No. 55, IN SENATE, March II, 1831. COMMUNICATION From the Governor, relative to the boundary line between this State and the State of New- Jersey. TO THE LEGISLATURE. Gentlemen, I consider it my duty to lay before you the accompanying com- munication from the Attorney-General, concerning our controversy with New-Jersey. The matter to which it relates, derives much of its importance from the grounds assumed by the Judges of the Su- preme Court of the United States, with regard to their powers ; and I feel bound to present to you my views of the subject, as well as the course which I feel impelled by a regard to the interests and honor of the State to pursue, unless you shall think proper to give it a different direction. You are apprised by the accompanying papers, and those which have preceded them, from the same source, of the several steps taken by the State of New-Jersey, to compel our appearance before the national judiciary, to contest with her the question of sovereignty over a portion of the waters of the Hudson river. It seems to be a mere question of sovereignty over the waters, inasmuch as New-Jersey admits in her bill of complaint, that what- ever right she may have had to the islands, those rights have been lost by adverse possession and the lapse of time. The Attorney-General, with my sanction, has hitherto declined to appear in court and respond to the complaint, without intending any disrespect to that high tribunal, and in a manner which I trust [S. No. 55.] 1 2 [Senate precludes the imputation of such a motive. His refusal to appear was grounded upon the belief, that the court has not been invested with the power to take cognizance of original suits, where a State is made a defendant party. The reasons for this opinion are more fully detailed by the Attorney-General, but may be succinctly stated as follows : 1. It \va3 not designed by the Constitution to confer that power on the court, until Congress had legislated upon it, and declared what controversies between States were proper to be entertained by the court, and what should be the mode of proceeding. The Constitution is silent in regard to both of these matters. A strong argument in favor of this construction is afforded by that clause in the Constitution, which, after enumerating the powers of Congress, adds : "To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other povjera vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof 2. That Congress had passed no laws for these purposes. In H89, a judiciary act was passed, giving writs andother pro- ceedings in all cases, other than those where a state was defend- ant. This was a practical construction of the constitution, and showed their opinion that legislation was necessary to enable the court to proceed. And by neglecting to provide specifically, for proceedings in controversies between states, they indicated their opinion that the time had not arrived when it wouid be proper for the court to entertain such suits. The meaning of Congress is most distinctly marked by the wording of the judiciary act. It grants to the court, the power to issue certain writs, and further, " all other writs not specially provided for by statute, which may be necessa- ry for the exercise of their respective jurisdictions, and agreeable to the principles and usages of law." Now, as no mode of proceeding, against a sovereign state, is known to the common law, it would seem to be a fair conclusion, that Congress designed, by precise and unequivocal language, to exclude an implication, that the power to proceed against a state was granted by the act, 3. Although the court has frequently attempted to exercise this power, by entertaining writs against states, and summoning them to No. 55.] S appear and answer, no state has ever obeyed their summons ; there- by virtually denying the power of the courf. 4. Several attempts have been made by states to prevail upon Congress, to pass laws for this object ; but they have uniformly re- •> fused to vest this power in the court. Two of these attempts, made in 1822 and 1828, are detailed in the several reports of the Attorney-General. 5. The state of New-Jersey has, impliedly, admitted the want of power in the court, by her attempt to obtain the passage of the law in 1822, and by a proposition made through her commissioners, to the commissioners on the part of this State, in 1S27, to submit this controversy to the Supreme Court, as an impartial tribunal to ar- bitrate between the parties. Taking the foregoing view 7 of the subject, I did not consider my. self justified in permitting the State to be represented as a party defendant, before a tribunal which had no right to exercise authori- ty over us, and which, I confidently hoped, would, on a review of its own powers, come to that conclusion. But the matter has now assumed a new 7 aspect. The opinion of that court shews, that they view 7 the subject differently, or at least aie disposed to assume the jurisdiction on an ex parte case. The grounds upon which, it is supposed, that the court claims cognizance of the controversy, are : 1. That ample power is given to them by that clause of the consti- tution, which ordains that " The judicial power shall extend to con- troversies between two or more states." That having the pow 7 er, the means of exercising it are incidental, and that they may, by rules of court, prescribe the forms of proceeding. 2. That the proceedings in suits before that court, prescribed by statute, are applicable to cases where a state is defendant, and that therefore Congress has legislated on the subject ; and, 3. That the decisions of that court have been uniform, in all ca- ses w 7 hich have come before it, and support the authority of the court. We have now reached a point in the progress of this litigation, where the future action of the State should be determined upon 4 [Senate with deliberation, and governed by a due sense of all the high re- sponsibilities resting upon us, as citizens of the United States, and members of a corporate state sovereignty. This State can never forget that she is a member of the Union, and has a large stake in its perpetuity. While she will permit no encroachments on the part of the general government, she will put forth her strong arm, in time of need, to support it in the exercise of its acknowledged pow- ers. If, on this occasion, she is compelled to differ with the nation- al judiciary, I have no doubt, that she will do so firmly and dispas- sionately, and afford a becoming example of respect towards the tribunal deemed worthy, by the founders of our government, to be the depository of the power for preserving the peace of the Union. It was undoubtedly a part of the design of our government to have a judicial tribunal to decide on all questions of conflicting rights, growing out of the limitations of the sovereignty of the States, and the specific delegations of power to the general government. And one of its special objects was to adjust amicably, all such differences as might arise between the States. The want of such a power, with sufficient energy tG enforce its decisions, was one of the leading motives for proposing a Constitution. Every worthy American must be penetrated with feelings of gra- titude, when he contemplates the beautiful structure of our govern- ment, and the w 7 onderful harmony and adaptation of its parts. The people, although divided into several communities, are nevertheless, by their compact, bound together in fraternal relations, under a common head, with all the same social interests, duties and feelings, which belong to a consolidated nation. In its great outlines, human wisdom could not devise any thing more perfect, to secure those who live under its protection, in the possession of their rights, and to defend them from the calamities attendant upon civil dissentions. It w T ould have been essentially defective in its arrangements, if pro- vision for the adjustment of disputes between the members of the confederacy had been omitted. An appeal to arms, which is the only means of redress by one nation for the wrongs committed upon it by another, is ill suited to the condition of the members of the same political family. But in this part of the system, an inherent difficulty reminds us of the imperfection of all human works. Our government is based upon a written Constitution, which is the rule of conduct for all the No. 55. J 5 constituted authorities. Legislative discretion finds its limits-there. Who shall decide when its boundaries are transgressed ? If this power had been placed in Congress, then not the Constitution, but the will of that body, would be the fundamental law of the empire. It is in the nature of things, that there must be an irresponsible power, somewhere, and in the adjustment of the parts of our gov- ernment, it was deemed essential to the uniformity of its action, to place it beyond the influence of (hose commotions, arising from popular errors, which indiscriminately destroy, and soon pass away. This power was, therefore, intended to be placed injudicial officers, rendered immoveable, save for misconduct. This body, being the ultimate tribunal from which no appeal lies, must necessarily decide, among other things, upon its own constitu- tional powers. The only relief from its errors rests in a resort to amendments of the Constitution, to an impeachment of the judges, and in cases of flagrant usurpations, to a refusal by the officers to execute its decrees, or a forcible resistance on the part of the State, which is sought to be subjected to its power. While we deny to the Supreme Court the right to bring us before its judgment seat, we have no reason to believe that it designs to usurp authority over us, or that it will persist in enforcing a jurisdic- tion, when it is convinced of its error. Indeed the court seem to invite us to a discussion of their power, in the closing part of their opinion, where they say, that " the question of proceeding to a final decree will be considered as not conclusively settled, until the cause shall come on to be heard in chief." However clear we may consider the question to be, that the court has no power, yet the only peaceful tribunal which has cognizance of the question has decided it provisionally against us, and it becomes a question of magnitude, whether we shall now assume an attitude of resistance, or whether we shall embrace the opportunity still presented to us, to debate the question. It will be proper to inquire, in the first place, if any, and what rights of the State will be compromised by an appearance in court, to contest the jurisdiction, and ultimately to try the merits of the dispute between the States. A resort to forcible resistance would be both unwise ad unbecoming in the State, except on undisputed ground, and at the last point of forbearance. " [Senate It has been feared by some, that if we should appear in court, we should thereby waive our right to object to the jurisdiction in the subsequent progress of the cause. If a law of Congress be neces- sary to give effect to the Constitution, and the court takes no juris- diction without it, then an appearance by the State waives nothing. Jurisdiction cannot be conferred by an act which does not extend it over all the States. The Constitution or the law, or both conjoint- ly, may confer such a jurisdiction, but no State can bestow it either by implication or express consent. It is a rule of law, that the con- sent of a party does not give jurisdiction : a court takes no more power by virtue of it, than an unofficial person. The authority of a tribunal, created by the consent of the parties, is derived from the submission, and cannot be extended beyond its terms. Contending as we do, that the clause of the Constitution which declares, that the judicial power shall extend to controversies between States, is a dormant power, and does not attach to any tribunal until it is vivified by an act of Congress, our appearance, in compliance with a sum- mons from the court, under a protest against its proceedings, will admit nothing. But supposing that this position is untenable, and that the Consti- tution should be interpreted to mean to invest the court with a ju- risdiction, which it is unable to execute, for want of process to bring the party into court; yet we have a right to contend, and I think we will be sustained by the court, and the enlightened sense of the American people, that the technical rules of law, so proper and ex- pedient in ordinary causes between private parties, ought not to apply to a case so peculiar and momentous. This case is entirely anomolous, involving a great and fundamental question of right. It is to determine the limits of power between a State sovereignty and an arm of the national government, beyond which there is no appeal, except to that which severs the bonds of the Union, and involves us in all the horrors of civil war. Such rights as we contend for are not to be controlled by technicalities, and cannot be waived by any implication. We have too much regard to the public peace ; too much respect for the constituted authorities ; too much interest in sustaining the National as well as State governments in their proper spheres, to put at defiance any branch of authority created by the Constitution, until argument and remonstrance are exhausted. We have great confidence, that should the merits of the contro- versy between this State and New-Jersey be examined, they will No. 35.] 7 be found to rest with us. If this should be the result of an investi- gation before the court, it would quiet this hitherto vexatious dis- pute, which has so long disturbed our harmony with a sister State. If, however, a judgment should pass contrary to our expectations, and justice should not demand of us to cede the disputed territory, and we should still deny the authority of the tribunal, we should then be in as good a condition to resist the execution of the judg- ment, as if it had passed against us by default of appearance. As the court has seen fit to select the Executive and Attorney- General, as the proper persons to bring into their court, as the rep- resentatives of the State, I shall, unless otherwise directed by the Legislature, instruct the Attorney-General to protest against any waiver of right by appearing, and to appear and contest the suit in its progress, to its final determination. E. T. THROOP. Albany, March 10, 1831. # r Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 http://archive.org/details/communicationfro00newy_4 1 REPORT OP THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL. Albany , February 24, 183 L His Excellency Eno9 T. Throop, Governor of the State of New- York. SIR— It has become my duty again to invite the attention of your Ex- cellency, to the suit commenced in the Supreme Court of the Unit* ed States, by the State of New-Jersey, against the People of the State of New- York. And in doing so, it may be proper to give a brief account of the nature and progress of this litigation. In June, 1829, a copy of the bill filed by the State of New-Jersey, and a subpoena to appear and answer, were served upon the Gover- nor and Attorney-General. The subpoena was directed to those officers, and commanded them to appear " on behalf of the people of the State of New-York," which they were not to omit u under the penalty of five hundred dollars." The bill filed by the State of New-Jef sey, after setting forth let* ters patent granted by king Charles the second, to his brother James, duke of York, in 1664, and several other grants, proceeds as follows : " And your complainants respectfully insist, that by the fair construction of the grants before mentioned, and by the princi- ples of public law, the State of New-Jersey is justly and lawfully entitled to the exclusive jurisdiction and property of and over the waters of the Hudson river, from the forty-first degree of latitude, to the bay of New-York, to the filvm aqua, or midway of the said river ; and to the midway or channel of the said bay of New* York, and the whole of Staten-Island Sound, together with the land covered by the water of the said river, bay, and sound, in the like extent. " And your complainants well hoped that the people of the State of New-York, w ? ould have permitted your complainants peaceably and quietly to enjoy her said rights of property, jurisdiction and so- vereignty, over the said waters, and land covered with water, of the said river Hudson, and the other dividing waters of the Bay of New-York, without the interruption and disturbance of the State of New-York, as in justice and equity she ought to have done, But [S. No. 55.] 2 10 [Senate now, so it is j may it please your honors, that the people of the State of J^cw-York, intending to encroach upon and aggrieve the State of New-Jersey in her lawful rights, at an early period of the settle- ment of the said States, and while they were colonies, wrongfully and forcibly possessed herself of the said island, called Staten-Island, and the other small islands in the dividing waters between the two States ; and your complainants then being a feeble colony, and un- der a proprietary government, although the right of New-Jersey was publicly and frequently urged to the said islands, she could oppose no effectual resistance to the said encroachment of the State of New-York, which was then under royal patronage, and her inha- bitants exempted from the taxation which New-Jersey was obliged to impose upon her citizens ; that the possession thus acquired by New-York, has been sirtce that time acquiesced in, and the State of New-York refuses to yield up to your complainants the said islands, insisting that by the principles of public law, the said possession of the said islands, has established the title to the same in herself ; but your complainants insist and charge, that although it may be true, that the long continued possession of New-York of the said islands, may conclude your complainants from disturbing the same at this time, and which your complainants are willing, for the sake of peace, to admit; yet that the State of New-York has no other pretence of title to the said islands, on which she can rely, but the said adverse possession ; and that inasmuch as the said possession of those islands by the State of New-York, has been uniformly con- fined in its exercise to the fast land thereof, your complainants in- sist, that the title of New-Jersey to the whole waters of the Staten- Island Sound, remains clear and absolute in your complainants, ac- cording to the terms of the raid herein recited grants." The prin- cipal prayer of the bill is, that " the eastern boundary line between your complainants and the State of New-Ycrk, may by the order and decree of this honorable court, be ascertained and established, and that the rights of property, jurisdiction and sovereignty of your complainants to the filwm aqua, or middle of said Hudson river, from the forty-first degree of north latitude on the said Hudson river, through the whole line of the eastern shore of the State of New- Jersey, as far as the said river washes and bounds the said State of New-Jersey, down to the Bay of New-York, and to the channel or midway of the said bay ; and to all the waters and the land they cover, lying between the New-Jersey shore and Staten-Island, and all other waters washing the southern shores of New-Jersey within and above the Narrows ; and that your complainants may be quieted No. 55. J 11 in the full and free enjoyment of her property, jurisdiction and sove- reignty, in the waters aforesaid, and that the right, title, jurisdiction and sovereignty of New-Jersey in and over the same, as part of her public domains, be confirmed and established by the decree of this honorable court." There may be some difficulty in ascertaining from the statements and allegations in the bill, whether the Slate of New-Jersey intends to claim any thing more than the right of territorial jurisdiction, separate from the right of property in the soil. If the claim be of this description, it will be difficult to find a precedent for its adjust- ment, either in a court of law or of equity jurisdiction. And if a right of property is asserted, it would seem to be a case requiring a trial at law in some of those actions which have been devised for de- termining the right to real property. In the one case, a question is presented in relation to the jurisdiction of the court over the subject matter in litigation ; and in the other, a question going only to the form of the remedy. But these were questions of less immediate importance than the one presented by this proceeding, whether the Supreme Court of the United States could exercise original and compulsory jurisdiction over a State. Having at an early day expressed to your Excellency and the Legislature, an opinion that the court could not take cogni- zance of the suit, I deem it proper on this occasion, briefly to state some of the grounds upon which that opinion was founded. The Constitution of the United States, (Art. III. sec. 2,) declares among other things, that " the judicial power — shall extend to contro- versies between two or more States; between a State and citizens of another State — and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens or subjects." The 11th amendment to the constitution declares, that "the judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, com- menced or prosecuted against one of the United States, by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State." Without considering whether this ought to be regarded as a con- struction, rather than as an amendment to the Constitution, and conceding that the judicial power of the United States extends to controversies between States, it still remains to be considered, whether the grant of jurisdiction by the Constitution included also the means of carrying it into execution ; or whether those means were to be provided by Congress. 12 [Seat ate The Constitution provides, (Art. III. sec. 1,) that " the judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish but neither the number of Judges of which the Supreme Court should consist, or the times or places of their % meeting, nor the amount of their compensation, was settled. These, with many other essential things, were left for the determination of Congress, in filling up the great outline that had been marked out by the Constitution. That legislation would be necessary in the organization of the new government, and its several departments, was foreseen and provided for by the trainers of the Constitution. That instrument declares, (Art. L sec. 8, sub. 17,) that " Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution [he foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof." In this pro- vision a distinction is plainly recognized between a power vested by the Constitution in any department of the government, and the necessary means of carrying that power into execution. There is, therefore, nothing absurd in saying, that a power con- ferred by the Constitution may remain dormant, if Congress, for any cause shall omit to pass the necessary laws for bringing it into exercise. Had no laws been passed, providing for the organization of the supreme or the other courts of the United States, the whole judicial power would have remained a dead letter in the Constitu- tion. If, after the number of Judges of which the Supreme Court should consist had been fixed by law, and the offices had been filled, no times or places had been assigned by law for their meeting, there would have been Judges, but no court. And if, when that court was duly organized, no process had been given to bring before it the persons to be affected by its judgments ; or if process had been given, without the proper officers to execute it, the court would still have been without the means of exercising its constitutional authority. Such, no doubt, were the views entertained by the members of the first Congress that assembled under the Constitution. They proceeded to pass the necessary laws for the organization of the federal courts, and to provide them w T ith process, and officers to ex- ecute their commands. But it is believed, that neither the first nor any subsequent Congress has passed any such laws as were neces- sary for carrying into execution that portion of the judicial power which extends to controversies between two or more States. No. 55.] 13 It is a fundamental principle in our laws, admitting of but few and special exceptions, that no court can give a valid judgment until it has acquired jurisdiction over the person of the defendant. In rela- tion to all those suits against individuals and corporations, of which the federal courts have cognizance, it is not denied that they have been provided with the means of acquiring jurisdiction over theper : sons, (whether natural or artificial,) to be affected by their judg- ments. But to acquire jurisdiction over a State, it is believed that some other means were necessary than such writs as are u agreeable to the principles and usages of law for the reason that there was never any principle or usage of law to issue writs or legal process of any description against a State or independent government. Nor is it supposed that giving " forms and modes of proceeding," in equity cases, " according to the principles, rules and usages which belong to courts of equity," can reach the case of a State made a defendant; for the reason that there were no pre-existing forms or modes of proceeding against a State, nor w r ere there any principles, rules or usages by which a court of equity could acquire jurisdiction over an independent government. Without going into any particular examination of the acts of Con- gress relating to the judicial power of the United States, it may be sufficient in this place to say, that the grant of original jurisdiction over a State, was a new and extraordinary power : And if the fede- ral courts could not exercise their ordinary jurisdiction over individ- uals, without the authority of an act of Congress for that purpose, it must be apparent, that this case called for special legislative provi- sions. A law giving to the federal courts such " forms of writs and executions," and " modes of process," in the several States, as were then u used and allowed in the Supreme Courts of the same," would sufficiently provide for impleading individuals, but would make no advances towards carrying into execution the power to implead a State. In the case of corporations, the law had provided the appropriate process for compelling their appearance, and directed the mode in which service was to be made ; but against a State or sovereignty, no process for compelling an appearance had ever been devised, nor haJ any means been pointed out, by which the defendant could be summoned to answer the complainant. It was, therefore, necessary in providing for the exercise of this power, either that some new 14 [Senate writ, summons or process, adapted to the ease, should be given ; or that a new quality or efficacy should be imparted to those then in use. It was also necessary to direct in what manner such process should be served ; whether upon the Governor, or some other officer, executive or judicial, or upon the Legislature of the defendant State : whether some person should be required by law to appear for the State, or under what circumstances the court should be authorized to proceed ex parte. The means also by which a State should answer the complaint, whether through its Legislature, or some one or more of its executive officers, were all to be provided, for the reason that none of those things were previously known to the laws, or to any forms of judicial proceedings. These are only a sample of the many provisions that seem to be necessary in such a case. Similar diffi- culties must exist in every stage of the proceeding, and instead of diminishing, they will be found to multiply and increase in impor- tance, in the consideration of the final decree or judgment to be rendered, and the proper means for carrying it into execution. Although it was not designed, in this communication, to go be- yond a brief statement of the leading reasons for the opinion that has been expressed, it may be proper to notice several cases which came before the court between the years 1790 and 1800, in which the court entertained jurisdiction against a State. The case of Geor- gia against Brailsford, determines nothing upon this question, for the reason that the State was the complainant in the bill, and so a voluntary party to the suit. And in relation to all the cases that came before the court, it is not unimportant to remark that no one appeared to argue against tha exercise of jurisdiction ; and in only two of the cases did the court deliver any opinion upon that ques- tion. Those were the cases of Chisholm against the State of Geor- gia, decided in February term, 1793, and Grayson against the State of Virginia, decided in August term, 1796. In the first case, the leading question discussed by the judges who maintained the juris- diction of the court, was, whether upon the true construction of the constitution, a State could be made a party defendant, and not whe- ther the means of exercising jurisdiction had been provided by Con- gress. Mr. Justice Iredell was the only one that entered distinctly into the latter question, and he arrived at the following conclusions : " 1st. That the constitution, so far as it respects the judicial authori- ty, can only be carried into effect by acts of the legislature appoint- ing courts, and prescribing their methods of proceeding. 2d. That Congress has provided no new law in regard to this case, but ex- No. 55.] 15 pressly referred us to the old. 3d. That there are no [principles of the old law, to which we must have recourse, that in any man- ner authorise the present suit, either by precedent or by analogy. The consequence of which, in my opinion, clearly is, that the suit in question cannot be maintained." In the case of Gray3on against Virginia, after the service of a subpoena, a motion was made for a distringas to compel the State to enter an appearance ; but the court postponed a decision, " in con- sequence of a doubt whether the remedy to compel the appearance of a State, should be furnished by the court itself, or by the legisla- ture." Two general rules were finally adopted, the first of which was in the following words : " Ordered that when process at com- mon law, or in equity, shall issue against a State, the same shall be served upon the Governor, or chief executive magistrate, and the Attorney-General of such State." The validity of this rule mani- festly depended upon the power of the court to provide the means for impleading a State. It is true, that the federal courts were authorised by statute, c: to make and establish all necessary rules for the orderly conducting business in the said courts ;" but it is be- lieved that this was only an authority to regulate proceedings in cases where the court had jurisdiction by law ; and not a power by which jurisdiction could be acquired. The like remark is applica- ble to another provision, by which the courts of the United States were authorised to make alterations and additions in the forms of writs, and in the forms and mode of proceeding. Congress made direct and appropriate provisions for carrying into execution every portion of the judicial power, except that which related to the im- pleading of a State. And to place the jurisdiction of the court in this case, upon its power to make rules and regulate practice, is to suppose that Congress intended to do indirectly what it was not pre- pared to do by direct and specific legislation. And besides, if the power to make rules, and to regulate practice, was sufficient to ena- ble the court to exercise this new and extraordinary jurisdiction over a State, it was most clearly sufficient to enable the federal courts to exercise every other portion of their jurisdiction ; and all the other legislation upon this subject has been useless. But whether this rule was originally valid or not, it was supposed to be obsolete, for the reason that it was not to be found in any sub- sequent publication of the rules of the court. This was one of two rules, which originally appeared together, in the report of the case 16 [Senate of Grayson against Virginia ; one of which has been regularly re-published ever since, the other never, until within the past year. Mr. Peters, in his Reports, says, that this omission arose from the fact, that it was not regularly entered by the clerk at the time of its adoption. The doctrine that the Supreme Court of the United States cannot exercise original and compulsory jurisdiction over a State, has the sanction of much higher authority than any opinion I may entertain upon the subject. None of the five States sued at the period already mentioned, were suspected either of a want of patriotism, or ef attachment to the Union ; yet each of those States, to wit : Connecticut, New- York, Virginia, South-Carolina, and Georgia, neglected or refused to appear and submit to the jurisdiction of the court. The decision of the court, entertaining jurisdiction/produced great dissatisfaction, and resulted in the adoption, by at least three-fourths of the States, of the eleventh amendment to the Constitution, which put an end to all of the suits then depending, before a final judgment had been recovered in either of them. This controversy, and others of a similar character, have existed for the last thirty years; and yet it is believed, that this is the first instance during that period, in which an attempt has been made to implead a State. It is believed, that the commissioners on the part of New-Jersey, amtng whom were several distinguished lawyers, manifested their opinion, that the court could not exercise compulsory jurisdiction over a State, by a proposition for a voluntary submission of the matter in controversy to the Supreme Court of the United States. See their letters to the New-York Commissioners of the 15th and 17th September, 1827. Senate journal, 1828, appendix A. Bills have been repeatedly presented to Congress, " prescribing the mode of commencing, prosecuting and deciding controversies between States;" but they have never met with the approbation of the Legislature. One or more of those bills were brought in by the Senators from New-Jersey, who are reported to have admitted in the discussion of the bills, as did other Senators who were in favor of No. 55.] 17 bringing this power into exercise, that the Supreme Court could not exercise this jurisdiction without an act of Congress for that purpose, and that no such act had been passed. And those bills are said to have been opposed and rejected, not on the ground that the court could act without further legislation, but on the ground that the measure was inexpedient ; and that the harmony of the Union would be best preserved by leaving dormant in the Constitution that por- tion of the judicial power which extends to controversies between States. It is believed, therefore, that it may be truly said, that Congress has not only omitted, but that it has actually refused to pass the necessary laws for carrying into execution the judicial power over a State. It may not be improper to add, that when this case came before the court, in February, 1830, (3 Peters 461,) neither the counsel for the State of New-Jersey, nor the court itself, treated this as a question that had been already settled, or as one free from difficulty. Mr. Wirt, on behalf of New-Jersey, asked the court to assign a day for the argument of the question of jurisdiction, before another sub- poena should issue ; saying, " it might, if decided against the plain- tiffs, prevent unnecessary expense." And the court did assign a day for the argument of that question : and the Chief Justice added, that " if the argument should be merely ex parte, the court would not feel bound by its decision, if the State of New-York afterwards desired to have the question again argued." The court at a subse- quent day, and without argument, awarded further process upon the ground of previous precedents ; saying, however, " the State of New-York will still be at liberty to contest the proceeding at a future time in the course of the cause, if it shall choose to insist upon the objection." This question is distinct, from those in which the Supreme Court exercises an appellate jurisdiction, where a State may have been a party in the court below. In all such cases, the State is plaintiff, and so a voluntary party to the original proceeding : and although the parties are reversed in the forms of proceeding in the appellate court, it is still a continuance of the same suit, and cannot properly be said to be the commencement or prosecution of a suit against a State. There is this further distinction, that a writ of error acts only upon the record, and not upon the parties to it. It is directed [S. No. 55.] 3 18 [Senate not to the party, but to the court in which the judgment was render- ed, and directs that the record be sent into the appellate court for review. A citation is issued, but it is only for the purpose of advi- sing the party, that the judgment will be reviewed ; and neither an appearance or any other act on his part is required. This jurisdic- tion does not depend upon the character of the parties, but upon the character of the cause : and its exercise has been amply provided for by the 25th section of the judiciary act of 1739. I submit herewith, marked D. a copy of one of the bills that have been before the Senate of the United States, on this subject. It was introduced by Mr. Dickerson, one of the Senators from New-Jersey, on the tenth day of January, 1822 ; and is entitled, " A bill prescri- bing the mode of commencing, prosecuting and decidingcontroversies between States." At tho close of the paper marked D. another bill upon the same subject, brought in by Mr. Robbins, one of the Sena- tors from Rhode-Island, on the eleventh day of December, 1828, is mentioned, and the difference between the two bills is pointed out. From these bills it will be seen, that the advocates for bringing into exercise this portion of the judicial power of the United States, have considered it a matter of great delicacy and importance, and one requiring very special legislative provisions. Several other bills having the same object in view, have at different periods been presented to Congress, but I have only seen copies of the two al- ready mentioned. But independent of the opinion which I entertained in relation to the power of the court, this was a proceeding against the State in its sovereign capacity, and involving its territorial jurisdiction. And whether the State should, or should not render a voluntary submission to the proceeding by appearing and answering the com- plaint, was a question belonging either to the Governor or the Le- gislature, and not to the Attorney-General, or any subordinate agent of the government. This opinion was suggested in a communication to your Excellency, in July 1829, soon after the suit was instituted, and again in my communication in December following, which was laid before the Legislature by your Excellency, on the opening of the session of 1830. The bills presented to Congress, for the purpose of carrying into execution that portion of the judicial power which relates to con- troversies between States, directed that the State made a defendant No. 55.] 19 should be notified by the service of a certified copy of the bill of complaint, and all documents, upon the Governor or chief executive officer of the defendant State ; and that a notification should be served by the marshall on the Legislature of the defendant State, at the time of serving a copy of the bill. Those bills further provided, that no person should be permitted to act for the defendant State, unless legally authorized by the Legislature thereof: and that cer- tain rules should be granted against the Legislature of the State impleaded. These provisions sufficiently indicate, that the advo- cates for bringing into exercise this portion of the judicial power of the United States, thought such a proceeding of sufficient importance to be presented to the State in its sovereign capacity, and to be acted upon by its Legislature. The first process issued in the cause was made returnable on the first Monday in August 1829. The Supreme Court of the United States does not sit at that period in the year ; but it is a day on which rules may be entered, in the exercise of the ordinary equity jurisdiction of the court. It was thought proper to advise the clerk of the court, that this was not deemed a proper case for entering or- ders as of course : and a letter was addressed to him on the 27th of July, 1829, a copy of which, marked A, is hereunto annexed. The clerk was requested to lay that letter before the court, should the subject at any time be presented for its consideration. On the 26th day of December, 1829, I addressed a communication to your Excellency, which has been before mentioned, and which will be found in the legislative documents for 1830, No. 4. While at the city of Washington in the discharge of other official duties, I was, on the thirteenth day of January, 1830, served with a notice that the Supreme Court would be moved on the thirteenth day of February following, to proceed ex parte in the cause, and to take the bill filed by New-Jersey as confessed, and to render a decree in conformity with the prayer thereof. Not having received any instructions to appear in the suit, and thinking it improper to do so without authority, I addressed a letter to the Chief Justice and associate justices of the Supreme Court, on the eve of my