lEx ICtbrts SEYMOUR DURST When you leave, please leave this hook Because it has heen said "Ever thing comes t' him who waits S:xcept a loaned hook." Avery Architectural and Fine Arts Library Gil T OF Seymour B. Durst Old York Library \ Digitized by the Internet Archive ' in 2013 http://archive.org/details/newyorkfraudconsOOunse THE NEW YORK FRAUD. * THE CONSPIKACY OF THE OFFICE HOLDERS UNMASKED. ^^Electioneering tricks, designed by the great enemy of man- kind for the destruction of free governments, by prevent- ing a free expression of the public will.^^ Gen. W. H. Harrison. PUBLISHED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE BOSTON HARRISON CLUB. 6h (J THE CONSPIRACY OF THE OFFICE HOLDERS. The charges of Fraud against several distinguished highly respect- able members of the Whig party, involving, as the story ran, the whole Whig party, have at length been sufficiently investigated to give the public some idea of their origin and character. Charges, too, be it remembered, coming from the members of a party fresh from their outrageous attacks upon sovereign States, and the freedom of elections in every form, from the interpolation of seventy pages upon the records of a court of justice in one city, and the illegal registration of as many names upon the Ward lists of another, up to their greater sin of usurping the name and title and bearings of the true de- mocracy. The Whig party have been long prepared for and were expecting outrages of every kind and description from the Locofocos in the high places of power : it was well known that their chance was desperate, and the game they played must be a bold one. Threats of various kinds, involvi^ng the utter defeat of the Whig party, have become as familiar as household words. "/if has been hoastingly uttered that the hlood of the Whigs would soon flow doxvn our streets; AND A DISTINGUISHED LEADER OF THE PARTY, AND AN OFFICER IN THE BOSTON CUSTOM HOUSE, HAS RECENTLY STATED THAT THE WHIGS SHOULD SOON HAVE A CHANCE TO EXPERIENCE THE PHYSI- CAL FORCE OF THE LOCOFOCOS; THAT HE WOULD BRING ONE HUNDRED MEN IN THIS CITY WHO WOULD FLOG ANY THOUSAND WHIGS THE CITY COULD PRODUCE; THAT THE TIME FOR SUCH A CONFLICT WAS AT HAND, AND THEY WERE ONLY WAITING A FAVORABLE OP- PORTUNITY TO BEGIN; AND THAT WHILE THIS BATTLE WAS GOING ON HE WOULD GO UP TO BEACON STREET AND SET FIRE TO THE WHIG HOUSES.'' 4 And after this, Vhat should we not expect! But the last card has been played — and with what effect remains to be seen. It will be the object of the following pages to give an impartial statement of the evidence on both sides — the evidence adduced in support of the charges, and that relied upon in refutation. The last card of the party in power was brought to bear upon the public in the following precious morceaus, issued as Extras from the offices of the Boston Morning Post and the Bay State Democrat. MORNING POST — EXTRA. Boston, Friday, October 23. — Governor Seward Arrested! — Infamous Fraud Detected!/ A most vile conspiracy has been discovered in New York, to carry the elections, in various States, for General Harrison by Fraud. The plan compre- hended the whole Union, and the exposure of the plot wiU disgrace forever the par- ticipators in the scheme, and the party it was intende-d to benefit. We have not the particulars in detail, but they will soon be given to an insulted and outraged people, and will fully prove the existence of a GIGANTIC PLOT TO ELECT GENERAL HARRISON PRESIDENT BY FRAUD. Our correspondent writes us by Harnden's Express — just received — that — " Governor Seward is now under examination before the Police Court; William Macardle has made some astounding confessions ; he is a candidate for the Assembly on the Whig ticket; John B. Glentworth, Whig Tobacco Inspector, is held to bail for $5000. R. C. Whittemore and Moses H. Grinnell have left the city, no doubt knowing that writs have been issued for their arrest. Facts, at once startling and almost beyond belief, are discovered in the process of examination. If these facts, which will be soon made public, do not alarm the whig leaders, then I shall be much mistaken." The Extra from the office of the Bay State Democrat, with a laud- able desire to improve upon their contemporary of the Post, and with the assistance of the inventive genius of an officer in the Custom House, adds the following. " WILLIAM H. SEWARD, the Governor of the State of New York, is just arrested for examination, as one of the parties concerned. He has been in the city for two or three days, and the fact kept dark until within three hours of this writing. Suspicion of what was goina on reached him, and he left Albany in an obscure steamboat, and was landed in an unusual manner, on the East River side of the city." It is a well known fact that the Extra of the Post was published pre- viously to the arrival of the steamboat mail in Boston on Friday morn- ing; and that it was extensively circulated in several towns in the vicinity, arid despatched by special messengers to Maine and New Hampshire before it was made public in the city. These with the facts found in the New York papers of a subsequent date prove that^ this infamous charge was published simultaneously in Baltimore, Phil- adelphia, New York and Boston, and hy preconcerted action circulated through the Union without a word in extenuation. The credit due to the previous extracts from the Post and Bay State Democrat may be judged from the following modest retraction in the former paper of the next day, Saturday, Oct. 24th. " The statement that Mr. Grinnell had left New York, was incor- rect ; nor does it appear that Governor Seward has been arrested, as our correspondent intimated yesterday." 6 Having thus shown the manner in which the cliarges of the Office Holders were originally promulgated, we now present their refutation by the Whig General Committee of New York, men whose names alone are a sufficient guarantee of the truth of anything to which they may be attached. GREAT LOCOFOCO CONSPIRACY. TO OUR FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE UNION. In Joint Executive Committee of the Whig General Committee of the ciTV OF New York. .^ew York, Oct. 24, 1840. For some time past the great whig party has been threatened, through the locofoco papers in various parts of the country, that some matter was on foot for their destruc- tion, which was denominated by the administration papers, '* Mr. Van Buren's last card." The public attention in all parts of the country was called to the subject in advance, by dark insinuations and mysterious threats. At this time the locofoco party was maturing its plans and keeping its councils- It was determined among them that their machine should explode so shortly before the election that its infa- mous contents should be scattered throughout the Union without leaving time to the whig party to make its defence, or even to tell its own story. While both parties stood in a state of suspense, and awaiting the expected shock, all at once, on yesterday, the 2:3d day of October, the mine was sprung by the pub- lication in the locofoco papers of the city, of a portion of certain proceedings then being had before the Recorder and District Attorney of this city, sitting in secret session, viz : the affidavit of one Stevenson, based upon hearsay, that certain indi- viduals among the most respectable and valuable of our citizens had, in the year 1838, entered into arrangements for importing voters into the city of New York, for the then pending election, from the city of Philadelphia. None of the affidavits disproving the accusation were published except in one or two instances ; but means had been taken to give the utmost circulation to the charges, which were scattered through the couisfry in immense numbers immediately on the same coming from the press. In anticipation of these publications, letters were sent and private leports set in circulation that the Governor of the State was actually in custody in the matter; that Aaron Clark, our late whig Mayor, had also been arrested; and that Moses H. Grinnell, one of our present whig Representatives in Congress, had ab- sconded. Simultaneously with the publication of the proceedings in our papers, placards had been posted in Boston, and it is presumed in other distant places, sta- ting these reports to be true, on the authority of letters from this city, with the in- tention of deceiving the public by false and malicious statements. The whole, fellow citizens, is a base and nefarious conspiracy ; a wretched and barefaced attempt to impose upon the community ; a gross and outrageous attempt to CHEAT the People. Our duty is to meet the matter promptly : and we meet it the first moment we have the opportunity, by the publication of the facts. We now explicitly declare, that not only are all the statements with regard to the arrest of Governor Seward and Mr. Clark, and the absconding of Messrs. Grinnell and Wetmore totally and entirely without foundation, but that they are pursuing their usual avocations among their fellow citizens, without molestation. You will also perceive that no evidence has been adduced bringing home to the Whig party of this city, or any of its lead- ers, any participation in the alleged fraud, although the examination has been ex 'parte,, and conducted in an unprecedented manner. In conclusion, we beg leave to state, that as a large portion of the members of this Committee were connected with the Executive Committee of November, J 838, we do most explicitly and solemnly declare, that. >rf far as the knowledge of this Com- mittee extends, no such transactions as are alleged, ever occurred ; AND WE PRO- 6 NOUNCE THE WilOLE SCHEME INTENDED TO INJURE THE CHAR- ACTERS OF INDIVIDUALS, AND TO DESTROY THE PROSPECTS OF THE WHIG PARTY THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY— AS A BASE AND UNFOUNDED ELECTIONEERING FALSEHOOD. G. W. BRUEN, Chairman of the Joint Executive Committee. SAMUEL G. RAYMOND, Chairman Whig General Committee, ex officio. EDWARD MINTURN, Chairman Whig Young Men's General Committee, ex officio. AARON CLARK, M. O. ROBERTS, THOMAS F. PEERS, ROBERT C. WETxMORE, JOHN LLOYD, ALEXANDER W. BRADFORD, SAMUEL SPARKS, MORGAN MORGANS, Jr. ALEXANDER LAWRENCE, BENJAMIN DRAKE, ADONIRAM CHANDLER, JOHN W. THORNE, JOSEPH WEED, J. J. VAN NOSTRAND, HENRY B. BALSTER, WILLIAM A. LAWRENCE, GARRETT H. STRIKER, WILLIAM W. THOMAS, THOMAS VALENTINE, JOHN O. SARGENT, WILLIAM M. MAILN, HENRY W. HAVE:NS, NOAH COOK, RICHARD H. ATWELL, EDWARD PRIME, Members of the Joint Executive Committee. The New York Locofoco Standard of Oct. ^7th, says, with rcffard to the above statement, THAT "NO EVIDENCE TO IMPEACH THEIR FULL AND UNQUALIFIED DENIAL HAD YET BEEN PRODUCED." In connection with this, we quote, from the Philadelphia AMERI- CAN SENTINEL, [a Van Burcn paptr] of the 26th October, the following: " We shall not be behind any body .in contributing, as we may be able, to the detection of frauds upon the ballot box, whether perpetrated by one party or the other, but in the present case the known and long established character for honor and integrity of the parties accused, together with their solemn denial on oath of the allegations, ought to suggest caution in forming a judgment till the whole matter is fully investigated. We think it is not unlikely that the story has grown out of tlje fact, publicly known at the time, that the Whigs of New York, in 1838, applied for persons to come on from this city and other places, that they might recognize and challenge imported votes, if offered by the other side, which, as they supposed, would be done. We believe and trust for the honor of the country, as well as of the individuals implicated, that this will turn out to be the upshot of the whole matter." It will thus be seen that the leading Loco papers have emphatically denied the truth of the charges so loudly trumpeted forth as 'THEIR LAST GREAT CARD.' Having thus exhibited the retraction of the Loco-Foco Presses, we will now PROVE THAT THE LEADERS OF THE LoCO PARTY IN NeW YoRK, WERE THE AUTHORS OP A FOUL CONSPIRACY, TO RUIN THE CHAR- ACTERS OF HONEST MEN INASMUCH AS THEY PRODUCED CHARGES WHICH HAD NEVER HAD ANY FOUNDATION IN FACT, INASMUCH AS IT WAS A WIDELY CONCERTED PLAN INASMUCH AS BRIBES WERE OFFERED TO SECURE THE SUCCESS OF THEIR NEFARIOUS SCHE51ES. The extracts, which we annex, attempt to show that R. M. Blatch- ford, Simeon Draper, James Bowen, Robert C. Wetmore, and Moses 7 H» Grinnell, of New York, and Mayor Swift, of Philadelpbin, endear- ored to procure illegal voters from Philadelphia, to vote in New York City in the fall of 1838. They are portions of the testimony of Jona- than D. Stevenson, a partisan of the administration. Cihj and County of JVeir York, ss. — Jonathan D. Stevenson, of the city of New York, bein^ duly sworn, doth depose and say that he is well acquainted with James B. Glentworth, of the city of New York, Tobacco Inspector for the port of New York. That deponent was desirous to know whether the said Glentworth would be continued in the office, or re-appointed in the event of the success of Governor Seward. That Glentworth thereupon informed this deponent that he could com- mand his re-appointment, and that the persons having the central power would not dare to remove him as he had them in his power, and that he was possessed of docu- mentary evidence by which he could enforce it. Deponent not knowing what hia power or documents were, became anxious to know what control he had, and what documents he was possessed of, and therefore asked said Glentworth to show them, intending at the time to aid him if it was fair and honorable, and without the slight- est idea that such exhibition would lead to the result hereinafter stated. Some time in September last, said Glentworth gave this deponent a history of his operations, and sta;fd that, at the instance of Messrs. R. M. Blatchford, Simeon Draper, James Bowen, R. C. VVetmore, and Moses H. Grinnell, he went from this city to Philadel- phia in the month of October, 1838, just previous to the fall election to procure per- sons to come on to this city to vote at said election. That while there he continued making his arrangements, and employing persons to procure voters to be sent on, until the Friday preceding the election, when James Bowen sent on a man by the name of Ford, with a letter to him, Glentworth, containing five hundred dollars, and requesting him to stop all farther proceedings and arrangements, and with directions to compensate the men, and leaders, and quiet them as much as possible, and so let the matter drop. That this letter reached him on Friday evening. On the next morning he left Philadelpliia for New York, and on his arrival in New York he had an interview with Bowen, Blatchford, Draper, Grinnell, and VVetmore, at Blatchford's office, at^ which he, Glentworth, informed them that to attempt to stop the affair would lead to a full ex-posure ; the excuse they offered for wishing to stop was the want of funds. After some conversation they separated, agreeing to meet at Draper's house on Sat- urday night at ten o'clock, each to see what could be done in the way of funds in the meantime. At the time appointed they all met at Draper's house, where it was determined to proceed, and they again separated at two o'clock on Sunday morning. At this time Draper gave him two sight drafts on Charles Gill, of Philadelphia, for one thousand dollars each, or drafts tor two thousand dollars. That he, Glentworth, * again left the city for Philadelphia on Sunday morning, with said drafts and other funds. As soon as he reached Philadelphia, he saw Mr. Gill, who at once gave him checks on the United States Bank for the amount of the drafts, one of which checks was cashed for him, Glentworth, by Mr. Bridges or Dorrance of the United States Hotel, and the other by George Riston, a broker of Philadelphia. That he, Glent- worth, on the same day, met by appointment, at the house of George Riston, (at which Riston cashed the check before spoken of,) James Young, a police officer, Robert Miller, then a captain of the watch, and Mr. Swift, the Mayor of Philadel- phia. That he, Glentworth, then in the presence of Mayor Swift, and Riston, paid Miller five hundred and sixty dollars, and Young the sum of eight hundred and sixty eight dollars, in consideration of which they were to bring or send on to New York, voters at twenty-five or thirty dollars a head, a list of which they each furnished. That this payment was made on Sunday, the 4th day of November,. 1838, and he took irom them each a receipt for the amount so paid, the originals of which he ex- hibited to deponent. He then asserts that Glentworth had expended in the same cause, for which he had the original receipts, certain other sums of money. That upon the disclosures of these facts to deponent by said Glentworth, and unwilling to believe, notwith- standing the evidence so produced, the truth of this statement, deponent determined that he would proceed to Philadelphia, and if possible have an interview with the persons named. To this end, deponent took from Glentworth a letter directed 8 Mayor Swift, of Philadelphia, of which the following is a copy : — " Dear Sir : The bearer is entitled to your fullest confidence. Jas, B. Glentworth and with this letter proceeded from this city on the 11th of October, instant, and on the evening of that day, waited on Col. Swift, Mayor of Philadelphia, at his house. No. 107 South Tenth st.,and delivered the letter to him, and thereupon said to him, after he had read the letter, that the object of deponent's visit was to make similar arrangements with those made by Glentworth in the fall of 1838, and spring of 1839, and asked hira if he could aid him. He, Swift, said he would. I then asked where 1 could find Miller and Young, his deputies. He replied, that they were engaged on special duty that evening, but if 1 would come to his office between nine and ten o'clock in the morning, he would by a wink point them out to me. He then asked me what my object particularly was, at this time. I told him it was to obtain lists of names that could be registered, and that I was desirous to get as many of the men who were on before as possible — that when they came on they would better understand themselves ; this he said was de- sirable, and that I could place the fullest confidence in Miller. Against this testimony, (X/^ the ONLY testimony upon which THE Loco-Focos RELY TO SUPPORT THEIR ASSERTIONS, «^ immediately appeared the following denials upon oath of the parties accused. City and County of New York,ss: — Richard M. Blatchford, of the city of New- York, counsellor at law, being duly sworn, having been brought before me on sub- poena, says : He knows Jas. B. Glentworth ; I do not know that Mr. Glentworth was appointed with Mr. Swartwout or with any person in October or November, 1838, to go on to Philadelphia ; 1 do not know that he was appointed alone or selected for that purpose. I know the fact that he did proceed to Philadelphia at that period ; I do not know at whose instance he went ; I do not know on his return, of his having a meeting at my house, office, or elsewhere, with any person that I recollect; Mr. Glentworth said he had been informed by Col. Swift and other persons in Philadel- phia, that Mr. Page and other persons bcilonging to the Locofoco party were engaged in the project of sending on to the city of New York a large number of persons to vote at the election in the city of New York. It was suggested by some persons in ttie Whig party, and among others by Mr. Glentworth, that the only method of safe- ly counteracting the effects of such a project, was to procure from Philadelphia the attendance of several persons familiar with individuals in that city, who would be likely to lend themselves to such a fraud. Mr. Glentworth suggested that he had been to Philadelphia, and had seen individuals there who had promised to aid him in procuring men to come on here, and be present at our polls for the purpose of detect- ing such fraudulent voters as the other party might bring on from Philadelphia. Mr. •Glentworth stated that the measure would be attended with some expense, and therefore certain funds would be required to defray those expenses. In that conver- sation it was understood that funds should be furnished for that purpose. I was one of the persons belonging to our party who had the disposal of the funds for paying some of the necessary expenses of the election, and for that reason this communica- tion was made to me — I gave it my assent, as did also Mr. Draper, who I think was present on the express understanding and declaration that under no circumstances, directly or indirectly, should any of the money appropriated for that object, be used for any illegal purposes connected with the election, or for bringing any person what- ever here to vote or to influence voters. Mr. Glentwortji gave a solemn assurance that for no such unlawful purposes should any portion of the money be used. R. M. BLATCHFORD. Taken and sworn to this 22d day of October, 1840. ROBERT H. MORRIS. Recorder of the city of New York. City of JVetn York, ss. — Simeon Draper, Jr. being duly sworn says, that he has read the affidavit of Jonathan D. Stevenson, in the Standard and other papers of this day : that deponent never did, either alone or in connection with any other persons, directly or indirectly employ James B. Glentworth in October, 1838, or at any other time, to procure persona to come on to this city from Philadelphia, to vote at our elec- 9 tions, and that he was never concerned 6r engaged in any such scheme, and that all imputations to that effect contained in said affidavit, are wholly and entirely false. S. DRAPER, Jr. Sworn to Oct. 23, 1840, before me EGBERT BENSON, Judge Court Common Pleas. City of yew York. ss. — James Bowen of the City of New York, being duly sworn^ saith that he never did, directly or indirectly , employ or engage James B. Glentworth or any other person, to induce persons to come to this city to vote at any election, and that he never was concerned in any scheme to that effect, and all charges and imputations to the contrary hereof are utterly false. JAMES BOWEN. Sworn to, October 23, 1840, before me, EGBERT BENSON, Judge Court Common Pleas. City of Xew York, ss. — Robert C. Wetmore being duly sworn, says, that he has read the affidavit of Jonathan D. Stevenson in the Standard and other papers of this day — that he never did directly or indirectly employ or engage James B. Glentworth or any other person, to induce persons to come to this city to vote at any election, and that he was never engaged in any scheme or project to that effect — and all char- ges and imputations to the contrary hereof, are false and untrue. ROBT. C. WETMORE Sworn to Oct. 23, 1840, before me. EGBERT BENSON, Judge Court Common Pleas. City and County of New York, ss. — Moses H Grinnell, of the city of N. York being duly sworn, doth depose and say, that he has read the depositions of J. D Stevenson and others contained in the Standard of this morning, and that the same, as far as they implicate this deponent, are untrue ; that this deponent never did, di- rectly, or indirectly, employ the said Jas. B. Glentworth to go to Philadelphia or any other place, for the purpose of procuring persons to come on to this city for the purpose of voting ; nor has he any knowledge or belief that he was so employed by any person or persons ; this deponent remembers that previous to the fall election of 1838, there was report in this city, which was believed by this deponent, that the Loco Foco party of Philadelphia and other places, intended to send to this city per- sons not entitled to vote, for the purpose of voting their ticket; and that it was therefore deemed advisable by this deponent and otners, that persons who were ac- quainted with the residents of Philadelpliia and other places should attend the polls for the purpose of detecting any such illegal voters, if any such should appear ; that this deponent never had any conversation with said Glentworth in relation to his going to Philadelphia, nor did he even know that he had gone to Philadelphia until some time after he had gone ; that the first knowledge of deponent that he was in Philadelphia arose from reports or letters intimating that the said Glentworth was about employing persons to come on to this city for the purpose of voting ; that this deponent, immediately after hearing such reports, was consulted by R. M. Blatchfbrd, Simeon Draper, Jr., and James Bowen, as to the most effectual mode of preventing the consummation of such plan, if any such was contemplated by the said J. B. Glentworth ; and that thereupon the letter following was sent to the said J. B. Glent- worth. New York, Oct. 3K, 1838. " Dear Sir — Two of your letters, written yesterday, have found their way to this city ; the project which you laid out is not wholly understood by your friends here. The position which they consider themselves placed in, is easily summed up, and their only fear is that you may have misunderstood their motives and desires. If you have made any arrangements which in any way tend to any thing beyond a general supervision of the polls for the purpose of detecting and preventing illt-gal voting, you must at once unequivocally abandon it, and look to them for any expense which your precipitate steps may have occasioned. We value the cause as higiily as any portion of our fellow citizens value it, but we are determined not to enter into any 10 sort of arrangement which, under any circumstances, could be construed into a bar- gain for foreign votes. We therefore take the earliest and most effective mode of saying to you that, while we are ready to submit to the expense which you have incurred in your preliminary arrangement, we will not countenance any system which can in any way encourage the importation of voters. " We know your desires, and shall be willing to meet your wishes, provided they are based upon the simple point of protecting the rights of the honest voters, which we deem your only hope or expectation." And this deponent most solemnly asserts, that he never did directly or indirectly employ the said J. B. Glentworth or any other person or persons to go to Philadel- phia or to any other place, for the purpose of procuring persons to vote in this city, at the elections of 1838 or 1839, or at any other election, or at any other place ; nor does he know or believe that he was so employed by any person or persons ; and that if any persons were so procured by the said J. B. Glentworth, or if any such persons did vote at any election, who were not entitled to vote, the same was done without the knowledge, consent or approbation of this deponent; and as far as deponent knows or believes, without the knowledge, consent or approbation of the said R. M. Blatchford, James Bowen, or Simeon Draper, Jr. M. H. GRINNELL. Sworn to before me, the 23d day of October, 1840. a S. WOODHULL, Judge of New York Common Pleas. STATEMENT OF JOHN SWIFT, Mayor of the City of Philadelphia. I have read the affidavit of J. D. Stevenson, published in the New York Evening Post of the 28th inst., and now proceed to slate all my knowledge in relation to the matter to which it refers, and in relation to the said Stevenson. I know James B. Glentworth of New York, I saw him in the city of Philadelphia in the month of October, 1838. At that time I was not the Mayor of the City of Philadelphia and held no public office whatever. Mr. Glentworth called on me in company with Mr. Robert Swartwfiut of New York, at my dwelling. No. 107 South Tenth street. Mr, Glentworth stated to me that there were great and reasonble ap- prehensions on the part of our friends, of an importation of votes into New York, from this city, and they were desirous, if it were possible, to have there at their com- ing election a select number of persons of general acquaintance, residing in Phila- delphia, for the purpose of watching the polls of the several wards to prevent the reception of illegal votes, by detecting those who might come from the city of Phila- delphia to offer them, I approved of the purpo?e. I told him I would turn the matter over in my mind and if he would call the next morning I would do all in my power to assist. I would determine who could best promote this object. Nothing more passed at that time on the subject, and the gentlemen then retired. On my way down the street the next day I met Robert Miller, a deputy sheriff, and I told him there was a gentleman at the United States Hotel who wanted to see him. I think I went down to the United States Hotel with Mr. Miller, and there introduced him to Mr. Glentworth, and left them. I may have seen Mr. Glentworth again during that visit to the city, but I held no further conversation with him on the subject of his visit. I am positive 1 never on any occasion, heard Mr. Glentworth propose that persons should be sent on to New Y ork for the purpose of voting. 1 never was at the house of Mr. George Riston with Robert Miller, James Young, or Mr. James B. Glentworth. I know nothing of any money ever having been paid to Mr. Miller or Mr Young, by Glentworth, or by any one else on this business. I never on this or any other occasion raised money in conjunction with Mr. Badger and others, to pay men for going to New York, nor after they had come f'-om New York. On the evening of Sunday, the 11th of October, inst., I was in my house in Tenth street, and was informed by my servant that a gentleman wished to see me. I found in my parlor a person who was unknown to me. He presented to me a letter, of which the following is a copy, of which the original is now in my possession. Dear Sir — The bearer will explain to you personally his wishes, he is entitled to your entire conhdence. Your most ob't serv't, James B. Glentworth. 11 New York, October 1 0, 1840. Hon. John Swift, Philadelphia. This letter I believed to be in Mr. Glentworth's hand writing, of which I have no particular knowledge. The confidence with which it was handed to me, removed from me every suspicion as to his authenticity. I asked the bearer, immediately on reading it, what Mr. Glentworth's object was. He replied that they wanted some men sent on to New York, as they were sent in 1838. I asked if he meant men to detect illegal voters. He said he presumed that was the intention of Mr. Glentworth. I told him that I would see what could be done, and requested him to call at my public office between nine and ten o'clock the next day. I did not at this interview know, nor did I inquire the name of 'the person with whom I was conversing. The names of Young, or Miller, or any of my officers were not mentioned during this conversation, nor did I say that if he would come to my office in the morning 1 would by a wink point out Miller or Young to him, nor any thing to that eftect. Nor did Stevenson say to me he wished to get names registered, nor any thing of that kind. Mr. Bela Badger's name was not men- tioned by either of us at this interview ; not one word was said by either him or me, in relation to Mr. Riston having cashed checks. On the next day, between nine and ten o'clock in the morning, while I was en- f acred in my office, the same individual entered; I addressed and asked his name; e°then for the first time told me his name was Stevenson; I understood suhsquently Jrom Miller that he called himself Jarvis, to him; before Stevenson came into my office however, I had seen Mr. Miller, and mentioned to him, that there was a gen- tleman from New York, who wanted to get persons to go to New York to detect illegal voters from this city, the same as they had done in 1838 ; after Stevenson had men- tioned his name as stated above, Mr. Miller came into my office to make his report to me as captain of the watch ; I then said to Miller, this is the gentleman to whom I referred, upon which they left the office together ; since that moment I have not seen Mr. Stevenson. I do solemnly declare that I have never either directly or in- directly aided, assisted or connived at the reception of an illegal vote, either in the city of Philadelphia or in any part of the United States. JOHN SWIFT. Sworn and subscribed, this 24th day of October, 1S40, before me, GEORGE GRISCOM, Aldermaft. It will be observed that Stevenson, according to the testimony of Mayor Swift, assumed a false character. Here is his own statement under oath to the same point. " Jona. D Stevenson, deposes that, on the 13th day of this present month, he went to Philadelpjiia, and there, pretending to be a whig, entered into negotia- tions with Jame/ Young, High Constable of Philadelphia, to procure a number of men who should come here and fraudulently vote the whig ticket, as had been done in 1838." Here we have on the one side, the testimony of a man who changed his name and his politics, who attempted, by his own admission, to MISLEAD UNFAIRLY and DISHONORABLY, HIS POLITICAL OPPONENTS, a man manifestly without character or standing in the community, and on the other, THE TESTIMONY, UNDER OATH, OF SIX OF AS PURE PATRIOTS AND HONEST MEN AS THE COUN- TRY CONTAINS. Shall the character of such men as these be LIED away by an UNPRINCIPLED POLITICAL DESPERADO? The upright citizens, who have thus wantonly and unjustifiably been assailed, have, we have seen^ most triumphantly disproved the disin- terested charges of the tool of the New York office-holders. They have also taken the only step recognised by the law for the protection of their good names. The venal Loco-foco presses of New York City, and the Albany Argus, have been sued for their disgraceful libels. The Boston Morning Post and the Bay State Democrat, have been sued in the sum of $10,000 each, by Moses H. Grinnell, and Robert 12 C. Wetmore has prosecuted the Post for the same amount of damages. To the honor of these gentlemen be it said, that they have forborne any seizure of the presses of these violent papers, unlike the conscien- tious office-holders of Maine, who were compelled in order to save their characters, to stifle the voice of truth, as uttered by the Portland Advertiser. The foul calumnies have been hurled back upon the heads of the utterers, and men whom the OFFICE-HOLDERS attempted to crush have never appeared more pure or bright than when contrasted with such blackness. Moses H. Grinnell, it will be remembered, is one of the most eminent merchants in New York, and represents that city in the present Con- gress. His constituents again nominated him as a candidate for the same office, but his private engagements were of such a nature as to make such a service of the greatest personal inconvenience. But, on the publication of the infamous libels which we are holding up to pub- lic abhorrence, he consented to allow his fellow-citizens, in a manner not to be gainsayed, to stamp their denial of the foul charges brought against him. Here is his manly and dignified letter to his constituents. Let every man read it. ADDRESS OF HON. MOSES H. GRINNELL. To the Electors of the Third Congressional District of the State of New York. Fellow citizens and Constituents : Induced by pecuhar circumstances, affecting your interests and my character, to consent again to be proposed to your suffrages, I deem it a duty and a happiness to address you on the subject. As is well known to my friends, and to most of you, the honor of being your representative in the present Congress was not sought by me. It was accepted against every consideration of private advantage and personal comfort ; it was accepted only that whatever my influence, character and services might avail in the support of a cause believed by me worthy of my support should not, from personal considera- tions, be withheld. The only reward in the services I undertook, was the honor you conferred, and the satisfaction of a faithful dis- charge of my duty. This term of service ended, I thought myself warranted in retir- ing, and have resisted all applications to change this purpose. But an attempt has been made to defraud the whole people of the Unit- ed States by a plot, of which I am personally one of the intended victims — impeaching my good name and my title to the honorable office of being your representative, as having been procured by fraud. This attempt has originated in a conspiracy contrived by men in lucrative offices ; it has been carried on by a degrading abuse of the forms of law ; it has been made to bear at once upon all the now pending elections of the Union. Although I am singled out as one 13 of the victims, yet the success of this attempt is a question of far more consequence to you than to me; a question of far more impor- tance to the future than the present. Because, if unprincipled and desiiminf^ men, havino^ at command a venal press, — that press and themselves gorged with the public money, having the control of the post office and the ascendency in the courts of justice, — can be suc- cessful in effecting the election of a chief magistrate by misrepresen- tation and fraud, then will such elections be no longer the reward of illustrious virtue or conspicuous public service. If this attempt by a plot to effect such an election, shall now be successful, the highest of offices will only be the premium for the boldest frauds and the greatest perversion of official station. The attempt to which I allude, is that made before Mr. Recorder Morris, to charge the election of 1838 to have been carried by frauds on the part of those who have honored me with their votes : and the manner in which the contrivers of the plot have endeavored to af- fect me, bring me prominently to your views, as one bound to piesent it to your condemnation. In relation to these charges, permit me as one known to you from early life as a man of integrity and truth, to say that it is wholly un- true that on that or any other occasion, I ever aided, encouraged, as- sented to, or approved of any fraudulent procuring of votes from Philadelphia or elsewhere. I never had any knowledge of any such votes being procured, sought or given. I never have contributed money or any other thing for any such purpose. 1 never w^as present at any meeting, at any place, with James B. Glentworth. It is wholly untrue that at my instance, or \¥ith my knowledge, he was sent to Philadelphia, nor had I any agency, direct or indirect, in his mission. In giving this denial, I intentionally make it, in the broadest form, to deny every illegal, dishonorable or unfair means pretended to be charged in the papers taken before Mr. Recorder Morris. In entire innocence of these charges permit me to call your atten- tion to the manner in which they have been got up and put forth. The Recorder of New York, Robert H. Morris, at the head of the criminal court of this city, departs from the usual practice of his place and condescends to aid in the taking of depositions intended to operate upon the public mind. The depositions relate to matters appearing in party papers two years ago, then pretended to be known, and slept upon until the eve of the present election. As a judge of the Court of Sessions, he well knew that those who were proceeded against were to be tried before him ; he well knows how important to a fair trial it is that the judgments of the body of the people should not be prejudiced ; that the circulation of ea: j^ar^e depositions, having the imposing form which he sought to confer on those then 2 u before him, would render the procuring of an impartial jury impossi- ble ; and he could scarcely be insensible to the serious effect of such imputations upon all who were the subjects of them. Yet while the proceedings were pending before him, he allows copies of the depositions to be taken by the conductors of the press of a party, and, as 1 am told, himself at midnight superintends the press, going from the bench to the printing office, with the purpose of their being spread in the widest extent and with the greatest effect ; for the purpose of being made effective upon elections in other States, too near at hand to adtnit of any contradiction, certainly of any con- tradiction under a form equally imposing. My fellow citizens, was this acting as a minister of Justice ? Did it show the honor of a gentleman, or the fairness of an honest man ? Are political opponents to be thus hunted down by beagles from the bench ? Are you safe if such proceedings are sanctioned ? To you is now put the question, whether this defilement of the ermine (how costly a sacrifice to an upright judge !) shall be permitted to achieve the success of a trick. But this example in a high place had its full effect upon the subor- dinates. The slanders once set on foot with the garb of official so- lemnity, were circulated with less of scruple. Hand-bills were struck off at Boston even anterior to the publication here, and circu- lated throughout all New England, and especially were flooded into New Bedford, the place of my birth and the abode of my father and brothers. So that in addition to publication simultaneously in New England, Pennsylvania, Washington, Maryland, and doubtless in the other States in the party newspapers, every additional publicity was given that a slanderous ingenuity could contrive ; it has received all that petty publicity which the wonder-telling hand-bill could excrte, with the addition in Boston, that I had absconded to avoid arrest. You, my fellow citizens, know what it is to bear a good name ; how the enjoyment from this source is increased in knowing it to be respected and cherished by the friends of our early life. You can- not fail to know how the defiming of that good name cuts those friends to the heart. You know my standing as a merchant; you know how^ mercantile credit and a reputation for integrity ought to be appreciated ; how slowly it is gained, how easily it can be vio" lated ; and I leave it to you to express your condemnation of this unjust and ungenerous course. It is for you to say whether the heavy interests of the office-holders shall be thus promoted, at the expense of that which in private life is sacred, and in public life so noble as an honest name. But there are circumstances giving to this injury a still more dan- gerous aspect. I only speak now from the documents signed by the actors themselves. The apparent setter forth of the storv. Mr. J. D. Stevenson, was in that position and character, that accusations by him, unsupported and uncountenanced, would have received little notice and done little damage. The frankness, too, of the pretended disclosures from the alleged agent in the frauds which Stevenson pretends to develope, was not a little remarkable, and remarkably suspicious. Stevenson knew well that he must have better aid. He addresses himself to Mr. Butler, the United States attorney, and Mr. Hoyt, the collector of the customs, and they meet toi^anher at Hoyt's house, in an interview, which the latter, with unfeigned simplicity, calls " wholly accidental." Mr. Butler, under his own hand, admits to us that G lent worth came upon an expectation to sell disclosures for the purchase and reward of office ; they well knew the character and standing of those whom he was to assail. Tliey cannot expect us to believe that they were unacquainted with the pretended secrets of Stevenson, and yet do they repel the informer ? Do they take fire of the insult of being applied to, to sell their influence, their recommendation to office in return for the accusation of their fellow citizens? Can it be that the frequent prostitution of that influence, the habit of rewarding party sei vices with the spoils of office, had deadened the sense of insult at being applied to for such a purpose? Certain it is, that the man, coming as an informer, asking to be suborned, was not neglected. Tlie powei s of persuasion of Mr. Butler were, as he says, used to repel the idea of an official reward ; and on him the whole of this service appears to have devolved. But did it not occur to those men. at that interview, that the very proposal made to them, showed that they mus» be dealing, if their own statement be true, with one who was unworthy of belief, and an unfit associate ; that their duty to their neighbor's good name as well as to truth and honor, required them to have no communication with what must have seemed to them so polluted a source? But they held on to the man ; tried "to persuade him to their service ; and finding themselves unable, they fall back u[)on the retailed hearsay of the original Stevenson. This it is which they have spread abroad in order to divert from public questions the attention of an intelligent and honest people, to divert from official misconduct and bad government, the indignation of an awakened nation. Upon tlris plot, base in all its aspects, and upon its authors, I invoke your just sentence. Shall this abortive tampering lipen into a successful fraud? This question, my fellow citizens, is for you to decide. The extent to which dependents upon the public treasury have interfered with elections is already as shameless in its character as it is dangerous in its tendency. Their interference to its present extent in our elections is a most formidable evil, always operating I 16 to shelter official misconduct and to oppose salutary reforms. Op- position to this system is one of the principles of the party with which I act. But how is this danger increased when the officers of the Federal Government convene as a body of inquisitors, and seek to procure from a man appearing before them, as they themselves say, without any credibility, and with the avowed purpose of being suborned, charges of fraud upon their fellow citizens ? Charges against m,en whom they assail for opposing their opinions and jeoparding their offices. My fellow citizens, it is for you to say whether such a sys- tem shall receive your sanction. To me, personally, your service in Congress now will be a most costly sacrifice of time, of private interest, and domestic comfort. But 1 know that in offering to sacrifice them, 1 do but discharge a duty both to you and to myself ; to you as presenting the question not merely whether you will sanction the general measures of the present Administration, but whether you will permit the offices, which are wholly your gift, to be thus prostituted and abused — a duty to myself, as throwing myself upon your sense of justice, as well as your hatred of fraud and tricks, for a triumph over such a combination. My fellow citizens, those who are the actors in this attempt at operating upon our election of a chief magistrate, have shown how unscrupulous they are of public wrong and private injury. It will be most extraordinary if, with the stake before them, they shall omit any effort which may promise success. Slander and falsehood they readily wield ; that they are not shocked at subornation, their tam- pering with Glentworth fully shows. That they will attempt to cover me with slanders ; that they will, in some other mode, seek to impose other falsehoods, at a time too late for contradiction, I am not to doubt : I fearlessly encounter them all. I bare myself to their attacks. Upon your intelligence, your aver- sion to such principles of management, upon your fixed determina- tion for reform, I rely for your suffrages: upon your care for your own honor, your sentiments as honest men, and your general intelli- gence I rely for protection of my good name against persecution and calumny. MOSES H. GRINNELL. New York, October 26, 1840. Having thus proved the falsity of the first charges against the Whig party in New York, we now proceed to show that the conspiracy was extensive in its branches — that it was understood, if it did not ORIGINATE AT THR SEAT OF GOVERNMENT, that preparations were made throughout the country before its publication, for a speedy circulation of the falsehood, and that, in fact, it is a most high handed and WICKED CONSPIUaCY TO CHEAT THE PEOPLE OF THEIR RIGHTS. 17 Proofs can be multiplied to any extent to show tliat the scheme Mas extensively prepared tor circulalion. The sleek olfice holder, Butler, had been boasting for a number of weeks, of a certain last card, which was to utterly annihilate tlie Whig party. Tiie whole loco foco party was on ihe alert for the wonderful diisclosures. In Massachusetts, for a week previous, hints were given to tlie party that Van Buren was yet to be saved. In Pennsylvania, as appears by tlie letters of Naylor and other authority, the infamous frauds of the office-holders were more than suspected. The Globe thus intimates its cognizance of the whole affair, a few days previous to its final explosion : "There are proofs in embryo, vv'hich will one day see the light, and blast the eyes of the perpetrators, while they astonish the honest, upright Democracy, which est;ib- lieh beyond contradiction, the fact that the city of New York has been once, at least, cheated out of her legitimate representation, by the importation of whig voters from Philadelphia, paid tor at so much a head, like so many cattle, and carried from ward to ward, until their votes were multiplied seventeen times !" We see by this extract that the whole matter was understood at head quarters. Indeed, the plot was worthy of the divine Amos Ken- dall. Now comes the Examination. We believe that this is the first instance on record of an American Court conducting an examination to which only one side was admitted. Where it was held, the follow- ing extract from Mr. Grinnell's testimony will show : "He had, he said, a subpoena, directing him to appear before the Recorder, at his office. Ha had spent two dnijs in hunting for the Rrcorder. He had been to the Court of Sessions, the tombs, City Hall, at Mr. Morris's office, 5 Nassau street, and had at last been directed to this place. Mr. Matsell said, he could himself answer the purpose, but the District Attorney was now absent, and he could n't do nothing without Mr. WWting. ' Mr. Glentworth's business,' continued Mr. Matsell, ' is pretty nearly over, and perhaps we sha nt want you, Mr. Grinnell.' Mr. Grinnell ex- pressed his anxiety to make his .statement, in obedience to the requisition of the sub- poena, and that without delay. He had been vilified and slandered in a most outrageous manner, and was desirous tuat the public mind should be set aright in the matter. Mr. Whiting not appearing, however, it was arranged that Mr. Grinnell's examina- tion should be deferred till Monday morning, when Mr. Grinnell withdrew." We shall again rake up this impartial Court. When this examination had commenced as before stated, extras were forwarded to all parts of the country, announcing in incendiary language, the fictitious fraud. And it is a fact pretty well ascertained, that special messengers were sent into Maine from Boston, before the arrival of the New York Mail. In Albany, a clerk in the Post Office was taken from his duties, and sent with a large quantity of the Extras for circulation in Western New York. Heaven be praised that this iniquitous project has been so successfully defeated, and its insti- gators iind framers covered with eternal infamy ! But there is one thing yet to he stated which is of still greater im- portance. It is in evidence under oath that bribes were offered to Glentworth to imf)licate in some manner the Whig party. Let every unprejudiced man read the testimony of Glentworth and judge for himself? 2* 18 JS'ew York, ss. — James B. Glentworth, of the city of New York, being duly wvorn, STith that within the last thirty days, at dilFerent times and places, in the city of New York, he has been ap[)lied to by Jonathan D. Stevenson, Benjamin F. Builer, U. S. District Attorney, Jesse Hoyt, Collector, and John W. Edmonds, to make state- ments that should implicate Governor Seward, and the leading friends of the Gover- nor in New York, in a charge of having countenanced frauds at the election in New York city in the year 1838. That a few days ago, deponent was induced by said Stevenson to go to the house of said B. F. Butler, and at the door of which Mr. Edmonds joined us, and we went together to the house of said Jesse Hoyt, Esq., which we entered and found Mr. Hoyt at home. Presently we were joined by Mr. Butler — for a few minutes nothing was said, when Mr. Edmonds remarked, '^wc hud hetter proceed to business." Thereupon Mr. Butler said Mr Stevenson had lately made important disclosures to him, affecting the Whig party, and if deponent would come forward and make the iiec*^ssary proof, great good would follow from it — that deponent would thereby take a high stand— that deponent had been denounced by the Whigs as a Loco Foco — and had nothing to expect from that party — but he had everything to expect from the other party — that deponent would earn the lasting gratitude of the country ; for his own part, as to money, he would divide his last cent, or last crust with deponent. Th'-reupon, Mr. Hoyt said he would do the same. And deponent further saith,that the said Stevenson repeatedly assured deponent that if he would take a stand against them, the Whigs, the party (meaning the ad- ministration party) would be unaer such obligations to me that I could have any office, or liny money, and especially that Mr. Van Buren would do any thing for me ; and that 1 should have the office of Consul at Havre ; that Mr. Brent, who now has the office, was old, and could be put out, as- he ioas appointed by Gen. Jackson ; and that he, Stevenson, would go to Washington about it, but that was unnecessary, as Mr. Butler and Mr. Edmonds, who were the confidential friends of the P/ ftston, in conversation with deponent, after deponent and he had left Mr Hoyt's house, on the occasion above referred to. and were walking down together, said to deponent, that Messrs. Butler, Hoyt and Edmonds, could not enter into an agreement in respect to any par- ticular office at that time, because it would look like a bargain with me to induce me to come forward, and would defeat the object. But, said he, there is Mr. Butler, a man of as much purity of character as any man in this country, and he can do any thing with Mr. Van Biirin — did you not hear him say he loould divide the last cent or crust with you ? Here is Mr. Edmonds, a confi- dential friend and correspondent of Mr. Van Buren, and here is Mr. Hoyt the Col- lector—they can do any thing : and deponent believes that Stevenson made these remarks because deponent declined to involve himself, by a compliance with the overtures made to deponent at Mr Hoyt's house. And deponent further saith. that he is now satisfied that he has been the dupe of a conspiracy, which, under the pre- tence of gainini; the means to compel Governor Seward to continue deponent in office, and thereby to assist deponent, has from the beoinning had for its object to induce deponent by promises of reward, and then by THREATS O.*-' PROSECU- TION, to become the instrument of violent attack upon the Governor and the Whig party — and deponent further adds, that in the progress of this affair, the said Steven- 19 son has constantly spoken of the unlimited poicer he, the said Stevenson, wonid ac- quire with the Administration party, if he should succeed in this atttich vj on the Jl'hi^s. JAS. B. GLENTWORTH. Sworn this 23d day of October, 1840, before me, JOS. P. PIRSSON, Comu)isoioner of Deeds. And now what says Mr. Butler, — and what say Iloyt, Stevenson, and Edmonds ? The attempt to discredit their own witness will come with a bad grace from them — and to give him up entirely, where would be the testimony of Stevenson founded upon the precious con- fessions of this same Glentvvorth ? Let Mr. Attorney Butler gnaw upon this crust. Mr. Edmonds, to be sure, in his account of that accidcntdl rendezvous in Hoyt's basement, puts a little more polished discourse into the mouth of the ingenuous B. F. Butler, and represents him as offering " to share his last farthing with him (Glentvvorth) before he should sufter." This language to a needy man, be it re- membered, comes from an officer of the general government with an incotne of over $30, 000 a year : to a man, of whom, even their chief witness, Mr. Butler savs under oath, " it was very evident that he was not only THOROUGEILY UNPRINCIPLED, but perfectly CALLOUS." And it is upon the testimony of this man narrated by Stevenson, who, as Mr. Butler confesses, in substance asked him for a bribe at their first interview, that the conspirators rely to criminate Moses H. Grinnell and Gov. Seward ! But the office holders were not satisfied with merely scheming, some part of their vile plans must be carried into practical effect, by them- selves — to this end, the Mayor and Recorder proceed at njidnight to the house of one Pierce, and demand of him a package of papers placed in his hands by Glentvvorth — upon his refusal to deliver tliem up, thueats were held out, of such a nature, and in such manner by the hiiihest officf;rs of the city, that Pierce was compelled to deliver up the papers to their custody. We make no further comment upon this procedure than is contained in Aiiticle 4 of the AiviENDMEiNiT of the CoNSriTUl ION OF THE UnITED StATES. " The riirht of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and siizmes, shall not be riolatcd ; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported hy oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and tlie persons or things to be seized. " Much ado was made by the Locofocos about these Glentvvorth pa- pers ; they were represented as containing the very essence of the Fraud, particulars of which, when divulged, would blast forever the ■whole Whig party. The Recorder undertook to open the paj)ers in Court, hut Glentvvorth, holding to his rights as secured to him hy the Constitution, sued out a writ of replevin to recover the said papers. Here we ffive the Sheriff's official n turn, showing the MANNER IN WHK II THE LAWS ARE RESPECTED BY THE OFFICE HOLDERS. The following is ihe Sheriff" s return to the above writ. By virMie of the within writ, on the SGth of October, instant, I proceeded to a room in the rear of the Commissioners of the Alms House and Bridewell of the city of New York, where 1 found the defendants, within named, and saw the package, within mentioned, in possession of said defendants. I attempted thereupon to exe- cute the said writ, and act.ually took liuLd of said ■package, proclaimbiv aloud that I claimed possession of the same by virtue of a writ of replevin, intending thereby the within writ, vpon which 1 was fokcibi.y srized by the defendant, R. H. Morris, he at the same time exclaiming, " No you don't. Sheriff," which assault of the said R. H. Morris was immediately followed by an attack from I. L. Vauian, the other defendant, assisted by Peter B. Walker, one of the Marshals of the city of New York, and McGrath, by whom / was forcibly prevented from executing the process, and throvgh whose means and ag-rncy the package sought to be replevied was forcibly and violently taken and removed from my control. I do further return that shortly therealler the defendant, R. H. Morris, stated that he had not then the package in his possession, but had no doubt he could procure the same, and. pledged his word as a gentleman, and his honor as a magistrate, if he could obtain possession of the same, that he would produce the same in the slate in which he might receive it at the chanjbers of Judge Edwards, the next morning, at half past ten o'clock. Relying upon which pledge, I replied I was perfectly satis- fied, and would meet him at the time and place appointed. That in pursuance of such pledge of the said R. H Morris, I attended at the chnnibers of Judge Ed- wards at the time appointed, and there met the said R. H. Morris, who admitted that he hud the said packages, whereupon I demanded the same by virtue of the with- in writ, reminding him of his said pledge, which said pledge -the said Morris de- clined to redeem, and altogether refused to deliver the said package : therefore I can- not have the same as within commanded, in consequence of said forcible resist- ance ON THE process OF THE CoURT. JACOB ACKER, Sheriff. AVhat this mysterious budget contained, that it should be held up as of immense importance, may be gathered from the following card chal- lenging publication. New York, October 27tb, 1840. f Sir, — To prevent any misapprehension we beg leave to state, that so far as we are concerned, we have no objection to the opening ol the papers of J. B. Glent- worth, now in your possession : on the contrary, as we challenge the severest scru- tiny, we have no objection whatever to the publication of copies of all of them. Yours, M H. GRINNKLL, R. M. BLATCHFORD, JAMES BOW EN, R. C. WE TMORE, SIMEON DRAPER, Jr., To Robert H. Morris, Esq. Recorder of the City of JVew York. Mr. Glentworth has published a letter to the same effect. I have not time, sir, to enter further into the examination of the criminal violation of which you have been guilty against tiie soven>ignty of the people, through the sacrifice of the right of a private citizen. Wishing under the circumstances of the case, promptly to respond to the excited expectations of the community, to have a full and public exhibition of the much renowned and fatal package, \ tiierefore de- mand its publication, to be made strictly, honestly, and faithfully, promptly, and without any delay. I have the honor to remain, Your obedient servant, J. B. GLENTWORTH. In view of the whole matter of this Star-Chamber Inquisition, we would respectfully inquire, what kind of a tribunal and judge these are, who, under the color of law, anticipate the full disclosures of competent witnesses to be given in the usual manner, with the privi- le2;e of cross-examination, by ex parte affidavits got up with no pos- sible pretext of being admissible evidence in any trial or to promote the cause of justice, but for political effect : the judge himself a vio- 21 lent partisan and actively engaged in the circulation of these affida- vits : a judge, who descends from his official station and violates the sanctity of private dwellings, by illegally taking therefrom private property, to which no court upon earth had the remotest light, with- out the permission of the owner : who resisted a civil officer in the service of a civil process, and seems, in all his doings in this matter, to have lent himself to be the tool of party ! What shall be thought of that Judge and that Mayor, who take upon themselves the usual functions of the subordinate officers of justice, who " indecently de- scend from their high stations to become the ministerial executive agents of their oivn high handed usurpations, and who SUBJECT THEMSELVES TO THE SUSPICION THAT THEY CAN- NOT SECURE, IN THESE PREMEDITATED VIOLA- TIONS OF PRIVATE RIGHT, THE SERVICES OF AN HONORABLE AMERICAN OFFICER TO EXECUTE SO GROSS A VIOLATION OF THE PUBLIC PEACE." After such attacks upon the riglits of American Citizens, surely even the pure minded B. F. Butler must morrn and refuse to be comforted : and every patriot must join with him, and perhaps with full as much sincerity though not such beautiful sentiment, vvlien he exclaims to his brother conspirators, " for my own part, I do not WISH TO LIVE A MOMENT AFTER PUBLIC LIBERTY IS EXTINCT ! " We feave no doubt, Fellow Citizens, that you are well convinced, long ere this, that, so far from there being any foundation for the vile slanders which have been circulated among you for a week or two, charging the Whig party with Frauds — there is, in truth and in fact, a CONSPIRACy among the leaders of the Locofoco Party to accom- plish their base ends by the grossest frauds, while they are making the loudest professions of patriotism and virtue. The following extract from Naylor's letter, dated Oct. 25, 1840, will show the gam& they played in Philadelphia, at the recent election. Read it. LOCO FOCO CONSPIRACY. "Thousands of fictitious names were enrolled on the list of taxables — bands of hired rviffians were provided and arranged witli to go from poll to poll to vote in these fictitious names. Records of courts were forged, and thousands of tax receipts and certificates of naturalization were forged and put into the hands of their agents. When the election day arrived at least five thousand illegal votes were polled by them — fraud and violence were triumphant, and after doing deeds that make human- ity shudder, they still keep up their professions of sanctity and superhuman purity, and turn round upon us and exclaim : " There, we told you before the election, you were a set of scoundrels. VVe have now proved it to you. This election was a fair one» and as it differs in its results from all former elections — the others were all fraudulent, and you. the Whigs, are a set of cheats and scoundrels i " " Thus do they add insult to perjury, and by these means are they now attempting to pois in the public mind, and to rob the free people of this country of their rights." Charles J. IngersoU received his apparent majority of 1100 over McM'chael at the recent election, by the instrumentalitv of at least 2500 illegal votes. — This is demon- strable, and will be proven beyond all controversy, when a tribunal shall be opened lor that purpose at the commencement of the next Congress. *^ TWENTY FIVE HUNDRED ILLEGAL LOCO FOCO VOTES IN ONE CITY ! ! !^ And thrown by the patriotic party, to which B. F. Butler belongs : Butler, the man, who talks of dying for liber ty, like Cato of Utica ! ! We invite the attention of candid men of all parlies, to the follow- ing correspondence, showing the manner in which ojfice holders ex- plain their unfounded and malicious charges. BUTLER'S MISREPRESENTATIONS OF MAYOR SWIFT. Philadelphia, Oct. 2(s 1840. Sir— A letter received by in^ this morning from the city of New York, has informed me that at a political meeting held in the Park, on Saturday last, you made a speech in which you spoke as follows. (I quote the words of the wri- ter) : — "John Swift, the Mayor of Philadelphia, was a willing and a guilty par- ticipator in the frauds of 1838, and it was by his influence over the officei-s in his employ that they were successfully perpetrated — it was by the contrivance and management of Col. Swift that the scheme was successftd." I have a rijjht to ask you whether on that occasion you used that language or any to that effect, and I respectfully request that your re|)ly may be sent imme- diately after the receipt of this. If you have made such a charge against me, you will not, I presmne, hesitate to avow it. That there may be no mistake as to my motive in asking this question, I beg to say that my official station and the nature of the charge will prevent my seeking any redress except that which the law or an appeal to the pidilic may afford me. I send you, Sir, a respectful request. I ex[)ect an immediate and unequivocal reply. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Yours, &c. JOHN SWIFT. B. F. Butler, JEs(j. To this very plain request, Mr. Butler has returned this answer. New York, Oct. 27,1840.? ^ to 4 o'clock, p. M. \ Sir,-rA reply to your letter of yesterday, prepared by me lor the mail of this afternoon, has been left by me in another part of the city, and will therefore not reach you until the mail of to-morrow. I am, Sir, very respectfully, Your ob*t. serv't, B. F. BUTLER. John Swift, Esq., Philadelphia. Mr. Butler, it will thus be seen, to prevent his retraction of his own falsehood reaching his friends in Pennsylvania until after the election, resorts to the mean subterfuge of having left his letter " in another part of the citj.^^ Among the bevies of government retain- ers in the purlieus of his office — could not one have been found to procure in season the letter in question ? One more instance of the depravity of the office holders, and \ve have done. Not satisfied with violence in the courts of justice, with high-handed outrage upon the rights of private citizens, and with fraud in every styipe upon the ballot-box, — we see ihem with sacri- legious hands seizing upon the Church, That paragon ofLocoibco- ism, O. A. Brownson, has already, in a long article, denounced the church, and its ministers, and relii^ion, in all its forms, as inconsistent with the principles of MODERN DEMOCRACY. And more recently, the Tammany Hall, Fanny Wright partisans of the Ad- ministration in New York, having feloniously put in type the first and fourth pages of a recent number of the New York Observer, a well known religious paper, have inserted^ upon the second and third pages, a vile tissue of Locofoco falsehoods and election- eering articles, and, palmed them upon the religious community, as the opinions of the Worthy clergymen, who contribute to that press. It is hardly necessary to add, that the high-minded editor immediate- ly denied publicly all knowledge of this new device. In conclusion. Friends and Fellow Citizens, BE ASTONISHED AT NOTHING— BE ON YOUR GUARD, and prepare to meet oiher slfallow devices and other weak inventions of the enemy. THE HOUR OF OUR REDEMPTION IS NEAR, The Ball is rollino^ on for Tippecanoe and Tyler too — and be assured, NOTH- ING CAN STOP ITS WHIRLWIND RUSH; no, not evea the cry of FRAUD ! FRAUD ! made one week before the elections,, to inflame the passions of the ignorant, and impose upon the honesty of the Yeomanry in the interior of the country. True, the enemy shout lustily ALARMING FRAUDS— but it is only the old trick of the thief ivho joins in the hue and cry. Rest assured, Fellow Citizens, that these STARTLING DE- VELOPMENTS" of facts well known two years a^^o are but a MASK TO CONCEAL THE ENORMOUS FRAUDS NOW PREPARING TO DEFEAT THE ELECTION OF THE PEOPLE'S CANDIDATE, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. Again, we exhort you, BE ON YOUR GUARD : and teach these office holders who cry FRAUD, FRAL^D, when there is no fraud but in their own vile hearts and base deeds — THAT THEIR CON- TINUANCE IN OFFICE AND IN THE ENJOYMENT OF PRINCELY SALARIES, IS A MATTER OF SMALL IM- PORTANCE COMPARED WITH THE PURITY OF ELEC- TIONS AND THE UNBOUGHT SUFFRAGES OF FREE AND INDEPENDENT VOTERS. WHIGS OF THE UNITED STATES ! Your candidate, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, is before you. You well know his talents, patriotism, and integrity. He appeals neither to threats, nor low plots, nor abuses of legal process and forms of law, nor violence at the polls, nor fraud in the voting lists for his success. Be not deterred by the menaces, or deceived by the plausible stories and ingenious tricks of our opponents. Trust not the partisans of the Administration, however fair their professions or honied their '24 words. Cannot the Arch Enemy assume the garb of an Angel of Light ? WHIGS OF MASSACHUSETTS! the Ninth of November is approaching. Yours is a twofold duty. It is yours to strike a good blow for our common country, and vindicate ((je cause of Harrison and Reform ; but you must also do battle right man- fully on the side of Honest John Davis and the People, against Marcus Morton and his Custom House Cabinet. The Loco focos have done us one good service in removing the political judge from the bench; let us no longer owe ihem any thing, but consign THE Demagogue to the shades of private life. f f