.. havr been u.c famous " Bull" of the tyrant Thalaris, which dated l)ack to about a century and a half V)efore. riu- liull had Ijeen niat who sutTered in it. Thi. may be a table ; and, indeed, the story is told of more than .-ne inventor of instru- ments of cruehv, as, for instance )f Dr. Guillotine, c*»ntriver ot ihe machine which bears his name. But the existence of Phalaris and his crueltv, and his um- ..f this particular engine of torture, seem to be hi (or they are alludc This was the famous tyrant, the first of the name. He had taken advantage of the discredit brought on his rivals by the Carthaginian victories to establish himself in supreme jwwer at Syracuse. I GEL A ABANDONED. 43 the lowest estimate, thirty thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry, and accompanied by fifty decked vessels. With this he marched to the help of Gela, and pitching his camp between the Carthaginians and the sea, endeavoured to cut cfif their supplies. After twenty days' skirmishing, in which little good was effected, he determined to make an attempt upon the camp. The assault was to be delivered simul- taneously from three places^from the sea, from the western side of the city, and from that part of the wall which was especially threatened by the siege engines. The sea-front of the camp was the weakest : and here the attack, which was not expected, was successful for a time, and, but for the failure of the other movements, would probably have decided the day. The division that was to operate on the west was too late, for by the time it came into action the fight at the sea-front was over. That which was told ofif to attack the siege-works, and was commanded by Dionysius himself, never came into action at all. Nothing now remained but to leave Gela to the same fate which had overtaken Agrigentum and Himera~to abandon it to the fury of the enemy. This was done the same night, Himilco having been put off his guard by a request from Dionysius that he would grant a truce the following day for the burial of the dead. All that had strength for the journey left the city. Camarina was evacuated in the same way. Both cities were plundered and destroyed. It now seemed as if the whole of Sicily were within I nImmL-. 44 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. the ^rasp of CarthajL^e. The only firsf-rate town that remained to be conciuercd was S\'racuse. We are inclined to ask, '* Why did not Ilimilco march upon Syracuse after the fall of Gel a and Cam ar ina ?" just as we sliall be inclined to ask hereafter, " U'hy did not I lannibal m.-irrh upon Rome after CaniKe ? " Doubtless lie reinuinucrctl that, a few }'cars before, the mo>t |)()\\crful expedition ever sent forth by a Greek state had been dt ^tn'\ed bef()re the walls of this same city. It must h.iv'e been difficult, too, to feed and pny so vast an armv. Hut probably his stron<^t "st reason was tlic second breakin;^ out of the plat^ue. It had raj^ed iit -liis camp throuj^di the summer of the year bef( >re ; and now that the liot weather liad returned it probably ^ broke out again. An\iiow v\e know that when he returned to Cartliai^u:' he hatl lost lialf his army b\' sickness. W'liatever the cause, he sent una'racuse ein()\-s to treiit for peace. Dion\>ius was onlv too glad to listen, and a treaty was concluded on these terms : — 1. Carthage was to keep her old settlements, and those of the Sicanian tribes. 2. Selinus, Agrigentum, I limera, Gel a, and Cam- arina, might be reoccujjied by such of their old in- habitants as survived. I^ut tlie\' were to be un walled, and were to |)a\' tribute to Cartilage. 3. Leontini, Messana, and the Sikel tribes, were to be inde|)endent. 4. Syracuse was to be under the rule of Dionysius. * I say " prol>ably " because the fact is not expressly stated by the historian (Diodorus Siculus), though it is strongly implied. THE PLAGUE AT CARTHAGE. 45 5. Prisoners and ships taken b)- either party M^ere to ':c restored. Succe.vsful as the campaign had been it ended in ^I'saster to Carthage. The army carried back the pl.-igue with It. Carthage and the neighbouring dis- tricts caught the infection, and multitudes perished. IF 'III SIEGE OF MOTYA. 47 1 1 III. CARTHAGK AND DIONVSH S (397). '\\V. h;uc seen that tlic rule of Dion>'sius in S>Tacu^v; was one of the articles of tlic treaty of 405. Such forei.i^n suiiport, of course, did not tend to make him IK.pular, and a. .-K>n as he felt liirn^rlf stroni( enoui^h, he threw it off In 39; he called an ci>^cinbly of tlie S)racusans, whom he was then doin;^^ his best to conciliate, and i)roi)osed war against Carthage. **Just now," he said, " Carthage is weakened by the l)lague ; but :he has designs against us u hich she will carry out on ..le tirst opi)ortunity. W'c had better deal with her before she has recovered her strength." The peo|)le greatly a|>[)roved the pro[)v>sal : all the more because Dionysius allowed them t- plunder the propert\(>f Carthaginian citi/ens who where residing in Svracusc, and the ships of Carthaginian merchants that iiappened to be in harbour. News of what had been done spread over the island, and produced something like a massacre. Carthage had used her victory cruelly, and her misdeeds were now remembered against her. Cartha-iiuan rule was oppressive, espe- ciallv in the amount of tribute which was exacted ; and Carthaginian habits and u :i\ s ot life seem to have been particularly offensive to the tasic of the Greeks. Tb« result was a rising in the Greek cities which had been made tributary by the last treaty. Most of the Car- thaginian residents perished. The example of the Greeks was soon followed by the native Sicilians, and in a very few days the dominions of Carthage in the island were reduced to her strongholds on the western coast. All this happened before w^ar had been formally declared. This declaration Dionysius did not omit to make. I le sent envoys to Carthage with a message : if she would restore freedom to the Greek cities of Sicily she might have peace ; otherwise she must pre- pare for war. For war Carthage was but ill prepared. The losses of the last campaign, and of the pestilence which had brought it to an end, had been terrible. Still it was impossible to accept the condition which had been offered, and the government prepared to resist. Of money, at least, they had an unfailing supply, and with money they could always purchase men. Some members of the council were at once sent off with large sums to hire mercenaries in Europe. Dionysius, probably w^ithout waiting for the return of his envoys, marched to the west of the island. His object of attack was Motya, the chief harbour and arsenal of Carthage in Sicily. He was joined on his way by the whole force of all the Greek cities, and his army numbered eighty thousand infantry and upwards of three thousand cavalry, while he had a fleet of two hundred ships co-operating with him. Motya was strongly situated on an island divided from the main- land by a channel six furlongs broad. This channel I I 1^' 4o THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. WRH ordinarily ( rosscd bv a mole. But the mole could be remov..! ,n time ;.f necessity, and this was at once done. lJion>'sius. iiftcr rcconnoitrini,^ the place in com|)anv' witli liis cn-ineers. set about a sie^^e. The harbour and all the sliore were blockaded, and the channel, or at 'oi^t i)art of the channel, was filled up, '■'' that the en-mcs niii^ht be hrouj^^ht up to the walls ui the city. On the other hand, lliniilcu, who had been i)ut in command of tlie Lartliaginian force, was THE WAI,.L OF' \fOTYA. "o^ '^^^^' f Jc sent ten shii)s from Carthajrc to Syra- cuse itself, and destroyed mucli of the shipr^fn-r i„ ^be harbour. He then made a more formidable .lUack on the besic-ingr force at AIot>'a. Takin- command in person of a squadron of a hundred ships he crossed by night from Carthage t. linus, and sailin- thence along tlie coast appeared at daybreak off Motya, sank or burnt the blockadin- squadron, and made his way into the harbour. The Greek ships were drawn upon MOTYA ASSAULTED. 49 land, and Dionysius did not venture to launch them. The harbour was too narrow for him to use his numbers with advantage. But he constructed a road of planks across a neck of land which divided the harbour from the sea, and made his men drag his ships along this. When Himilco endeavoured to interrupt the work he was driven off with showers of missiles from the Syra- cusan force on land, and by the arrows discharged by the catapults. Catapults were a new invention at the time, and probably caused something of the con- sternation which is felt by savages at the first sight of firearms. Himilco, whose fleet was only half as strong as that opposed to him, did not venture to give battle, but returned to Carthage. The attempt at relief having thus failed, Dionysius pushed the siege vigorously. The walls were battered with the rams, while the catapults, with a constant discharge of arrows, drove the garrison from the walls. Towers were wheel: ' it) c,-.iinst the fortifications. They had six stories, c: ch o' them filled with men, and were as high as the houses of the (own. The people of Motya, on the other hand, defended them- selves vigorously. They raised great masts with yard- arms, from which men, protected from the missiles of the besiegers by breastworks, threw ignited torches and bundles of flax steeped in pitch on the engines that were being used against the walls. Some of these were set on fire, and the assailants had to turn their attention to extinguishing the flames. Still the attack went on, and before long the rams made a breach in the wall. A fierce battle followed. The Greeks burned to avenge the cruelties that had been done to their 50 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. countrymen : the I'lKi-nicians, who could hope for no incrc)', and uho liad n< ) wa)- of i'S(:a|)c o[)en to them cither by sea or land, resisted with the courage of desj).iir. When they liad to j^m'vc up the walls, they made barriers acio^^ the streets, and defended every house as if it liad Ixen a fort. I lie (irceks brou^i^ht their -' * IS into the streets, and from them made tlien- u ,iy into thr upper stories of the houses. Still the p( "ople of Motya did not lose courage, but fp(»nents were utterly reckless of their live^, and tliey knew tiie place where they were fighting. At last a stratagem succeedetl where force had failed. For several da\s the Greeks had retired from the conflict as evening approached, the signal for retreat being gi\en by a trumpet, and the people of the tov\ n came to regard tliis as the regular course of tilings. lUit one niglit iJionysius sent a picked force to renew the attack after dark. This detachment established themselves in some of the houses befe»re tlie besieged w ere aware of what had happened; th< t of the army poured «icross the channel now filled uj), iind Mot)'a was taken. One of the horrible massacres which make these wars so terrible followed. Dionysius tried in vain to stoi) it, not so much from any feeling of mercy, as because prisoners might be sold for slaves, and would bring in considerable sums of money. The soldiers paying no heetl to his orders, he mide proclamation that such of the inhabitants as still survived should take shelter in HIMILCO'S ADVANCE. 51 the temples. This was effectual. The soldiers then began to plunder. This Dionysius did not attempt to hinder. Wishing to encourage his men for the campaign which lay before them, he gave up to them all the booty in the town. To the leader of the party which had surprised the town he made a present of about 3^400, and was liberal in his gifts to all who had distinguished themselve;?. Carthage meanwhile had been preparing a formid- able force with which to re-establish her dominion in Sicily. It amounted to one hundred thousand men, taking again, as being the most probable, the smallest estimate. Thirty thousand more joined it after it had landed in Sicily. Himilco was appointed to the command. Aware that Dionysius had his spies in Carthage, he gave to the captain of each transport sealed orders directing them to sail to Panormus. They were attacked on their way by a Syracusan squadron, which sank fifty of their number, and with them five thousand men and two hundred chariots. I limilco then came out with his war-ships, and the Syracusans retired. The Carthaginian general marched along the coast to Motya, and recovered it without any difficulty. Dionysius did not venture to attack him, but retired to Syracuse. Himilco now conceived a very bold scheme, nothing less than to make his way to Messana, in the extreme north-east of the island. It had an admirable harbour, capable of holding all his ships, which numbered more than six hundred. It was near the mainland of Italy, from which he hoped to draw fresh forces, and it commanded the approach from I 52 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, Greece. He marched alon*^^ the noith coast, his fleet accompanying him, and pitched his camp at Pelorum, the extreme north-eastern point of Sicily, which was about twelve miles from the city. The Messaiiians were struck with terror. Their walls were out of repair ; they had no alhes at hand, and part of their own military force Uci:> absent at Syracuse. The first thing was to send away tlic women and children and the most precious of their possessions. Then they prepared for defence. Some were encouraged by remembering an old oracle, " The sons of Carthage shall bear water in the streets of M( ssaiia, " which they took to mean that there should be Carthaginian slaves in their city. Thrv ^cnt a militarv force to the spot where Himilco u.in encamped, with instructions to resist any attempt to occupv tlie country. Himilco at once sent a squadron of two hundred ships to attack the town, which ^vould now, he reckoned, be almost stripped u( tlefeiiders. An opportune north wind carried the sliips rapidlv to their destination — more rapidly than the .Mess.inian soldiers could follow them. Himilco's hon-s \\cre fulfilled. His shies landed the troops wiucii thev carried. These made their way into the citv' thrruigh the spaces in the walls, and the place was cai)tured almost without a struggle. Some of the Mcssanians fell in a vain attempt at resistance ; many took refuge in the neigh- bouring forts; two hundred and more had recourse to the desperate expedient of swimming the strait be- tween their city and Italy. Fifty succeeded in the attempt. Himilco, after trying in vain to capture the forts, marched on Syracuse, BATTLE OF CATANA. 53 |i His first object was the city of Catana, which lay on the southern slopes of Mount ^tna. His original plan was to march his army along the coast, with the fleet keeping pace with it. But this plan could not be carried out. A severe eruption of .^tna took place at the very time of his march, and the stream of lava which poured down the eastern or sea- ward slopes of the mountain made it necessary for him to make a circuitous march round the western side. Dionysius at once took advantage of this division of the Carthaginian forces, resolving to attack the fleet while it was unsupported by the neighbourhood of the army. He marched with his own army along the sea-coast nearly as far as Catana, while Leptines, the Syracusan admiral, sailed alongside with the fleet. Mago, who was in command of the Carthaginian ships, felt at first no little dismay at the sight of the combined force which was coming to meet him. He had, however, no alternative but to fight ; and indeed his fleet was a very powerful one, numbering, along with the transport ships, which were furnished with brazen beaks for purposes of attack, as many as five hundred ships. The Syracusan admiral, who probably bore the character of being too adventurous, had been strictly ordered by Dionysius to keep his fleet in close order, and on no account to break the line. It was only thus that he could hope to hold his own against the superior numbers of the enemy. These orders he disregarded. Picking out thirty of his fastest sailers, he advanced far ahead of the rest of the fleet, and boldly attacked the Carthaginians. At first he ' I I 1 54 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. SIEGE OF SYRACUSE, 55 was successful, sinking many of his antagonists. But the numbers which were brought up against him were overwhelming. It became more and more difficult to mancL-uvre ; at close quarters, when it was possible for the enemy to board, one ship, however skilfully commanded, was not much better than another. Before long Leptincs was glad to escape to the open sea with such of the ships as were left to him. The rest of his fleet, who had thus lost the Icadcrsliii) of their admiral, and who came on in disorder, made but little resistance to the enemy. More th;in a hundred ships were taken or destroyed. Nor \\;is the near neighbourhood of the army on shore of much service to those who tried to escape from the wrecks. The Carthaginians had manned a number of boats which intercepted the fu2"itives, and slaujjhtcred them in the water before the eyes and within the hearing of their countrymen. More than twenty thousand men are said to have been lost by the Greeks in this battle. Dionysius was stroiv^ly urged to meet Mimilco at once before the news of the disaster to the fleet had become known throui/h Sicilv. At first he was in- clined to follow the advice. But more cautious counsels prevailed, and he retreated on Syracuse. This was probablv a mistake. Not only did he disgust man\' « )f his allies, but he lost an opportunity of inflicting a great blow on the enemy. Immediately after the battle bad weather came on, and the Cartha- ginian fleet could not keep the sea. Had the Greek arm}' still occupied their position on the shore they miirht have inflicted immense damag-e on their opponents. As it was, Himilco came up with his army in time to assist his fleet. His own ships, and those which had been captured from the Greeks, were drawn up on the shore and repaired. The men had some days given them for rest and refreshment ; and he then marched on to Syracuse. Before starting for this last stage he sent envoys to the little town of /Etna, where the Italian mercenaries of Dionysius were strongl)' posted, inviting these troops to change side and take service with himself They were strongly inclined to do so, but could not. They had given hostages to their master, and their best troops were actually serving in his army. They were thus compelled to refuse the offer, and Himilco was obliged to leave them in his rear. On arriving at Syracuse his first step was to make a great demonstration of force. He sailed into the Great Harbour with all his fleet. There were more than two hundred ships of war, which he had adorned with the spoils of those captured off Catana, and nearly two thousand others of all kinds and sizes. The harbour, though measuring more than a mile and a half one way and two miles and a half the other, was absolutely crowded with them. The army is said to have numbered three hundred thousand; but this is doubtless an exaggeration. Altogether the display of force was overwhelming, and the Syracusans did not venture to show themselves outside either their harbour or their walls. The Carthaginian general prepared to blockade the city, building three forts, which he stored with w^inc and other provisions. His merchants were sent at I' 5^ THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. the same time to Sardinia and Africa to fetch new supplies. Dionysius, on the other hand, sent to Greece and Southern Italy in the hope of collecting a force of volunteers and mercenaries. The tide of micccss now began to turn against Carthage. One of Mimilco's corn-ships was approach- ing his camp when five of the Syracusan ships sallied forth from the Inner Harbour and captured it. The Carthaginians sent out a stjuatlron of forty ships to drive off the assailants. On this the Syracusans manned their whole fleet, attacked the hostile squadron, sink- ing twenty-four out of the forty, and capturini^ the admiral's ship. They then paraded their force in front of the Cartha^^^inian position, and challenged the invaders to a general engagement. The challenge was not accepted. And now, for the third time, pestilence, the old ally of the Greeks, appeared to help them. I limilco had shown himself as careless of the religious feelings, not only of his foes, but also of his friends, as his prede- cessors had done. I le had broken down the tombs outside the city to get materials for his forts, and he had robbed such temples as, being without the line of fortifications, had fallen into his hands. One specially rich and famous shrine had been thus treated, that of Demeter and Persephone.* It was to this impiety that the disasters were generally attributed ; but the natural causes at work were sufficient to account for them. An enormous force was crowded together. It was the most unhealthy season of the year ; and the heat of the summer, that was now coming to an ■ Ceres and Proserpine. PLAGUE IN HIMILCO'S CAMP, 57 end, had been unusually great. The plague that now broke out in the army seems, from the description that the historian gives of it, to have been much of the same type as the disease now known by that name. It began with swellings, and ended, after a most painful illness of five or six days, almost inva- riably in death. The danger or the fear of infection prevented due attention to the sick, or even the burial of the dead. We are told that as many as one hun- dred and fifty thousand corpses at one time lay rotting on the ground. The marvel is, if this or any- thing like this be true, not that so many died, but that so many survived. The Syracusans did not fail to take advantage of the distress of the invaders. Dionysius planned a simultaneous attack by sea and land. Leptines, with a Spartan ofificer, was put in command of a squadron of eighty ships, and Dionysius himself directed the movements of the troops. He marched out of the city at night, and delivered an unexpected attack about daybreak on the landward side of the Cartha- ginian camp. At first he suffered a reverse ; but this he had fully planned, for it enabled him to get rid of a body of disaffected mercenaries. Put in the front, and deserted by the troops which should have sup- ported them, they were cut to pieces by the Cartha- ginians. But when Dionysius advanced in force, these, in their turn, were driven back, and one of the forts was captured. Meanwhile the Syracusan ships attacked on the other side. The Carthaginian ships were but ill manned, a great part of their crews having doubtless perished in the plague. Anyhow they suf- 58 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. HIMILCO'S ESCAPE. 59 fered a crushing defeat, and the army, weak itself, and distracted by the assailants on the other side, could give them no very effectual help. Many of the ships were deserted. To these the Greeks set fire. The flames spread from vessel to vessel till nearly the whole of the fleet, both war-ships and merchantmen, was in a blaze. They even spread to the camp, which itself was, at least in part, consumed. In short, the victory of the S>Tacusans was complete, and Dionysius encamped that night near the temple of Zeus, in which Himilco had lately had his head- quarters. Reduced to these straits, the Carthaginian general resolved to open communications witli Dionysius personally, and without the knowledge of the people of Syracuse. } le offered three hundred talents if he would allow him to remove to Africa what was left of his army. Dionysius replied that it would be quite impossible to conduct so extensive an operation as the removal of the whole of the army without excit- ing the suspicion of the people. Hut Himilco himself and the Carthaginian officers would be allowed to escape. He was not anxious to push the Cartha- ginians to extremities. Ihtir tiiendship might be useful to him on some future occasion, for his own power was not very firmly established, and he had more than one proof of late that there was a strong party at work in Syracuse to overthrow it. Himilco accepted these terms. It was arranged that he and the other native Carthaginians should depart secretly on the fourth night following, and Dionysius led back his army to the city. The money was duly sent, and at the time appointed, Himilco, with his officers and friends, and such of his troops as belonged to Car- thage, embarked. They filled, it is said, forty ships of w^ar. Their escape did not pass unnoticed. News fif what was going on was taken to Dionysius. As he seemed to be tardy in his movements, the Corinthian ships that were in harbour acted for themselves, pur- sued the fugitives, and captured some of the worst sailers in the squadron. The army that was thus shamefully abandoned by its general fared, perhaps, better than might have been expected. The native Sikels at once left the camp, aiid thus anticipating the attack of the Syra- cusans, reached their homes for the most part in safety. The Spaniards offered such a bold front to their enemies, that Dionysius was glad to take them into his own service. The rest of the army surren- dered, and were sold as slaves. Himilco did not long escape the punishment which was due to his treachery and cowardice. All Carthage was plunged into mourning by the terrible disaster w hich had happened. Every house, every temple, was closed ; all rites of worship were stopped, and private business was suspended. The city crowded to meet the ships which were bringing back Himilco and his followers, and inquired the fate of friends and relatives. When the whole truth was known, a cry of wailing went up from the crowd. The general himself landed from his ship clad in the meanest garb. Stretching his hands to the sky, he bewailed aloud the disasters which had fallen on himself and on his country. The only consolation which he could 6o THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. offer was that he had been conquered not by the enemy, but by the will of heaven. At the same time he publicly confessed his own im|>iety, and took the blame of what had happened on himself. After visiting every temple in the city with this confession on his lips, he went to his own house, blocked up his doors, and, refusing admission even to his own chil- dren, starved himself to death. The misfortunes of Carthage were not yet at an end. She had seemed to be on the point of subduing all Sicily, arul indeed only one city remained to be taken ; and witliin a few months slic had to fight for her own existence. Her African allies and subjects, with whom she seems to have been exceedingly un- popular, rose by one consent against her. An army numbering one hundred and twenty thousand was soon raised. They made their headquarters at Tunes, and for a while, so superior was their strength, kept the Carthaginians within their walls. For a time the city was in despair. Besides the visible dangers that threatened, the people dreaded the anger of heaven. Their general had grievously insulted the gods of Greece. He had made a dwelling-house of one temple at Syracuse, and had robbed another. The govern- ment at once set itself to calm these fears. The offended gods, especially Demeter and Persephone, who had never before been worshipped in Carthage, were propitiated by sacrifices in Greek fashion, which the handsomest youths of Greek race that could be found were appointed to perform. This done, they applied themselves to the business of defending the city. And indeed the danger was soon over. The wiii»rH VOTIVP I*AS-R£ilEF TO PERSEPHONE. CARTHAGE SAVED. 63 hosts that threatened them were nothing more than irre^mlar levies, who could not agree among them- seKcs. and who had no leaders worthy of the name. Provisions soon failed them, for they had no ships, whereas the Cartha:^^inians had command of the sea, and could import as much food as they wanted from Sardinia. \or was it only in this way that their vast wealth served them. They used it also to buy off some of their most formidable enemies. In the course of a few months the great Libyan army broke up, and Carthage was safe. A V • THE LAST STRUGGLE WITH DIONYSIUS. The power of Carthage was now limited to a small region fh the western part of the island. But she was not content to remain within these borders ; and she seized the first opportunity of seeking to extend them. Dionvsius had set himself to reduce the native tribes — always hostile to the Greeks, and always ready to swell the forces of an invader. The Sikels (there were two tribes of the natives, Sikels and Sikanians had cstai> ' 'icd a new settlement at Tau- romcnium. Dion\ - n '3 1 his utmost to capture this place, but was repu' i \\uti much loss, and was him- self wounded. Some of the Greek cities now threw off their allegiance ; and the Sikels generally rose against him. The general in command of the Car- thaginian districts — M ago by name — who had been doing his best to make himself popular among sub- jects and neighbours, at once took the field, and ventured to march as far eastward as Messana. Dionysius encountered him on his way back, and after a fierce battle defeated him, Mago losing as many as 8ocx) in the struggle. Carthage, however, was now beginning to recover her strength ; and was resolved to make another effort to regain, at least, part of the MAQO DEFEATED. 6S island. She drew from her usual recruiting grounds ^Africa, Sardinia, and Italy-a force of 8o,cxx) men, and sent it into Sicily, with Mago again in command. Mago marched through the country of the native tribes, calling them all to take up arms against Dionvsius, but failed with one at least of the most powerful chiefs. Receiving this check he halted. Meanwhile, Dionysius had collected a force of 20,000 ; with this he marched against the invaders, and making common cause with the Sikel chiefs, soon reduced them to extremities. The battle which Mago wished to force on him, and which some of his own followers desired, he declined. The Carthaginians, encamped as thev were in their enemies' country, found their supplies fall short, and were obliged to sue for peace. It was granted ; but one of the condi- tions was that the Sikels, valuable allies in past time to Carthage, should now be subjects of Syracuse. So far the war ended in a distinct loss to the Phcenician power. The next war seems to have been provoked by Dionvsius. His position at Syracuse was now firmly established, and his power had steadily increased. He was now desirous to consolidate it by finally expelling his remaining rivals from the island^ The dependencies of Carthage were, as usual, disaffected Dionysius listened to their complaints, encouraged them to revolt, and received them into alliance with himself. Carthage sent embassies to complain of these proceedings, and receiving no redress, resolved upon war. Foreseeing that it would be a formidable undertaking, they made more than ordinary prepara- 66 TIL .iJRY OF CARTHAGE. tions. Besides hirin/. is usual, a ]ai;L,^c force of mer- cenaries, thcv* aUt) i.u-^ *l a hodv of trotM>^ of their own citizens, a nio>t uncoininon ci re u instance, and indicatin*^ their scii^e tliat it was a critical time to which tliev* had come, 'llie war seems to have been carried on v\ li\ arid hou we d( » not \er\- clearlv know — both in Ital}- iu.'> inthctcd a ^uwit- ucRcU uii in.-^ t)p|junent.-., killinj^', it is said, mon • than lo,' and takin;^ as many as 5,000 prisoin 1 -. The survivors u i re tom- pelled to take rcfn'^^c on a hci'dit where there was no sup|)ly of uaici. M i.;", ilic i^uueral, had fallen in the eni^ai^ement. 'ilie Carthaj^inians l)e*^an ne- gotiations (ur {)( iJionv'sius ie|)licd that he would ^L^rant it ordy on thcsr .-onditifm^ that they bhouki evacu.iU: all tlie tu\\ii> 111 ^:)iLii\' and should HI*' ' pay a n i n d e n m i t \ • U » r t h e e x | ) e n s e s of 1 1 k ; \\- a r . The terms seemed liarsh 1 :ul endurance; but it w.is necessarv' to tefMj)(»ri/e. The i^enerals in command rci)lied that the\- uen • not competent to make so im[>ortant a tre,it\' on tlieir own auth( )rit\\ es[)ecicdly as the surrender of Cartha/^inian towns was con- cerned. Thev must refer tfv^ matter to the autho- rities at honu, and the\' beL;L;i.d for a few tla\'s' truce. This l)ion\-sius readiU- granted. Meanwhile the Car- thaginians prei)an fleet more than once before, led the other. I)ion\sius, who had the best troops of the army under him, was for a time successful ; Leptines was de- feated and slain. When his death became known throutrhout the armv there was a general panic. The Carthaginians ga\e no quarter, and by the time that the darkness put an end to the ])ursuit, 14,000 Greeks, it is "^aid. had perished. The Carthaginians, however, did not pursue their victory, but retired to Panormus. Anxious to secure what they could before fortune turned against them, they sent an embassy to Syra- cuse ( offering peace. Dion\'sius was glad to accept thjir terms. These were, that a thousand talents should be i)aid l)\' way of indemnit\% and that Car- thage should ha\ e, besides their own towns, Selinus atufits territory and all that had belonged to Agri- gentum west of the Halycus. This treat}' was kept for fifteen years. Then Diony- s..,> >.iw another opportunity of attacking his old enemv'. Carthage was again suffering from the evils whicli seem to have troubled her over and over again —pestilence, and revolt among her African subjects.^ • i:icvcn vears before we hear a story of how the Carthaginians sent an e.xi-e.litK.n to Italy ; an-i how. after it had been i)r..ui;ht to a success- ful end. a terrible yUguc b; ul at home, so terrible that Carthage was likely tn 1 ..sc her dominions, buh A-'rica and Sardinia revolting 68 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, On the ground that the Carlha;^niiians had trespassed beyond their boundaries, he marched into their terri- tory with an armv of 38,000 infantr>- and 3,000 horse. SeHnus, Ktitelhis, Jiiul l^rv'x, ciihtT were conquered or c.ipitulated : and he then laid siei^c t(. Lil>-l)a-um, a lloiirishini: ixal near the promontory of that name. At tlrst he pressed tlie sie^e witli vii^our, but found thiit the i)lace was t.M) .ttciM^dy <,^arrisoned to be soon taken. Then came news that the docks at Carthage had been burnt. Think iMayN the li fwim r>i.).l.)rus, *'thcre fell (.n the Carthaginians many trv.uM<- \>\ .; "' tlu- <;.«'i^, strange terrors and iincea^ini^ |»nii- ;i.ii>, in.ikinL:^ nun tliink that the enemy had entereil into the i that iluy leai.t arme.l out uf their Ihhim-s, an.l fell uiM>n one auothei, -laying >ome and wounding some." ' He died, it was said, from thr « ttV. i iMn-iutt which he had given to celebrate the su u- of ili^ ii i-edie^ m a coniiteiition at Athens. .Vii marie ha*! told hnn iliit li.; vlu-ii is die better of thnu th..a weri- 1- tiin li-. II Ind im.lrr^t.v.d ihiN t.i mean the (."anha«;!nians, and. mv> ihe In-toii.ui. ^onicu hat ai>surdly, had alwav> l)een careful n |Hi>h tn. far lii^ viclonf^ over them. But the real meaning of thr ph.;' Aa> (luite difterent. lie was a bad poet, and yet, l-y the verdict i»t tl.,;hrmg judges, wa- judged to be better than poets who were realiv hKitei than he. When his tragedy wa^ successful, the oracle wa> fullilied, and he UicUi THE EXD OF THE WAR. 69 The war was not finished b\' his death, but nothing more of nuich consequence seems to have happened. About a year afterwards peace was concluded, and for the next twenty years the " story of Carthage " is almost a blank. V. ( AKTir\(;i ANU TIMOr.EON. I SAM) in mv list chai>t('r th.it for t\v( nty vrars and more after thf d* '.ilh <»f Dioiiv.ni- tin ^lory of Car- tliai;c i> "alnio-t a 1)1, ink." W'r know, houcvrt ■ niucli about licr a-^ t<» Ix* sine tli.it -lie w.i- i^aininLi strcn;^tlt in Sicily. I lif rondition nf the (ir< in that inland ua^ "nin-'- from had to umi-n* Most nt tlieni liad lallcn iiiL- L..v hancK oi t\ rants, and th( -<' tyr.ints wcac al\ intrij^uinj^ or fi-htiii;.: < nn^L each other. ( .irliia til the while uas st( -adily \valchin;4 her oj>|)ortii,htie<; arul extendini^ lier jxAMr. In 344 she had l)rLonK: >u dani;* ituis that some S>'r.uu>■ the youni^er iJionysius, >on of the tyrant of that iiiiine of wh( jni -SO mnch was said in the last chapter, resoKcd to Ctill in the aid ot Cornith. (..rnitli w.is tlie niotlier- city of Svr.uiise,' and the tie l)rtur('n the two had alua\s been close. The Corinthian^, listeiu d to their request, and, as it hai^fx'ncd, liari at hand just the man who was wanted, i unoieon ua-s one kA tiie best and noblest of their citizen^ ; but h is the most unhappy. He had had a terrible duty put ui)on him. A brother w horn he had lo\ed had tried to make ' The founilcr aii.i tirst colonists of Syracuse had come from Corinth. TIMOlfOX DECLARES WAR AGAIXST CARTIIAGE. Jl himself tyrant in Corinth, and Timoleon had ordered '^"" t(i Ik ■ put to death, or, as some sa\', had killed liim with his own hand. After this dreadful act done to ,aM: his (ountr)-, he had shut himself up in his house. When the Syracusan en\'oys came with their request, lie was i^dad to ,1,^0, and his countrymen were [^lad to send In'm. It was but a small force that Timoleon could get to^X'ther for his enterprise ten ships of war, and seven hun' be noticed that the num- bers become smaller and more credible as we go on;, well furnished with the artillery of the time, and supplied with abundance of provisions. As usual, this army consisted for the most part of mercenaries, but it contained also a numerous force— one historian puts it at ten thousand — of native Carthaginians. The fleet transported it safely to Lilybaeum, and it i m 72 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. at once commenced its march eastward. Timoleon had but a small force with which to meet this great host. In Syracuse he could not r.iiM more than three thousand ; of mcrcenar\' troops, after he had sent away a thousand lat^i^ards and cowards, he had about as many more. Hut he boldly marched out with his six tliousand, and found tlie enem)' encamped on the river Crimessus. It w.is nearl)' midsummer, ; md the heat of the sun had drawn up (nnn tlie low ground near the river a thick f^)g. The Greeks n )uld see nothing of the enemy's camp, but they cvntld hear the confu-'d lumi of many \-oiccs rising uj) from it. As tlie sun grew stronger, the mist began t* . liR from the \alle\', though it still lingereti on the hills ; and as it cleared away the river could be seen, and the great C "arthaginian army in the ver\' act of crossing it, with tlie four-horse chariots in front, and after them a solid body of infantry, ten thousand in number, si)ienditll\' armed and bearing white shields. These were the native Carthaginians, and their march v rderl\- and slow. After them came the mixed crowd of hned troops, disorderly and unruly, struggling \xh( > should first cross the river. Timoleon saw his uj-portunit)-, while the army of the enemy was still divided, some being actually in the river, and some on the further shore. The native Carthaginians were just struggling up the bank and forming themselves in line, when the Greek cavalry fell upon them. At first charge after charge was made in vain. The charie.ts of the enemy were driven furiously backwards and forwards in front of the army, and the Greek horsemen had to do their BATTLE OF THE CRIMESSUS. 73 i I very best to prevent their own lines being broken by them ; on the lines of the enemy they could make no impression. Timoleon, who had about him a small force of Syracusans and picked mercenaries, came up to the help of his cavalry. They were no loni:er,he said, to attack the front line of the enemy — that with that he would himself engage— but were to fall upon the Hanks. Putting his men into as compact a body as possible, something, we may guess, like the phalanx with whicli the Macedonians won so many victories, he charged the enemy. But even he for a time could do nothing. The iron breastplates, the helmets of brass, the great shields which covered almost the whole of the body, resisted the Greek spears. At this moment fortune, or, as the Greeks would have said, Zeus the cloud-compeller, helped him. Suddenly a storm, with loud peals of thunder and vivid flashes of lightning, burst from the hills. The mist, which had been hanging about the heights, came down again upon the plain, and brought with it a tempest of rain and wind and hail. The Greeks only felt them behind ; the Carthaginians had them dashing in their faces ; the rain and hail and lightning blinded them ; the thunder would not allow them to hear the words of command. Then the ground grew slippery beneath their feet ; and the heavy armour became a hindrance rather than a protection. They could hardly move from place to place ; they found it difficult to stand ; when once they had fallen it was impossible to rise. Then came a new trouble. The river, partly swollen by the rain, partly, it is said, dammed back by the multitude of troops that were 74 T! TORY r {RTIIAGE, ci'^^-^^'f^:: 'f. < 'Vf-rflrrAcd i banks, an not now Africans or Spamard^. but lu , oun children for whnni she li.id l<» mourn luen after this crudiini^ def -at the war was not at an end. llie (iiceks were, a- u lli^' \\» Mem >ide (tf the II / >, and th.it she should ne,t |»ret(iid to interfere witli the -uvernrnent of the Sicilian cities. , VI. ( ARTllAGK AND AGATIIOCLES. TlAtoi ION died m 337; for twenty years and more there was pe.ice in Sicily; then the (Wrecks fell out amon- themselves Carthai^e was called in to help one ot the parties. Tiinol(H)n had restored S\-racuse to freedom ; but it had fallen again into the hands of a t\ r.int, Ai^athocies. Thousands of the citizens had been banished b> the usurper ; and these, under the leaderslnj) of a certain Dcinocrates, made a treaty with ("arthaoe. Jn 309 a powerful expedition set .sail for Sicily. There was a contingent of native ('artha-mians numbering two thousand, among whom were some of the noblest born of the citizens. African and Italian mercenaries, and a tliousand slingers from the Hale.uic Islands. Its start was unlucky. A great storm sank sixty of the shi])s of war, and more than two hundred transports, and the rest of the fleet readied Sicil>' in a sadly battered condition. It was ea>\-, however, to find recruits in the island, and llamilcar. uho was in command, had soon under lum an army of 40,000 infantr\' and 5.000 horse. /Xgathocles met him at a place famous in the history of Sicilian wars, the river Himera. The battle that followed began well for the Greeks Some troops Ill — *■ -■ - 1 jiJiiiiais.1! 76 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. which A^athocles had put in ambush near the river fell upon a Carthaginian detachment as it was crossing; the stream, laden witli plunder, and drove them in confusion to their camp. Their commander thought it a i^ood opportunity fV)r a general attack. At first ever}thing went well ; the Greek army assaulted the Cartha^^nnian cami), and at one time seemcil likely to take it. Tlien the fortune of the day chaM)_^cd. Tlu' Balearic slingcrs were brought into action, and killed and wounded many of the assailants. These ^till kept u|) the attack, but at this moment appeared a fresh scjuadron from Africa, and took them in the rear, llie defenders of the camp took frcsfi courage ; tlie attack was finally repulsed, and soon chan^^ed into a rout. Five miles of level ground lay betu ccn the two camps ; tlie Carthaginian cavalry could act on this with freedom, and they made dreadful havoc among the fugitives. Another cause, and tliis a strange one, increased the Greek loss. Tlic battle was fought in the heat of summer and at midday. Many of the fugitives had made for the river rather than for their cani[), and tliey reached it in ii state of raging thirst. 1 lu: w ater was salt, or at least strongly brackish, but they drank greedily of it, iind with fatal results. Many unwounded corpses were found u[)on the banks. The total loss of the Greeks was se\'en thousand, that of the Cartha- ginians not more than five hundred. Agathocles shut himself ui) in Gela, hoping thus to divert Hamilcar's attention from Syracuse, where the people would then gain time to gather in their harvests. The Cartha- ginian general began the siege, but seeing that he had AGATHOCLES IN EXTREMITIES. yy h'ttle chance of taking the place, soon changed his plan. His first step was to win over the other Greek cities by kind treatment and liberal offers. Many of them joined him ; their own danger was imminent and they hated Agathocles. Reduced to the last extremity, for nearly all Sicily, with the exception of Syracuse, was lost to him, thiJ extraordinary man conceived one of the boldest devices which history records. He determined to transfer the war to Carthage itself. That city, he knew, was not prepared for an attack, and its African subjects were always ill-afifected, and he believed, and rightly believed, that it could be best attacked. This scheme he kept a profound secret. The measures that he took for carrying it out were most skilful, and, it must be added, most unprincrpled. He began by choosing the force which he was to take with him most carefully. The greater part of it was cavalry. 1-forses he had no means of transporting to Africa but he hoped to find them there, and the men were ordered to furnish themselves with bridles and saddles. ' ^^ ^^^^ to guard against a revolution in Syracuse during his absence; and he was careful to take hostage for good behaviour from all the most power- ful families in the city ; putting one brother, for instance, in the garrison, and enlisting another in his own arm>'. Then he wanted money. He gave notice that any citizen who might be unwilling or unable to endure the hardships of a siege was at liberty to dei)art. The offer was accepted by numbers of the rich. They had the means of living elsewhere, and they hated the rule of the tyrant. They were accord- Jo THE STORY OF CAKIIIAGE, iiinly pcrinittt 'li l>; iici).irt. and to t;ikc their property with thciri. Hut A;.iatlioc]r ■ ■ of lii-> iiier- cciiarics afti r tlicin. The unh.utpx- iii'-ii were r(»l)l)ecl and inur(lerc litid liiniscU~ amply provided witli iih .ti.^. lie th< Ti ernf)iik(d hi^ f' liich tllied sixty ships of war. 1 lie tlrst ii' itv was t" a\(tid the l)loc:kadin;4 squadron, which was much stroni^er than lii^ own. Just at tlie ri^dit tune a fleet of eorn-shi{)S apiK'arcd off the har!)our. lli* ' ntlia,^inians left then- |>ost to }>ur>ut: them, and /\i;ath< took the O|)portunity l- 'iil n( the harbour l\>v a time the CartliaL^im.i.. .tdmiral c xjiected ;in attack, think ini^ that th' " iMcu-a!! tli".*t had "ir out to fiLjIu for the corn-shij)s ; tlu-ii ^( \ iu:^^ tliat n uas sail in.; in tlie other (111 >n, li cliase. The result ua> a double ^ :. ■■»■ >uccr^-> to A''atho( les. Ihciorn ^hiI' • »t ^afeh' into harbour, and relir ' the citv, v\liicn u.i^ alrcad}' be<^innin'j to suffer troin Ncarcitv ; and tlie siiuadron, which had f^ot a »ti- id cralilr -tart, iped. The esca|ie, imieed, \\a> a iiaii>'\\ "iic. the r.icc lasted for five days .uid niLdits On the mornirv^ ol the ^ixth day the Carthaginian llect un v tedlvajipcared closv: at hand I^otli ^Jdcs strained everv nerve ; but the (irceks won tlie oilc. Thev reached the land first, but the foremost of the Carthai,nni,in ^hips were close upon them. In tlie skirmish that foil 1 these were too weak to act with nm- cffxt. atid \ 'athucles not only landed in safcix , oui wa- ;d)le to luiiify a camj) close to which he beaclied liis shij^ But he had in liis mmd a yet l>oldcr stroke. I le burnt hi^ sh![)s Forced thus to give u[) all hope of |i AGATHOCLES IXVADES AFRICA, 8i escape, the army must now conquer or perish. At fust they were in despair; but Agathocles did not L;i\e them much time to think about their situation. Me led them to attack a district in which the wealthiest citizens of Carthac^e had their farms and countr}' houses. It was a region of rich pastures, of oliveyards and vineyards, and the Sicilians were astonished at the i)lenty which they saw. Two towns fell easily into their hands, and their despair was soon changed into confidence. At Carthage there was the utmost dismay. It was commonly believed that the whole force in Sicily had perished, for no one could sii})pose that Agathocles could have ventured to leave Sxracuse in danger and attack Africa. Some were for treating for .peace; others advised delay till the truth could be found out. When news of what had really happened arrived, they were, of course, greatly encouraged, and prepared to attack the invaders. In the first battle that took place, it is interest- ing to see the list of combatants on either side. Agathocles, besides his own Syracusans, had Sam- nites, Etruscans, and Celts (probably Gauls) in his army. The whole amounted to about eleven thou- sand, but many of them were insufficiently armed. There was no little discouragement among them,^ and the result seemed doubtful. The day, indeed, might have gone in favour of Carthage but for ' A strange story is told of the device by which Agathocles endea- voured to give coiifulence to his men He had a number of tame owls which he let loose in the court. The l)irds settled on the shields and helim Is of the soldiers. The owl was the sacred bird of Athene iMin rv.i), and the soldiers looked upon this incident as a proof of the yoddcss' favour. w 8,2 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. the nisfortune of the death of one of her generals, and the treachery of another. The two Suffetes of the year were II anno and Bornilcar. Hanno was in command of the Sacred Band of native Carthaj^inians. Eager to break the opposing line, \vh( Tc Agathocles himself was in command, he exposed himself too rashly, and was killed. Bomil- car had designs of making himself a tyrant in Carthage, and felt that the defeat of the invaders would not help him in his object. 1 le seems even to have had a treacherous understanding with the enemy. To liis own officers he pretended that tho death of his colleague made it necessary to retreat. The Carthaginian mercenaries soon took to flight ; the Sacred Host held its ground for a long time, but was at last compelled to retreat. The camp fell into the hands of the Greeks. Ag.ithocles continued his successes, and carried the war almost up to the walls of Carthage. Mean- while things had been going well with him at Syracuse. Hamikar had made a night attack upon the city, had failed, and had been taken prisoner. Mis head was cut off, and sent to Agathocles in Africa. Carthage suffered defeat after defeat in a series of battles, which it would be tedious to relate. At last the people found out one cause, at least, of their ill-fortune. Bornilcar had all along been playing the part of a traitor. He now thought that the time was come for seizing the prize of absolute power which he had alwa\'s had in view. He ordered a review of the troops in the city, When it had been held, he dis- missed all that were not pledged to support him. •r. y. Si < ill, III I I * REVOLT OF BOMILCAR. S5 Kccpinj^ the remainder, five hundred native Carthagi- nians and five thousand mercenaries, he proclaimed himself kini;, and commenced a massacre of all his opponents. If Agathocles outside the walls had known of what was going on, and had arranged an attack for the same time, Carthage was lost. The battle in the streets raged fiercely. Bomilcar and his adherents forced their wav into the market-place. But the place could not be held. It was surrounded on all sides by lofty houses, which were occupied by the friends of the government, and from which showers of javelins were discliarged on the revolters. Bomilcar was compelled to retreat into the New City. Finally a truce was agreed to. An amnesty was promised, and the rebels laid down their arms. But Bomilcar was too dangerous a person, and had done too much harm, to be allowed to escape. The rulers of Carthage, never much troubled by scruples, moral or religious, broke their oath and crucified him. The tide of success did not turn at once. Agathocles took Utica,' the largest of the Phoenician cities in Africa after Carthage, and a number of other towns, till Carthage was almost stripped of allies and subjects. Agathocles was now recalled by urgent affairs t<; Syracuse. He left his son Archagathus in command of the African army. Archagathus was too ambitious, and undertook enterprises, especially against the * Another strange story is told of the device which he used in approaching this city. He had captured three hundred of the chief citizens. These he suspended alive on a tower which he brought up close to the gates, and which he had fdled with archers and slingers. The defenders of Utica could not defend themselves against this attack without wounding or killing their own countrymep. I I g6 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. xrandcrin- tribe, of the interior, for which his strength was not sufficient. Carthage, on the other hand, was now under wiser rule. The army was divided into three .u.p^, ...ch of whi. h carried on separate opera- tior ainst the invade... Archagathus suffered a great defeat under the walls of the city, and was also weakened hv the revolt of manj- of h.s allies. His father now r.lurnei! from Sicily, and for a time re- stored the hal.mce. Hut an attack on the Lartha-inian camp l.roved t> t failure. Then occurred a stran-c succes-ion of chan.4e> of fortune. The Carthaginian., in celebrating their la.t victory after their own hideous fa.shion with human sacrifice, set fire to their camp. When the confusion wa-, at its highest, some African mercenaries who had taken service with Agathoclcs, deserted to' the Carthaginians. Their approach was taken a. an ho.tile attack, and a general panic followed. When the mistake was discovered, some were ad- mitted into the chv, and there made the very san.e panic among the (.reeks which they had just made amonu the Carthaginians. Agathocles lost more than four thousand men through this mishap. His \hican allies now left him, and he began to despair uf success, lie had no hope of being able to get terms from the enemv, and no means of carrying away his •irnu- His plan was to depart secretly, taking the voun>-er of his two sons with him. But Archagathus 'the e^der iliscovered the scheme, and revealed it to the army. The soldiers, furious at the thought of being thus deserted, mutinied, seized Agathocles and put him in chains. Kverything was now in disorder. Finally, AgatltDclcs contrived to escape from confinement, and PVRRHUS. 89 to malce his way to Sicily. The army being thus abandoned, rcvenj^cd itself by murdering his sons, and then made peace with Carthage. They gave up all the towns which they had captured, and received three hundred talents, a free passage for such as wished to go, and service in the army of Carthage for such as preferred to remain. The city had been besieged for four vears. It was now safe, and, indeed, seems to have soon recovered her old strength. A few years afterwards we find her helping her old enemy Agathocles— in return, no doubt, for substantial advantages — to make himself supreme over Sicily. The last Greek antagonist with whom Carthage had to deal might well have been the most formidable of all. Pyrrhus, king of Epirus,i was of the kindred of Alexander the Great, through Alexander's mother, Olympias. He had conceived a scheme of conquest which should be like that achieved by his famous kinsman. But as Alexander had gone eastward, so he would go westward. His famous conversation with his philosophical adviser will show us what were his plans, and I will give it, as Plutarch tells it, in dialogue form : CiNEAS. The Romans, my lord Pyrrhus, are said to be great warriors, and to rule over many nations. If, by the favour of God, we conquer them, what use shall we make of our victory ? Pyrrhus. That is an easy question to answer. There will be no city, Greek or barbarian, that, if Rome be once conquered, will be able to withstand us. We shall certainly gain the whole of Italy, of * The modern All)ania. QO Til! ^TiiRY OF CARTHAGE. the j^^rcatn xcellencp. and wealth of which you, of a 1 1 m c n , c a n r i o t be i . , . . .int. ( 'iM A> after a brief silence . After L^MJninj:^ Italv, what shall we do next ? I * \ " \< K I i r ^ ' n ( > t \ ■ < t M • c i n <^ 1 1 i s d r i ft . C 1 o > e t < ) 1 1 a 1 \ • i> Sicilv, stretchin<^ out lier hands to us. a wealthy iNlaiid and a |)< iiiulnus, and t .i^\' to sulxlue. Since th( ■ d( 'ath of A;4atliocles it has [)c<'n all confusion, for lack of <4o\ernrnent in the city and the folly of them that l<'ad the peojilc. Ci\i As. 1 hat is like enough. When we have con- ciuered Sicily, shall we come to ;ui end of our wars? l'\'RR! Ills. I leaven jjrospcr our undertakini^^s so far ! Well, then, wlio would not go on to Africa and Car- tha'^u:, Cartlia-e wlucli will then be in mv j^rasp ^ I )id not Ai^athoclcs, thou;.;h he had to run away, so to speak, from S\racu-c , with only a handful of ships, come \er\- near to takini^ jt } We are not concerned just now with the rest of the conversation, or with the moral which Cineas drew from it." It was a splendid plan, and I*\rrluis was one who had all the tienius that was wanted to carry it out. Hannibal, no mean judjj^c in such a matter, thought him the greatest 'jeneral - that had ever lived. But the beginning of his great cnteri)rise was the hardest part of it — too hard, indeed, for him to accomplish. ' IJricfly it was this : *• Master of Carthaf^c." said Pvrrhiis, «* I shall come and make myself lord nf (ireece." " DouluU- ad Cineas; ** and what then ? " *' Then," answered the kini;, witli a laut:;h, " thcti we will sit down and enjoy ourselves." *• Why not sit down now .'' was the philosopher's reply. * Anoiher version of the story puts Alexander first and Pyrrhus second. PYRRHUS LEAVES SICILY. 91 He spent his strength in vain on Rome. He defeated her armies, but he could not conquer her. Rome, we may say, saved Carthage from conquest. These two were to fight for the mastery of the West. His own dealings with Carthage may be briefly told. After two campaigns in Italy, in which he had won much glory but little else, he passed over into Sicily in the spring of 278. The Greek cities had invited him to come ; they wanted him to help them a-ainst their old enemy Carthage. At first he carried exerything before him, but Carthage offered him a large sum of money and a fleet which should co- operate with him in his enterprises. He refused these terms. Nothing, he said, would satisfy him— and we cannot but admire his fine feeling for the honour of the Greek name— but that Carthage should quit the island altogether and make the sea the boundary between Greece and herself After this his o-ood fortune left him. The Greeks grew weary of th mV ally. They plotted against him, and he retaliated with severities which made them hate him still more. Then he failed in an attempt to storm the fortress of Lilybc-Eum ; and even his reputation as a soldier was damaged. At last there was nothing left for him but to go. " How fair a wrestling ring," he said, as he looked back from his ship upon the island ; " how fair a wrestling ring, my friends, are we leaving to Rome and Carthage!" In the fourth part of my story I shall tell the tale of this wrestling match. i PART III. THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF CARTHAGE. I.— Carthaginian Discoverers. II.— Constitution and Relkuon of Carthage. lit— Revenue and Trade of Carthage. L CARTHAGINIAN DISCOVERERS. The " Story of Carthage " is mainly a story of war. or the peo|)Ie themselves and of their life we hear very little indeed, and that little either from enemies or strangers. But there are some exceptions, and of thcni the most interesting is the account of the voyage of colonization and discovery made by Hanno, an account which has been preserved ; not indeed in his own language—for of the Carthaginian tongue we have but a few words remaining— but in a Greek translation. The date of Hanno is not certain. He is supposed to have been either the father or the son of the Hamilcar whc ^e!l at Himera. There is little to make the one supposition more probable than the other. On the whole, I am inclined to accept the earlier time. Car- thage was certainly more prosperous, and therefore more likely to send out such an expedition before the disaster of Himera than after it. In this case the date may be put as 520 B.C. Hanno's account of his voyage is interesting enough to be given in full. I shall add a few notes on points that seem to require explanation. "It was decreed by the Carthaginians that Hanno 96 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. should sail' bcyorit I the rillir-; of Hercules 2 and found cities of the Lib) -Phcnicians-^ / .rdinj^^ly he sailed with sixty ships of fifty oars each, and a multitude of men and women to the number of thirty thousand,^ and provisions and other equipment. ** When we had set sail and passed the Pillars, after two days' vo\age, we founded the first city and named it Thym later turn. IVInw this city lay a great plain. Sailing thence westward wc came to Soloeis,5 a promontory of Lib) a, thickly covered with trees. Here we built a ternjile to Poseidon ; 6 and pro- ceeded thence half a-day's journey eastward, till wc reached a lake lying not hr from the sea, and filled with abundance of great reeds. Here were feeding elephants and a great number of other wild animals. "After we had gone a day's sail beyond the lakes we founded cities near to the sea, of which the names were the Fort of Car icon, Gytta, Acra, Melita, and Arambys. Sailing thence wc came to Lixus,7 a ■ The historyof'Ti*- voyage is called Periplusor '•Circumnavigation." The Greek narrati _ l ;-is in a MS. in the Library of Heidelberg, and was first published in 153J. » The Straits of (iibraltar. * A mixed }>oi)ulation sprinpng from marriai^cs of Carthaginians with native Africans, and regar^kd with much jealou>y by the authorities of Carthage. * This number is probably exaggerated. It need not, however, be supposed that all the colonists were conveyed in the sixty ships. These were probably ships of war which convoyed a number of merchantmen, which discharged their cargoes of passengers as the various colonies were founded. 5 tape Cantin. * The Latin Neptune, perhaps the I'hoenician Dagon. ' The Wadi Draa. ALONG THE AFRICAN COAST. 97 '^reat river which flows from Libya. On its banks the Lixitiu, a wandering tribe, were feeding their tlocks. With these we made friendship, and remained among them certain days. Beyond these dwell the Inhospitable .l^thiopians, inhabiting a country that abounds in wild beasts and is divided by high moun- t.iiiis, from which mountains flows, it is said, the river I ixus. About these mountains dwell the Troglodytae, men of strange aspect.^ Of these the Lixitae said that they could rur swifter than horses. Having pro- cured interpreters from these same Lixitse, we coasted f.>r two da\s along an uninhabited country, going southw ards. Thence again we sailed a day's journey eastward. Here in the recess of a certain bay we tniind a small island, about five furlongs in circum- ference. In this wc made a settlement, and called its name Cerne.2 We judged from our voyage that this place lay right opposit': to Carthage,3 for the \. >\ ii!e from Carthage to the Pillars was equal to the \(._. ..^, from the Pillars to Cerne. After this, sailing up a great river which is called Chretes,"^ we came ' r. i--ibly negroes. ( ciiic i-, probably to be placed at the mouth of tlie Rio de Ouro. ^Miiie i>\' the French charts give the name of Heme, which is said to I. -rinlilr a name u>cti by llie natives. riu re i> some doubt as to the meaning of this expression. Mr. I>itnl)ury NUi;gesis that it may mean that the distance from Carthage to the Straitsof ( iibrallar. and from the StraitsaL^ain to Cerne being equal, these ould be the sides of an icosceles triangle, of which the l)ase would be liie line drawn between Carthage and Cerne. It must be remembered that the ancients had nothing like the correct notions which we have since been enabled to form of the relative positions of the various countries of the world. From Cerne lianno made two voyages of discovery, which he now proceeds to describe. * The Senegal, which opens out into such an expanse near its mouth. 98 ■ ■ . to ;i , in wliith an* ihrrc i^LuhU '.(nater tliaii ( 'cnn :., \'rn< .1 (J.i; ,ii!, w .... *'.) t.lu„: liirllir t .h(.-- n*" tT-- ' ^^■'\, \ (rrc it i -^ ■ »^■^■rlHln^„[ by .^;i-cat tnt.nitUai.il >, Ml \uiii... ii tiv\ t.:Il ■-..l\ .i_,„,t: men cl*..)llic(.,l witli tlic sldii . i >f 1 )( ■ * 'I1u;-< ' < 1 u ^ aw a\-. \h 'Itin;^ u . with !<»! ailtl not laihl. Sailinj^ thcnc- 'j > aiiotlirr riviT. • " 't and ^>r. .-,(1, .-uk] full <>1 i 1*' and MAtrdi' . i iiencc uuirninL; 1); ic k w I i n t o (■ ( r ! 1 < ; a 1 1 ( 1 (n » n i ( '< • r n ( '■ w c sailed . . \ards tli> aitli lor IwcKc day-, i: I II \< co;istin<4- idonj:^ the land. The whole of this land is inliabitcd l.>\- h'tlii(tr>iaii-. These would n\ 1 1 1 e i , i a i l a I u.i I wci'C w i t h us. On the la-t ' me near to certain lari^c mountains c d uilh tree>. and the wootl of these tret. weet-scented and of (h'vci'- (■( il* *nr'>, ScuIinL:" by tlu>c mountani.-> le>r tiie>[nu e ui iwu cut) >, we came I'M anviti 1 il i> not easy to r. GORIIJ.AS, 99 to a i^reat openiivj," of tlie sea; i.sland a lake of ^alt v.:i^r, and ai;ain in this lake another island. Here we landed ; and in the daytime wf could find nothini;-, but saw wood a^hes ; but in the niidit iw man\- fires l)urm'nL;, and heard the sound of Hutes and cxnibals and drums and tlie noise of confusc-d sliouts. dreat fearthen came upon us,andthc proiiliet bade us U axe this place. We sailed therefore (jiiickU' the i.(, bein;^- much terrified; and passini^^ on foi i..air da\ ^ f*amd at ni-iU a ecuntry full of fire. In tlie middle wa^ a !(.ft\- fire, -reater than all the rest, so tliat it seemed to toucli the stars. Wdien da\' came we found that this was a -rcat mountain which they call the Cliariot of the (.od..- On the third day of our dei>arture thence, lia\ in;^ mailed l)y streams of fire, \\r tame to a l)a>- which is called the South(a-n I lorn. ^ At the ciul of tin's l)a\- la\- an island like to that which has been before de^cril)e(l. This island had a lake, and in this lake another island, full of i;^e |)eople,of whom the cacater |)art were women. Ihcir bf.dies w ( re c< '\ eivd wa'th hair, and our inter- preter^ ( ailed them ( iorillas. We i)ursued them, but the men we wvie not able to catcli ; for beini^ able to climb the precii)iLes and defending themselves with ' Tlu' (Uil f-r I:i^-^.il;os. ■ Mi. su-r-fs. 3 Shcrboro" Inland and Sound, a liulc distance south of Sierra Leone, 100 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. Stones, these all escaped. But \vc caiip^ht three women. But when these, bitiiv^ and tearin^^ those that led them, would not follow us, we slew them, and flaying off their skins, carried these to Carthage. Further we did not sail, for our food f.iiled us." This account was set, wc arc told, b\- Han no on his return to Carthage in the tcm|)le of Clironos or Saturn — the same, as lias been Jilreadv said, as tlie Moloch of Scri|)ture. The elder IMiny, after mentioning the voyage of flanno, which he strangely enough su})j)oses to have extended as fdv as the borders of Arahi.i, sav's, *' At the same time liimilco was sent to discover the northern coasts of lunojie." Unhapjiilv. we nossi>ss no account of Ilimilco's vovage that c,in Ijl ^* .ui[>cucd to the "Circumnavigation" of Uann< Ml that we know of his narrative comes to us from Avienus, a \er\' indifferent Latin poet, whf > wrote about geography towards the end of the fuurtli centurv of the Christian era. And wliat Avienus professc 's to ([uote fVi »rn liim has a verv incrctlible look. It took him four months to sail from Cartilage t*) a country which was probabl)' liiuaiii ; not, as we might supixa^c. on account of rough seas and stormv winds, but l)ecausc there are no bree/.es to make a ship mo\'c, or because there were such quantities of seaweed that it was held by them as much as if it werepa^^in- through a wood. Perpetual fogs co\-ered everything. Besides these difficulties the sailor had to steel himself against the terrible sight of strange sea-monsters with which these waters abounded. Avienus profe-ses to have seen the narrative of Himilco. and to quote from it directly. A STRANGE TALE. lOI The ancients were not very scrupulous in such mat- ters, and it is just possible that Avienus took his information at second hand. It has been suggested that the Carthaginians, jealous about their trade and afraid that other dealers should meddle with their markets,' instructed Himilco to write such an account of his vo\-age as would deter every one else from f( )llowing in his steps. It is certainly not sluggish seas and winds not strong enough to move a ship which are the obstacles a traveller sailing north would chictly have to dread. However this may be, Himilco the discoverer is little more than a name to us. ' It may possil)ly have been one of the reasons why the Carthaginians were ready to attack the Thoca-ans at Alalia that these bold sailors had visited Tartessus (j)rol)abIy (iades), had made friends with its king, and so intruded into regiuOh wliich the city of merchants considered to be its own. 'nil'. * ' >^ N A\! \ oi (AKm\<.i:. ■ !t lit H )!': I » .. t in li 1 > \Vr:ki: '■H.-H'' lor Ar!-t"ttc ii.i 1>rH>k !)(■■; I rni;.„( tht* V\ ta<-t. I'll'* tircrlv- li.i'i hut lir .1 r>t. from which 1 ni-^ i-- llM:ii a ' urioii f(»r.in\-«/'«M„mti"\' h' tliev I'* it in*'-t v ••, '■ '•" ■ ■ no 1 C(Hilh' Ivranl. Ari-t. •** ■ •■'■ ■' ■■■ tlM> IKUTU: il> citv ofti-ii < kcuv^ ii ,>u> • t i. ' 'til .ih< ait il, ill 1. < .11 thr u h in niMiU' It' -|) I { - An. I 1h,- :-,iw, - V- i>" r\rc\- ll i^ ;i -UK- i)r .ui-i II, aiul . Ill making luiii>ch I . I i,iv ill ' " k'iiv'-. anil .-i the I riia;>,i-aia.'. ^ 1 luslniv. lUit thc\- uri-c iK.tkiiv^s h'thr'ouinu.m scMis. oi" thr tcnn. They clid not rv.enihlejVu- instanoA tlir kni..-.i the l-a.tcM-n wtitutions w.is that, in Sparta, the ('ii^nity was hereditary in two famih'es, wliile in Car- tha'^e it was cIclIi\c. " llie)' must beloUL^-," he sax's, "to one of certain ihstiniJuished families, but thev succet (1 to the throne l)y election, not b\' seniority." I'Uit it docs not a])])ear that this election was aimual. ( )n the contrar\-, once eliosen thc\' were chosen for life. These two ma'-istrates were called 1)\' the Romans "Suffetes," ' a corrui)tiun of the word Shophetim, or "Jud^..." \i XL to tlie kin-s came tlic j^^cncraks. The two oflicrs nn-ht be held to'^ether, but thev were often -rparate. A kiiii;- did not command an army or a tlcct unKss he wd^ s])ecially appointed to the post. .Sometimes a [general would be made kini;" while he was al)Sfnt t»n s. rv ice. II anno, who coimnanded the .1 e.\})lorin!4 and coloni/in;^ ex[)edition before ile~>cril)ed, is said to have been a kin;^. Inlow these hiijh ofhcers of St.ite c.ime a legislative l)ody which, to borrow a name made familiar both by anc il 'Ut and by modern histoi}-, we may call the Senate. In this Senate there were two bodies, the Mnaller- and more powerful bcin^^ chosen out of the ku-i^er. I'erhaps we may compare this Ui)per Council ' I'osMi.ly " SulY was a rcm'wu-ccucc. of tlie Latin word sitffectus^ wlii.-h \v;i. iimM whiii a inagiaraic a.i- .leclcd to till a vacancy occur- rili:,^, . liiiie. -" Il "cd of a iiuntlrcii iiKjiii'rf,^. 104 ^"^ STORY OF CARTHAGE. to the cabinet or ministry in the Constitutions of England and the United Stat. . .,f .\.n,-nca. W c are told that it ua. called into existence to meet the danger which so>mc-. ur later nv.rtook most ot the Republics of the atKicnt world. " When the House of Mago became dangvr-u,, t.. .i frr ■ itc. an hundred iud<'cs were chosen from the senators, who, upon the return of generals from the war, should demand an account of things tra„.actcd by them, that they bemg thereby kept in awe, should ». hear themselves m then command in the war, as to have re -ard to the laws at home." The meinlx rs of the Council seem to have been chosen bv what are called I'enlarchies, /.,■„ bodies of five hv the (.reek writer. We do not know what these were, but we ma>- gues. that the.v were com- mittees that had tlu- ehu-e ot' various unportant parts of government, as ima.Ke-, trade, military matters, police, etc. Whether they were d.visions o the Council or the Senate we cannot say. Hut one thing is certain, vi/., that the Council was a re- markablv unchanging body. It followed one line of policy, we m„, . >turies, with extraordinary consistency, and this it could hardly have done except it had kept up the same character by renew- ing itself. It is clear that there were no rei;ular ch'angcs of government, no passings of power such as we see in the United States from Republicans to Democrats, or in England from Liberals to Con- servatives, c f About the powers of the larger assembly or Senate we know nothing for certain. Probably it was legis- lative while the Council was executive. It was the fi I ESTATES OF THE REALM IN CARTHAGE. I05 Congress or Parliament, while the Council was the Ministry or Cabinet. Finally, there was a general assembly of the people. About this, too, we know very little. We may guess that its power was limited to approving or rejecting measures that were brought before it, all such measures being first considered in the Senate. In the same way the people had the right of approving or disapproving of appointments to offices. Aristotle evidently thought that they were in much the same position as the people at Sparta ; and of the people at Sparta we know that they had not much to do with the government of the country. These were the actual " estates of the realm " in Carthage — the Kings or Suffetes, the Senate with its two chambers, so to speak, and the Popular Assembly. It remains to ask, '' Was there a nobility ? " Probably there was, and probably it was something like that which exists in England. There were, indeed, no inherited titles, but still the same families remained powerful in the State. Probably they remained powerful as long as they remained rich. There was no bar of birth that prevented any one from be- coming a member of this nobility. Ability and wealth, perhaps either of these in a very marked degree, would pass any one into it. Aristotle says that the offices of State were unpaid. This does not of necessit>' imply that these were not lucrative. They would bring patronage and oppor- tunities of making money. He also says that the hiirhest offices— and he names those of King and General — were put up for sale. Perhaps he means io6 THE .^iin\i OF CARTHAGE. that th (•\- \V( Tc c )l)taini '< I 1)\' 1)1 lh< >ii< h tl U^ IS no t the iiatura 1 i r ii rcliitu'n <'l hi-- u*>i'*i> As 1 ic sa\'s iftcrw'.Mi -,1- tliat ciir "f the .it)U>cs (• giiiian i uu-LrLu >n \va- tliat several f the Carlha- held were \)V one man, we iiia\- Mii^^r-^e that th.'U'.!;h nominallv nil pan o:" |:)r(> I. tl 1C\' cou 1(1 I )( oil en were. ni;i » ii tit. l*rt»lKil)ly the to tlie corruption at i« n •{ •( ] of inonev, u a-i Incl -ouree due 1 ;ue sure to (lf\'t •ln|)e(i S(, » (JIU'I l-'l niLV r 111 ;l Wf.i tin- Stale. R..nie, when llu- virtue and lutru^UMn^ ^u i. 1 fell i!itr, ihe It . ^ V 1 1 > / ens tl decae Ciirtls under tlie (l*Mnniaiioi One of the |)oinl>or the r f ;i de>p»»lH: riucr 1< ir 1 iji :n ( > fell . L I i. 1 !i\' (111 /ens. e^ (■nU.M.LIK« ' U hieh Ari-totlc sees betw cen (art! l.r- .ui* t.ii' I A.i-> llie pracliee o f haviiii; *^ «.nuiion tively small St.itc livin*^ at Meals. But Sparta wa. a coinpara- 11 u: i< lu.i! mnnber ot citi/ens the ca|)!lal, wl^eii we ]A\ e ^ ( 'di; :u;( 1 th ose w were unt were therefore could not have uiu ler o: al)ove the irnlitar)- a-e, an 1 from tlu: ("ommon vr-nse( 1 wl Meal: lO I, It 1..,! thaue,on the i > I her liand, wa^ one oi L tl 1 1' V Mivaiu 1. C ar- ,t p' )\ni \nlV Clt!' () f the aneieiU w<.i Id. Wlieri it ua^ taken l)\- tl le R oniiUi>, \ui\: Mrr it liad l)e-un ;t e f \V eaimot i-^'' 1 i V„ V I Uie I in' tl 1 e number mu^i Ma\ c been l- of CommeHi MeaK. rr-!Ml)ly the idmil ot a >\ muuI ,f were limited to the rulini^ cla A t\ 1 1 -•- L ' . 1 u ' , 1 ];< (A them as l)ein « r held bv the '* club ( )!' Ci mi p.u li' ''• says tiuite a; sent an cmiss ■'ree with this. Uanni W'liat Livy iKil, ihen in cxile, ;uv te» stir up tne war-j til irt\' a I t a I Ih, me VOTIVE bll.l 1 lA.Nl JUSTICE AND RELIGION. 109 to action. His coming and the message which he brought, was, we read, " debated first in societies and banquets, and afterwards in the Senate." And we find it stated by another historian that the Cartha- L^Muians transacted their State affairs by night, and in the evening and at night-time held their meetings and societies. Perhaps we may say that modern poHtics furnish an illustration in the "Caucus," a meeting of influential persons by which the action of the party is determined. Justice seems to have been administered, not by a general assembly of the people, as at Athens, but by special Courts. We know the name of one of these, " The Hundred and Four." ^ Possibly this may have been the title of the whole judicial body, and that this was divided into various Courts for the trial of dif- ferent kinds of cases. The Religion of Carthage was naturally in the main that of the great city from which it was founded. The supreme Deity was Baal Hammon, or Moloch. Dr. Davis — from whose excavations among the ruins of Carthage much has, of course, been learnt — tells us that he did not find a single votive tablet in which the name of this god did not appear. He was worshipped with the horrible human sacrifices of which we hear from time to time in Carthaginian history.^ These ' Not to be confounded with the Council of the Hundred. ' When Carthage was besieged by Agathocles, a sacrifice of two hundred children belonging to the first families in the country was made to Moloch ; and three hundred men also voluntarily devoted themselves in the same way. \\'e hear of these sacrifices as prevailing among the Canaanite, i.e". Phaniician, tribes whom the Israelites drove out of Palestine ; and special care was taken to forbid this particular no THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, drcndful i)ra(:tii ! the Greeks t«> identify him witli t 'liruiid. or Saturn, \\ li . oun nu'thology, vva. ^aifl tt> havf .!.• ..n,,.l hj^ ,)\\ii thildrtii. Next in lioiioiir ic ^l ' Melcart, the tutelary deity of Cartlia- inotlicr-cit}-, 'r>'rc A sir I F iv> rwiT. To the Greeks he was known as Hercules. Hi kind of rite. ^ i.i in I.ev wi seed pass thrini'^h tlv lr<- t" M t!x* practice ijaiiu , . „ ch. '* IS ■ TIk")'.! "^iLitt Til it lot thy i hit ion • i ' ■ , ,1 "(Icfilcil the Valley of ; ;as. daughter pass ihruuj^h (ri VOriVE blELE TO TANIT FROM CARTHAGE. CARTHAGINIAN DEITIES. 113 splendid temple at Tyre was one of the most famous in the world. Missions with gifts and offerings seem to have been regularly sent to it from Carthage. \either there nor elsewhere does the god seem to have been represented in human form. Herodotus, who describes the Tyrian temple as an eye-witness, .a\^ nothing of any image, but describes, among the many rich offerings with which it was adorned, two })illars, one of pure gold, the other of emerald, shining with great brilliancy at night' VOTIVE STELES FROM CARTHAGE. A sea-god, whom the Greeks naturally identified with their own Poseidon, and the Romans with Nep- tune, was worshipped at Carthage. He was the same I )robably as Dagon, the fish - god, whom we know to have been worshipped in the cities of the Philis- tines. Ashtaroth, the Greek form of whose name was Astarte, corresponded to Aphrodite or Venus. Her Carthaginian name was Tanit. Of another Carthaginian deity, known to the Greeks as Triton, ' This was probably of green glass, which had long before been lunufactured in Egypt, and was lighted from within. i 114 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, we cannot recover the native name. As the Greek Triton was a j^od ( )f the sea, possibly this was only another forin of 1 >a.^ n. V\'e do not hear of any sci)aratc order of priests ; but we find kings and generals offering sacrifice— sometimes, as in the case of I fasdrubal at liimera,* while battle was actually going on. * See p. 27. I III. THE REVENUE AND TRADE OF CARTHAGE. Tin: revenue of Carthage came from various sources hich may be mentioned in order. 1. Tribute from subject or dependent countries. The i'hcenician towns on the coast of Africa, both those which were older than Carthage and those which had been founded from it, paid tribute in money. w CARTHAGINIAN COIN. Leptis, for instance, in the rich district of the Lesser Svrtis, is said to have paid as much as a talent per licm.^ The tribes of the interior paid their tribute m kind, those who were settled and employed in culti- vating the ground furni.hmg corn, the wandering tribes such articles as dates, wild-beast skins, gold, I This would amount to ^89,968 i$s., or nearly $450,000, ii6 THE SrORY OF ^ARTHAGE. precious stones, etc. The forcij^m possessions of the empire also paid in kind. Part of the stores which they thus furnished was laid up in the provinces CA R I H \ . I N I AN COI N ( > I -K* 1 R T M ) . themselves for the use of the army, and part was sent to Carthage. The amount of tlu-se contributions is not stated anywhere; but it seems to have varied with CARTHAGINIAN COIN (SILVER). the needs of the government, and sometimes to have amounted to as much as a half of the whole produce. 2. Customs duties are mentioned in the treaties be- tween Carthage and Rome ; and the regulations about CARTHAGINIAN MINES. 117 them are precise. In the treaties with the Etrurians, of which we hear from Aristotle, we learn that it was provided what articles might and what might not be imported. Hannibal, when in power at Carthage after the end of the Second Punic War, introduced a •I tat II form into the manarement of the customs, which we learn from this passage to have been levied on goods imported both l)v land and by sea; and is said, by putting a stop to dishonest practices, to have iniproxeti the revenue so much, that it was no longer nc \x\ to tax individuals. That these duties were lu.iv\-, we ina\' learn from the fact that smuggling went on between the Greek towns in the district re )und C>'rene and the towns dependent on Carthage. 3. Mines. Carthage possessed mines in Spain and Corsica. The richest of these were in the neighbour- hood of New Carthage. In Polybius' time (204-122 li.( . , when they were worked by the Romans, they produced about i!^2,ooo per day. They are said to have been discovered by a certain Aletes, who was suj>i)()sed to have done so much for his country by this discovery, that a temple was dedicated to him at New Carthage. We must not suppose, however, that all the mines (I)iodorus savs that all the mines known in his time were first worked by the Carthaginians) belonged to the State. Many of them were worked l)y individual citizens to their great profit. The power- ful Barca family is said to have derived from their mines much of the wealth by which they were enabled to become so powerful, and Hannibal is specially mentioned as receiving a large income from mines. Probably the State was the owner of some, and re- THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. ceivecl a ro>alty ^)r sum proportionate to the quan- tity of metal raisedj from the others. The Commerce of Carthage may be conveniently considered under its two great branches— the trade with Africa, and the trade with luirope. I. The trade with Africa. Tliis was carried on with the barbarous tribes « »f tlie inland country that could be reached by caravans, and of the sea-coast. Of both we liear something from I Icrodotiis, the writer who furnislie^ ns witli most of our knowledge about these parts i>l tlie ancient world. His story about the dealin-s with the tribes of the sea-coast runs thus, "There is a certain country in Africa outside the columns of Hercules. When the Carthagini.ms come hither, they unlade their goods and set them in order by the side of the sea. This done, they embark on their ships again and make s and sit still. Then the barbarians come and add other gold to that which they put before, until they persuade the Carthaginians. And neither do any wrong to the other ; for the one touch not the gold till it be made equal in value to the goods, and the others touch not the goods before the sellers have received the gold;' ^ The Caravan routes are • Heercn quolo horn Captain I .ynu's " Narrative " a curiously similar accouEl. "In Soudan, beyond the desert, in the countries abound- ' TRADE. 119 described in a very interesting passage. The starting- point is Thebes in Upper Egypt, where Herodotus probably got his information ; and the route, in which the static )ns — always places where water can be found — are given with much detail, extend to the Straits of Gibraltar in the west, and Fezzan, and probably still more inland places, in the south. The goods with which the Carthaginian merchants traded with the African tribes were doubtless such as those which civilized nations have alwaws used in their dealings with savages. Cheap finery, gaudily coloured cloths, and arms of inferior quality, would probably be their staple. Salt, too, would be an important article. Many of the inland tribes can only get this necessary of life by importation, and the Carthaginians would doubtless find it worth their while to bring it, not necessarily from the sea, but from places on the route where, according to Herodotus, it could be found in large quantities. The articles which they would receive in exchange for their goods are easily enumerated. In the first [)lace comes, as we have seen, gold. Carthage seems to have had always at hand an abundant supply of the precious metal for use, whether as money or as plate. Next to gold would come slaves. Even then the negro race was the victim of the cruel system which has not yet quite been rooted out of the world, ing in gold, there dwells an invisible nation, who are said to trade only by night. Those who come to traflBc for their gold, lay their merchan- dise ill heaps and retire. In the morning they find a certain quantity of gold-dust placed against every heap, which if they think sufficient, they leave the goods ; if not, they let both remain until more of the precious ore is added." 120 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. though no Christian nation, at least ostcnsibK', prac- tises it. Ihc ancients, inileed, had other slaves besides negroes. It was a horrible feature of the slavery of these times that, thr< .u-h the practice of selling, f( )r private or public gain, i)risoners of unr and the inhabitants of captured toun^ men and women of every race were reduced to liondage, and thus the slave might be as u ell born and as well educated as his master. » But these slaves were mu'c to be discon- tented, and very likel}-, tli. re, to be dangerous, and the m< ^rc gentle and d' ^'i'*^ negro soon came to be pri/.ed. I^'ashion. too, favt »ured tlie tiuaiiit .ippccUcUicc of the race, so curiously contrasted with the fair com- I>lexion and chiselled tcjitures of the Greek. Thus in Mcnander .34^ 291 Ik< . as hci< re|)rescntcd to us by Terence, we find a soldier sa> mg to his lad\'-love, " Did \ <»l: c\cr fuid my good will to )'ou halt ? When you sai'l v< m wanted a handmaid from Ethiopia, did not I guc up all my business, and find one for you ? " Ivory must ha\ e been another article of Cartha- ginian trade, thon-di we hear little about it. -The Greeks used it c xUii>uvl\' in art, making some of their most magnificent st.it lus parti}- of it and partly of gold ;=^ and it seems to lia\e been employed in early I ( )nt' Latin writer draws a ili>tinclit)n between slaves that were ** learned " and that 'Mind a smattering of learnint;. All the early schooliuaNters at Komc, ilin.»t willioul exception, had been slavt^. The elder (ato made a profit of laking in noble K to be taught l»y an educated slavf .»! hi'- ov\n. =» The great ^tatlu■^ r.f I'lddias, vi/., ..f Zeus at Olympia, of Here at ArgoN, and of Atliene at Aihen-, were n : lliese two materials, and therefore calleii chryselephantine. IVORY AND PRECIOUS STONES, 121 V I times at Rome for the chairs of state used by the higher magistrates. We do not precisely know where this ivory came from first. Virgil speaks of the sub- stance as coming from India, and the elder Pliny says that the luxury of his times had exhausted all the sources of supply except those of the farthest East. We may be certain, however, that in the flourishing days of Carthage her traders dealt largely in this article, which indeed is found of the largest size and finest quality in Africa. The elephant is still found VOTIVE STELE FROM CARTHAGE. over the whole of that continent south of the Sahara, except where it has been driven away by the neigh- bourhood of man. The Carthaginians had domesti- cated it, a thing which has never since been done by any African race. Precious stones seem to have been another article which the savages gave in exchange for the goods they coveted. The carbuncle, in particular, came in such abundance from Carthage into the markets of Europe that it was called the " Carthaginian Stone." Perhaps 122 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. we may add daUs to the list of articles obtained from the interior. The European trade dealt, of course, partly with the thin*^s already mentit)ncd, and partly with other articles fur which the Carthaginian merchants acted as carriers, so to speak, from one part of the Mediter- ranean to another. Lipara, and the other volcanic islands near the southern extremity of Italy, pro- duced resin ; Agrigentum, and possibly other cities of Sicily, traded in suli)hur brought down from the region of Etna ; wine \v«is })r()duced in many of the Mediterranean countries. \\ ax and honey were the staple goods of Corsica. Corsican slaves, too, were highly valuctl. The iron of Elba, the fruit and the cattle of the Balearic islands, and, to go further, the tin and copper of Britain, and even amber from the Baltic, were articles of Carthaginian commerce. Trade was carried on not only with the dwellers on the coast, but with inland tribes. Thus goods were transported across Spain to the interior of Gaul, the jealousy of Massilia (Marseilles) not permitting the Carthaginians to have any trading stations on the southern coast of that country. While we are writing of trade, we must not omit to mention a curious statement about what has been called the " leather money ' of Carthage. The work f.om which it comes bears the name of /Eschines, a disciple of Socrates. It is certainly not of his time, but it is probably ancient. " The Carthaginians,'" says this author, w hoever he may have been, " make use of the follow'ng kind of money : in a small piece of leather a substance is wrapped of the size of a ART AND LITERATURE. 123 piece of four drachmae (about 3s.) ; but what this substance is no one knows except the maker. After this it is sealed and issued for circulation ; and he who possesses the most of this is regarded as having the most money, and as hcinir the wealthiest man. But if any one among us had ever so much, he would be no richer than if he possessed a quantit)- of pebbles." This unknown sub- stance was probably an alloy of metal, of which the ingredients were a State secret ; and the seal was a State mark. We have, in fact, here a kind of clumsy bank- note. Of Carthaginian art and litera- ture there is little to be said. The genius of the Phoenicians did not lead them to distinguish them- selves in either way. As for art, whatever grace is to be found in the scanty remains that are left to us of Carthaginian civilization, is clearly due to Greek influence. The coins, for instance, that are figured on pp. 115, 116, are evi- dently the work of Greek artists. About Carthaginian literature we cannot speak so positively. That there were libraries in the city ''A >.4) ! N' 'i WRITlNG-CAbE. $ i2i» THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, when it was taken by the Romans, we know for certain, as uc also know that the conquerors were not sufficiently aware of their value to keep them for themselves, but allowed them to be dispersed among the African princes. Hut whether these libra- ries contained a native Carthaginian literature, or were furnished with the productK >n of Greek ^,^enius, we do not know. 0( one Cartha^^nnian work, in- deed, we know somethmg. We have its subject, the name of its author, and, it may also be said, its opening sentence. It was a book on agriculture, VOIIVK blEl.K (HiJLl). written by one Mago, and it began, it is said, with the remark that he who would make his farm prosper should sell his town-house. So high a reputation had it obtained, that uhen Carthage was taken, the Roman Senate appointed a committee to look after its translation into Latin. It was after- wards translated into Greek. Roman writers made much use of it, and Cicero speaks of it as the standard work on its subject Of the domestic life of the Carthaginians we know almost nothing. Where there is great wealth there i WEALTH AND LUXURY. 125 is sure to be great luxury. Of this we get, indeed, a few hints from the historians. We have seen, for instance, how, when one of the Carthaginian generals were pressed for arrears of pay by his mer- cenaries, he was able to give them security in the rich gold and silver drinking-cups which belonged to the Carthaginians on his staff. And Athena^us, a great c( )1 lector of gossip on all such matters, tells us that Diunysius sold a splendid robe to a Carthaginian millionaire for a hundred and twenty talents — the almost incredible sum of nearly thirty thousand pounds. And it seems to have been also true that in Carthage, as elsewhere, "where wealth accumulates men decay." Political and military talent she could always ajmmand, but she trusted more and more to her mercenaries, to those " silver spears " which are sure, sooner or later, to break in the day of need. PARI' IV. CARTHAGE AND ROME. For the First and Second Punic Wars our chief authorities »re Polybius and Livy. The first was a (ireek, and a great friend of the younger Scipio, the conquert.r of Carthage. lie was present at thr cajiture of that city, but unfortunately the part of his work which relates that event, anti the history of the Third Funic W'.ir j^rrurallv. i> I<»>t. For the First I'uiiic War, which is the chief suhjcct of the introductory chapters of his work, and for the i, he is' our liest authority, so far as he Here, aij.iui, unfortunately, much is lost ; indeed, we aavc no cotiiplcte hook after the fifth, and this takes us a little farther than the h.ittlc "f ( 'anii » . Consider- able extracts have, however, been [ireservcd of the iost books, anions them one containing a description of the battle of Zama. I'olybius vv.is an a«l(iural)Ie historian, jiainstaking and just in the highest degree. Livy (Fit Us Fivius) lived in the last days of the Roman Rfi)uhlic ind the first of the Finpire, since he was Ijorn B.C. 59, the very time of the first Trunnvirate, and died in the fourth year of Tiberius, lie wrote a liistory of Rome in one hundred and forty-two iMx.ks, of which thirty-five only sur- vive. Haj.pily the ten Ixtoks, twenty-one to thirty, which give a detailed account of the Second I'unic War from the beginning to the end, have been ( .reserved, and ejiitomes of the lost Ixioks exist, from which we get some valuable information about the F md Third wars. Livy is a great writer ; somr ilcnt judges have even said that his style is the very ocst to he found among prose writers ancient or modern. It is cert.iinly full of vigour arul l)eauty ; but Livy IS not a great fusttjrian. He Mas very careless, never taking the puns, so far as we can le.irn, to visit the scenes of the events which he describes, though they must often have been witliin liis reach, or attempting to reali/x- them to himself. For the Third i'unic War our chief authority is Appian, a native of Alexandria, who wrote there, in Creek, a Roman history, in which he treated the atfairs of every country separately. I ' PROViMCIAE CARTHACINIENSIBUS diRm*fA r .■«* v V > t'tn-fj iYRNUS VU.CORSICA rV /• LlGUSTfCUS SINUS TYRRHBNUM vuL INFERNVM MARE ]ACUNTUM OMA .0-' 1 ■ t * _ CA^ rUL-'O IaCHALL'J SARDO ^^^ . I A <^^o'-^% j^i PA NORM 'CAR Alts (c,.-,. ir ULVBAEUM ACRAGAS cela OCR/ ONiUM MARE \MZSSANA ^^-"^.^ \5IC/L/A fvl >JCC VNOVA "Carthago ^ ^ _ aai'clos •HACO ^^^'^" WCAPOLIS f'^- - t^ .^CARTHAGO ^ I, ^yO -^', .' " >- , ^ ^ >, ^„ .,.. . e ^ / < ^^.^fkf!^ Af A^S S; r L / / r^ .:a- . . ^ <^ ^ ]^f ' ^- CYRENL »^ C A E T U L I MACHLYE5 C/.VDaX/AE^;vcA£ THABACTIS ' <1^ \ CHAR /I PSYLL/ THE WAR IN SICII.V AND ON THE SEA. We have heard more than once of Campanians amoni^ the mercenaries who were accustomed to flight both for Greece and for Cartha<^e in the Sicih"an wars. They seem to have been i)articuhirly unscrupulous, for they would chan*^e '-ides when chan<^ing sides seemed likely to give them better pay or better jHospccts of victor)'. And this habit of theirs a^^.ees with the bad account we get of them in other ways. These Camp.mians let out their swords for hire, not so much because tlie\' were j)oor (as did the Arca- dians in ancient times, and the Swiss and Scotch in modern Kurope), as because they Uked the life of a soldier of fortune, lliey were the youth of a disso- lute people/ and, not able to find the career they lik'ed at home, where they would have had to deal with the Romans, they sought it abroad, and, as w^ have seen, e>[)ecially in Sicil\'. We shall not be surprised, therefore, to find some of these Campanians behaving in a most cruel and unscrupulous way to one of the Greek cities. After the death of Agathocles, who, * Capua, the chief city of Campania, had a very bad reputation in this way. J 30 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. t\T;int as he was, was a man of cncri^v, affairs in Sicily had fallen into a state (if i fusion. Amonj^^ other can f trouble was a o>r/^s <»f Carn- paniaii mercenaries, who had been in the servn'ce of the tyrant, and who, iifter liis death, asserted their !nde])cn(le! lik! set ui) in the trade of brij^^ands. TliC}' \ th( ■ cit\' of Mcs^ana, slew or drove out the citi/ens, and divided amon^ themsc!v'(-> ^ .> ivthinir that they p d. IV>r a time the Mamertines, or "Servants ot Aiars" ' for tliis was the name that the rob be v s h ad a s s u m ed ) , | » lo s ] > c r e d g re a 1 1 \ • , s | > i- c a d i n <^ their |)ower over the ncii^hbourirv 'xjrtion of the island. Then came a check. S\racuse had aiiain fallen intt > the hands of an able ruler, one Hiero, of whom uc shall often licar aL^ain. I fiero reduced the Mamertines to i^reat >traits, and the\' looked about in despair for some ( )ne w ho could help them. There were two j)aities amoni^ them, one favouring Carthage, the other Rome At first the latter jire- vailed. An cml)assv ua^ sent, offerino- submission and bei(j^ini^ for hel|). The reijucst peri)le\ed the Romans not a little. It wa-. (luite a new thing for them to look bevond tlu- limits of Itah*. There they were now su|)reinc ; but the}' dreatled undertaking conquests outside it. And t* nt this request would of course embroil them u ith Cartliaiie. On the other hand, Carthage would become a dangerous enemy if it were allowed to possess itself of Mosana. It would onl}' have to conquer S\'racuse to make itself master of Sicily. The Senate debated the question more than once without coming to any decision. * ** Mauicrb '■ li an Iialian form of " Mars." THE ROMAXS GAi:: MESS AN A. 131 R( sides their fear of a new enterprise, they had, we ma\' hope, some scruple about taking to themselves such ver\' discreditable allies. From the Senate the matter was referred to the people, and the people felt neitlier the fear nor the scruple, but resolved that help should be sent, and that the Mamertines should be received as allies. Meanwhile the other party at Messana had been bus\'. They api)licd for help to Carthage ; and Car- thage at once sent it. A peace was made with Hiero, who was besieging the city. A fleet sailed into the harbour, and a body of troops under Hanno occu- pittl the citadel. When the Romans, who were under the command of Ai)pius Claudius, one of the Consuls of the \ear, arri\'ed, they found themselves anticipated. Unfortimately for Carthage, both the officers in charge of the fleet and Hanno \' ere wanting in foresight or resolution. The former was seized at a meeting of the citizens to which he. had gone in the hope of keeping the peace ; the tatter consented to give up the citadel if he were pr-mitted to withdraw with his garrison. Then the Romans became masters of Messana without havii.g to strike a single blow for it. The Carthaginians were not disposed to accept this state of things. Hanno th?\ crucified as having shown in his conduct neither courage nor good judg- ment. Then, in concert with Hiero they closely in- vested the city. Claudius attempted t' » make terms ; he was even willing to depart, if the Mamertines might be allowed to remain. When these terms were rejected he resolved to act. He marched out of 132 THE STORY Of CARTHAGE. the City and offered battle flicro accepted it, but after a long fight was driven back into liis camp. The next day he returned to Sv-racuse. Appiiis followed up his victory, attack in<( and routln;^^ the Carthaginian army, which immcdiatel)- raised the Mege of the city. The next year a lar-( r army was sent ; lliero, who had thesaj^acity to , ■ vvith whom the victory was most likely to be, subinutec 1 to Rome, becoming one of its most constant and useful allies Many other cities, both Sicilian and Carthaginian, followed tliis example. Carthage, on the other hand. Iiuk ased her forces in the island, making ' •ntum the base of her operations and the place in which licr military stores were kei)t. The next yciir the Romans besieged Agrigentum, and kept the garrison closely witln'n the walls. After a blockade which lasted five montlis, Hannibal, one of the Suffctes, who was in command, found himself sorely pressed by ffimine, and sent urgent entreaties to Carthage for help. In answer to these requests, a con- siderable body of troops, with a number of ele[)hants, was sent to Sicily. Hanno, who commandi -d the Carthaginian armv in the field, was rendered sui^erior in force to the Romans by this reinforcement. He cut off their supplies and reduced them to great straits. Indeed, but for the help of Hiero they could not have held out. Hanno now thought it time to attack the enemy. He sent on his African light- horse in advance, with orders to provoke the Roman cavalry to an engagement, and by retiring before them to draw them within reach of his whole army. The Stratagem succeeded, The Romans sallied furiously Capture op agrigentum. 133 from their camp, drove the Africans before them, and then, finding themselves in presence of Hanno'sarmy, were themselves driven back. For two months the two armies lay quiet, with a ^I)ace of about a mile between them. Meanwhile the famine in the city grew worse, and Hannibal, by fire signals from the city (for the Carthaginians seem to have had some system of telegraphing), and by mes- >enger>, made his colleague aware that he could hold out no longer. The Romans were scarcely less in need, so that both parties were eager to fight. The battle that followed was long and obstinate. At last the Carthaginian mercenaries, who composed the front line, gave way, fell back upon the elephants behind them, and threw the whole army into disorder. Only a small part of the troops escaped. But Hannibal with the garrison of Agrigentum was more fortunate. Seeing that the Romans, rejoicing in their victory, were guarding their lines very carelessly, he made his way through undiscovered The next day the Romans marched into Agrigentum, where they found abun- dance of spoil and many prisoners of war. After this success the Romans began to think that then it was within their power to make themselves masters of the island. But the great obstacle was that Carthage was still mistress of the sea, and that even their own coasts were not safe from the ravages of her fleet. If their hope was to be fulfilled they must have a fleet of their own. Ships of course they had, for the treaties *' with Carthage, made hundreds of years before, had set limits beyond which they • See pp. 14- 16. il ^34 THE STQRY OF CARTHAGE. should not t:*) ; {)ONsif)|y thc\' had ships of war ; but they had nothiii^i; which thev could match a^^ainst the ^^reat fivc-bankcd . the "n^^]]^v. IA»rtunatcly one of these came into their ij. »^^. > .,. -n, ^l landed by a storin or in an attack made u[>(H1 their transi)()i-ts. This the)' used as a model fur their shipljuilders. In the course of a (vw \\\ -eks, a luiiidred five banked and twenty tliree Ijankeil vessels were Iniilt ^^ t .ittcmi>t of the new force was not fortu- nate. A sciuadroii -.i .^ ,, iiteen shi|)s was taken at Lipara, witli oiu -of t lie consuls, who was in command. But the C arthat^inians soon found that the Romans were quite a> formidable by sea a< Tn- land. Their admiral, llainiibak u ho was reconuoiirin^^T with fifty ships, fell in uncxi)ectedly with a superior force of the Romans, lost the ^rreater i)art of his fieet, and barely escai)ed himself Still, the i^reater experience of their seamen would have *^i\en them the advantage but for the device b\- u liicli their enemies contrived to make a sea-fight ver>' nuicli like a fight i.n diy land. ICvery Roman ship uds fillcfl with a bearding ap{)aratus. It was like a gang\va\-. ci^iiieen ieet long and four feet broad, and \v,is attaclied to a i)ilLir of wood set up by the bowsprit, from which it was dn )p[)cd when the two ships came in contact. The further end was furnished w ith a sharpened bar of iron, which was driven b\' tlie force of tlie fall into the enemv's deck and lield it fast. If the ships were laid broadside to broadside, the boarders jumped from all part-, of their own ship on to that of the enemy ; if prow only DUILIAN COLUMN. 1 1 BATTLE OF MYL^E, T^n touched prow, they went two and two along the ^anL^wav. The new apparatus was soon brought into use. Hannibal (the same commander who had escaped from Agrigentum) encountered the Roman Consul Duilius, and despising his enemy, bore down upon him without taking the trouble to form his fleet in order. The front ships, as soon as they came near the Romans, were grappled by the new machines, and the boarding i)arties poured in from the Roman ves- sels. The Carthaginians were taken by surprise and (»ver[)owered, and lost all the thirty ships that com- posed the van. The rest of the fleet fared little better. Whenever they tried to approach, the grappling-irons hung over them. In the end they fled with the loss of fifty more ships ; Hannibal escaping in an open boat. This battle of My he was one of the turning points of the long struggle between the two powers. Car- thage had ruled the sea for centuries, and now it was beaten by a foe who had first taken to it only a few months before. ^ It is needless to gwo: all the details of the long struggle that followed. Hannibal met with his end in the year of his defeat at Myla;. He had sailed to Sardinia, and was there surprised by the Roman fleet, losing many of his ships. As usual he escaped, but this time in vain. He was seized by the survivors and crucified. \ IJ * Duilius received high honours at Rome, a triumph, a column adorned with the beaks of the captured vessels, and the singular privilege of being accompanied by a torch -bearer and a flute-player when he was coming home from dinner at night. i 138 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. BATTLE OF ECNOMUS, 139 '1 Li The next two years the war (lriii(- clecisur cvcit. thoii-Ii tlic advant.i*;c was for the mnst part with R.-m-. i^yt in 256 a'^-rcat battle was fou<^ht. I'hc kuuuui r.c.vernment. wearv of these te(li(,us campaigns, rcsoivcc} t(. ciin the war into Africa, and attack their eiiein> at honic. With this end m view they collected a fleet of as maii>- as three hundred and thirty decked ships. On these th y embarked their best troops. K.tch vessel had a crt u of three hundred aid carried a c(,m])lcinent of one hundred and tuentv- .,,!,lH-rs. jiie Cartha- ginian force was still larger, iiuiiiuerinn- three hundi and hftv' sliips. and one luindrcd and hfty thousand men. 'llie two fleets met at I^cnomus, a promontory of the southern coast of Sicily. The Roman fleet wa> lV>rmed in the shape of a triangle, with the apex or point towards the enemy. At this i)oint were the two hu-e ships, each rowed by six banks of oars, in which sailed the two Roman Consuls—Atilius Ke-ulus. of whom ue shall hear again, and Manlius. I{ach side of this trian-le v\as made ui) of a squadron ; a third siiuadron. \v\uch held the transports containin^r the cavalrv- in tcnv, formed the base; and tht.c was vet a fourth, a roerve, ranged in one long hn( cover both Hanks of the squadrons before tliem. I he Carthaginians adopted very different tactics. They airanged their .shii)s in what mav be called open order, extending their line from the'shon fii out to sea with the view of sm-rounding the enenn-. The shore squadron, or left wmg. was under the command of Hamilcar ; the rest of the fleet was led by the Han no whose army had been defeated before Agri- gentum. The Roman fleet began the attack. Seeing that the enemy had but a weak Hne of single ships, they bore down upon the centre. Hamilcar had foreseen this, and had given orders to his oflicers to retreat as soon as the attack should be made. This was done, and with the expected result. The Romans eagerly pursued the flying enemy ; their order of oaitle was broken, the two squadrons in advance bein'4 separated from the third (that which had the transports in tow) and from the reserve. Then the retreating Carthaginians turned upon their pursuers. An obstinate fight followed ; the Carthaginians had the advantage in seamanship and in the speed of their ships. But do what they might, they hardly d.ired to come to close quarters. The Roman ships were fitted with the dreaded grappling and boarding machines. If these were once brought into use the battle had to be fought by the soldiers, and there was no chance of standing against the soldiers of Rome. While this struggle was going on, another com- nui.ced in the rear of the Roman fleet. Hanno bore down with his ships upon the reserve squadron and threw it into confusion. And then began a third, the left or in-shore wing of the Carthaginian fleet attacking the squadron which had the transports attached to it But the Roman superiority was maintained everywhere. At close quarters the Car- thaginians could not hold their own, and though here and there they might sink a ship by a sudden skilful charge, to clo.se quarters they were bound 140 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, ^rsnner or later to come. Hamilcar was the first to iLireat ; then Hanno, who had been pressing hard on the transport squadron and the reserve, was attacked in his turn and forced to fly. Thus the Romans won the second great naval victory. Twenty- six of their sliips had been sunk, but none were taken. The Car- thagmians lost about a hundred, as many as sixty- four having been captured with all their crews. Those that escaped were scattered in all directions, and there was now nothing to prevent the Romans from invading Africa. 1 II. THE INVASION OF AFRICA. Hanno hastened home with the news of the disaster of Ecnomus (though home, as we have seen, was not the place to which a defeated Carthaginian general would naturally desire to go), and bade his country- men prepare for defence. But Carthage was. now as ever, almost helpless when attacked in her own do- minions. Her subjects were always disaffected and ready to rebel ; and even her own colonies were not permitted to protect themselves with walls. No resistance could be oflered to the invaders, who found the country much the same as Agathocles had found it fifty years before, a singularly rich and perfectly defenceless region They collected a rich booty, part of which consisted of as many as twenty thousand slaves. It is possible that if, instead of busying them- selves with plunder, they had advanced on Carthage at once, they might have finished the war at a single blow. If this had ever been possible, it certainly ceased to be so when an order came from the Senate at Rome that one of the consuls was to remain in Africa with such forces as might be necessary to finish the war, II 142 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. while the other was to return home with the rest of the expedition. Re^^ulus was left accordini,rlv with fifteen thousand infantry and six hundred horse and a squadron of forty ships ; the rest of the force, w ith the vast booty that had been collected, Manliu.-. put on shipboard and carried hack to Italv ri-.m:k\ VK 1 H A'.K. The Carthaginians, on the other hand, were doing their best to strengthen their force. They appointed two new generals, and sent for a third from Sicily, who at once came back, bring in ^i; with him between five and six thousand men It seem, stran-c that the Romans. who must now have been ma^tci-, of the sea, made DEFEAT OF HAMILCAR. 143 no attempt to interrupt him. On his arrival the Carthaginians resolved to take the offensive. The vvcalthy citizens could not bear to see their estates plundered and their country houses burnt to the ground, and resolved to risk a battle. What might have been the result if they had had skilful generals is doubtful ; but, unfortunately, skilful generals could not be found. Flamilcar and his colleagues marched out of the city and took up their position upon a hill. As their strength was in cavalry and elephants they CROSS SECTION OK il.llRN' WALL. FROM DAUX. ought, of course, to have remained on level ground, where both these could have been brought into use. The Roman general, whose military ability was great, ^aw his advantage. Half the enemy's force was useless in the position which he was occupying, and in that position he resolved to attack him. He ordered a simultaneous advance against both sides of the hill on which the Carthaginian camp was pitched. The cavalry and the elephants were, as he had foreseen, quite useless ; and though some of the II 144 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, XANTIPPUS. H5 mercenaries stood firm against the first charge, these too gave wa)^ when they were taken in the rear. The Romans won a decided victory, though they were too weak in cavalr\' to inflict much loss upon the enemv in his retreat. The next day they advanced and took up a position at Tunes, a town which, as we have seen, was not more than five miles from Carthage. The Carthaginicins were in despair. Both their fleet and their army had suffered terrible defeats, and their subjects and allien were in rebellion— the Afri- cans r;i\a-in:^ the territory of their late masters even more mercilessly tlian did the Romans. In fact they had nothing left to them but the city itself; and this, en twdcd with the multitude of fugitives that liad Bed into it from all the country round about, was threat- ened with famine. Atlairs were in this condition when envo>s iirnved from Re;^uhis. who was afraid that his year of office nii-lu cx[Mrc before the war was finished, ofienng to treat for peace. Envoys were at once sent from Carthage ; but they could do nothing. The Roman general, probably aware that the Senate at home would not sanction any great concessions, demanded terms which it was impossible to grant. The Carthaginiiin government felt that they could not be more entirel)' humiliated by absolute conquest, and they broke off the negotiation, resolving to resist to the last. Then came one of th* lingular turns of fortune of which history is so full. The pride of the Roman general was " tlic pride that goeth before a fall." The Carthaginians had not hesitated to use their almost boundless wealth in hiring mercenaries from abroad, and now there came to Africa a body of these troops in command c )f one of those soldiers of fortune who h.ive had the luck to have great opportunities and to make good use of them. Xantippus came from the l)est school of soldiers in the world— Sparta. It was a spartan who had turned the tiJe when Athens MiiMcd likely to conquer Syracuse; and another Spartan w.is to do the same service for Carthage , ainst Rome. Xantippus heard the .story of the late battle ; he saw the strength of the Carthaginian f , the numbers of their cavalry and of their elephants, and he came to the conclusion — a conclu- sion which he did not hesitate to announce to his I, leiuls— that their disasters had been due, not to the inferiority of their army, but to the unskilfulness of the generals. The Senate sent for him. Introduced into the council-chamber, he set forth the causes of the late defeat, and the strategy which ought to be pursued in the future, with such clearness as to convince his hearers. The generals were displaced, and the "care of the army was committed" to the .^^i Milan. IWrvy one hoped much from the change, and X,intii)pus soon began to show himself equal to his t.'isk. i:ven in drilling the troops^and this he began to do at once— his skill was so manifestly superior to that of his colleagues, that the soldiers began to feel the utmost confidence in him. They loudly asked that thcv might be led against the enemy, and that the general who was to lead them should be Xantippus. The other generals offered to give up their commands t 146 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. DEFEAT OF REGULUS. H7 to their comrade ; and the army, which numbered twelve thousand ^--^^^t arid tour thousand horse, and which was accompanied by the enormous number of a hundred elephants/ was led out against the enemy. Xantippus arranged the elephants in a single line in front. Behind these he placed what Polybius calls " the Carthaginian phalanx." Probably the desperate condition of the country had brought a force of native Carthaginians into the field. On the right wing were posted the heavy-armed mercenaries. With them were ranged also some of the light-armed troops and of the cavalry. The left wing was made up entirely of the two latter kinds of troops. Regulus, on the other hand, when he saw that the Carthaginians were bent on fighting, arranged his line of battle with the special view of holding his ground against the elephants, which his men greatly feared. The light-armed troops were, as usual, posted in front ; but behind them stood the legions in un- usually deep and close order. The cavalry were posted as usual on the wings. These tactics were well contrived to resist the elephants, but laid the army, with its narrow front, open to the flank attacks of the powerful Carthaginian cavalry. Xantippus began the battle by a forward movement of his elephants against the Roman centre. His cavalry charged at the same time on cither wing. The Roman horse, five hundredonly against four thousand — « It is not easy to imapne bow a city which was threatened with famine could support a hundred elephants, each of which must have required a daily ration of at least half a hundredweight of food, some of it at least available for hamaa consumption. if these numbers are right— was speedily overpowered. The Roman left wing at first fared better. Chargmg fiercely, with not the less zeal because they were not called to encounter the dreaded elephants, they fell on the heavy-armed mercenaries, routed them, and pur- sued them as far as their camp. The centre, too, held its own for a time. The front ranks, indeed, were trampled down in heaps by the elephants, but the main body, with its deep, close files, stood firm. But they had to face about to resist attacks in front, on the sides, and in the rear. One part, after driving back the elephants, was met by the phalanx of native Carthaginians, which was fresh and unbroken, and indeed had not been in action at all ; another had to resist the furious charges of the cavalry ; nor were there any reserves to be brought up. The greater part of the army fell where they stood : some crushed by the elephants, others struck down by the javehns showered on them by the nimble African horsemen, some slain in more equal conflict with the Carthagm.an heavy-armed. The few that sought safety m flight died but with less honour. The way to the fortified post which they held upon the sea-coast (it was called Aspis or Clypea from its resemblance to a shield) was over a flat and open country ; the cavalry and the elephants pursued the fugitives, and few reached the fort A solid body of two thousand men, however, which had broken through the mercenaries, was able to make good its retreat to Aspis. Five hundred prisoners were taken, among them the Consul Regulua All the rest of the army, scarcely less than twelve thousand in number, perished on the field or m th? i !|| \ 148 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. HORACE ON REGULUS. H9 flitrht. The rc>uil-> which the L;rniii> v.i a sin;^lc man can effect ; but he sa\s nothinj^ cither here or after- wards of the roni.intit ■ stt>r\' of the fate of the prisoner Rcnihis. \\*c are not certain to what \'ear it behnr^.-i uv aiu not even sure th<'i,t it is true at all ; on the other hand, it is too fimous, too noI)le in its rncanin!^" and moral, to l)c omitted. I ma\- therefore loll i t n o w where it will f i t K • e 1 o s i » the e , i r e c r of one of the i^reat siiHcrs of R< ^ae, iliuMuipic, fruL^al men who were called from the jilough to command the armies of the repubhc.2 I do not know that tlie storv can be better told than in Iloraee ■. noble ode, [)erhaj)s the \ cry noblest that lie e\x*r wrote. Re^ailus, we may > ay, i)y wav of prefice, ;ifter bein!L^ ke|)t in i)ri>on at ( arthai^e for severed )'evux \v.!> -u'nt t( i Rome to nc^rotiate a [jcace, under the {)i that I ' n w :i> -nvnii^ his hcMs when the me-.>> i. iue witli ttie li.lini;> -.t in unuI- ship ; ami ifii -meM (a '^or! of ■■ • ' ..j .;-.( ;7, .■////.>■ was said t(» I'lav. ' !i ti» the t'liniiy ii'im tiiL> en ' Anmiiir the future nn .,...,; ,,,,, |;,,, .. ,,,.^ j,^ j,j ,, , ^,1 ['n_-\,\<, is " Serranus u't i .n-..Mi.->v ■:,"* I '■■'' ■•.■»..■• , ,,iy tluit the fiiNt ReLjuhis that bore tht .; .»; ^. i; ,. ..i of the liero ; ami >till worse U > lie tcM ilnr r!i. !>!!< -^"^r^ "' the word is ** Sararuis," and that it i). iranum. an insignificant town of Umbria. >4 or exchani^in!^^ of prisoners. When brought into the Senate, wliieli at fust he refused to enter as being now a mere Carthaginian slave, he strongly advised his eouiUr\-men. At the same time he gave his voice against peace generally. With waniini: vuice of stern rebuke 'i1uis Rej^uhis tlie Senate sliook : He -iu prophetic. 111 far days to come, Tlie JKMit-eorrui'i, and future doom of Rome. " Th<- ," he cried, " tlu -e eye> liave seen Unbloodni .swords from warrior-, torn, And Rniiian standards nailetl in scurn On I'unie .>hriiies obscene ; Have sren the lianils of free-l)orn men Wreiiclied l)ack ; th' nnl)arred, unguarded gate, And ficMs our war laid desolate liy Romans tilled again. " Wliat ! w ill the gold-enfranchised slave Return more loyal and more brave? \'e heap but lo>s on crime I The wool that ( retan dyes distain Can ne'er its virgin hue regain ; .\ud \alour fallen and disgraced Revives tiot in a coward Ijreast Its energy sul)]ime. " 'Ihe stag released from hunter's toils From the dread sight of man recoils, Is lie more brave than when of old He ranged his forest fiee.^ liiliold In him your soldier ! He lias knelt To faithless foes : he, too, has felt The knotterl(-(l i hi (ii, , Then bent his manly brow, in scorn, Resolvr.l, irlin-' imt stem, To earth, all silently ; Till counsel never htaid before Had nerved each vv.iv' of how the hero on liis return was cruelly put to death. But then they were never scrupulous about the truth when they were writirii^r , ,f their enemies ; and about Carthage and its doini^s the}- were, we have reason to believe, particularly apt to exafr^erate and even to invent. On the other hand, the Carthaginians showed no mercy to their own generals when these ' ! have availed myself of a translation by Sir Stephen De Vere (Bell and Sons, 1885.) REVENGE FOR REGULUS. 151 were unsuccessful ; and it is very probable that they showed as little to an enemy, especially when he had done them such damage and had treated them as haughtily as had Regulus. But there is at least equal authority for a story not less horrible which is told against the Romans them- mIvcs, or rather against a Roman woman. The Senate handed over two noble Carthaginians to the u ifc of Regulus as hostages for the safety of her hus- l)and. When she heard of his death she ordered her servants to fasten the two prisoners in a cask, and to keep them without bread and water. After five days one of them died. The savage creature kept the living shut up with the dead, giving him now a little bread and water that his torments might be prolonged. But the servants themselves rebelled against these horrible doings, and informed the Tribunes of the people of what was going on. By them the poor wretch was rescued ; and the people would not allow him to be ill-treated any more. ROMAN LOSSES AT SEA. 153 JL JL hE • TN SICII.V \f;AIX. The Romans still retained tli<. ir superiority at sea. It IS, indeed, a \cr\' strange thini; that the Cartha- [,nnians, thoir^h tlirv liritl hcvu saiN.is, and adven- turous s.ulors 1(H), for ( cnttiritN, shnuld Ii.nc been beaten rdmost at ouv-c <'ii Un u" own ekiuciit bv a people that liad had little or notliiiii;- to do witli it' But so it was. Xi v\- df the (h>aslcr that had liap- pened to the arm\' of Rr-nhH u ;i< hn ui^lu ^. Iv'inc, and a iIllI ua ^ent it* ciniv tat the iv.u 11-011 ot Clypea, which, It w aid, still licld out ai^ainst the eneiu}'. It met and defeated tlie tleet of Carth, , , taking, we are told as inaii)' a- *"u: luindred and fourteen vcs^ci^ mil t»f hundred, and carried the troo|>s. Hut tlioutih the Romans sccni to have fought as well by sea as by land, still the\- were not sailors. We shall hear s«- . > a times in the course * The fleet of Knnii' itnj^t li: the Italian allies, 1 plt'yrd in it were eaileti sliitw the itinera rice of the K< (if liovv iht of lllf slii] row l»y praciismj^ on dry KuhI. not go very far in teaching them. I), t., a ureat exrerif. manned by . i earn en ern- ual aUir-."" I'ohhiiis. to iri tlie'^e iriattrr>, 1; •iiilt till ring tlie war v uglit to Xlie })raili>ing, one imagines, would of the next few years of terrible losses by shipwreck, 1. w hich we know to ha\'e been increased, if not cniiscd, by the obstinacy and ignorance of the officers in command. So it seems to have been in the case of the relieving tlect. The i)ilots warned the consuls that the south coast of Sicily was dangerous, but warned in vain. The result was a calamity of which rul\-bius. a sober and sensible writer, says that "his- tory c;m scarce!)' afford another example of so great and gener;d a disaster." Out of four hundred and sixt\--fonr vessels little more than a sixth part escaped. The Carthaginians were proportionately encouraged, and, fitting ui) a new fleet and lev\-ing another army, 1-, x.lved to have another struggle for Sicily. In the first campaign, indeed, the\' lost Panormus, but in those that followed the\- had a clear advantage. Again the weather helped them. The Romans lost another lleet, and for a time gave up all hope of being ma>tc IS of the sea, contenting them.selves with keep- iiv^ onl\- so man\' \essels afloat as were wanted to ( arr\' su})i)lies to their army. In the field, too, Car- tha'^e more than held her own. The havoc which the elephants had wrought in the arm\' of Regulus had not been U )rgotten, and the Roman armies did not venture to offer battle in an\- place where the ground was suitable for the action of these formidable crea- tures. It was not till the\' found out that it was easy to make them as dangerous to their friends as they could be to their foes that they dared to face them. One of the Carthaginian generals w as rash enough to u.se the animals in attacking a town. The archers showered arrows upon them from the walls till, 154 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. driven to madness by their wounds, they turned round and broke down their own ranks. Many fell into the hands of the Romans on this occasion. A still greater gain was that tliey were no longer feared. And now bci^m one of the most obstinate sieges recorded in history. Ijlybieum was a strongly fortified town near the Ca|)e of the same name. Its wall was unusually high, and its (Jftrh unusually deep, while the harbour could be ap|uuachcd only V a channel through shallow lake, which stretclied between it and the sea. The Romans l)c-an b\- attacking a fort on the south-western wall, and flattered down^six of tUv towers upon the wall, llmnlco, who was in com- niand of the garrison, was unceasing in his efforts, re- [) iirmg the breaches, dig,_ring countermines, and watch- ing continually for a chance ^ of setting fire to the Roman works. And he averted a u^rse danger in the tlireatened treacher)- of the mercenaries. The leaders of these troop, were actually in treaty with the Romans, when Uumlcn Iieard of what was going on, and contrived to break it off A few da\-s after"^ wards came help from Carth.i \ news of the garrison at Lily b.eurn liad reached thecitv. and it was feared that thev' were in chstress. A tleet'of fifty ships was hastily fitted i .ut aiul des|)atched to Sicily, with a relieving force of ten thousand men on board. The admiral in command waited for a favourable wind, and then, with all his ships ready for action, sailed straight into the harbour, the Romans being so surprised by their boldness that they did not attempt to oppose. Himilco, encouraged In- this reinforcement, resolved I*— STELE AT LILYB.tl M. ROMAN DISASTERS. 157 to attack the besief^ers. Sallying forth with nearly ln\ whole force, he fell on the Roman works; but he iust Miisscd Ills object : liis troo[)s were on the point of sctliiiL^ fire to the eni,n*nes and towers when he found that they were sufferinf^ lieavier loss than he could afford, and withdrew them. But a few weeks afterwards he succeeded. The works had been injured 1)\' a violent j^ale, and some of the mercenaries saw in the confusion thus caused an opportunity for destrox-ini;- tliem. Ilimilco approved their scheme. Thi-c hands sallied from the .L,^ate and set fire to three different places. The Romans were taken by sur- prise ; and the wind blew such volumes of smoke into tlieir faces that they could see and do nothing. In tlie end ever\ tiling was destroxed, the towers being hnrnt to the ground, and the metal heads of the rams uieiied. After this loss they gave up all hopes of taking the place by storm, and resolved to trust to a blockade. Meanwhile the Carthaginian fleet lay at Drepanum ; and this the new consuls who came into office in the year 249 resolved to attack. Publius Claudius, who was in command, managed to reach Drei)anum unobserved. Adherbal, the Carthaginian admiral, was taken by surprise, but did not lose courage. He manned his ships at once, and sailing out of the harbour by the opposite side to that by which the Romans were entering, formed his line on the open sea outside. Claudius had to recall his ships ; such as had entered the harbour came into collision in backing out with those that followed them, and there was great con- fusion. Still the captains ranged them as well as they 158 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. could alonfj the shore, with their prows turned towards the enemy. But they had lost the choice of ground ; the Cartha^n'nians had the open sea and plenty of room to mantcuvrc. They could retreat when they were hard pi; 1, and turn again when the oppor- tunity occurred. When the Roman vessels ventured to advance they were attacked in front, on the side, and in rear. But a Roman ship that uas in diffi- culties had nothing behind it but the shore. If it retired, it either grounded in the shallows or was actually stranded. Nor was this disadvantage of place counterbalanced by any superioritv in the build of the ships or in seamanship. The shi})s were clum.sy, the seamen unskilful. In the end Claudius suffered a crushing defeat. He made his own escape with thirty ships ; but all the rest, nearly a hundred in number, were captured. The crews, too, were taken prisoners, excepting a few who beached their ships and jumped ashore. Junius, the other consul, was even more un- fortunate. I le had a hundred and twentv ships of war, with which he had to conve\- a fleet of eight hundred transports. The Carthagin ian admiral forced him to cast anchor on a lee-shore (near Camarina , where there was no harbour within reach. When it came on to blow the blockading squadron put out to sea, and doubling C.ii)e I'cichvnus escaped the worst of the storm. The Roman fleet had not time, or perhaps was not wise enough, to follow them. Anyhow, it was completel\- clestr( )\-ed. " Scarcely a plank remained entire," sa> s the historian. As a few days before most of the ships in the harbour of THE ROM AX S GAIN ERYX. 159 Lilybaium had been burnt, Rome was now without a fleet Still, the siege of Lilybasum was pushed on. The blockading army had now most of Sicily to draw upon for stores, and was well supplied, while the town could be provisioned from the sea. Though the COIN : THE TEMPLE AND RAMPARTS OF ERYX. Romans gained possession by surprise of the strong I)ost of Eryx, the second highest mountain in Sicily, the war for some time dragged on without much advantage to either side. And now appeared upon the scene one of the few great men that Carthage produced. Hamilcar, sur- i6o THE STORY OF C ART 1 1 Ad E. named Barca,i was a vcrv vountr man wlicn he was ai)|)ointcd to the command of tlie Cartb vnnian tlcct and army. Ikit he had already made hmi^cifanaine, and I\e i showed that he was fit for his |)()st. lie established himself in a stron;^- i)lace in tlic north-west of the island, be t wee n 1 '. mo r m u s and 1) re [ ). i n u m . It was a loftv^ rock called Ilercta (now PciliX^'nio , and seems to have united e\'ery kind of advantai^e. It w.is so difficult of ai)i)r(>ach from the land that it could be defended by ii very small force, 'rhere wa-^ Nnni.> ])n>ductive land in the neiL;hl)()urhood. Tlu: cnuiaic w.is cool and health)' ; and tliere was a deep and sjiacious harbour. In thi- i)lace, though the Roman f( )ii,c-> held all the neighbourhood, he maintained himself for tlu'ee ye • His tleeL-— for Rome had given up for the [)rest'nt the attem|)t to c()nnn<-uul the sea — ravaged tin 'southern coasts of Ital\'. and helped to furnish him v.'ith sui>i)lies. On hind he kept h\< enemies engaged l)v |)erpetual surprises and >tiaia- gems. lie won, indeed, no grcit viclorv o\er tliem, but he kept them from doing .unthing else, and the siei^r of Ij"lvl)a*um made in > j)ro;_;ri->s. So anxious were tlie Romans to drive him out of this stiongiiold, that the)' at one time assembled as many I'USIEKN IN TnK WALL OF ERYX. eflfort to recover her supremacy at sea. The public treasurv' was exhausted, as it might well be after near)' five and twenty )ears of war, but private citizens came forward to supply what was wanting. Some of the richest undertook to build each a ship ; or BATTLE OF .FGATES ISLAND, 163 two or three of smaller means would join together. Thus a fleet of two hundred five-banked vessels were got together, and these of the very best construction. With this Lutatius Catulus, the consul, sailed to Sicily. The Carthaginians seem to have been unprepared, not expecting indeed that the enemy, who had aban- doned the sea for several years, should now seek to recover the command of it. Catulus was therefore able to possess himself unopposed of the harbours of Lilybx^um and Drepanum. He pressed the siege of the latter place with much vigour, and meanwhile kept his crews busy with training and exercise, till he made them expert and ready. The Carthaginians, on the other hand, prepared to act The plan of I lanno, who was in command of the fleet, was this. To take stores for the supply of Hamilcar's army at Eryx, and, after landing these, to take on board some of the best troops and Hamilcar himself, who alone was equal to an army ; and thus engage the Romans. It was the object of the Romans, on the other hand, to force an action before this could be done. Catulus accordingly put some of his best troops on board his ships and sailed to .Egusa, an island opposite Lilyba^um. Hanno was at Hiera, another island, a little further out to sea, The whole front was known by the name of the Agates (a word that has probably something to do with the Greek word for a goat). Catulus intended to give battle at once. Then, when the day for action came he began to doubt. The wind was stormy, and was blowing from the west, and so would help th€ movements of the enemy and hinder his own. On 164 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, CONCLUSION OF WAR. 165 the other hand, there was much to be lost l)>' tlclay. i\t present the Carth;i;4inian sliij)s ucre burdened with the stores w hicli they were carryinj^. If he did not cni^ai^e them at once they would rid themscUcs of these, would take on board som« ■ first- rale troops in )m the army at Vavx, and, abo\(' all, would have tlie presence of the dreaded Ilamilcar himself. These tlioui^hts made liim resolve on battle. The Carthaj^iniiUis were ahead}- on their way eastward when he put ( >ut to sea. His crews, become stroni; and dexterous by |)ractice, got their shi|)s between the enemy and the pomt f( )r wliich he was makin^^ and, l.ln^ed in a .smL;le line, j)rei)ared to receive tliem. rile conthct was short and decisive, llanno's ships were encuml)ered with stores ; his crews were un- skilled, for the fleet haii been ne*^dectcd, and the troojis ( HI board were nothin^i; better than raw levies. In all these points the Romans were sii|)erior ; they had iiothin<4 on board but what was wanted for the battle ; their rowers were well trained, and their figliting men of the best qualitv. At the vcr)' first meeting the\' sliowed tlieir sui)eriority. Fifty of the Carthaginian ships were sunk and seventv more taken with all their crews ; the rest were >a\cd by a sudden change of the w ind to the east which took them back to their anchorage at lliera. The battle of the /Egates Islands brought the war to an end. Carthage could no longer pn )vision her army in Sicily, and felt that it was usele s to prolong the struggle. Accordingly, Ilamilcar was empowered to make peace. The Romans were ready enough to meet him, for they too were exhausted by the long I struggles, and after some negotiations a treaty was made. The chief condition was that Carthage was to give up all her i)ositions in Sicily, and engage to leave the island alone for the future. She had had a hold on the island for at least four centuries, and for nearly two had cherished hopes of winning it. Sometimes she had been very near their accomplish- ment. Now they had to be finally given up. This was undoubtedly a great blow. We may call it the first great step downward. A war indemnity of nearly i,8oo,ooo was imposed. But Hamilcar was resolved to save his honour. The Romans demanded that the troops at h.ryx should surrender. This demand he resolutely refused, and it was given up. They marched out with all the honours of war and were carried back to Carthage ; and so, after a duration of four and twenty years, the First Funic War came to an end. REVOLT OF THE MERCEXARIES. 1C7 IV. (:AR'rHA(;K ani> hkr mercenaries. W'l-: have MX Ti more than (»ikc t!iat Carthage had much tp'nf'l-' wnh lu -a- nu-rcenary troops. This trouble now caiuf uijoii licr a.L;am, and in a worse form tliati ever. The fa. t u a- that five and twenty years of war had exhausted i\iii her vast wealth, and she could not meet her (Mi-:i"vinents with the soldiers whom she had hired. 1 m-i;, vju tlie other hand, were more [xiwerful th;in tlie\- h' a lonii war to kiiuu each other and to act together ; and many of them had been taught the art of war In- a i;reat soldier. I l.imilcar Harca. As soon a^ i)eace was coneluded, (jcsco, Governor of I.il>b.eum, liad beji^un senditv^ the mercenaries to Carthage in small detachments. He hoped that as they caine the}- would be i)aid off and dismissed to their homes. I fad this been done, all would have been well. But the <;o\einment cither would not or could not find the money. Shipload after shipload of the men arrived till the city was full of them. After a while, so troublesome and disorderly were they, they were collected in a camp outside the walls, \ and left there with nothing to do but talk over their grievances and ])]ot mischief. When at last the mone\\ or i)art of the money, was forthcoming, it was too late. The troo])^ had found leaders, and the interest of these leaders was not peace but war. One of them was a certain .Spendius, a runaway slave from Campania, who dreaded, ot course, that when everything was settled he might be sent back to his master, that is to torture and death. He is said to have been a man of enormous strength, and brave even to rashness. The otiier was a free- born African, of the name of Matho. He had been a ringleader in all the disturbances that had taken place since the return of the mercenaries, and he dreaded the vengeance of his employers. Matho found his fellow Africans ready to listen to him ; and there was probably much truth in what he said. "The Carthaginians." he told his comrades, ''are going to send to their homes the troops belonging to other nations ; when you are left alone they will make you feel their anger." A pretext for open revolt was soon found. Gesco, who had been sent to settle with the troops, handed over the arrears of pay, but put off the question of allowances for corn, horses, etc., to another time. At this proposal there were loud cries of discontent, and in a few minutes a noisy crowd of troops was assembled. Spendius and Matho harangued the assembly, and were received w^ith shouts of ap- plause. Any one else that attempted to speak was killed. " Kill," says the historian, was the only word that every one in this motley crowd, gathered from almost every country of Western Europe, could under- i i68 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, stand. The tviro speakers were chosen generals. Gcsco and his staff were seized, fettered, and thrown into prison. There was now open war between Car- thage and her mercenaries. The African towns at once joined the rebels. They were always discontented with their masters, and this discontent had now reached its height. The neces- sities of Carthage during the war just ended had compelled her to increase the taxes of her depen- dencies, and to exact these taxes to the uttermost farthing. The rent in kind paid by the cultivators of the soil had been raised to a half of the pro- duce, and the tribute paid by the towns had been doubled ; and any default in |)a)'ment had been cruelly puni-hcd. So fierce was the wrath raised by this oppitsion that the very women brought their orna- ments — and her ornaments were no small part of an African woman's wealth — and threw them into the common stock. From these and other sources, Spend ius and Matho received so much money that they settled all the claims of the troops, and had still abundance of means for carr)'ing on the w an Two towns onl\', Hippo and Utica, remained loyal. These were at once besieged. The mercenaries had three armies in the field. One was beft)re I lippo, another before Utica ; the third held an entrenched camp at Tunes. Carthage was thus cut off from all communication by land with Africa: but she still retained command of the .sea. The Carthaginian commander-in-chief, Hanno,^ * This Hanno seems somehow to have got the title of ** The Great," but to have done very little to deserve it. •5 aS R 35 "ii « t PLAN OF HARBOUR AT UTICA. SIEGE OF UTICA, 171 marched against the rebel force that was besieging Utica. He had as many as a hundred elephants with him. These broke through the entrenchments of the rebel camp, and the mercenaries fled in con- fusion. Hanno, accustomed to have to do with half savage enemies, who, once defeated, could not easily be rallied, thought that the victory was won, and, while he was amusing himself in Utica, allowed his troops to be as idle and as careless as they pleased. But the enemy were soldiers trained by Hamilcar Barca, and accustomed to retreat and rally, if need was, more than once in the same day. They rallied now', and seeing that the Carthaginian camp was left unguarded, attacked it, and got possession of a quantity of stores, and, among them, of some artillery which Hanno had sent for out of the city. The conduct of the war was now committed to Hamilcar. The strength of his force was a corps of ten thousand native Carthaginians. Besides these he had a body of mercenaries, a number of deserters from the enemy, and seventy elephants. His first operation was to relieve Utica. The chief difficulty was to break the blockade which the rebel general Matho had established round Carthage. The hills at the land end of the isthmus on which the city stood were held in force by the rebels ; as was the only bridge over the river Macar. But Hamilcar had noticed that a certain wind brought up such quanti- ties of sand to the bar of the Macar as to make it easily fordable. Taking advantage of this, he marched his army across the river by night, and, to the sur- prise of both friends and enemies, appeared in the 172 THE STORY OF' CARTHAGE. morn in j;^ on the other side, and hastened to attack the rear of the rebel U tree that u as ^luirding the bridge. A stroni( detachment from the besict^ers of L'tica advance'! to sii|)j>ort their . f»mrades. I lamilcar was marchini; with his ele[)haiU;^ in front, his light-armed troops behind them, and his hea\v'-armed in the rear. (3n corning in siijht of the cnenu', he changed this dis|)()sition. Siiendius nvistook tlie movement for a fliuiit, and ore Icred a cli.ui'c. The rebels found the heavy tr()0|)s -, offered liberal terms. They nn'glit take serviee with Car- thage, or they might go iiome. lUit if they were found in arms again, the)' must expect no further mercy. The rebel generals were disma\ed when they heard of this politic act. Their only })lan was to commit their followers to deeds which could not be pardoned. MAP OF PE.VJNSULA OF CARTHAGE. If MASSACRE OF PRISONERS. 175 Accordingly they called an assembly of the soldiers. Into this was brought a courier who professed to come with a despatch from the rebels in Sardinia. This despatch contained a warning of a plot that was being hatched in the camp for setting Gesco and the other prisoners free. Then Spendius stood up to speak. " Do not trust Hamilcar," he said. " His mercy is a mere pretence. When he has got you all in his power, he will punish you all. And meanwhile take care that Gesco, who is a most dangerous man, does not escape you." When he had finished speaking, a second courier arrived, this time professing to come from the camp at Tunes, and bearing a despatch to much the same effect as the first. On this Antaritus, a Gaul, who had shared the command with Spendius and Matho, rose to address the assembly. He had the advantage of being able to speak in Carthaginian, a language of which most of his hearers, from long service with the State, knew something. He told his hearers that it was madness to think of concluding peace with Carthage. Any one who advised such a thing was a traitor, and they had better make it im- possible by putting the prisoners to death. This horrible advice was followed. Gesco and his fellow- prisoners, seven hundred in number, were cruelly murdered, and from that time till the end of the war no mercy was showed on either side. For a time everything went ill with the Carthaginians. Hanno had been joined with Hamilcar in the com- mand ; but the two could not agree, and the army suffered greatly in consequence. Sardinia was lost to Carthage, and now Utica and Hippo revolted, after I 176 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. E\D OF WAR WITH MERCENARIES. 177 masscicrin<^- their Carthaj^n'n inn tt>(jd faithfully by it. Ilicr* ) of Syracuse j^ave thctii lielp. It was not to his interest that Carthage should be destrovcd. Rome left without :i riv^d would be too powerful, and Syra- cuse uou.d ^(M)ii be swallowed up. And Rome, without th< • saini' reason. Ix 'havcd cipially well. She would not t ;thcr of Sardinia or of Utica, thoit'^h l)(.th were i)frcred to licr b>' the i-ebels. And she allowed traders to send sup|)lies into Carth- a;^e, while she forbad them to have any deaiinj^^s with tlie rebels. And now th^^ tf. 1p turned a^^ainst the mercenaries. They were bcsiL-ing Carthat^e, but they were also besiej^^ed themselves Naravasus, a Xumidian prince, with hiN cavalry cut off all sup|)lies from the country, and the\' were reduced to the most friirhtful ex- tremities. Spcndius and his collea|Tues endeavoured t« > make terms. Uamilcar ai^^reed to let the rebels ^o free, with ten exceptions such as he should choose. When the treaty was conclutled, he said, '* I choose amonfj the ten those that are now present." Spcndius and Antaritus were two of them. The siei^e of Cartha;^e was now raised, and Uamilcar advanced cars, or thereabouts, he and his family, or the party that was led by them, called by their opponents the " Harcine Faction " had the government in their hands. Hamilcai .>. one object was to recover what Carthage had lost ; but it was an object which it was difficult to attain. To reconquer Sicily and the other islands of the Western Mediterranean was liopelcss. For four hundred years and more Carthage had spent her strength in these regions, and had never quite got them into her grasp. Now they had pct^^cd for ever into hands which were stronger than hers. Not only must no action be taken directly against Rome, but nothing must be done to rouse her jealousy. Another war with Rome would be fatal, at least till Carthage had got back her strength, and war had already been threatened. Hamilcar had to look elsewhere, and he looked to Spain. Carthage had already had dealings with this country. She had trading ports along its coasts, and she had got some of her best troops from its tribes. Hamilcar now conceived the idea of building up here an empire which should be a compensation for that which his country had lost elsewhere. This idea he kept secret till he had begun to carry it into action. He set out with the army, of which he seems to have been permanent commander-in-chief, on an expedition to complete the conquest of the African tribes dwel- ling westward of Carthage. Little or nothing was heard of him till the news came that he had crossed over into Spain, and was waging war on the native tribes. For nine years he worked on, making a new empire for his country. We know little or nothing about his campaigns, except that they were successful. Not only did he make war support itself, but he sent home large sums of money with which to keep up the influence of his party, and he had still enough to spare for bribing native chiefs. At the end of the nine years he fell in battle. But he left an able successor behind him in Hasdrubal, his son-in-law, who had been his colleague in his campaigns. Hasdrubal carried out his plans, and completed the work which he had begun. Here, too, we know nothing of de- tails. That he was a good soldier we are sure, for when the restless tribes of the African coast had risen in arms after Hamilcar had crossed over into Spain, he had been sent back by his chief, and had soon reduced them to submission. But he seems to have been still greater as a manager and ruler of men. By pleasing manners, by politic dealing with the native tribes, and by friendship formed with their petty chiefs — he is said to have married a Spanish lit i8o THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, HANNIBAL. l8l princess — he furthered the cause of his count rv more than by force of arms. The foundation of Xcw Carthage was his work. It had the best liarb( )ur on the coast ; it was near the rich silver mines discovered b)- iVlctci, and it soon bccainc tlic capital of the new province. So powerful, indeed, was Ilasdrubal that he was suspected of a plan for making; himself absolute master of Cartha;j,r ; wliile the treaty vvith the Rum uis by which the bound. iries of the tw(j emi)ircs were fixed at the river Ebro is spoken of as having been made with Hasdrubal. The jealous)' of the Romans had indeed by this time been roused. Thev saw with some alarm the wonderful progress that the Carthagini.m i^eneral was making with the Spanish tribes, and they looked about for friends for themselves. Saguiitum, a town partly Greek in origin ^^its name seems to have been connected with that of Zacynthos, one of the islands off the western coast of Greci i|)plied to them for protection, and they readily promised it. A treaty was concluded by which the river Ibcrus (now the Ebro) was to be the eastern boundary of the C artha- ginian province, but it was stipulated that Saguntum, which lay about fifty miles within these limits, should be independent. Hasdrubal met his death by assas- sination. He had executed a Spanish chief for some offence against his government, and one of the man's slaves in revenge struck him down. He had held the chief command in Spain for a little more than eight years. And now the greatest man that Carthage ever pro- dured comes to the front. Some seventeen year. before, when Hamilcar was about to cross over into Spain, his son I lannibal, then a boy of nine, begged to be allowed to gp with him. The father consented, but first he brought the boy up to the altar on which, in preparation for the expedition he was about to make, he was offering sacrifice, and bade him lay his hand upon the victim, and swear eternal hatred to Rome. We shall see how the lad kept his oath. He was present at the battle in which his father met his death ; and though then but eighteen years of age, was put by his brother-in-law, Hamilcar's suc- cessor, in high military command. "There was no one," says Livy, " whom Hasdrubal preferred to put in command, whenever courage and persistency were specially needed, no ofificer under whom the soldiers were more confident and more daring." And indeed he was the very model of a soldier. He was bold, but never rash, cool in the presence of danger, and infinitely fertile in resource. To fatigue he seemed insensible. He could bear heat and cold equally well. Of food and drink he cared only to take so much as satisfied the needs of nature. To sleep he gave such time as business spared him ; and he could take it anywhere and anyhow. Many a time could he be seen lying on the ground, wrapped in his military cloak, among the sentries and pickets. About his dress he was careless ; it was nothing better than that of his humblest comrades. But his arms and his horses were the best that could be found. He was an admirable rider, a skilful man at arms, and as brave as he was skilful. With such a man in the camp, there could be no doubt as to the successor of J 182 THE STURV OF CARTHAGE. Hasdrubal : the army at once elected him to the com- mand. His strong resemblance to his father, whom many of the soldiers still remembered, was not the least of his many claims. And the government at home could do nothing but confirm the election. Hannibal's first operations were against some Spanish tribes in the interior, occupying the country on both banks of the Upper Tagus (the western por- tion of what is now Vcw Castile). A great victory over a native army, which is said to have numbered as many as a hundred thousand men. brought to an end these campai'^n^ which occupied the autumn of 22 1 and the greater part of the following year. In the spring of 219 Hannibal laid siege to Sagun- tum. His first operations were successful. His quick eye had spied the weak place in the town's fortifica- tions, and he at once made it the object of his attack ; but the Saj-untincs were prepared to receive him. Indeed they more than held their own, and Hannibal himself was dangerously wounded by a javelin thrown from the wall. I^ut he had the advantage of vast numbers his army amounting, it is said, to as many as 1 50,000— while the garrison had not men enough to guard the whole circuit of their walls. The battering- rams were used with effect, and a breach was made. Then came an attempt to storm, furiously made, and furiously resisted. The townspeople are said to have made great havoc among the besiegers by a curious missile, which is described as having had a heavy iron point and a shaft w^hich was wrapped in tow and set alight In the end the storming party was beaten SIEGE OF SAGUI^TUM, 183 Meanwhile an embassy arrived from Rome. Han- nibal refused to receive it. He pretended that it would not be safe for the envoys to enter his camp. He could not, he said, undertake to protect them from his barbarian allies. The ambassadors proceeded, as their instructions directed, to Carthage. Hanno, the leader of the peace party, pleaded earnestly with the Senate to yield to the demands of Rome. He ad- vised that the army should be withdrawn from before Saguntum, that compensation should be made to that tovvn, and even that Hannibal should be surrendered as having broken the treaty. But he scarcely found a seconder, and the ambassadors were sent away with a refusal. The siege meanwhile was being pressed on with vigour. The garrison hastily built a new wall at the spot where the breach had been made, but this was easily thrown down ; and a party of the besiegers now established itself actually within the city. The defence was still continued, but it was manifestly hopeless. Hannibal was willing to give terms. The Saguntines might withdraw with their wives and children, each person to have two garments, but leaving all their property behind. While this offer was being dis- cussed in an irregular assembly, for a number of people had crowded into the Senate-house, some of the chief citizens gradually withdrew. They lit a great fire, and collecting all the public treasure and all the private property on which they could lay their hands, flung it into the flames, and then, with desperate resolution, leaped into them themselves. While this was going on, the Carthaginians forced 1^4 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. their way into the town. Every grown-up male was slain. The booty was enormous. Enough was left, besides all that the soldiers took, to bring a great sum into the public treasury. There could be now no doubt that war would follow. The Romans, indeed, made all i)rci)arations for it. Still, anxious, it would seem, to do all things in order, they sent another embassy to Carthage. The envoys were instructed to put to the Carthaginian Senate the simple (jucstion, " \\ as it by the order of the government that Hannibal attacked Saguntum ?" The Carthaginian Senate refused to give a direct answer. The speaker who represented their oi)inion pleaded that the regular treaty between Carthage and Rome made no mention of Saguntum, and that they could not recognize a private agreement made with Hasdrubal. "Upon this," says Livy, "the Roman gathered his robe into a fold and said, 'Here we bring you peace and war: take which you please.' In- stantly there arose a fierce shout, * Give us which you please ! ' The Roman, in reply, shook out the fold, and spoke agrun, ' I give \'ou war.' The answ er from all was, ' We accept it ; and in the sjiirit with which we accept it, will we wage it.' " Thus began the Second Funic War. I VI. FROM THE EBRO TO ITALY. After tne capture of Saguntum, Hannibal went into winter quarters at New Carthage. He gave a furlough to any of his Spanish troops that wished to visit their homes. " Come back," he said, " in early spring, and I will be your leader in a war from which both the glory and the gain will be immense." The winter he spent in maturing his great plan, which was nothing less than to invade Italy. Carthage, he knew, had been brought to the brink of destruction by being attacked at home ; and this because her subjects had been raised against her. Rome, too, had subjects who were doubtless ill-content with her rule. Within the last hundred years she had added the greater part of Italy to her Empire. It was in Italy that he hoped to find his best allies. We shall see how far his hopes were fulfilled, how far they were disappointed. In the spring he made a disposal of his forces. Some fifteen thousand, chiefly Spaniards, he sent into Africa. With his brother Hasdrubal he left an army of between twelve and thirteen thousand infantry, two thousand five hundred cavalry, five hundred slingers, and twenty-one elephants, besides a fleet of fifty-seven ships, chiefly of the largest size. His policy in making :i TQC^ ' t i ^ 'I THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. their way into^ the town. Ever}* grown-up male was slaie. The booty was enormous. Enough was left, besides^ all that the soldiers took, to bring a great sum into the public treasur>'. There could be now no doubt that war would follow. The Romans, indeed, made all preparations for it .Still, anxious, it would seem, to do all things in order, the\* '%tmt another emba^^^i- to Carthci,^ , The envoys ucii. iii^tructcd to pui, iu iiic Ccirthaginian .Senate the simple question, ** Was it by the order of the government that 1 lannibal attacked Saguntum ?"' The Carthaginian Senate refused to gi\e a direct aii.^v\cr. llie s|x;akcr who represented their opinion pleaded that the regular treaty between Carthage and Rome made no mention of Saguntum, and that they could not recognize a private ...^j cment made with Hasdrubal. ** Upon this," sa)s Liv\-, "the Roman gathered his robe into a fold and said, * Here we bring you peace and war : take which you please.' In- stantly there arose a fierce shout, ' Give us which you please ! ' The Roman, in reply, shook out the fold, and spoke again, * I give \-ou war.' The answer from all u a>, * We accept it : and in the sjjirit with which we accept it, will we wage it.' " Thus began the Second Funic War. If / VL FROM THE EBRO TO ITALY. AFTER tne capture of Saguntum, Hannibal went into winter quarters at New Carthage. He gave a furlough to any of his Spanish troops that w ished to visit their homes. " ConTe back," he'said, " in early spring, and I will be your leader in a war from which both the glory and the gain will be immense." The winter he spent in maturing his great plan, which was nothing less than to invade Italy. Carthage, he knew, had been brought to the brink of destruction by being attacked at home ; and this because her subjects had been raised against her. Rome, too, had subjects who were doubtless ill-content with her rule. Within the last hundred years she had added the greater part of Italy to her Empire. It was in Italy that he hoped to find his best allies. We shall see how far his hopes were fulfilled, how far they were disappointed. In the spring he made a disposal of his forces. Some fifteen thousand, chiefly Spaniards, he sent into Africa. With his brother Hasdrubal he left an army of between twelve and thirteen thousand infantry, two thousand five hundred cavalry, five hundred slingers, and twenty-one elephants, besides a fleet of fifty-seven ships, chiefly of the largest size. His policy in making I :^ I 1 86 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. I these arrangements was to orarrison Africa with Spanish, and Spain with African troops. The force with which he himself crossed the Ebro consisted of ninety thou- sand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry. To cross the Ebro, which was still nominally the boundary between Rome and Carthage, was formally to commence hostilities. On the night before he made the passage, Hannibal, who had lately returned from a solemn visit to the temple of Mclcarth at Gades, had a dream. He saw a youth of godlike shape, who said, "Jupiter has sent me to lead your army into Italy. Follow me, but look not behind." Hannibal followed trembling, but could not, after a while, keep his eyes from looking behind. He saw a serpent of marvellous size moving onwards, and de- stroying the forest as it went When he asked w hat this might mean, his guide answered, " This is the de- vastation of Italy. Go on and ask no more, but leave the designs of fate in darkness." Hannibal's numbers, indeed, were much diminished before he reached the foot of the Alps, which was to be the first stage in his journey. He had to conquer the country between the Ebro and the Pyrenees, and leave a large force to hold it ; and he felt it wise to dismiss to their homes a number of men who were unwilling or afraid to go on with him. It was with fifty thousand foot and nine thousand horse that he crossed the Pyrenees. From the Pyrenees he marched with little opposition to the Rhone. His route seems to have led him to Nemausus (now Nismes), while the point at which he touched the river was probably Roquemaure. Polybius describes it as being four PASSAGE OF THE RHONE, 187 days' march from the mouth. He found the further bank occupied by a strong force of the neighbouring Gauls. His guides informed him that some twenty- five miles higher up the river there was an island, and that when the stream was divided it was shallow and comparatively easy to cross. Accordingly he sent Hanno, son of Bomilcar, with a party of his army to cross at this place, and to take the enemy in the rear. Hanno found no one to oppose him. His Spanish troops, men accustomed to the water, put their clothes and arms on bladders, and swam to the further bank, pushing these before them ; the Africans, who had not had the same experience, crossed upon rafts. Han- nibal meanwhile was making his own preparations for the passage. He had collected from friendly tribes on the right bank of the liver a number of small boats. These he used for his infantry. Larger vessels and rafts constructed by his own men were reserved for the cavalrv, and were put higher up the stream, to break the force of the current against the lighter craft. When all was ready he gave the signal to start. The enemy, though startled by his boldness in thus crossing in face of their opposition, would doubtless have stood firm, and, perhaps, successfully resisted him, but for the force which had already made the passage higher up the river. At the critical moment they saw behind them the smoke of the fires which, by a concerted plan Hanno and his infantry had lighted. They found themselves taken in the rear, a danger which no un- disciplined troops can brave. Hannibal, familiar with this fact, pushed boldly on. He was himself in one of the foremost boats, and, leaping to shore, led his men ii i' THE STORY OF CARTliAGE. to the char^-e. The Gauls broke and fled almost with- out strikin<^ a blow. I fc had still to get his elephants <*' A lar^e raft was covered with earth and mooRxl firmly to the bank, and to this again a smaller r;ift. similarly disguised, w as attached. The elephants, led f)y two frmalcs. were taken first ui)on the larger, then upon the smaller raft, and, fanc>'ing themselves still upon dr>- ground, made no objection. Then the smaller raft was detaclied, antl i)roi>elled across the stream. The great I . were frightened when they f^vund themselve-^ afloat, but their very terror kept them quiet : and two that plunged into the water, though then- unfortunate drivers were drowned, got safely to the O|)i)osite shore. Hannibal marclied up the left bank of the Rhone till he reached the Ist!re. Here he made a valuable ally in a chief of the Allobrogi s whom he supported against a younger brother that \\a> claiming the throne. This i>rince supplied Ins army with stores of all kinds, among which shoes are esi)ecially mentioned, iind escorted him as far as the foot of the Alps. lUit, it will be asked, were the Romans doing nothing to defend themseh es against this invasion ? 'I '^^'y 1^'id other work on their hands, for they were at u ar with the Gauls in what is now Northern Italy, but was then called Cisalpine or Hither Gaul. The first armies they could raise were sent against them ; but I'ublius Cornelius Scipio (a name of which we shall hear much hereafter) was despatched with a force to the mouths of the Rhone. Had he moved up the river at once he might have hindered Hanni- bal's passage, but he sat still. A proof that the ROUTE OVER THE ALPS. 189 Carthaginians were near was soon given him. Han- nibal had sent a squadron of African horse to recon- noitre, and this fell in with some cavalry which Scipio had sent out for the same purpose. A sharp skirmish followed. It was the first occasion on which the two enemies crossed swords, and the Romans won the day. When his cavalry had returned, Scipio marched up the river ; but he found I lannibal gone, and did not think it well to follow him. Returning to the sea, he sent the greater part of his army under his brother Cnitus into Spain, and sailed back with the rest to Italy. This policy of strengthening the Roman force m Spain, in face of what seemed a greater danger nearer home, was masterly, and was to bear good fruit in after time. Hannibal's route across the Alps has been the sub- ject of much controversy, into which I do not intend to enter. The view which seems to me the most pro- bable is that he marched up the left bank of the Rhone as far as Vienne ; then, leaving the river, struck across the level country of Upper Dauphiny, and met the river again at St. Genix. Thence he marched up the valley of the Upper Isere, and crossed by the pass of the Little St. Bernard, descending into the Valley of Aosta. The dangers and difificulties of the passage are described in vivid language by the historians, and indeed they must have been terrible. To take an army, with all its stores and baggage, the horses, and the elephants, across the Alps, was indeed a wonder- ful task ; still more wonderful when we consider how late it was in the year when the attempt was made I go THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. It was almost the end of October before the summit of the pass was reached, and the seasons, there is little reason tc doubt, were colder then than they are now. If Hannibal had only had natural obstacles to con- tend with he would have liad plenty to do; but he found the mountain tribes fiercely hostile. They resented the intrusion of this formidable force into their country, and they saw an excellent opportunity for plunderin<^. Their attacks bcj^an as soon as he commenced the ascent, and were continued till he had nearly reached the highest point. The first stage of the march was at the pass which leads to the Lake of Bourget Every mile of this had to be won by hard fighting. The road was steep and narrow, and the barbarians attackcil the army from points of vantage. It was only I lannibal's foresight in occupy- ing a still higher position, which the enemy had left during the night, that prevented a most serious loss. When the plain at the upper end of the pass was reached, the disciplined army had nothing to fear. The mountaineers' fortified town was stormed, and much of the property that had been lost was regained. The next three days' march was made without oppo- sition; and then the mountain tribes, seeing that force had failed, tried what treachery could do. Their chiefs came into the camp, offered hostages, sent in supplies, and promised to guide the army by the best and shortest route. Hannibal did not wholly trust them, and took precautions against a sudden attack. But he allowed the guides to lead him into a dangerous defile, where the longer road would have been safer. < y. r 'S. (J ROCKS SPLIT WITH VINEGAR. 193 At the most critical point of the march the enemy attacked, rollin:,^ down great rocks or sending showers of stones from the cliffs. The loss was great, but the army struggled through. The elephants, difficult as they must have been to drive up those narrow and slippery roads, were of great service. The moun- taineers were terrified at the sight of them, and wherever they were visible did not v^enture to approach. The story of how Hannibal split with fire and vinegar the rocks which his men could neither remove or climb over is so famous that it cannot be omitted, though it is not easy to imagine how the vinegar came to be there. Had his foresight, wonderful as it was, extended so far as to provide this most unlikely kind of store .> Hit without further criticism I shall quote Livy's own words. " Having to cut into the str)ne, they heaped up a huge pile of wood from great trees in the neighbourhood, which they had felled and Ic )i)ped. As soon as there was strength enough in the wind to create a blaze they lighted the pile, and melted the rocks, as they heated, by pouring vinegar upon them. The burning stone was then cleft open with iron implements." Livy represents this incident as occurring in the course of the descent. By that time the work, of course, was really done. The army took nine days, wc are told, to make its way to the top. That once reached, they were permitted to rest two days. When they resumed their march a fall of snow almost reduced them to despair. But Hannibal told them to keep up their courage. He would show them the »" IM 194 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. end of their toils. And indeed, a little further on, they came to a point from which they could look down on the rich i)lains of Italy. " You are climb- ing," he cried to his men, " not the walls of Italy only, but of Rome itself. What remains will be a smooth descent ; after one or, at the most, two battles, we shall have the capital of Italy in our hands." Six days sufficed for the descent It was more than four months since Hannibal had started from New Carthage. His losses on the way had been terrible. He brought down with him into the plains of Italy not more than twenty thousand infantry (three-fifths of them Africans and the remainder Spaniards) and six thousand cavalry ; and he had left thirty-three thousand, most of them victims of disease and cold, upon his road. This was the force, if we are to reckon only his regular troops, with which he uiis to undertake the conquest of Italy. The numbers rest on the authority of a Roman who was a prisoner in the Carthaginian camp, and who heard them from the lips of the great general himself. LAKE TRASUMENNUS, 207 hJs e\'es. When he reached the higher ground he gave his troops a short rest, and then marched boldly towards Rome, wasting the country, which was one of the richest parts of Italy, most cruelly as he went. One of the Roman Consuls, Plaminius, was at Arretium with about thirt\- thousand men ; the other was at Ariminum on the east coast with as many more. Hannibal ventured to leave them in his rear, and now there was no army between him and Rome. Flaminius, who had found it hard to sit still and see the country of his allies wasted with fire and sword before his eyes, could not allow Rome itself to be attacked without striking a blow for it. He broke up his camp, and followed the Carthaginians. This w^as exactly what Hannibal expected and wished. And he laid an ambush for his pursuer. The road from Cortona to Pcrusia, along which he was march- ing, passed close to the northern shore of the Lake Trasumennus. Near the north-west corner of the lake the hills on either side of this lake approach close to each other ; at the north-east corner again there is a still narrower passage formed by the hills on the north, and the lake itself on the south. Be- tween these two is a level plain, somewhat like a bow in shape, if we suppose the edge of the water to be the string, and the retreating hills the bow itself. In front of the hills which commanded the eastern end of the pass Hannibal posted his African and Spanish troops ; and here he himself remained. At the end of the pass itself, behind some rising ground which conveniently concealed them, he stationed his Gallic cavalry. The rest of his army he placed on the THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. further slopes of the hills which enclosed the plain u| )(in the north. Flam in ins reached the western end of the lake at sunset, and pitched his camp there for the night. The next mornin:^^ while the lij^^lit u^^ .^till dim, and without, it seems, attcinptin<^^ to reconnoitre his nuite, he continued his march. When his whole army had pass(t, uhicli rose from the lake and lay thick ui)on tb( ' level gn )un(l, while the sunshine \va^ bright upon the sl()[)es down which the enemy was moving to tlie attack. Before they could form their ranks in < irder of battle, almost before they could draw their swords, tlie enem\' was upon them. l-'laininius did his best, but it was very little that he could do. Tlieic w-k no ^rnpe for a general's skill, even if he had i>().m-m li u. It was a soldiers' battle, where everv man Iiad to fight f< )r himself; but the soldiers of Rome, newly recruited ploughmen and vinedres<"r< were scarcely a match for the veterans ( >f cuLhage, and were now taken at a terrible di sad van! Still, for a time, they held tlicir ground, b'or tlirce hours the battle raged, so fiercely that n( )ne of the comhatants felt the shock of an earth(|uake which thai u.iv laid more than one Italian city in ruins. Then the Consul fell. Con- spicuous in his splendid arms, he had kept up the Roman battle, till one of Hannibal's troopers, an SLAUGHTER OF THE ROMAXS. 209 Insuhrian Gaul, recognizing his face (for Flaminius had coniiucnd the Insubrians eight \'ears before), tiercel)- chargi'd him. "See!" cried tlie man to his comrades, 'Mliis is he who slaughtered our legions and laid wa^tc our fields. I will otTer him a sacrifice to tlie sliadrs of my countrx'men." The Consul's armour-bearer throw himself in the wa\', but was struck down ; and Ducarius (tor that was the trooper's name ran tlie Consul through with his lance. Then the Romans ceased to resist, even as the English e( i-«(| at Scnl.ic when Harold was slain. Some .sought U) ese.ipe by tlie hills, others waded out into the l;d;e, u liicli is shallow to some distance from the .^iKae. Men uciglued with heavy armour could not hope to e.scai)e by swimming ; yet some were desperate enough to try it. These were either diuwned in the dee[)er water, or struggling back to the shallows were slaughtered in crowds by the ea\a!'\- nhich had now ridden into the water. About six thousand of the v.mguard cut their way through the ( IK ni\' at the eastern end of the pass, and halted on the hi ni> r\( rics. At Rome, after til *' ' " '' '" -itT and terror liad passed nv rvthiriL^ w.i^ !>< "ii^ iloiu* to carry : HI t li e w . I r w i t ! i v\' * « > u r_ \ . i i . 1 1 1 ! , ( • . , f sin- r* • n d cr, or even ut [X i IK : Liihi L« Uiiiii.illd of all the aninrs of the hl.ite uas L;i\en to a \ ' ' '" , (,)uintu> I'a})iu^ M.ixiinu^ Ijv name, w Im li.id won the honoiu' of a triurnoh nearlv twcnti- vt nx Ik-T. .rr. I''al)ius' tn>t dK I w .1-. u ' n •n>u!t the Ii'-'mv-^ ta liu .^in\ 1.' They ucrr f nmd to j)r('-^( iil i ious art^ of worship of the (hmU, a> the olf( "rin*;" of f- in ami es, t!u' hni1(h*n<^^ ( >f tenijile^, and thr rrh hratin'.,^ pnl)h*c j^tUiiLs. 1 licse were either d(>iK: at u:ui' (U" pr<>inise(l ft ) r s o [ 11 e f u 1 1 1 re time. 1 "he Dictator t < > r t h i - was his title) then < >rdered tlie !ev\ in;.; of two new lej^ions, and of a force which v\a- to (U'fend t!i'- ''!t\- and man the lleet. lie also tlirccled tli.il e\er\ihinj/ in the line of Ilannihars marcli shouhl ht ' elf, with an army numbering about tift\- thousand men, followed in pursuit of the inemy. Hannibal found that he gained no friends in At^nlia, and marched westward into Samnium, which, iev^ ilian a hundred \ears Ix-fore, had been the fiercest enem\- of Rome. But here again he met with n6 -lit in making strife between Rome and its allies. 1 le mo\('d ( )n into what was, perhaps, the very richest I)art of Ital)-, the great Falernian plain, where wines Wire urow n that were to become famous over all the world. Fabius still followed him, watching every nioxement, cutting off stragglers, and harassing him in every w ay that he could devise, but always refusing a l).ittle. When lie saw his enemy below him in the I idernian plain— for I'abius kept his ow^n army on the hills he b(^lieved tl'.tt lie had him in a trap. To the north, the i)ah.^e^ uiu» Hatium and the way to Rome were barred : the sea was in front of him ; and to the >outh the deei) stream of the Volturnus. On the cast the hills, witii their passes held b}- Roman troops, -eemed to shut off his escape. Then Hannibal showed what a master of stratagem he wms. He not only escaped, but carried off the booty which he had collected. His plan was this. About two thousand oxen were clio>en out of the vast herds which had been collected out of the plundered districts. To their horns were listened bundles of dry twigs. Then one daw as the du>k of evening came on, he silently 2 1^ THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. struck his camp, and moved eastward towards the hills, the oxen being driven a little in front of the vanguard. When the army reached the foot of the hills it was dark ; and then Hannibal ordered the bundles to be lighted. The drivers of the oxen started them up the slope of the hills ; the animals, maddened by fear and pain— for the light flashed all about them, and the heat reached the flesh at the roots of their horns — rushed wildly on. The four thousand Romans who had been posted to guard the principal pass were dismayed at the sight. What it meant they could not understand ; but that it meant danger they were sure. Probably they fancied that they were being surrounded — for this is always the first fear of all but the very best and bravest troops. Anyhow they left their post, and made for the heights. Fabius, in his camp, saw the strange sight, and was equally puzzled ; nor did he venture out till it was light.* Meanwhile Hannibal had quietly marched his army through the |)ass, taking all his plunder with him, and pitched his canqj next day at Allif.e, on the other side of the hills. Fabius followed him. He marched northwards through Samnium, as far as the country of the I*eligni, ravaging as he went. Fabius still moved along, keeping his ami)- between him and Rome. * **Thi^ • of Livy," says \ithuhr, *' represents the Romans in a foolish light, ihe truth is uM by rolvlmis. Nothing was mote com- mon among the ancients than the n.arch by n.ght wth lantern. ; and when the Roman outposts saw the lights l>etween themselves and the unoccupied district, they thought thai the Carthaginians were forcing their way, and quickly adv^>^ ! towards the supposed danger to shut Ihe road against the enen»> , ^ecture Ixxiv.). FABIUS AND MINUCIUS. 215 The effect of Hannibal's escape was twofold. Not only did he get out of a difficult position, carrying the greater part of his plunder with him, but he made it very hard for Fabius to carry out his policy of delay. This policy of course had many enemies. The allies, who saw their country ravaged without being able to strike a blow for it, were furious ; and the wealthy Romans, whose estates were suffering in the same way, were loud in their complaints. And Hannibal's cunning plan of leaving Fabius' estates untouched, while all the neighbourhood was plun- dered, increased their anger. This change of feeling soon became evident. Fabius had to go to Rome on business for a time, and left his army in the charge of Minucius, Master of the Horse (this was the title of the Dictator's second-in-command , with strict orders not to fight. Minucius did fight, and won something like a little victory. When news of his success came to Rome, the opponents of Fabius persuaded the people to divide the army, and give the command of one half to the Dictator, and of the other to the Master of the Horse. There were now two Roman armies encamped about a mile apart. Hannibal, who knew what had happened, immediately took advantage of the situation. Minucius, if he wished to satisfy his friends was bound to fight, and Hannibal soon gave him what looked like a favourable opportunity. He occu- pied some rising ground between his own camp and that of the Romans with what looked like a small force. The Romans hastened to dislodge it. But there were five thousand men in ambush, who, when 2l6 THE STORY OF CARrilAOi:. the fi^c^htin*'- h:](\ fx-cn ^u unit; <>ii for --omu' time, fell upoti the k')iuaii i^^cii. 'l'his^..v. >...\. and rmr^tHrT ('■rent disji^ter wouM have been the result, hau hdI Fabiiis, uii 'ii tli< 'd\, led (mt liis troops, and chan"cd the tf.rtiinrs of the daw Attn all nc i^reat harm ua> u«mii„, .uid tlu-re w .i> thi> :-;"<»d result, that Minucius con A s^cd liis ern u*, and uj) hi^ com- mand. The rest of the year pasMil without an\' further disaster^. r\re|)t tliat tlie Consul Serviliiis, landini! «»n the <,i.i>t of .\tVna, .md i ,.....^ ilie countr>', was ked 1)\' tlie I ■artlia;^inians, and lost a t lion sand men. Hannibal s|)ent the winter ,r t .t mnium, in tlie north ( )f Apuli.i. It u.l- .i ii,- .m.Mintuis < (.untr)- ; and it was close to thr ( 1 lii^ l>'H't "' Apulia, indeed. is like an elbow i)rojectin:4 out into the Adriati- I fe had ami)le su|>i»Iies. and li- - m i ommunication witli Cartilage. Frol).d»l\' new th-is were 'tit lo him. Anv'how, when the next \ear eamc (Jio lu w; IS stroni^cr than ever. It was late in the sprin;^^ when betook the field, ffis fir-t m«'\tinent was to march round tlie iv-'iium .uii.;, uhieli h.ul bi en watehin;:,^ him duriiii: tlu" winter, and to ' a i;reat ma-a/ine of stores which the i\ hati collected. It wa> -till In's |)olic\- to |»i-o\<>]c them te) flight a battle, and tins .suecesslul miHtn^iit helped him. The Romans had gathered a iMcit lorce. l)Ut foimd it d i fti cult t( > feed i t . 'i ' 1 1 e \ ■ w < i c a ! i a i d . t > *> . I c s t t h e \' should lose their allie<. if llu >■ allowc-d Hannibal to march up and down throui^h lt.i!\ and plunder a.s he |)leased. And the iMit\ <>f tii;htini^ had liad a great success at tlic elections. C. lerentius \'ai . , a man VARRO AND PAULLUS IN COMMAND. 2,17 of the people, after loudly proclaiming that the nobles were prolonging tlie wiir for their own purposes, had been chosen Consul b}' an immense majority. It was resolved to fight, but not to do so till the newl\-devied legions should have joined the army of the }car before. This was done about the beginning of June ; and the whole army, now numbering about m'net)- thousand men. marched in pursuit of Hannibal, who was oatlicring in the earl\- harvests on the sea- board of A|)ulia. Hie two consuls (A\arro's colleague Was a nol)le, Tanilius Taullus 1)\ name had command on alternate da\s. Timilius, an experienced soldier, w.is (ioubtful of the result of a l)attle, and anxious to put it off. X'arro, on the other hand, was confident and eager, and on liis first dav of command brought matters to a crisis by taking up a position between Hannibal and the sea. !) '!i HANNIBAL'S ARMY. 219 mm CANNiC. The great battle was still delayed for a few days. But when Hannibal's cavalry cut off the Roman watering -parties from the river, and left the army without water at the very height of an Italian summer, the impatience of the soldiers could not be restrained. On the morning of the ist of August/ Varro, who that day was in command, hoisted on his tent the red flag as a signal of battle. He then ordered the army to cross the river Aufidus, and to draw up their lines on the right bank. I lannibal at once took up the challenge, and fording the stream at two places, drew up his army opposite to the enemy. His army was but half as large ; if he should be defeated his doom was certain ; but he was confident and cheerful. Plutarch tells us a story— one of the very few which show us something of the man rather than of the general— of his behaviour on the morning of the battle. He seems to have been one of the soldiers whose spirits rise in danger, and who become cheerful, and even gay, when others are most serious. " One of his chief officers, Gisco by name, said to him: 'I am ' The Roman reckoning was six or seven weeks in advance of the real year, and the time was really alx)ui midsummer. astonished at the numbers of the enemy/ Hannibal smiled and said : ' Yes, Gisco ; but there is something more wonderful still.' ' What is that ? ' said he. * That though there are so many of them, not one of them is called Gisco.' The answer was so unexpected that everybody laughed.'^ And he goes on to tell us that the Carthaginians were mightily encouraged to see this confident temper in their chief. The Aufidus, bending first to the south, and then again, after flowing nearly eastward for a short dis- tance, to the north, makes a loop. This loop was occupied by } lannibal's army. The left wing con- sisted of eight thousand heavy cavalry, Spaniards and Gauls. I lasdrubal fwho must not be confounded with Hannibal's brother of the same name) was in command. They had the river on their left flank and on their right. Behind them was one half of the African infantry. " One might have thought them a Roman army," says Livy, "for Hannibal had armed them with the spoils of Trebia and Trasumennus." Next in the line, but somewhat in advance so as to be about on a level with tho heavy cavalry, were posted the Spanish and Gallic infantry, with their companies alternately arranged, and under the imme- diate command of Hannibal himself and his brother Mago. These troops were still armed in their native fashion. The Spaniards wore white linen tunics, dazzlingly bright, and edged with purple. Their chief weapon was the sword which they used, of a short and handy size, and with which they were acci.stomed to thrust rather than strike. Nevertheless it was fitted for a blow, for it had, of course, an edge. The i 229 77//. STORY OI ClRTHACsh. THE STRUGGLE. 221 ( ,aiils w r-f nnl.-rd frr>rn thr fitiK upwards. The )• used very Ion iiu^, wiiIp-ui a |nMnt. l^olli liad ohlcM;^ shields, and botli cd to tlie R is .uid Italians, uiiosc stature seldom i d the a\. lur^ht of men, t( > be ahnnst "iaiits in ^i/c Still further to the riL''lit. but thrnun.ind of Mai^o. Thc^c. to use tlie military pln-ase, "reeled U}.on iiotliii that i^, they h;id nothin;^ to >ui)i)ort their riifht flank. 'IIutc wcic l)ut two tliousand of tliem, for thcv had had r^oiuv <»f the liaiv.. .i of tlie ti^^duint; since the armv had eiUtred Ital\- ; but tluy were con- hderit of victor)'. Tlie whole arin\- numlxini fifty the )usand, but ten thousand liad been detached to guard the cami). 1 he ri-lit v^m-..^ of the enem>- con- sisted of the Roman 1. , who thus fronted the heavv' ca\alrv' of Carth.i next to these cjune the infantix' ( >f the lr"inn^. niorc than - did not overlai) the far smaller force of their ad On the left win"" were |><-tcd the c;ivalr\' of the allies. It was here that \ aircj Luunihuuled. I'iiullus was on the right of the arm\'. The whole force numbered about eighty tliousantl, allowini; f. ^r th( ■ di tachment which had been told off to guard tlie (-nm|). Their forces were turned to the south. Tliis \\a-> a great disad- vantage to them, not so mucli on accotmt of the glare of the sun. for it was \-et earl\ in the da\', but because the hot wind, whicli the countr)- people called Vul- turnus. rolled such clouds of dust in their faces that tlu;y could scarce!}' see what lay before them. The battle be-an as usual with the skirmishers. Here the Cartliaginians had the advantage. The slingers from the Balearic islands ^ were more expert and effective than any of the Roman light-armed troops. The showers of stones which they sent among the legions did much damage, wounding severel)', among otliers, the Consul Paullus. Then the heav\--armed cavalrv of Carthage charged the Roman horse that was ranged over airainst them. 'i'lu- Romans were some of the bra\est and best born of their nation ; but they were inferior in numbers, in the wei-h.t of men and horses, and in their equip- ment. Ihev wore no cuirasses ; their shields were weak ; their s})ea! s were easily broken. Probably the)' had no si)ecial skill in cavalry tactics ; had they ])Osses>ed it, there was no op|)()rtunity of showing it, for there was no room to manceuvre. It was a fierce hand-to-hand light ; man)- of the Spaniards and (iauls leapt to the ground, and dragged their opponents from their horses. In the centre of the field where the Roman legions met the (lallic and S|)anish infantiy, I lannibal seemed for a time to be less successful. lie had advanced tliese troops considerably beyond the rest of his line. When charged by the heavy columns of the enemy they w ere forced to fall back. The Romans pressed ■\, ' i. Mnioirn. and Ivicn. Tlie it a dor must not be tempted by tlie I'lau^iliie tleiivalioii Irohi llie (iieek ;i/\A(,Hl)alIo), to throw or strike. The name sl( tns to have been 'lerivecl from soaic form of Baal, 2/> 'Off' THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. WILL HE MARCH ON ROME ? 223 on in a dense and unmanageable mass. And in what seemed the moment of victory they found themselves assailed on both flanks and in the rear. On either side the two bodies of African infantry, who had hitherto taken no part in the battle, fell upon them. Almost at the same time came Hasdrubal with his heavy horsemen. After routing the Roman cavalry of the right wing, he had charged that of the allies upon the left. These had been already thrown into confusion by the stealthy attack of five hundred Africans, who had pretended to surrender, but came up in the critical moment and hamstrung their hor>c<. Hasdrubal completed their rout, and leaving the Africans to pursue the fugitives, charged the rear of the Roman infantry. These were now surrounded on all sides, for the Gauls and Spaniards in their front had rallied, and checked their advance. Upon this helpless mass the Carthaginians used their swords till they were fairly weary of slaying. How many men lay dead upon the field when darkness came on it is impossible to say. Polybius gives the number at seventy thousand, and he is probably a better authority than IJvy, who reduces it to fifty thousand. Among them were one of the consuls, the ex-consul Servilius, twenty-one military tribunes (officers of a rank about equal to that of a coloner, and eighty members of the Senate. Varro had fled from the field with seventy horsemen. Hannibal's loss was something under six thousand. The question was, "What was he to do.^" He had destroyed the enemy*s army, for even the force left to guard the camps had surrendered, and there was no other army in the field. Most of his officers, while they crowded round to congratulate him, advised him to give himself and his army some rest. Maharbal, who was in chief command of the cavalry, thought otherwise. " Do you know," he said, " what you have done by this day's victory? I will tell you. I'our days hence you shall be supping in the Capitol of Rome. Let me go on in front with my cavalry. They must know that I have come before they know tliat I am coming." Hannibal was not so sanguine. He praised Maharbal's zeal, but must take time to con ider so grave a matter. Then Maharbal broke out : " I see that the gods do not give all their gifts to one man. Hannibal, you have the secret of victory, but not the secret of using it." It will never be decided whether Hannibal, with his cautious policy, or the bold Maharbal was in the right. But one is disposed to believe that so skilful a general, one, too, who was not wanting in boldness I for what could be bolder than this whole march into Italy?), knew what could and what could not be done better than anybody else. He could not hope to succeed unless the allies of Rome deserted her, and he had to wait and see whether this would happen. Till he was sure of it he could not, we may well believe, aflbrd to risk an advance. One defeat would have been fatal to him. It would have been almost as fatal to sit down in vain before the walls of Rome, l^ut, however this may be, it is certain that the op- portunity, if it was an opportunity, never came back to him. He did indeed come near to Rome, as I shall have to tell hereafter, but this was a feint rather Tllh hlLikV ('/- ( Ak I ti.n,l. than a serious att;i ' Tfiat midsinnmcr day in the V'car 216 sa-A llir In 'k iiit wiiich the fortunes of * » Cartha'jc rvr-r nai bed. Tfifn fm!'/. if ox'en then, she XL AFTER CANNiE. The victory of Cannae had great results, though it did not make Hannibal feel strong enough to strike a blow at Rome. First and foremost among these results was the alliance of Capua, the second city in Jtal)'. The Capuans, indeed, were not all of one mind in the matter. It was the people that favoured Cartilage ; the nobles were for the most part inclined to Rome. It was a noble, however, and one who was married to a lady of the great Roman house of Claudius, that took the lead in this movement. The people rose against the Senate, stripped it of its power, massacred a number of Roman citizens who were sojournmg in the town, and sent envoys to invite Hannibal to their city. He was of course delighted to come ; Capua, which had more than thirty thousand soldiers of her own, was almost as great a gain as the victory at Cannae. He was near to being assassinated, indeed, on the night of his entering the city, for the son of his entertainer had resolved to stab him at the dinner-table. The next day he was present at a meeting of the Senate. He v.as full of promises; he undertook that Capua should thereafter be the capital of Italy. Meanwhile he ^si\} MAGO AT CARTHAGE. 227 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. demanded that a leading citizen who had been specially active on the Roman side should be given up to him. The man was arrested, and was sent by Hannib.'il to Carthage. The L^rcater part of Central and Southern Italy followed tlif> cxam[)le of Capua. AH the Samnites, with tfu L .\C('i)ti()ii (>( a sin^^itj tribe, revolted from Rome ; so did l.ucania and Hruttii, and so did many of the Greek cities in the south, the chief among them being Crotona. These cities had passed the height of their prosperity, but they were still populous and powerful towns. It was only the extraordinary tenacity and courage of Rome that enabled her to hold out. The Senate never lost its courage, and, after the first panic was over, the peoi)le were ready to stand by their rulers to the last. When Varro, whose rashness and folly had almost ruined his (fmntry. returned to Rome, the Senate went out to meet him, and publicly thanked him that he "had not despaired of the commonwealth." As he was of the opposite party in politics, this was a way of saying that all Romans, whatever their way of thinking, must join toi;ether to made the best of everything. Nothing that could be done to raise an army was neglected. Bands of brigands were induced to enlist by promises of pardon for past offences ; even slaves were recruited. As manv as eight thou- sand soldiers were gained in this way. But when a proposal came from Hannibal that the prisoners of Cannae should be ransomed, the horsemen at £17, the infantry at i^io each, the offer was refused. By great exertions an army was raised, and put under the command of Marcellus, who was probably the best soldier that Rome possessed at the time. Hannibal had sent his brother Mago to Carthage from the battle-field of CanncX\ Introduced into the Senate, he gave a glowing account of what had been done, of the four victories which had been gained, of the two hundred thousand men that had been slain, the fifty thousand that had been taken prisoners. As a practical proof of the truth of his story, he poured out on the floor of the Senate-house a peck of gold rings which had been taken, he said, from Roman soldiers that had been slain in battle. It was only the horsemen, indeed only the upper class of the horsemen, he explained, that were accustomed to wear them. But the practical conclusion of his speech was a demand for help. " The nearer the prospect," he said, " of finishing the war, the more you are bound to support your general. He is fighting far away from home. Pay is wanted for troops ; provisions are hard to obtain. And though he has won great victories, he has not won them without some loss. He asks, therefore, for help in men, money, and stores." The war-party was delighted. One of them turned to Hanno, leader of the opposite faction, and asked him, " Does Hanno still repent of having made war on Rome?" "Yes," replied Hanno, "I still repent, and shall do so till I see peace made again. Your invincible general makes as great demands upon you as if he had been beaten. And as for his prospects for the future, has any Latin city joined him ? Has a single man of the thirty-five tribes of Rome deserted to him ? ' ' THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. To these questions Micjo could only answer " No ! " I lanno askt mI a<4ain, *' I las Rome -aid a word about peace?" Maj^^o could only answer tliat it had not. Then said Ilanno. " \\*c arc as far off from the end of the war as we were when Hannibal crossed into Italy. I vote that no hcli) she >uld be sent to prolong a war which can have no ^^ood end." This protest, of course, was usel*"^- The Senate resolved to send four thousand African troo[>s, forty elephants, antl a sum of money. And Mago was to <:^o into Spain and raise 20,CX)0 tro()|)N to fill up the ^tjr^ HI the armies there and in Italv. As a matter of fact little was done ; at tliis crisis the Cartiia^nnian l^.( A ernment showed but little ener md ll.innibal was left, for the most part, to hel|) himself. The winter of 216 5 he aiid lii^ army s[)cnt in Capua. Ever since he h.'id started from New Carthage, more than two years before, his men had li\'ed in tents, sat i s fi ed w i t h t li c h a n 1 d i sc i p 1 i n e an < 1 s c ant y fa re of the camp. Doubtless, they had lo^i >vaiic tiling of their vigour by the time that they took the held again; but there were other and ueiglitier re.isons wliy Haiinibars great plans should end in fiihn-o th.m that his army was spoilt by the luxury of a w inter ui Capua. In the next vear little was done. I lannibal gained some small succc-. ^. and met with some small losses. i lis chief venture had been the siege of Xola, which, after Capua, w as the chief cit>' of C 'ampania. In this he failed, owing chiefly to the skill and energ\' of Mar- cell us. To have let a year pass uitliout making a decided advance was in fact to fall back. Still his HAWIBAL'S PROSPECTS, 229 prospects in some directions had improved. At Syracuse the wise old King Hiero, who had continued to be loyal to Rome, without making an enemy of Carthage, wa> dead. Hieronymus, his grandson and successor, was a foolish youth, who thought he could do better for himself by joining what seemed to be the winning side. He offered his help to Carthage, asking as the price the supremacy over the whole of Sicily. Philip, King of Macedon, again, seemed ready to join an alliance against Rome. Little advantage, however, was gained in this way. Of what happened to Hieronymus I shall soon have to speak. Philip's action w as delayed, first b\' the accident of his envoys falling into the hands of the Romans as they were on their way back from Hannibal's camp, and afterwards by causes which we have no means of explaining. Anyhow, at the time when his help would have been most valuable to Hannibal and most damaging to Rome, he did nothing. On the other hand, Carthage suffered a great loss in the complete conquest by their enemies of the island of Sardinia, which had again fallen into their hands. On the whole, at the end of 215 Hannibal, though he had received no .serious check in the field, was in a much worse position than he had been in at the begin nmg. The next year also (214; had much the same result. Hannibal made an attempt to seize Tarentum, but fiiiled. There were in this town, as elsewhere, a Carthaginian and a Roman party. The latter got to know what their opponents were planning, and took such precautions, that when Hannibal appeared before 230 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. the walls of the city he found it prepared for defence ; and after vainly lingering in the neighbourhood for a few days, was obliged to depart. In another part of Southern Italy he suffered a serious loss. I Ianno,one of his lieutenants, had raised a force of twenty thousand Lucanians. This was defeated at Beneventum by the Roman general Gracchus, who was in command of an army of slaves. I lanno's I.ucanian infantry either perished on the field of battle, or dispersed to their own homes ; but he escaped himself with about a thousand African cav.ilrv. The next great event of the war— its exact date is uncertain^was a great gain to I lannibal. The friends of Carthage in Tarentum, though overpowered for the moment, had never given up their plans ; and now they found an oi)portunity for carrying them out. The city had sent hostages to Rome. These had attempted to escape, had been captured, and executed. This act of cruelty roused their fellow-citizens to fury ; communications were at once opened with Hannibal, and the ringleaders of the plot were not, as might have been supposed, i)opular leaders, but nobles-relatives it is probable, of the unfortunate hostages. Hannibal marched towards the town with a picked force of ten thousand men, and halted a few miles off, while his friends within the city completed their preparations. One party was told off to deal with the governor. a Roman of the house of Livius. He had been giving a banquet to some of the citizens ; the con- spirators paid him a visit after it was over, laughed and joked with him, and finally left him in such a state that they had nothing to fear from his watchful- TARENTUM GAINED. 231 ness. Another party had arranged to admit Hannibal himself by a gate which opened out of the quarter of the tombs, which in Tarentum— we might almost say alone among Greek cities — were within the walls. A fire signal was given by Hannibal and answered by the conspirators. The latter fell upon the guards of the gate, and Hannibal was at hand outside to support them. A third party was bu.sy at another of the gates. They had been accustomed for several days to go out on what seemed to be hunting parties, to return late at night, to talk over their sport with the guard, and to give them some of the game. On this occasion they brought back with them a particularly fine wild boar. While the animal was actually in the passage of the gate, and the sentry was busy admiring it, thirty African soldiers, who had been stealthily approaching, rushed up, cut the man down, and, securing the gate, let in a large body of their com- rades. The city of Tarentum was taken, but the citadel was hastily secured by the Roman garrison. The Tarentines w^ere not harmed. It was sufficient if any citizen wrote over his door, " This is aTarentine's house." But all the dwellings in which Romans had been quartered were given up to plunder. ATTEMPTED REEIEF OF CAPUA. 233 XIL THE TURN OF THE TIDE. From Trebia to Cann.i: the tide of success rose with Hannibal. For three vcars or thereabouts after Cann;e it may be said to have remained at its heij^ht. Ill ;iiis and lo about balanced each other. This, of course, rcallv meant that his chances of victory were growing less, for Iiis was an enteri)rise to which delay, even without defeat, was f ital. In 212 the tide manifestly turned. The Romans felt themselves strong enough to besiege Capua. The city was already in distress for want of food ; for with the Roman armies so near the rich Campanian plains could not be cultivated. And Hannibal's first attempt to provision it failed. A second succeeded ; but shortly after the place was regularly invested. Three Roman armies s;it down before it, and then drew a complete line round it with a strong rampart and ditch, and with forts at intervals. The townspeople were not strong enough to make sallies uith effect, and all that thev could do was to send messenger after messenger to I lannibal, begging earnestly for help, if he did not wish to see tliem i)erish. Farly in the year 211 — that is, after the sic^c had lasted some months — he made a determined effort to relieve the J city. He marched rapidly with a picked force from Tarentum, where the citadel was still holding out against him, and took u}) a position on Mount Tifata, a iiill which, uverlooked the city. He had contrived to w arn the Capuans of his coming, arranging that thc\- sliould make a sortie from their walls while he w as attacking one of the camps of the besiegers. The >()rtie was easily repulsed ; Hannibal's attack seemed di one time likely to succeed, but ended in failure. I lis elephants — he had thirt\--three of these animals with him — forced their way into the Roman camp, and made great havoc with the tents, while they caused a stampede among the hordes. In the midst of the confusion voices were licard bidding the Romans make the best of their way to the )iills. The camp, tliev ^.lid, was lost, and each man must save himself The speakers used the Latin tongue, and s})oke in the name of the consuls ; but they were really I lannibals men. This was one of the tricks with which this great general was always so ready. Ingenious as it was, it does not seem to have had much effect. Then he tried his last resource. He would march on Rome itself With forces so large engaged in this siege, the city could have but few to defend it. It w.is possible that by a sudden movement he might get within the walls ; in any case it was likely that a part of the investing force would be withdrawn for the protection of the capital. The Capuans were informed of what he was intending to do, and en- couraged to hold out. Fie made his way through the rich wine- producing region of Northern Campania, 234 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. ravaging the country as he went. At FVcgellx he iound the bridge over the Lins broken down, and lost some time in conseciueni e Crossing into I.atium, he passed throuj^h the town of Anagnia to Mount Algidus. After a vain attempt to seize Tusculum, he continued his ni.irch northwards, and pitched his camp at a distance of eight miles from Rome. Fulvius. the proconsul, had made his way meanwhile from Capua with a force of fifteen thousand men. Marching through a friendly country, and findmg all that he wanted sui>i)lied b>' the towns through which he passed, he had hcvn able to (.ul>trii) the Cartha- ginian army. Ncv. iilieiess the terror in the cit>- was great. The women crowded to the temi)les. and, with their !( )ng hair unbound, threw themselvis before the imagi- of the gods and imj.lored their protection. The'ncxt day Ibmmbal advanced still nearer to the walls. I le pitched his cami) on the bank of the Anio, at the third milestone from Rome , and then, taking with him a force of two th..u>and. cavalry, rode up and reconnoitred the southern u all of the city. On the morrow he crossed the Anio with his whole army, and oflered battle. But no eng.i-cment was f^night. 1 ivy tells us a st( >ry of how. that d.iy and the ne.\t,so fierce a storm of ram cam. --n iliat neither army could keep the field, the weather clearing immeeliately when they returned to camp; and how Hannibal exclaimed. *' Once I wanted the will to take this city, and now l' want the fortune." WY^ are told that he was greatly discouraged by two i^roofs of the indif- ference with which the Romans regarded his presence. Soldiers, he heard, were being actually sent away CAPUA LOST TO HANNIBAL. 235 from the city to reinforce the armies in Spain ; and the very land on which he had pitched his camp had easily found a purchaser. By way of retort to this last affront— for so he is said to have regarded it— he ordered the bankers' shops round the Roman market- place to be put up to auction. But he found that his move had failed, and marched back to Campania, and from thence to the extreme south of Italy. Capua, thus left to itself, could do nothing but sur- render. Of its punishment by Rome it is needless to speak in detail. The nobles were executed ; the rest of the population sold into slavery. In a play that was acted at Rome some twenty years afterwards we find a brutal jest on their cruel fate. " There," says one of the characters, speaking of some unhealthy spot, " even a Syrian— and the Syrians are the toughest of slaves- cannot live six months." " Nay," says the other, '' the Campanians have learnt by this time to bear more than the Syrians." The next year (210) passed with little incident, as far as Italy was concerned (I shall speak of Sicily and Spain hereafter). The Romans had never been able to vanquish Hannibal in the open field ; they scarcely even ventured to meet him. He had shown that he could march from one end of Italy to the other with- out hindrance, and that he could send his plundering parties up to the very walls of Rome ; but he had not been able to save the great city which had come over to him ; and there was small temptation to any other to join him. Not only was Capua a great actual loss to him, but the fact that it had fallen in spite of all his efforts to relieve it was a terrible blow to his reputa- 2 >6 77/ a: sioiO' '".//•• IlAdE. CARTHAGE LOSES SICILY. 237 ti<»n [''"1- all his ^kill a^ a j^i ik Tal— -mikI lh.-il showed itself ni' '"' rnnr. a, the war went on — he was c i c. I r 1 )' \\ a n L 1 1 1 L^ in j )u u c r. In Sicil}', tlie crmr-i- of events went ac^ainst the cause (if (.art]! Hieronvinus, the foolish youth ^ iff who had sue fffird t}i<-v\i.r' nlf! Ilicroiit .S\racu>e, hiid been inunieied aliei .1 iti-u ( )f thirteen months by an a-^-a^^in wlio protl>s( d to he aetin^^ in the niterests of Koine. A Miic^ of dreatitul acts of cruelty followed. 1 1' r* iko, as elsewlierc the p()[)ular I ).uty lavouied CaiLiui-r. while the aiisivf^rats were inclined to Rome, .uul there \\a^ a fierce struj^gie between them. In tlie end tin; former triumphed, and Syracuse liecame the all\- of ( 'arthage. /\s such it was besieged 1>\' the forces of Komc, /\i)piu.s C'L'uidius commiinding the ;irm\' and Marcel! us the fleet. The nanat.vc ^f .1,. sic,'.. c!„cs not fall within the -f how the defence was i)rolonged hv tlie engineermg skill of Arcliimedes is full of interest, but it mav l)e found elsewhere. The efforts wliicli CartliaL'c made to sa\"e her new ally were fruitless. A large .irmv, indeed, was col- lected under 1 1 im i Ici >. a ru 1 this was rei n U n-ca I from various Sicilian cities, which h.ul l)een em-aged by the sa\-age cruelty whicli the Romans hail shown in their treatment of such p\.WA -as fell into their hands. But the '" MH lin( uld not be broken ; and when Ilimilco encamiied outside tliem, intending, it is probable, to blockade tliern as thev were blockading the cit)'. ' as it is told to us, and believe whatever seems credible. In 2l8 Cna^us Scipio fou-jht a battle with Hanno, who had been left in command (.f the country between the Ebro and the l*\Tenees,' vanquished and took him prisoner, and alinv»Nt ainiihilated his army. The soldiers found a great pn/e in his camp, for Hannibal had left with him the lu 'avv- bai^-age which he could not carry across the A\\)^. 1 lasdrubal moved to help his colleague, but finding himself too late, re-crossed the Ebro. The next \ear alter wintering at Tarraco, Cnaeus defeated the Carthaginian fleet off the mouth of the Ebro. Shortly afterwards he was joined by his brother Publius ; and the two generals continued to act together for several vears. Their first step was to march to Saguntum. Fhe hostages given to th« I ROMAN SUCCESSES IN SPAIN. 239 Carthaginian government by the Spanish tribes were kept in the citadel of this town ; the Scipios contrived to get possession of them by the treachery of the officer who had the charge of them. They sent them back to their friends, and of course gained great popularity throughout Spain by the act. In the following year (216) they are said to have defeated Hasdrubal on the banks of the Ebro so completely that he fled from the field of battle with but a few followers. In 215 they relieved Illiturgis, which Hasdrubal and two other Carthaginian generals were besieging. The Romans, we read, had but sixteen thousand men under arms, the Carthaginians sixty thousand ; but the result of the battle was a complete victory. The Romans killed more than their own number, captured three thousand men, nearly a thousand horses (Livy is careful not to overstate the number), sixty standards, and seven elephants. Moving on to Intibilis the Scipios fought another battle, killed thirteen thousand of the enemy, captured two thousand, two and forty standards, and nine elephants. The result of these brilliant victories was that nearly all Spain came over to the Roman side. So we read, but find that for all this it was necessary to win two more great victories in the following year (214). We may be sure, however, that during these years and the two following years f2i3, 212) the balance of success inclined to the Roman side. And this supe- riority became more evident when- Hasdrubal Barca had to be recalled to Africa, where the Numidian king Syphax had declared war against Carthage. The Scipios had sent envoys to him, promising him 4 2^.0' t;//: story ( \kTIlA(,E. immediate help and aiturc reward if he would perse- vere in Ills hostility. On. the envr,v< remained behind to ,t in (h-illinj^ his new lev ic-.. The Car- tha-inian. hanid .in ally in Km- Gala, S\-i)hax > neiujibour and rival. Kin- (iala had a x.ri. Ma.inissa. ayoutli of tujt seventeen years, l)ut of extraurdinar)' eap.u:ity. \'nnrvr as fu, ua^ '- u,.^ ,uit in command of his fiitlier. .uin\- and ot liic ( artha^inian tr(M.i)s which servec I uith it. and deR'ated S\phax so coni- plctel)' that til' ir ua> ended by a sin-le battle. We shall liear wf Masini>.,t a.^,iiii. liasdrudal u.is now able It. ifturn to S|)ain. He took uith him lar-e reinfoicc ■ment^, two lieutenants, another ^a^drubal. the >on of (Wsco and Ma^o, the y(mn-est brother of Hannibal, and Ma.inissa. ".After this the tV,rtunc of way clian-ed. Tlie Scipios had made a ^reat eflVu-t t :ni)lete tlie con(Iue^t of Spain. raising a native force of twenty thousand to act Ir-oether with tlieir ou ri tr*M-p.. In view of tlie f^ict that ^^^''*-"^' ^ arthaginian arniKs urre now in the field, they determined to divide their own Un\v>. I'ublius with two4hirds of the annv- \v;.s u^ act a-ainst M.i^o and Idasdrul)al (hsco, Cn.euN a-ainst 1 Ia>drubal Barca. rubluiN, he.uin- that Ins opponents u likely to have their stren-th lar-ely nu , cased bv native allies, resolved to attack them at once. He was himself attacked on his inarch bv tlie African H-ht lioi .emen under Masinissa. and when lie faced alnait to receive their chai-e, found the Caitha-iin'ans ailin^ his '7''- ^, ^^ ''"^'^ '^i"^^<'l^ l^illed earlv- m the dav^and after his death his troo|)> soon took to fli. ^till OKM-e charmed with So[)honisl)a, the lovcK' daui-htcr of IIas(h-ul)al. She became his wife, and under her influence he remained faithful to ('artlia<^^e. Thin;4s had vhA --iu.^ vvcil m Spain during' Scij^io's abs{ 'lice. Ma ■«•, wlio was still at (iacU's, induced some of the S|)anish tribes to revolt a^i^ainst Rome. Tlu:s( ' had to l)e .r^ain subdued When this was don<'. v ,,>i() liimself fell ill. iJuiui- hi.^ illness a [)art of the Roman armv Ijroke out in* pen mutin\'. Tlieir [)a>' was in arrear. and Scii)io's strict discipline forbad them to make it w^* b\' plunderin*^*- tlie natives of the coutitr)-. Hut when the <^^eneral was sufficiently recovered to be al)le to deal with tliem in person, he contrived to brin;^- them back to their duty. The Cartlia;^n*nian cause in Spain was now lost. Mat^o, the l)rotlier < »f Hanni[)al, transj)orte(l what forces remiiined to him into I.ii^uria. and (iades surrendered to the Romans. This was in tlie year 205. Tin: I.A>f CilANCI-: OF VICTORY. In Ital>- Hannibal still remained unvan(|uished in the field, though his hopes were i;raduall\' i^rowini;- less. l\arl\- in the xear 2IO he won at Ilerdonia in Western Apulia a victorv wliich ma\' aln.o^t 1)C reckoned with t1i<»^i • that had made his ear!)- cam- i)aiccn Consul the \'ear before, had made a sudden march on the town. It was one of those that had rexoltctl after the defeat at Cannae, and he under.^tood it to be badl>' guarded. He was the bolder because he be- lieved Hannibal to be in the extreme south of Italy. But Hannibal had lieard ever\thir.g irom Ids spies, and was there to meet him. Kui\ius, as might be expected, was out-geiieralled. His army was unskil- full>' ported, and could not resist the attacks which were directed a-ainst it from several points at once. The end was a comi)'ete rout. lu en the Roman c imp was taken. luilvius hiim-elf fell in th.c battle, and the Roman lo^s was estimated b\- some at eleven, by others at seven thousand. It was evidently a great disaster. Nothing like an army was left ; only some scattered fugitives made their way to Marcellus in Samnium. It was from Marcellus, not from any 246 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. Officer who had been present at Ilcrdonia, that the Senate received a despatch describing what had happened. During the rest of the campaign but little hap- f>encd, though Marcel! us is said to have fought a drauM battle with Hannibal, which was claimed as a victory when the next day he fmind th.if the enemy had decamped. The foUowin- j^uai ^_L^yi v\as one of disaster to ffannibal, for he lost the second of the great gains which he had secured in Italy, the city of Tarentum. It was betrayed to the Romans by the commander of the Bruttian garrison which Hannibal had placed in it. The veteran soldier Fabius, now in his eightieth year and consul for the fifth time, had the great delight of finishing his many campaigns by this piece of gi )od fortune. A happy jest which the old man is said to have uttered on the occasion has been recorded. Livius, when his carelessness had lost the city, had taken refuge in the citadel. The citadel had never |)assed out of the hands of the Romans, and tins fact of course made the recovery of the town somewhat niore ca>\ . I.ivius was disposed to get some credit for himself out of this circum- stance. "You may thank me," he said, " Quintus Fabius, for having been able to reco\er Tarentum." "Quite so," replied Fabius, ''for if you had not lost it, I never should have recovered it." Hannibal had heard of the advance of the Romans, and had hastened by forced marches to sa\c the city. He was too late. He pitched his camp clc se !)v, and after a few days returned to his headquarters at Metapontum. He made an attempt to entrap Fabius, who might, he THE DEATH OF MARCELLUS. 247 thought, be tempted, after his success at Tarentum, into making a similar attempt on Metapontum. A forged letter, purporting to come from some of the princii)al citizens, was conveyed to him, offering to betray the place into his hands. The old Roman is said to have been deceived, but to have been deterred from making the attempt by some unfavourable signs in the sacrifices. Notwithstanding this loss, Hannibal seems to have held his own during the rest of the campaign. Livy tells us, indeed, that Marcellus fought three battles wiih him, and that after being beaten in the first, he drew the second, and won the third. But as it was made a complaint against him after- wards that he had kept his troops for the greater part of the year within the walls of Venusia, and had allowed the enemy to plunder the country at his pleasure, we may well doubt whether any victory was won. Rome was now showing great signs of exhaustion, for twelve out of the thirty Latin cities refused to furnish any further supplies ; and the Etrurians were beginning to waver in their fidelity. The next year (208) is chiefly marked by the death of Marcellus. Chosen consul for the sixth time, he marched with his colleague Crispinus to act against Hannibal. He was never content, we are told, except when he was engaged with the great Carthaginian leader himself. The two consuls had ridden out of the camp with an escort of two hundred cavalry, some of them Etrurians, who had been compelled to serve to ensure the fidelity of their cities. Some African horsemen under cover of a wood which was between i 248 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, the twf) camps, crc|>t unobserved to the rear of the Roman part\- and then charged them froni behind. The EtruricUi.^ tied ; the rest of tlic escort, who were Lritins, were ovcrjjowcrc d. Marcellus was killed on the spot ; Crispinus was wounded so seriously that he died not loii;^ afterwards. IIann!l)a1 q;avc honourable burial to tlie body of his brave opponent. And now came one of tlie critical years of the war. Ilasdrubal, of whose departure from Spain I have spoken be fore, \\;i-« now in Italy, lie had found little difficulty in crosMiii; tlic Alps ; the native tnbcs had Iciirnt th«'it no lijirni was intended to them, and [)robably received some consideration for their neutrality And some of the eni^ineerinc: works which Maimiba! had constructed were doubtless still in existence. Anyhow, Ilasdrubal made his appear- ance in Itidy before the Romans, and even, it would seem, before his broth^^r ' vpected him. Rome made a g^reat effort to meet tins new daiv^er. She liad lost some of her best generals. Marcellus > ilead, and Fabius was too old for active sei v ice. I.ivius, an old soldier who had distinguished himself twelve years before, but had since been liviiv^ in retirement, and Claudius Nero weie cIiom n ( ^ nsuls, and fifteen legions were raised to form their armies. Livius wa- -ent to act against llaxlru al; Nero watched the armv of Hannibal. And now we come to ruie of the boldest and most skilful achievements in the historv of Roman war. A despatch from Hasdruhil to h\< brother, announc- ing his intention of joimn^ hun, teii mto the hands of some Roman scouts and was brought to Nero. It NERO'S GREAT MARCH. 249 was written in the Carthaginian language, but there were, of course, prisoners in the camp who could read it to the consul. He conceived at once a bold design. He would take his best troops, join his colleague by forced marches, and crush Hasdrubal before he could effect the junction with his brother. The force which he selected numbered seven thousand men. Even they were not at first let into the secret. They were to surprise a garrison at Lucania, he told them. It was only when they were well on their way that he discovered his real design. He reached the camp of Livius in safety, and it was agreed be^ tween the two consuls that battle should be given at once. But the keen eyes of Hasdrubal had discovered what had happened. The Romans seemed more numerous than before ; his scouts noticed that of the watering-parties which went cxjwn to the river some were more sunburnt than the rest. Finally it was observed that the clarion was sounded twice in the camp, showing that both consuls were present. He resoKcd to avoid, if he could, an engagement, and left his camp during the night. But when he attempted to march southward his difficulties began. His native guide escaped, and he could not find the ford over the river Metaurus, which lay in his route. He thus lost the start which he had gained by his stealthy departure, and the Romans came up with him. He had begun to fortify a camp, but seeing the enemy advance prepared to give battle. He put his elephants in front. The Gauls, recent levies whom he could not trust, he posted on his left, protecting 250 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, ODE PROM HORACE, 25i them as much as he could by the elephants. His own place was on the right wing. Here he had his Spanish infantry, veteran soldiers whom he had often led to victory. The left wing of the Romans which was opposed to him was led by the Consul Livius. Here the struggle was long and obstinate. The elephants at first did j^ood service to their side. Afterwards, maddened by the wounds which they received, they trampled down friend and foe alike. After a while, Nero, repeating the same tactics which h id made him leave his own weakened army facing ^ Cannibal to help his colleague, withdrew some of the troops from the Roman right wing, and charged the flank of the enemy. The Spaniards could not resist this new attack. The Gauls, who had broken into the stores of wine and had drunk to excess, were cut down where they stood, or lay helpless on the ground. The rout was complete. Hasdrubal would not survive so terrible a defeat. He set spurs to his horse, charged the Roman line, and fell fighting with the courage that became the son of Hamilcar and brother of Hannibal. The loss of the Carthaginians is said to have been 56,000. This is a manifest exag- geration, for Hasdrubal could not have had so many in his army. Whatever were the numbers it was a decisive victory. There could now be no d^ubt that Rome, not Carthage, w as to be the conqueror of the Second Punic War. I may conclude this chapter by quoting part of the splendid ode in which Horace, singing the praises of another Nero,' dwells on the achievement of his great ancestor. ■Tiberius Claudius Nero, afterwards the Emperor Tiberius. What thou, Rome, dost the Neros owe, Let dark Metaurus river say, And Hasdrubal, thy vanquished foe, And that auspicious day Which through the scattered gloom broke forth with smiling ray. When ioy again to Latium came, Nor longer through her towns at ease The fatal Lyl)ian swept, like flame Among the forest trees, Or Eurus' headlong gust across Sicilian seas. Thenceforth, for with success they toiled, Rome's youth in vigour waxed amain, And temples, ravaged and despoiled By Punic hordes profane, Upraised within their shrines beheld their gods again. Till spoke forth Hannibal at length : " Like stags, of ravening wolve-» the prey, Why rush to grapple with their strength. From whom to steal away Our loftiest triumph is, they leave for us to-day ? '* That race, inflexible as brave, From Ilium quenched in flames who bore, Across the wild Etruscan wave. Their babes, their grandsires hoar, And all their sacred things to the Ansonian shore ; " Like oak, by sturdy axes lopped Of all its boughs, which once the brakes Of shaggy Algidus o'ertopped. Its loss its glory makes, And from the very steel fresh strength and spirit takes. " Not Hydra, cleft through all its trunk, With fresher vigour waxed to spread. Till even Alcides' spirit shrunk ; Nor yet hath Colchis dread. Or Echionean Thebes more fatal monster bred. it III THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, it ^" '"' -1 plunge it, and more bright It i.ic-i , s(atttr it, and lo ! Its unscathed \nt«>rs it uill Miiite With direful ovtTthn»vv, And Rome's i»roud dames shall tell of many a routed foe. ** No iPCN^en^cr in boastful pride Shall I to ( 'arthage send again ; Our fvrrv li(>[K> it died, it died, VVhtii llastlruhal was slain, And with hJN fall mir name's all-conquering star did wane."' Nero rcturnc( I in haste to his army, and ordered the head of Ilasdrubal to be thrown in front of the Carthaginian outposts. It was carried to Hannibal, and recognized by him. " I see," he said, " the doom' of Carthage.'* The next day he retreated into the extreme south of Italy. ' I have borrowed the version of Sir Theodore Martin. XIV. THE LAST STRUGGLE. For more than three years after the fatal day of Mctaurus, Hannibal maintained himself in Italy. It was only the extreme south of the peninsula, the mountainous country of Bruttii, that he held ; and even here, though the Roman generals were con- tent to leave him alone, knowing well how formidable he still was in the field, he was obliged to draw his defences within still narrowing limits. His head- quarters were at Crotona. Near this place he built an altar to Juno, and placed on it a tablet with an inscription in Carthaginian and Greek, giving a sum- mary of his campaigns in Italy, with the number of battles won, towns taken, and enemies slain. Livy bestows hearty praise on his conduct at this time. " I know not," he says, " whether the man was more ad- mirable in prosperity or in adversity. For thirteen years, far away from home, he waged war, and waged it not with an army of his own countrymen, but with a miscellaneous crowd gathered from all nations- men who had neither laws, nor customs, nor language in common, with different dress, different arms, dif- ferent worship, I may say, different gods. And yet he kept them together by so close a tie that they I i 254 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, never quarrelled amonc: themselves or mutinied against him, and this th;ugh he was often without money for their pay. Even after Hasdrubal's death, when he had nothing but a corner of Italy left to him, his camp was as quiet as ever." Hannibal was of course unwilling finally to give up the great scheme of his life. He hoped against hope that something might yet happen which would give him a chance of carrying it out. Rome had other enemies besides Carthage who might yet be united against her. There was Antiochus in Syria, and Philip in Macedonia. He lived to see them both engaged in war with Rome, and both conquered. If he could only have given them something of his own foresight, and united them against the common enemy, he might even yet have succeeded in his great scheme. But want of wisdom, or want of energy, or want of courage, made them hold back, and the opportunity was lost. One effort, indeed, was made to help him. His youngest brother Mago, seeing that nothing could be done in Spain, landed with all the forces that he could raise, and with what were sent him from home, in Liguria. On his way he possessed himself of the island now called Minorca, where Port Mahon (Mago's Harbour) still preserves the memory of his visit. He had some success in rallying the Gauls to his stan- dard, but he accomplished nothing of importance. So far as his object was to make a diversion in favour of Hannibal, he failed. In 204 Scipio crossed over from Sicily to Africa. His first movements were not very successful, He I II IIM ^^^^^^^ ' SCIPIO AXD SYPHAX. 257 bc-an the sicnrc of I'tica, but was coi npelled to raise it, and to retiic to a stroivj; position on the sea-coast, where he was i)rotected by the united strength of his fleet and his army. Here he wintered, and earlv the following year began again active operations. He liad two armies opf^oscd to him — that of Carthage, commanded by Hasdrubal, the son of Gisco, and that of Kini; S\ phax. In his own camp was Masinissa, who thouirh he had lost his kingdom, and indeed had barely esca[)ed with his life, was without doubt a very a \ery valuable counsellor and ally. Kin*'- Svphax had conceived the hope that he might be at)le tc^ act as mediator between Rome and Car- thage He now proposed a peace, in which the chief coiulition was that Hannibal should evacuate Italy and Scipio Africa. Scipio answered that these were term< uhich could not be accepted, but gave him to untlel■^tand that he was ready to listen to other pro- posals. KnvoN's went backwards and forwards be- tween the two camps On the part of the king there was, it would seem, a genuine belief that peace might be made ; Scipio's envoys were really nothing else tlian so many spies. I le was waiting for the oppor- tunity of carrying out a scheme which had possibly been' invented by himself, or, as is more probable, su«T.r(>^trd by Masinissa. This scheme was to set fire to the camps of the two hostile armies. These camps consisted of huts which would readily burn, and the chief thing wanted was to put the enemy completely oft* his guard. Scipio can scarcely be acquitted of rscriething like treachery in this affair. There was virtually a truce between him and Syphax. While 258 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. HANNIBAL RECALLED. 259 negotiations for peace were going on, the king naturally supposed himself to be safe from attack. When all his preparations were complete, Scipio divided his army into two. With half he was himself to attack the Carthaginian camp ; the other half he put under the command of his friend L^lius, who was assisted by Masinissa. The two armies marched out of the camp at night, and Lxlius and Masinissa advanced to the camp of Syphax. While the former of these two remained in reserve, the latter under- took the work of setting the camp on fire. The scheme succeeded perfectly. " The camp seemed framed," says Polybius, who doubtless heard the story from Laelius himself, " for the very purpose of being set on fire." The flames spread rapidly ; and no one had any suspicion but that the fire had hap- pened by accident. Some perished in their tents ; many were trampled to death in the confusion ; and nearly all who contrived to escape out of the camp were cut down by the Romans. At first the Carthaginians in the neighbouring camp thought, as their allies had thought, that the fire was accidental. Some of them ran to help ; others stood gazing at the sight. None had any notion that the enemy was at hand ; they were therefore actually unarmed when the Romans fell upon them. In a few minutes the second camp was in the same con- dition as the first. Hasdrubal, with a small body of cavalry, escaped ; Syphax also contrived to save him- self, but the two armies were virtually destroyed. Syphax had thought of reconciling himself to Rome ; but his wife Sophonisba prevailed upon him to give them up. He raised another army, which was soon joined by Hasdrubal, who had also contrived to get together a new force, among them being four thou- sand mercenaries from Spain. A battle followed, in which Scipio was again victorious. There was now only one course left to Carthage, and that was to recall Hannibal and Maga Mago, who had been defeated by the Roman forces just before this summons reached him, set sail with what was left of his army, but died of his wounds before he reached home. Hannibal received the com- mand to return with indignation and grief Livy gives— we know not on what authority— the very words in which, " gnashing his teeth and groaning, and scarcely able to restrain his tears," he answered the envoys of the Carthaginian Senate. " They call me back at last in plain words ; but they have long since implicitly called me by refusing me reinforcements and money. Hannibal has been conquered, not by the Roman people, which he has defeated and routed a hundred times, but by the jealousy of the Senate of Carthage. It will not be Scipio that will exult in the disgrace of my return so much as Hanno, who, having no other means of overthrowing the power of my famiK', has done it by the ruin of his own country." Hanno, it will be remembered, was the leader of the peace-party. Wrathful, however, as he was, he made no delay in obeying the summons. He had his ships, indeed, ready prepared for this service. " Seldom," says Livy, "has an exile left his country with a sadder heart than was Hannibal's when he departed from the land of his Qn^mies. Again and agam he 4 26o THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, looked back on the shores which lie was leaving, and cursed liiiri^( -If tint iic liad not led iiis i.M,l of Canii.t* to Rome ithclf. ' Scipio,' he said, ' has ventured to attack Carthacfc ; but I wasted my time at Casilinum and Cumx^ and Xola." When the news of his departure reached Rome, a public thanksgivini; was or' !. The veteran sol- dier Fabius li.id bestowed upon him the unexam|)led honour of a wreath of oak le;n .^iven, not as was commonly the ea^e, for haviUL; ^a\ed the life of a citizen, but for havin;^- saved In's country. A few months afterwards he died, in extreme old ajre, having been s{)ared to see the dearest wish of his heart, Ital\^ freed from the iiuiider. I lannibal's movements after his landing in Africa — from which he had been a})sent more than thirty years—are not easilv followed. Indeed the whole history of this time is somewhat obscure. We hear of a truce between Carthai^x^ and Re )me, wliich the former treacherously violatetl ; of fav.iurable terms of peace offered b>' Scipio. and of a fruitless interview between the two rival generals; but it i.> difficult to make out of our autliorities a clear and consistent account. I shall i >n at once to the great battle which brought the Second Vunic War to an end. Of this we have full tletails. It was fouglit at Zama, on October 19th according to some authors, according to others in the spring.^ Scipio arranged his army ' Possibly the tlJscr.'pancy may l>e partly accounted f..r by the de- rangement of the Roman calendar <»f this time. The months and the seasons were not by any mcan> m . cc ■, l.iiicc 2AMA, 261 according to the usual Roman fashion, but did not fill up the intervals between the cohorts or companies,^ and he put more space than usual between the lines. His object was to lessen the danger from the ele- phants. Lculius with the Roman cavalry was posted on the left, Masinissa with the African horse on the ri'dit The light-armed troops were placed in front, with orders to retire, if they found themselves hard l)ressed b>' the elephants, through the intervals be- tween the lines. Hannibal posted his elephants, of which he had ei-hty, in front. Behind these was a mixed multitude of'merccnaries ; behind these, again, the native Car- thaginian troops, who now, in the extremity of danger, ,ipp" ar again in the field ; and in the third line the veterans whom he had brought with him from Italy. On the left wing he posted his African, on the right his Carthaginian cavalry. The battle was begun by the elephants. These creatures did at least as much harm to friends as to foes 2 They are said, indeed, to have caused so much confusion among the Carthaginian cavalry that Lalius was easily able to rout this part of the hostile army. , . ^ i: 4. In the centre of che two armies the day at first went in favour of Hannibal. His mercenaries, tried and skilful soldiers, were more than a match for the unpractised Romans. If they had been properly X The intervals of the first line were usually filled up in the second, and those of the seconcl ,n the thkd ^^^ 2 The trained aiamaK lia.l long smce been useu up. long before this lime, of one Uauno being sent to hunt for fresh ones. « 262 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. supported by the second line they might have won the day. liut the citizen -soldiers made no attempt to advance. It was only when they were attacked by the advancing Romans, and even, Polybius adds, by the mercenaries, now infuriated at being thus deserted, that they began to defend themselves. This they did with the greatest fury, striking indiscriminately at friend and foe. I lannibal's own force, which had closed its lines against the fugitives from the routed divisions, had still to be dealt with. Here the battle was long and obstinate. The combatants fell where they fought. But I.adius and Masinissa (for the Numidian prince had also been successful in his part of the field) returned from their pursuit of the Car- thaginian cavalry, and fell upon the rear of Hannibal's troops, and broke their lines. A general rout ensued. Hannibal made his way with a small body of cavalry to Adrumctum. Of the rest few escaped. Twenty thousand were killed on the field of battle ; as many more were taken prisoners. The Roman loss was fifteen hundred. ** Such," says Polybius, ** was the battle between Hannibal and Scipio; the battle which gave to the Romans the sovereignty of the world." Hannibal collected about six thousand men, the remains of his army, and with this force made his way back to Carthage. The government had opened negotiations for peace, and their envoys had just returned, bringing back Scipio's terms. They were brieflv these : I. Carthage was to retain its African possessions; was to be independent ; was not to be compelled to receive a Roman garrison. TERMS OF PEACE. 263 2. All prisoners and deserters were to be surren- dered. 3. All ships of war, except Un, were to be given up, and all elephants. 4. Carthage should not make war on any state outside Africa ; nor on any within it, without leave first obtained from the Romans. 5. King Masinissa should have restored to him all that he or his ancestors had possessed. 6. The Roman army was to be provisioned and paid till peace was formally concluded. 7. An indemnity of ten thousand talents, and an annual tribute of two hundred, to be paid. 8. One hundred hostages, to be chosen by the Roman commander-in-chief, to be handed over as security. When these terms were recited in the Carthaginian Senate, a senator rose to speak. Hannibal laid hold of him', and dragged him down. The assembly received this act with angry shouts. " Pardon me," said Hannibal, " if my ignorance has led me to offend against any of your forms. I left my country at nine years of age, and returned to it at forty-five. The real cause of my offence was my care for our common country. It is astonishing to me that any Cartha- ginian who knows the truth should not be ready to worship his good fortune, when he finds Rome ready to deal with us so mercifully. Do not debate these conditions ; consent to them unanimously, and pray to all the gods that they may be ratified by the Roman Senate." Ratified they were, though not, it would seem, till the 264 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. foUowiii;- \'car. \\'( " < atdi a glimpse of the old days before men h . them, and ,i.s many as k )ur thousand i)ris. Hie shii)s of one kind and another numl)en -d fuc hundred. S^ ij)io ordered them to be toucd out to sea and burnt. "The .sit,du of the tlarneN was as terrnble, ' .says Ijvy, "to the vaiKiuished iJeojjle as would liave been that of their cit\- on fire." When the indemnit\- came to be paid it was diffi- cult to find the mone) ; and there were loud munnurs in the Senate at th( a. rih. t which it would be necessary to make. One of tlie members coin{)kiined to the \ lou.se that Hannibal had been seen to lanirji • and this though he was really the cause of all their troubles. Then the great man spoke out. " If \ou could see ni}- lieart as easily as \-ou can mv f^ice, \ ou would know that my laughter i omes not from a joyful heart, but from one almost maddened In' trouble. And yet my laughter is not so unrc a-onablc as your tears. You ought to have wept when our arms were taken from us and our ships were burnt. Ikit no; you were silent when you saw your countr}- stripped ; but now you lament, as if this were the death-day of Carthage, because \ ou have to furnish part of the tribute out of your private mean.s. I fear me niuch that you will soon find that this is the least of the trouble you will have to bear." XV. HANNIBAL IN EXILE. It was true that, as the discontented senator had said, Hannibal had been the cause of the troubles of Carthage ; .still lie was too great a man to be an\'- where but in the first place ; and for some years he l)racticallv governed the State. He seems to have done this new uork well. The Court of Judges at Carthage had usurped a power which did not belong to them. Every man's property, character, and life were 'at their disposal ; and they were unscrupulous in dealing with it. Hannibal set him.self to bring about a change ; he carried the people with him ; the office of judge became annual, and it was filled up by election. It is a change that does not alto- gether commend itself to us ; but it was probably required by the peculiar condition of the country. Another reform concerned the public revenue. 1 lannibal made a searching inquiry into what came in, and what was spent, and he found that a very large proportion of the whole was embezzled. He stated these discoveries in a public assembly. The expenses of the country might be met, the tribute to Rome paid, and taxation nevertheless lightened, if only the revenue were honestly collected and honestly 266 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. spent. It was only too natural that these proceedings should make many enemies. And besides those who were furious at the loss of their unjust gains, there were doubtless some who were honestly afraid of what Kannibal was aiming at. If he was making Carthage richer and more powerful, it was that he might plunge her again into a war with Rome. So, from one cause or the other, a stroinj i)artv was *^ I. > raised against him. His enemies had, it is said, the meanness to accuse him to the Roman Government. He was planning, they said, a new war in concert with Antiochus, king of Ss'ria. The Romans were on the point of war with this i)rince, and were ready to suspect their old enemy. An embassy was ^rnt to Carthage, in spite of the opposition of bcipio, to demand that he should be given up. Ostensibly the object of their invasion was to settle a dispute between Carthage and Masinissa. Hannibal knew the truth, and resolved to fly. To put his enemies off their guard, he showed no kind of alarm, but walked about in public as usual. But he took horse at night, reached the coast, and embarked in a ship which, in anticipation of such a need, he had kept in readiness, mh.I sailed to Cercina Kerkena\ It was necessary to conceal the fact o( his flight, and he gave out that he was ct, ^ng as ambassador to T>'re. But the harbour of the i^iand happened to be full of merchant-ships, and the risk of discov^ery was great. He resolved accordingly to escape. The captains were invited to a great entertainment, and were asked to lend their sails and yards for the construction of a tent The revel was long and late. Before it was I HANNIBAL WITH ANTIOCHUS. 267 over riannibrd was gone, and the dismantled ships could not be made ready for several hours. From Cercina he sailed to Tyre, where he was received with great honours, and from Tyre again to the j)ort of Antioch. Antiochus had left that place and was at Ephesus, and thither Hannibal followed him. Antiochus of Syria, fourth in descent from Seleucus, one of the Macedonian generals who had shared be- tween them the empire of Alexander, has somehow acquired the title of the " Great." He had little that w as great about him except, perhaps, his ambition. His treatment of Hannibal, whether it was the result of weakness or of jealousy, was foolish in the extreme. He did not take his advice, and he would not employ him. His advice had been to act at once. Rome at this time (195 B.C.) had to deal with many enemies. The Gauls especially were giving her much trouble. If Antiochus could have made up his mind to attack her immediately, the result might have been different to what it was. As it was he lingered and delayed, and when at last, two years afterwards, he made up his mind to act, the opportunity was lost. In 192 he crossed over into Greece, and was defeated with heavy loss the following year at Thermopylae. Hannibal was not employed in this campaign. But he was sent to equip and to command a fleet. There was nothing strange in this variety of employment ; for then— and indeed the same has been the case till quite recent times— the same men would command fleets and armies indifferently. He was attacked by a greatly superior fleet belonging to the island of Rhodes, then 268 Till )ky i {RTHAGE, a great naval power, and, though successful where he commandctl in person, was defeated. In tlie -^ainc } ear (190 was fought the great battle of Magnesia. W'liether Hannibal was present at it wc do not know ; but an anecdote is told of him which bclon., tin's time. Antiochus had collected a great army-some si.xty or seventy thousand in number — to do battle with the Romans. It had been gatliered from the cities of Greece and from Western Asia, anfl their drc^^ and armour w.i^ as splendid as it was \.uniux The king looked with pride on the ranks glittering with gold and silver. '' Will not this be enough for tlie Romans ?" he asked of Hannibal who wa> standing by his side. " Yes," said he, with a grim jest, ** \ cs, enough even for them, though they are the greediest nation on the earth!" Hut it was of the si)()ils, not of the fighting strength of the army, that he was si)eaking. The battle of Magnesia ended, as Hannibal had expected, in tlie utter defeat of the Syrian army. Antiochus was ad\ ised to sue for peace. Two years afterwaivi^ ;ivS8j it was j^ranted to him, one of the conditions being that he should give to Rome such of her enemies as he had received at his court. He ac- crptrMJ tlu: condition, but gave his guest an opportunity oi cscapin;^. Various stones arc toltl of Hannibars movements after his flight from the court of Antiochus. Accord- ing to one account he sought refuge for a time in Crete. A stor\' is told of him here which very likely is not true, but which shows the common belief in his ingenuity and readiness of resource. He suspected HASMBAL IN BITHYNIA, 269 the Cretans of coveting the large treasure which he carried about with him. To deceive them he filled a number of wine-jars with lead, which had over it a tliin covering of gold and silver. These he deposited with much ceremony in the presence of the chief men . »r the island in the temple of Diana. I lis real treasure meanwhile was hidden in some hollow brazen figures which were allowed to lie, apparently uncared for, in the l)orch of his house. From Crete he is said to have visited Armenia, and to have founded in that country the cit>^ of Artaxata. It is certain, however, that he spent the last years of his life with Prusias, king of Bith\'nia. Prusias was at war with Eumcnes of Pergamus, a firm friend of Rome, and Hannibal wilHngly gave him his help. We need not believe the story which he tells us how he vanquished enemies in a sea-fight by filling a number of jars with venomous snakes and throwing them on board the hostile ships. For some years he was left unmolested in this refuge. But in 183 the Romans sent an embassy to Prusias to demand that he should be given up. The drmand was one which the king did not feel able to icM^t, and he sent soldiers at once to seize him. Hannibal had always expected some such result. 1 le knew that Rome could never forgive him for what he had done, and he did not trust his host. Indeed he must have known that a king of Bithynia could not refuse a request of the Romans if it w^as seriously made. The story of his end, ornamented as such htories commonly are, tells us how he made seven ways of getting out of his house, and that finding them all beset with soldiers, he called for the poison, THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. CHARACTER OF HANNIBAL. 271 which was kept always ready for such an emergency, and drank it off. Some writers say that he carried the poison with him in a rin^— the rini^ which Juvenal, when he uses the example of Hannibal to show the vanity of a soldier's ambition, describes as *'the avenger of the day of Cannae." Livy gives us what profess to be his last words. " Let me free the Roman people from their long anxiet)*, since they think it tedious to wait for an old man's death. Flaminius [this was the Roman ambassador] will gain no great or fam(»us victory over a helpless victim of treachery. As to the way in which the Roman character has changed, this tlay is proof enough. The grandfathers of these men sent to King l^yrrhus, when he had an army fightin<^ against them in Italy, warn- ing him to beware of poison ; but they have sent an ambassador to su;4gcst to Frusias the crime of murdering a guest." He was in his sixty-fourth or sixty-fifth year when he died. Of Hannibal's character, as of the history of his country, we have to judge from the narratives of enemies. His military skill is beyond all doubt. In that, it is probable, he has never been surpassed. His courage also was undoubted, though he is expressly praised for the discretion with which he avoided any needless exposure of his life. The testimony to the temperance of his habits is equally clear. The chief charges brought against him are treachery, cruelty, and avarice. From personal avarice he w as certainly free, but a general who has to make war support itself, who has to (ecd, clothe, and pay a great army in a foreign country, with but rare and scanty supplies from home, cannot be scrupulous. About the charge of cruelty it is not easy to speak. What has been said about Hannibal's alleged avarice applies in a way to this other accusation. A general situated as was Hannibal could not but be stern and even merciless in his dealings with enemies. As to treachery, we know that "Funic faith" passed among the Romans into a proverb for dishonesty ; and " faithless" is the epithet, as we have seen, which Horace applies to the great general. But we find no special grounds for the charge, while we may certainly doubt whether the Roman generals showed such conspicuous good faith as to be in a good position for censuring others. There was no more honourable Roman than Scipio, but Scipio's treacherous attack on Syphax during the I)rogress of the negotiations is at least as bad as any- thing that is charged against Hannibal. CAT(/s HOSTILITY TO CARTHAGE. ^7i XVL TIIK Itl c;i\\T\(; OF THE END. The death of Hannibal did not remove the sus- picion of R( )ine that ( 'artliai^e miglit be plotting some mischief Tlic conditions inifioscd upon her by the I'cacc of Flannibcd a> tiic ircatv made after the battle of Zaina u :is called) had not permanently dis- abled her. She had lost lier dominions but not her trade • her \var-^hij)s had been destroyed, but not the shijj^ m in 1 luinmcrce; and she had ahva\s in her trcasui) t' >M with which to hire new armies. Onlv twr (* \irs h.ul p. I since the conclusion of the })('•' " n >he offered to pay up at once the balance ut uic indeinnitv which was to have been sjiread over fift) trs. The Romans preferred keep- liv^ this hold over their ancient enemies to receiving the monc}', but they were alarmed at this proof of how ioiniiK tciv the wealth of Carthage was restored. S(HM ■ tin \cars later, when w^r with Macedonia was threatening, neu nne to Rome that the envo)'s of the Macedonian kin;^ had been received at Carthage. Doubtless the cn\ had been sent ; and it is prob- able that they found some powerful persons ready to listen to them — fur there was still a war-party in Carthage — but there is no reason to believe that the i^Mivcrnment had had any dealings with the enemies oi Rome. There was one Roman statesmen by whom tliese suspicions were very strongly felt. This was M.ircus Porcius Cato, commonly called the Elder Cato, to distinguish him from his great-grandson, Cato (»f Utica, the republican who killed himself sooner lli.m live under the despotism of Caesar. Cato had M rved throughout the campaigns of the Second Punic War, aiul had not forgotten his experiences of that time. Me had been sent to inquire into the causes of a war that had broken out between Carthage and King Masinissa, and he had been much struck by the proofs of wealth and power that he saw during his \isit, the crowded population of the city and territory, the well-appointed fleet and the well-filled armouries. Returning to Rome, he related in the Senate what he had seen "This people," he said, " is stronger than, ever. Tlu:\- are i^ractising war in Africa by way of pre- lude to war against you." As he spoke, he threw down from a fold in his robe a bunch of ripe figs. "The country that bears these," he cried, as the senators admired the beautiful fruit, " is but three days' jour- ney from here." One is not certain whether he meant that it was so near as to be dangerous, or that it could be easil}' reached. Anyhow, from that time he never ceased to take every opportunity that occurred of expressing his opinion in the Senate. Whatever the matter might be that was being voted upon, he added the words, "And I also think that Carthage ought to be blotted out." With equal pertinacity one of the Scipios (surnamed Nasica, or " Scipio of the Pointed Nose), a near kinsman of the conqueror of Zama, 274 THE STORY OP CARTHAGE. added to every vote, " And I also think that Carthage ought to be left." Carthage had a dangerous enemy at home in King Masinissa. lie had begun hTe, as we have seen, by serving with i lasdrubal Barca in Spain, had then changed sides, and fought on the side of the Romans at the battle of Zama. He had been handsomely rewarded for these services. His father's dominions had been restored to him, and to these had been added the greater part of the kingdom of S>'phax. For more than fifty \r;irs he was continually engaged in enlarging his boruLi> at the expense of Carthage, and he alwa}'s felt that he could rely on the help, or at least the countenance, of the Romans. Carthage was forbiildcn to make war on her neighbours in Africa witliout the leave of Rome, and all that she could do in return for Masinissa's aggressions was to send to appeal to tluit power to protect her against the wrongs that she ^ i< compelled to suffer. More than once the RomanN ^cnt commissioners to inquire into her complaints. Once, indeed, possibly oftener, these commissioners decided against Masinissa, but they generally left the matter unsettled. Anyhow, the king went on with his encroachments, and generally contrived to keep what he had laid his hands upon. In 151 this quarrel broke out into open war. Masi- nissa had a part\' of his own in Carthage. The demo- cratic or war party expelled forty of it.", principal members, imposing at the same time an oath upon the people that they would never allow them to return. The exiles fled to the king and urged him to make war. He was willing enough, for he had his eye on a AFRICANUS THE YOUNGER. 275 town which he particularly coveted ; but he first sent one of his sons on an embassy to Carthage to demand redress. The prince was not admitted within the works, and was even attacked on his way home. Masinissa then laid siege to the town. The Car- thaginians sent Hasdrubal, their commander-in-chief, against him. They were joined by two of the king's chief officers, who deserted, bringing with them as many as six thousand horse. In some slight engage- ments that followed Hasdrubal was victorious ; and the king made a feint of retreat, and drew Hasdrubal after him into a region where supplies could not easily be obtained. A battle soon followed. The old king —he was eighty-eight years of age — commanded in person, riding after the fashion of his country, without saddle or stirrup. No very decided result followed, but the king, on the whole, had the advantage. There was present that day, as spectator of the conflict, a young Roman who had much to do with the conclu- sion of the story of Carthage. To give him the full title which he bears in history, this was Publius Cornelius Scipio i^milianus Africanus Minor. He was a son of a distinguished Roman general, ^milius Paullus, the conqueror of Pydna,i and grandson of the itmilius Paullus who fell at Cannae. He was adopted by the elder son of the Scipio Africanus, the conqueror of Zama, whose weak health prevented him from taking any part in public affairs.* He had ' Pydna was the great battle (fought in 169) l)y which the Macedonian kingdom was brought to an end. See '* The Story of Rome," p. 163. 2 The young reader may observe that he took the names of the family into which he was adopted, adding to them that of his own ^mx, altered from iEmilius into ^milianus, according to the practice w c^ of adoption. 2y6 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, been serving with a Roman army in Spain, and had come to Masint^^a for the purj)osc of purchasing elcpliants. He had privilege of seeing the battle from a liill that overlooked the plain, and afterwards said (we probably get the story from his friend Poly- bius) that, though he had been present at many battles, he had never been so much pleased. " I saw," said he, " one hundred and ten thousand men meet in combat. It was a sight such as two only ha\-e <.Q^n before me, Ziuis from the top of Ida, and Poseidon from Samothrace, in the Trojan war." Scipio undertook to arbitrate between the two parties. The Carthaginians offered to give up the country round Emporia, or the Markets {mm Gabes and Terba), and to pay two hundred talents down and eight hundred more m instalment'^ • but when the king demanded also the surrender oi ihc fucn'tives the negotiations were broken off. I lasdrubal ought now to have taken up a position which it would have been possible for him to hold, but he neglected to do so. He expected another offer from Masinissa, and he also had hopes that the Romans would interfere in his favour. His delay was fatal to him. Famine, and the fever that always follows on famine, wasted his army. In the end he was obliged to accept the most humiliating terms. The exiles of Masinissa's party were to be taken back into the city ; the fugitives were to be surrendered; an indemnity of five thou- sand talents was to be paid, and he and his soldiers were to pass through the hostile camp, unarmed and with but a single garment apiece. The helpless fugitives were attacked by one of the king's sons at ■W ! EXPEDITION AGAINST CARTHAGE. 277 ine head of a force of cavalry, and cruelly slaughtered. Dnlv a very few, among whom was Hasdrubal him- self, returned to Carthage. But worse remained behind. The Carthaginian rrovernmcnt condemned to death Hasdrubal and those who had been most active in promoting the war. But when the ambassadors whom they sent to Rome pleaded this proceeding as a ground for acquittal, they were asked, '' Why did you not con- demn them before, not after the defeat?" To this there was no answer ; and the Roman Senate voted that the Carthaginian explanation was not sufficient. " Tell us," said the unhappy men, " what we must do?" "You must satisfy the Roman People," was the ambiguous answer. When this was reported at Carthage, a second embassy was sent, imploring to be definitely told what they must do. These were dis- missed with the answer, "The Carthaginians know this already." Rome had accepted the pitiless counsel of Cato, and Carthage was to be blotted out. If there was any doubt, it was dismissed when envoys came from Utica offering the submission of that city. The consuls of the year, Manilius and Censorinus, were at once dispatched with a fleet and an army. Their secret instructions were that they were not to be satisfied till Carthage was destroyed. The forces which they commanded amounted to nearly a hundred thou.sand men. The expedition was popular ; for the prospects of booty were great, and volunteers of all ranks thronged to take part in it. The news that the fleet had sailed was the first intimation that Carthage received that war had been declared. 2^^ THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. Tl-e Carthaginian government still hoped that an absolute submission mi^ht save them. They sent another embassy to Rome with full powers to grant any terms that mi^^^ht be asked. The answer that they received was tliis: " If the Carthaginians will give three huniircd hostages from their noblest families, and fulfil all other conditions within thirty d " they shall retain their independence and the possesMon of their territf )rv'." But secret instructions were also sent to the c( insuls that they wnre to abide, whatever might happen, by their first instructions The hostages were sent, after a miserable scene of l>arting from their friends. But few believed that submission would be of any avail. And indeed it was soon seen to be useless. The consuls demanded that the arms in the city should be given up. The de- mand was accej)ted. Two hundred thousand weapons, more darts and javelins than could be counted, and two thousand catapults were given up. Then the consuls spoke again. - \'ou must leave Carthage ; we have resolved to destroy this city. You may remove your furniture and property to some other place, but it must be not less than ten miles from the sea." And they adiled some reasons, which must have sounded hke the cruellest mockcrv', why they .should be con- tent with this decision. *' You will be better away from the sea," they said in effect ; " it will only re- mind you of the greatness which you have lost. It is a dangerous element, which before this has raised to great prosperity and brought to utter ruin other countries besides yours. Agriculture is a far safer and more profitable employment And," he added, WAR DECLARED. 279 " we are keeping our promise that Carthage should be independent. It is the men, not the walls and build- ings of the city, that constitute the real Carthage." ' The return of the envoys had been expected at Carthage with the utmost impatience. As they entered the gate of the city they were almost trampled to death by the crowd. At last they made their way into the Senate-house. Then they told their story, the people waiting in a dense throng out- side the doors of the chamber. When it was told, a loud cry of dismay and rage went up from the as- sembly ; and the people, hearing it, rushed in. A fearful scene of violence followed. Those who had advised the surrender of the hostages and of the arms were fiercely attacked. Some of them were even torn to pieces. The envoys themselves were not spared, though their only offence had been to bring bad news. Any un- lucky Italians, whom business had happened to detain in the city, fell victims to the popular fury. A few more wisely busied themselves with making such pre- parations for defence as were possible, for of course there was but one alternative now possible. Indeed the Senate declared war that same day. Mt is difficult to believe that these abominable sophistries were ever really uttered. But we have good reason for supposing that Appian, from whom we get the report of the Consuls' speech, copied it from Polybius, an excellent authority. The historians of antiquity, however, bad a passion for putting speeches into the mouths of their characters, and were not always particular about their authenticity. u I lllll THE WALLS OF CARTHAGE. 281 XVI I. THE SIEGE AND lAl.L (>t ( ARTIIAGE. Till-: Cartha<:^!ni<-in L^overniiicnt did their best to defend tlicir cit}'- ( )ik' I lasdrubal, the same that had been condemned to death in the \ain hof)e of jiro- pitiatin^ the Romans, u a^ aj)i)ointed to command tlie forces outside the , nother liad the control of those within the walls. Tlic manufacture of arms was carried on niglit and dav, l>y men and women alike, even the temples and sacred enclosures hcini^ turned into workshops. A luindred shields, three hundred swords, d thou^aiiii j.uLiin-i i*- Im thrown by the catapults, were made (l;iil\'. The women are said to have cut off their hair for the eoni- of the cata])ults, for which the horseiiair tliat was commonly used was wanting. The wall of Carthaj:,'c had a circumference of about eighteen miles. It was about U )rt\'-six feet high, iuul thirty-four feet thick. The ht ii^lit is tiiat of what is called ihcarr/(u'/i of the wall. i.t\ the {portions between the towers. Tlic towers were of four stories, an( 1 much higher. Where the sea came up to tlie fortifications — and as the citv* was built upon a |)en insula, this w;is the case with the greater part of the circuit — a sin;^:i wall was deemed sufficient ; but on the land side, /e. to the north and south, the wall was triple. Appian tells tliat the three walls were of equal height :ind breadth. This is incredible, because ^uch an arrangement would have been use- less. Ihe hrst wall once taken would have given the be- sie<'( r^ such an ad- vantage that the second would have soon become unten- able. No trace of an\- such kind of fortification can be discovered either at Carthage or in any ancient town. The real meaning of i\u author — possibly Polybius -- from whom Appian quo- | ted, seems to have been this. There were three ditches. Behind the inner of the three, the wall proper was built. 28.2 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. i] Then came the advance wall, much lower than the wall proper, and in front of this the second ditch ; possibly there was an outer defence of palisiidcs, itself protected by a third ditch. The traces of exact Iv such a system of fortification are to be found at Tha[)sus. Within the casemates of the main wall there was room for three hundred ele- phants, four thousand cavalry, and twenty thousand infjintry. The harbours were so arranc^ed that ships had to pass throu^li the one to reach the other. The outer harbour was meant for merchant ships, and its entrance from the sea was closed with iron chains. In the inner harbour were kept the shi|)s of war. There u .is an island in it, and ( )n this island, as well as round the sides of the harboiu*, were slips in which two hundred and twenty vessels could be placed. The island also contained the admiral's house. This was so hii:^h that he could ^^et a view of all that was going on outside. Between the two harbours there was a wall so high that it was not possible to look from the outer into the inner. There was a separate entrance from the town to the outer harbour. The inner or military harbour was evidently guarded with the greatest care. Manilius directed his attack on the landward side of the wall ; Censorinus attempted a part which, being partlv- protected b\' a lagoon, w ;ls 1c>s strongly fortified than the rest. The outer fortifications wxre carried, but no further progress was made. Indeed the besiegers had some serious losses, as Hasdrubal, with his lieutenants, among whom a certain Himilcu, f,mm^m II ■ Hill II WW¥i^n»wrF^wTr* THE ROMAXS LOSE THEIR ALLY MASINISSA. 285 I suniamed Fhainieas, was conspicuously active, con- tinually attacked any detached parties. Thini^s seemed more hopeful when Censorinus, havini^ filled up part of the lagoon, brought two iKittcriniT-rains to bear on the wall, one of them worked by six thousand soldiers, the other by as nian>' sailors. The force of these brought down part of it ; and the Carthaginians built up again this por- tion in the night. The new work was not very strong. Then the besieged made a furious sally, set some of the works on fire, and made the whole, for a time at least, unserviceable. The next day the Romans at- tempted an assault b>' a part of the breach which had not been repaired, but were rci)ulsed witli heavy loss. Censorinus now found that his crews suffered from the climate, for it was the height of summer. Ac- cordingly he transferred his ships from the lagoon to the open sea. The Carthaginians took every op- portunit)', when the wind favoured, of sending fire ships among the Roman fleet, and thus did it a great deal of damage. The Roman commanders continued to conduct their operations, with little skill and as little success. And just at the time when they most needed his help they had the misfortune to lose their ally Masinissa. There had been a coolness between the old man and his Roman friends, he conceiving that he had been rudely put aside, and that the task of dealing with Carthage had been unfairly taken out of his hands. And now when the consuls sent to ask his help— he had promised to give it ic/ztv/ t/ay (rsked for it, and this they had been too proud to do— they found him I 1 I i 286 THE STORY OF CARTHAGE, dying. Fie had completed his ninetieth }'ear, retaining to the last his vigour of mind and body. The other inveterate enemy of Carthage, the old Cato, had died a few months before. Scipio, who had been dis- tinguishing himself during the siege uis entrusted with the task of dividing the old king> uuininion and wealth between his three sons. One of these, Gulus.sa by name, became at once an active ally, and was found especially helpful in repelling the attacks of Phamccas with his light cavalry. It was not indeed long before Phama-as himself was induced by Scipio to desert his friends. A change of commanders, Manilius and Cen.so- rinus giving place to Piso and Mancinus. did not bring a change for the better in the conduct of the siege. This, in fact, was almost given up, the new consuls busying themselves with assaults on the neighbouring towns. Calpurnius was particularly un- fortunate at Mippo (now Bizerta), where all his siege works were dcstro\ed by a sally of the townspeople. The spirits of the Carthaginians rose in proportion to the discouragement of the Romans. Some of Gulussa's cavalry had deserted to them ; and the two other sons of Masinissa, though nominally friendly to Rome, stood aloof and waited U )r what might happen. Envoys were .sent to them and to the independent Moors, representing that if Carthage fell they would be the next to be conquered. Communications were also opened with the Macedonian pretender who was then at war with Rome. Unfortunately the Hasdrubal who commanded outside the walls coveted the position of his namesake in the city. I Ic accused him of SCIPIO IN COMMAND, 2^9 treachery — it was his misfortune to be closely related to Gulussa ; the unhappy man, surprised by the charge, faltered in liis defence, and was murdered in the Senate-house, his senators striking him down with the fragments of the benches. At Rome every one had expected a speedy end to the siege, and there was great vexation and even alarm at these long delays. All eyes were fixed on the one man who had showed real capacity for command, and fixed the more earnestly on account of the fortunate name that he bore. It had been a Scipio who had brought the w^ar of Hannibal to an end ; it was to be a Scipio who should complete his work and destroy Carthage itself. The young soldier went to Rome to stand for the office of i^dile — not, we may guess, without some notion of what was going to happen. The people elected him to the consulship. The consul, who was presiding, protested. Scipio was thirty seven years old, and was therefore under the legal age. The people insisted ; they were the masters of the elections and could choose whom they would. The tribunes threatened to suspend the pre- siding consul, unless he gave away. He yielded ; as did Scipio's colleague when it came to choosing the province which each consul should have. This was commonly determined by lot, but the people was resolved that Scipio should have Africa, and it was so arranged. The new commander's first exploit was to rescue Mancinus from a dangerous position into which he had got himself Anxious to do something before he was superseded, he led a storming party against a weak THE STORY OF CARTHAGE. point in the wall, and actually made his way into the town. But he was not stronj,^ enough to advance, and could barely maintain his hold of what he had j^'ained. His colleague Fiso, though summoned to help him, made no movement; but Scipio, who, on reaching Utica, had received a despatch describing the Nituatir»n, hastened to the spot, and carried off Mancmus and his part\- m safety. The two consuls shortly afterwards returned to Rome, and Scipio set THE HAR BOCKS - >F CAKTHA- KIJING TO BEULfi). himself to restore the (liscii>line and order which the lax rule of his predecessors had suffered to decay. He purged the Roman camp of a crowd of idlers and plunderers which had collected there, and left nothing but what was manageable and serviceable. His first operation was to storm a quarter of the city which went by the name of the Megara, and was, it would seem the abode of the wealthier class. The assault HARBOURS OF GARTH ACE (ACCORLING TO DAUXV ATTACK ON THE MEGARA. 293 was made by two parties, one of them led by Scipio in person. Neither could make its way over the wall ; but a tower, belonging to some private dwelling, which had been unwisely allowed to stand though it commanded the fortification, was occupied, and some ARRANGEMENTS OF THE BERTHS (ACCORDING TO BEULt). of the besiegers made their way from it on to the wall, and from the wall into the Megara. They then opened one of the gates, and Scipio with a force of four thousand men entered. He did not, however, feel it safe to remain, for the place was full of gardens, and its hedges and watercourses made it difficult ground PLAN OF WALL AT BYRSA. for the action of troops ; but the operation had its results, the most important of which was that the army outside the walls, fancying that the city was taken, abandoned its camp, and retreated into the Byrsa or Upper City. f 17^ THE STORY OF CARTIIAGF. Hasdrubal, enraged at this movement, retaliated by a barbarous massacre of all the prisoners in his hands, lie brouglit the i)oor wretches to the edge of the wall, subjected them to the cruellest tortures, and threw them ii( )wn still alive from the height. After such an act the besieged would feel that they had no hope of mercy. Tlie siege now became almost a blockade. Scipio burnt the cam|) u liich the outside army had deserted in thei;- panic, and was now master of the neck of the peninsuhi on wliich tlic ciiy -^tood. No more f(»od could be introduced overland, and the supplies which came bv sea were small and i)recarious. The next step was to block up the harbour. Scipio constructed a great wall across the mouth. So huge was the work that the besieged at first believed it impossible, but when they saw it advance rapidl), the whole army labouring at it niglit and da>', they began to be alarmed. Their own encrgv u as not less than that of the besiegers. They dug a new channel from the harbour to the open sea, and, while this wor^ was being carried on, they built also fifty ships of war. The besiegers knew nothing of what was being done, though they heard a continual sound of hammering. Their astonishmc:u was very great when a fleet, of whose existence they had not an idea — for all the ships had been given ui) and dcstnived — issued forth from a harbour mouth which had never been seen before. The Carthaginian-, in great glee, manoeuvred in front of the Roman fleet. If they had attacked it promptly, they mignt have done it irreiiarable damage, for the ships had been left almost entirely without ENGAGEMENTS BETWEEN THE FLEETS. 293 protection. As it was, they contented themselves with a demonstration, and then returned to the har- bour. It was an opportunity which never returned. It was fated, says the historian, that Carthage should be taken. Two days afterwards the two fleets fought ; but by this time the Romans were prepared, and the battle was drawn. The next day it w^as re- newed, and then the CarthaginiarLS were decidedly worsted. A determined effort was now made on the harbour side of the city. The rams were brought to bear upon the walls, and brought down a considerable part of it. But the Carthaginians made a furious sally. They plunged naked into the lagoon, carrying unlighted torches. Some waded through the shallows ; others swam. Reaching the land, they lighted their torches and rushed fiercely on the siege works. Many were killed, for they had neither shields nor armour ; but nothing could resist their charge. The Romans gave way in confusion, and the siege works were burnt. Even Scipio, though he ordered the flying soldiers to be cut down, could not check the panic. The day ended in a great success for the besieged. When the winter with its cooler weather drew on, Scipio turned his attention to the region from whir^ Carthage drew what supplies it could still obtain. His lieutenant Lcxdius, in concert with King Gulussa, attacked and defeated with enormous loss fthough it is difficult to credit the figures of seventy thousand slain and ten thousand prisoners) an army of native allies. The food supply of the besieged city was now almost cut ofT, but Hasdrubal had still enough I THi: STORY OF CARTHAGE. to support his .c^arrisnn. TIic rest of the population were left to starve. With the bei(innini^ of 146 Scipio prejiared for an attack on the Upi)er City and the I laroour of the \Var-shij)s, or Cothoii, as it was called. The Harbour \vf six-storied liouses, from which tlie garrison and many of the citizen [><)})ulation kept u[) an incessant fight witli the Ix si. -n s. 1 louse after house was stormed, tlie defenders bein;^^ nrradually forced back by sui)crior streni^th and discii)line. An( )ther conflict was ' irr on meanwhile in the streets, tlie Romans strugj^lini; ii|) each of the three roads till they gained tlie Upper Cit\'. W'lien that was accomplished, Scii)io ordered tlie streets to be set on fire. The scene of destruction which followed was terrible. A number of non-combatants, old men, women, ;md children, had hidden themselves in the houses tliat were now blazing. ^,ome threw themselves on to the Sfxiars and swords of the soldiers ; some were burnt in their hiding jilact ^ ; some Hung themselves from the windows into the streets. Matn- were buried or half-buried under the ruins, for the pioneers w ere busy clearing a way U >r the troops, and did their FIGHTIXG IN THE CITY. 297 work careless of the living creatures that came in their wav. For six days and nights these horrors continued, described, it must be remembered, by an eye-witness, the historian Polybius ; for it is from him, there is little doubt, that Appian has borrowed his vivid description of the scene. The troops worked and fought in relief parties. Scipio alone remained unceasingly at his post He never slept, and he snatched a morsel of food as the chance came to him. On the seventh day a train of suppliants came from the temple of /Esculapius, which stood con- spicuous at the summit of the citadels. They begged that the lives of such as still survived might be spared. Scipio granted the request, but excepted the deserters, and fifty thousand men and women availed themselves of his grace. The deserters shut themselves up in the temple — there were nine hundred of them, all Romans— and with them Hasdrubal and his wife and their two sons. The place was im- pregnable, but their position was hopeless, for there was no fighting against hunger. Hasdrubal contrived to escape from his companions, and threw himself, humbly begging for life, at the feet of Scipio. The boon was granted, and the Roman general showed his prisoner to the deserters, who were crowded on the temple-roof. They bitterly reproached the coward who had deserted them, and then set fire to the temple. When the flames were burning fiercely, the wife of Hasdrubal came forward. She had dressed herself with all the splendour that she could command, and had her two children by her 2()H THE STORY O;*^ CARTHAGE, side. TurninjT first to ^i ipn*. ■.Iil- ^ai'l, ' On thee, man of Rom ' call no ven^^cancc from heaven. Thou d< )st but use the ri^dit-, (.f war. l^ut as for this Ilasdriibal, this traitor to his country and his gods, to his wife and to his chik Iren, I {)ra\' that heaven, and tliou as the instruim -nt of hc.iven, may punish him." Then she turned to her hushaiKl. "Villain, trait( >r. arvl cowaid," -Iv cried, *' I and my children will fmd a tomb in tlit ■ dames, but thou, the mighty Ifcneral of Cartlia^r-, wilt .idorn a Roniiin triumi)h!" Slie then -'.u Ivi children, threw their bodies into the flam , .iwl followed tlvMn hrrsclf. Thus, aticr s -vcn ccnturirs oi -leatness, Carthage fell. rile corKjutror, as he looked on the awful spectacle, burst into tears, and murmured to himself. as he tliought of the fate which had overtaken empire after emi)ire, and whicfi would one diiy overtake his own countr}-, the lines of Homer, in which Hector fo r c tells the d oo m of T r o v. The soldiers were [iermitted to plunder the city, but all the g( )ld and silver and all the treasuries of the temi)les were rc^crxcd. Military decorations were liberally distributed, but none of the troops who had as>isted in the spoliation of the temple of Apollo were tlius distinguished. The Sicilian cities were informed that thev might regain [Kissession of the works of art wliich the Carthaginians h.id carried off during a centur)' and a half of w arfare Agrigentum regained her famous lUiU of Phahiris ; Segestii her statue of Diana. The name of Scipio African us was long honoured by the Sicilians for this act of honesty. Before a hundred years had passed they were to lose D W v> •J O u z < u < I I SUCCESSORS OF CARTHAGE, 301 their treasures again, not by the fortune of war, but by the shameless robberies of a Roman governor.^ The city was razed to the ground, and a curse was pronounced on any one who should rebuild it. Notwithstanding this, some twenty years later the younger Gracchus carried a proposal for founding a colony of six thousand citizens on the site. It was never carried into execution. Neither was the simi- lar plan which some eighty years afterwards was conceived by Julius Caesar. Augustus, however, founded a Roman Carthage, which soon became a prosperous city. But with this my story has nothing to do. This is finished with the fall of Rome's great Phoenician rival. * See the account of Verres in a classical dictionary, and in ** Tlic Stu,y ot Rome,'' p. 202. INDEX TO THE TEXT AND THE NOTES. . i Acer1)as, 3, 6 Ac I a, 96 A(i herbal, 157 Adrumetum, 162 -Kgusa, 163 /Kgates Islands, battle of, 163, 164 /Eschines, 122 . Ksculapius, temple of, 297 ,Kthiopians, 97 A-Ana., eruption of, 53 /Ktna (tdwn), 55 Agalhocles, tyrant of Syracuse, 75; defealcnl at the Hiniera, 76 ; l>esieged in Syracuse, 77 ; escapes, //'. ; lands in Africa, 80; defeats the Carthaginians, 82 ; takes Utica, 85 ; returns to Syracuse, iif. ; comes back to Africa, 86; iminisoned by his soldiers, 88 ; escapes, 89 Agrigentuni, 22, 27 ; taken by Himilco, 41, 67, 122 ; taken by the Romans, 132, 133 ; 237, 298 Alalia, battle of, 1 4 Aletes, 117, 180 Alexander the Great, 89 Allol)roges, 188 And>er, 122 Anagnia, 234 Anio, 234 Antiochus, 254, 266, 268 Appian. 128, 279, 281, 297 Aranibys. 96 Archagathus, 85-87 Arcliimedes, 236 Aristotle, 102- 108 Arnu-nia, 269 Artaxala, 269 Ashtaroth, 113 Athena'us, 125 Avienus, icx) B Balearic Islands, 35, 75 Baltic Sea, 122 Bencvrntum, liattle of, 230 Hoarding apjiaratus, 134 Bomilcar, Suffete of Carthage, his treachery, 82 ; attempts a revo- lution and is jiut to death, 83 Britain, 100, 122 Bruttu, 226, 253 Byrsa, 5, 293 Cabala, battle of, 66 Camarina, taken by Himilco (i), Cambyses, king of Persia, plans the contjuest of Carthage, 18 Campanian mercenaries, 37, 1 29 Cannx-. battle of, 218-224 Capua, joins Hannibal, 225 ; be- siege 1 by the Romans, 232 ; surrenders. 235 ; its severe punishment, ib. Caravans, 118, II9 Carbuncle, see Carthaginian stona 304 IXDEX TO THE TEXT AND THE NOTES. Caricon, 96 Carrha^'iiiian stone, 121 r.irthalo, 13 (Vitaoa, 53 * itafiuhs, newly invented, 49 • a((», tlir I'.liier, 273, 277, 286 Cat 111 us (Lu tat ills), 1 63 < ■t'ii^..riiiu^. 277-286 < inina, 206 Ctrriif. ()7, 98 *'hr(.n(. Moloch (.-ineas, ■■ > < ' last i '..HI 1 01 1, *:i^o < 'rettv -"(''X. 269 Crinit battle of, 72-74 Crispin us, 247 Crocfxliles. 98 Cronium, DionvMu, defeated at, 67 Crotona, 226, 253 rns-dulics, 1 16, II7 uyprus,. 4 Cyrene, 117 Dagon, 113, 114 Daphnxus, jS, 39 .Deinocra?"^.. "^ .Demeter, .. . .iiipof,at Carthage, 60 Drxippus, 37, 41 1 >ulo, 3-8 DifKloius, 117 Dionysius (the Elder), attempts to relieve Cela, 43 ; makes peace with Carthage, 44; declarer war against Carthage, 47 ; at- tacks Motya, //'. ; takes it l)y storm , 5*) ; 'i c fea t *•( 1 by Hi m i I c< > at Catana, 53 ; retreat^ («. Syra- cu^t^'. 55 ; makt N successful at- tack on lliinilc.i, 57 ; allows Himilco to escape, S9 ; declares waruith Carthage and defeats Mago, 64 ; reiuws the w.ir, tii, ; is defeated at Cronium, 67 ; ju^ death, 68 Dionysius (the \'ounger), tyrant «.f Use, 70 |)repvUHim, battle of, 157, 158, 160. 163 r)u(arius, 209 iHulius, 137 Ecnomus. battle of, 138- 140 l*"i.:<'Nta, 28, 298 I'-iLu, 122 Elephants, 121 Sec also accounts of battles Elissa, see Dulo En tell us, 68 i:ryx, 36, 68, 159- 1 65 Etruscans H>^if n? Eumenes, 269 Fabius, apix)intef delay, 212, 213; outwitted by Hannibal, ik : his unpopularity, i/>. ; recovers Tarentuni, 246 ; crowned at Rome, 260 ; dies, lA Fair Promontory, 14, 15 Flaminius, defeated and killed at Trasumennus, 207-21 1 Flaminius (ambassador to Prussia), 270 Frrgcllx, 234 I'uivms, 234, 245 Cades, 186 Cala, 240 Cauls, 81 INDEX TO THE TEXT AND THE NOTES. 305 < 1 e I a , t a k e n 1 > v 11 i i n i 1 co ( l ) . ; ; ; llr^iL'gl■(l by 1 iainiliwr. "'> delon, ol .Syr ' ' ■ '1 iaiiul- car (2), 2('. , < I ( )0 I 7 :; I :,. I .,f 1 iaiinil)al (i), 29 (..i^vw, lather ol liastjiiibal, 240 Cisco, 218 (inrillas. 00 ( ji irri. . I il). S., 230 tiiaccluis (tlu' \ Munger), 30I Culu>-.i, zSh, 2S0, 2<)5 H Ibil :il\TU>, I IV' ■4 IbiiiiiliMt ( I I. suit ol M.T!.';>. con- II. 1' ■ t2l iir. :>. ^2 27 II. 1 ,1 crmiKUpU » aitlia- giiiian arm\ aL',.iMi>l Ag.itlio- - : lomuis ai 1 Imiera, ;;. . , ,, ,.v ^ Svraciise, 77 ; liis death, 82 H.inii!«Mr 14). (■('iviniair!' 1 at I ;-., 1 S^ llainiicai liaica (31. aj>in>iiitol to I'onmiand tlcci .ml annv. U>' .' : b..M^ lb , ail a Ills war against Ivonian-, i"i it>4 : •" ''^'■'* '•'■ vouralik uiiiis o! |'ea>x. "'-' ■ takes command against n II 171 : Itreaks blockade of ( arlhag.-, 172; defeats nurcc- narit attacks caiuj) at TuiK^, ijw . fmi-lie- war with niercenarus, 177 ; riKses int') S)iaui, 17^ : tiis cnn.i; mmandcr in Sicily, ' > V C)4i C)7 llanmuai 13), lieutenant in mer- cenary war i-b. 177 Hannibal (4' liatred against ki .in--, iSi : Ins character, iNi ; cam|>aignagain-i Spanisli inbr-,, 182; besieges SagunUim, i/>. : H II II II takes il, 1S4; in winter (|uarlei> nl Nrw (".irtliagr. 1S5; crosses llie kbnt, iS() ; hisdie.uii, /A. . cro^->cs the I'yrenies. //'. . cruises the khniu;, 1S7 ; (-if^se- llie AI|'S, |S<) 104 ; descends into Italy, 194 ; Ins losses, //'. .• attacks the laiirini, 105 ; con- queis the knniai;^ at the 'lieiinis, 100 100 : at the Trel>ui, 2*>i 2(i:^; winters m Liguiia. 2(»<) ; ni peril o( his life, //>. : crwN>es tlie marshes of tli<- Atn.i, //■. : lo-es an eve, 207; defeats tlie Romans at Irasumemuis. 207-209 ; repulsed at S|)uletium, 210 ; rests at llathia, 211 ; his polic}', //'. ; his eampaign with I'abiu^, 212 2i() : wintering at ( iiioiiiuin, 217 : . ; llies, 2')i> ; a I the court of An- tiochus. 2(j7 ; his answer to Antiochus, 26S ; i)ossibly at Crete, 209: with I'rusias of Rithvnia, 269, 270; his death and eharacier, 270, 271 anno (1). Sutfcle of Carthage, killed in battle, 82 anii't 12). tlie navigator, 95-IOO anni) (3), 131 ann.. (4), 132, 133, 1 39, I40 anno (5), 163, 164 306 IXDEX TO THE TEXT AXD THE NOTES. I lanno, the (; reat ( 6 ) , 171-177 llanno, leader of peace parly at Carlhaj^'e (7), 183, 227 Han no «.S). 187 Han no (91, ,' ■ J at Ucncvt'ii- turn, 2 JO I { a n n • . { I o ) , com mand s i n S ici 1 y , -37 Hann<» (11), coinniands in Sjiain, Hasdrubal (i), son of Maf^r,,, 16, 17 Ilasdruhal (2), (son -in law of ilannlcar Itarca), hi^ caini.ai|^ns in S[)ain, 179, 180; ahsa^^l- naled, 180 liasdruhal, lieutenant of Ilaiun bal (3), 2 [9 flasdruhal, hrollier of Hanrnhal (4), left in con nil and in spam, 186 : I,; , will. iIh- >cipio:s .y, _.|i . , .■-'•■ , \rro, 241 ; defeated bv S ;, i mim mis, 24 J ; cr« into I' . 248 ; defeated an, 11 Ilelirews, their relations to Tyre, 10, II Helisyki. \ ' u. {?) 2c I ■ ■ 100 ''' - ^- j. 4- -Ve Mflcarth Herculo, I'illars of, 90, 1 18 Herodotus. 113, 118 Ultra, itSj, 164 Hiero, 130 \ 12. 176, 229 lIieronyinu>, jjo. 2]6 Ihmcra, tir>t hauK' of. 26. ?- : •second fat tie of, 32 ; by Hannibal {i}, una battle of, 76 Himiico (i) invades S- -i- ^5-45 ; operates ajjainst U -,us, 48* 49; rt'turns to iarlhai^r, 40 ; again appointed to c< .111 mand, 51 ; takes Massana, marches on Syracuse, besieges the citv, re duced to extremities, y 58 ; ^^'■■M'**"-^ ithage, 5'i ; com- iints suiciilc, o, 1 68, 286 Hipfx.potamus, 98 Horn, S.nuliern, 99 Horn, \Ve>tern. 99 1 1' 'r.K e, 140. 2 V) Human sacntr r no )3» 3iS, 86, Iirltns, 6 IlK'nauN. See ^jjanisli troops Iberus (Kliro), 180 lil'lur^i-. 239 1 mil nils. 2 y » Iron, 122 Isrre, 1 88 It.di.m tiuTt'cnnrii'v, 2^, 29, '' also L'.iin l>aman mercenaries Ivory, 122 Junius, 158 Kings of Carthage, 102, 103 Lxlius, 258, 262 I., el I us Hhv \'ounger), 295 L.iMiuis, 237 LeailuT money, 122, 123 Lrtiiitmi. 44 i.ejiiinis (l)rother of Dionysius), ^^ -i, 57 ; killed at the battle uiuni, 67 i,.rpli>, I 15 I.il»y-I*h.eniciaii>. oh lagyes (Ligurians), 25,206 Lilvbi'um, fort of, besieged h\ I'loiivMiw, 68. 72: attacked by I'yrrhus, 91 ; besieged by Komans, 154 105 I.ilybai'um, promontory, 7? L I para, 122, 134 IXDEX TO THE TEXT AXD THE NOTES. 307 LiriN, river, 234 Livuis (colleague of Nero), 248, 249 Livius (in command atTarentum), 230, 231, 246 Livy (historian), 128, 181, 184, 193, 222, 234, 238, 253, 259, 264, 276 Lixii.e. 97, 98 Lixus, river, 97 M Macar, river, 171 Macedonia, 272 Magnesia, battle of, 268 Mai^o ( I ), king of Carthage, 13 Mago 121. Admiral, 53 Mago 131, Carthaginian general, attacks Dionysius. 04 ; defeated by, i/k ; invades Sicily, 65 ; is killed at Cabala, 66 Mago (4), writer on agriculture, 124 Mago (5), brother of Hannibal, 201 ; sent to Caithage with news of Cannx, 227 ; in Sjiain, 240-244 ; goes to Liguria, ?/>. : takes Minorca, 254; recalled home, 259 ; dies, /Ik Maharbal, 210, 223 M.dchus, 12, 13 Malgernus, 3 Malta, 17 Mamertines, 130, 131 Mancinus, 286, 289 Manilius, 282, 286 Manlius, 138, 142 Marcellus appointed to command army after Cann.e, 227 ; re- lieves Nola, 228 ; besiegOB Syracuse, 236 ; takes it, 237 ; campaigns with Hannibal, 245- 247 ; his death, 248 Marcius, 241 Massilia, 122 Masinissa defeats Syphax, 240 ; goes with Hasdrubal to Spain, id. ; with Scipio in Africa, 257 ; destroys the camp of Syjjhax, 257j 258 ; at variance with Carthage, 266 ; encroaches on Carthaginian dominions, 274 ; defeated by Hasdrubal, 275 ; is victorious, iVf. : triumphant over Carthage, 277 ; dies, 286 Matho, 167-179 Megara, the, 293 Melcarth, 1 10-113, '86 Melita, 96 Menander, 120 Menes, 19 Messana, 44, 130-132 Metaurus, battle of, 249-252 Mines, 117 Minucius, 215, 216 Moloch, 38, 108, 109 Motya, besieged by Dionysius, 47-51; recovered by Himiico, Mutines, 237 Myke, battle of, 137 N Naravasus, 176 Native Carthaginian troops, 66, 72, 74, 75, 82, 85, 146, 262 Naxos (Sicily), 21 Nemausus (Xismes), 186 New Carthage, 180 ; captured by Scipio, 242 Nola, 228, 260 Olympias, 89 O Pachynus, 158 Panormus ( ralermo), 25, 67, 153, 160 Paullus (/Kmilius) appointed Con- sul, 217 ; slain at Cannae, 222 Peloruni, 52 Pentarchies, 105 Pergamus, 269 I'eriplus of Ilanno, 95-IOO Persephone, worship of, at Car- thage, 60 Pestilence, 38, 44, 56, 67, 236 Phalaris, 298 Phamseas (Himiico), 286 Phidias, 1 20 3:j8 ixdex to Tin: ttxt axd the notes. riiilip, kiiii; of .Maceddii. 220, Fiin-iii 10. II, IS 11a, , ^ ri lit a nil, 100. 2 IN /'o/ifi, " ' 'le rulylHu^. i^.^, 14U. 1 ■) ;i, 222. 25S. 2t»2, 27<). 2S1, 297 " rri.Hi.,i">.. 2')* J .I'yrrhi! \i Rfr"-'-- . 'iiiiKuiii ■' ■ ■ '■ «»' i '■'^ : I H ... ,.„,..,., 14,^ : I luifs, 14, t ; (It 147 ; sv\\\ a,:> i'ln « »v t' * (ic.iih. 151 Khi,> ■■•-, *' ' ■•f "^s kh(.i . iS;. iS.S knmt;, early t; with, 14^ 10 S ^ 1 l; u 1 1 1 u m . I So ; besiege* 1 l>y 1 1 an - mbal, i*H2 ; taken, 1.S4 -5^ ; lit- uiiiiaitirts in tliat ( «iuntr\ .:4(>; his death, 240 hi> tat her \ lite ut the i K Mills, 199 i 'Ml" ■ ' ' to ll n- inrui'! in S' ... 242 ; t:.i.,. ,r- ll •iefeats Ihistinih.il if illt' I A I 1 ;.M, p,l!n .■::■ ;i- .iL'::;ii !' ' Atrii .1, 234 ; ■ ' ' : liiitns the ,*^\-['nj\, 2;^ ; \ .ui.jiu^hf j '!i.l\ .ill i I i .1- ;r:,.I .,,1! ' I - tl u> I,, .irttt 63, '■':■ '■'-' by ( 'arthage, 1 Saturn, Inch Seipio, *„"n ■••ent m l8<); deieat^ llasdr defeats the tl. by I'uhiius, /, . , v , V Pub! ills) ; his deatlu 24! St i[>i«> I i'uhiius), sent uf the Rhone, 186 ; inis>e- I i nibal, 1S9 ; returns to It ik ; marches against Hanni 195 ; defeated and wonniiec the Ticinus, 199; move- '■• I'rcbia, //'. ,- returns. ;, lius, 77 ill. 'Utfl A\i- ily, >al, 1 at the tin. \iiiv.irui> Minor, h: ■- ''n!. 275 ; arlMi ' * ' ■. = u M.,t -• m!^.-.a. and ( . . , ■-< • '^ni-iies hi III-' ■■■ ' : .1.1. '1 M.i^iii i ' " ■ ' " ' ' (.oiuiu.f 1 ,u, '. .U"t I, .„, ■ , rf'sr-tiC'- M .11- ( imiv, 200 ; I . rder 10 >toriii> the .Me- i>[Uiites a 1)1 ^•J-i . ... - 1 ..,■ .^> tfie I '[>!"-*' ' atid (.'.ijitiirr-. !!. 2')7 : lii- th..'(i lolls, ,1 of t hr '-[M 111, /.''. '^I'll'li ', \,l-,i, .1, 273 S' ':' ; at war with akeii hy Ilan- nilial I I 1. 4> >t.'iiijironni- '"■ '■ ' :it IVehi.l, 2 ^'■i, 104, 105 1 \ ilius. 211, 21 ^ ,^^li|>s built l>y Kemie, Ij.j, 162 •Niioplietini, loj Sikel tribes, 44, 47, 59, 65 Sinu;^«^Iiiig, 1 17 .^1 ti< »ei -, « »() Sojthoiu-lia. 244 Spainsh troops of Carthage, 25, ^'^ - 35. 59» l85' JSt>» 202. >[>eiidius, 167-179 IXDLX TO THE TEXT AXD THE XOTES. 309 Spoletunn. 210 SuttrtrN, i(,-^ >y[ih,i\. 2 ^o. 2 1 1. 2;7 2^9 ^yraniM -clou, 26 ; by I >iony>ii; /. ; l)e>ieged by I liiniL.i, _-,j j,^ S}rti>, 115 Tanit, 113, 114 Tarentum, 220, 230, 246 laurini, 195 'raiironieniuni, 64 I ,120 r 119 i IK nnopyhe, 267 Theron, 26, 38 I hyniiaterium, 96 I ieum-. lattle of, 196 Tifala, Mount, 2 ^i 'I'nnoleoii, sails to Syracuse, 71 : d-'-'o-s war against Carthage, leals Carthaginians at the Criiiiessas, 72-74 ; his death, mm f- /5 Trasumennus, battle of, 207-211 Tril)ute, 115, 110 Iriton. 113 'rrojj;i,,,i\ta', 97 Tunes ( runi>), 12, 60, 144, 16S, 172, 170 Tuseuluni, 234 Tyre, 3, 10, 11, 266 u Utica, 5, 12, 168, 176, 257, 277. 290 V Varro, 217, 221, 222, 226 Venus. See Ashtaroth \'enusia, 247 Virgil, his legenJ of Dido. 7 (), 121 X Xantippus, 145, 146 Zama, battle uf, 260-262 The Story of the Nations. In the story form the current of each National life is distinctly indicated, and its picturesque and note- worthy jjeriods and episodes are presented for the reader in their philosophical relation to each other as well as to universal history. It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to enter into tlie real life of the peoples, and to bring them l)cf()re the reader as they actually lived, labored, and struggled — as they studied and wrote, and as they amused themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with which the history of all lands begins, will not be overlooked, though these will be carefully distinguished from the actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted historical authorities have resulted in definite conclusions. 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