Enlargement of the Erie Canal. 
 
 EFFORTS OF THE 
 
 TWELVE FUGITIVE SENATORS, 
 
 SUSTAINED BY THE 
 
 OPINION OF ATTORNEY - GEN'L CHATFIEI.D, 
 
 AND THE VOICE OF A 
 
 lOCO FOCO MilTING AT Tfli CAPITOL, 
 
 ILLUSTRATED BY EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 LOCO FOCO ORGANS, 
 
 't % VI 
 
 To defeat the Law providing for a Speedy Com- 
 pletion of the Public Works. 
 
 Without tracing the history of the past, which is replete with evidences of 
 determined hostility to the Erie Canal, emanating from Tammany Hall, and 
 pervading the councils of its party throughout the State, we submit the follow- 
 ing exposition of a bold reckless, revolutionary attempt to defeat the law under, 
 which it is hoped the People of this State may soon rejoice in the completion 
 of the Erie Canal Enlargement. That attempt was resisted and rebuked. 
 But the actors in it and the abettors of it, now profess to have grounded their 
 arms, and ask the electors to give them POWER AGAIN TO SUSPEND 
 THE PUBLIC WORKS. 
 
 With the remembrance of the action of the Loco Foco Administration of 
 1842, which not only arrested the enlargement of the Canal, but suspended 
 the Construction of the Black River and Genesee Valley Canals, after fifteen 
 millions of dollars had been expended under their own laws, and upon their 
 own contracts, we are assured that the friends of the Public Works will not 
 allow themselves to be a second time betrayed : 
 
2 
 
 OPINION 
 
 Of the Attorney-General in Reply to a Resolution 
 
 of the Senate. 
 
 Attorney-General's Office, ? 
 Albany, April 9, 1851. \ 
 
 To (he Senate of the State of New- York. 
 
 I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the following resolution, 
 adopted by the Senate on the seventh of April inst. : 
 
 Resolved, That the Attorney-General be requested to report, within three days, to the Senatet 
 whether, in his opinion, the engrossed bill from the Assembly, to provide for the completion of 
 the Erie Catial Erjlargement and the Genesee Valley and Black River Canals, conflicts with the 
 provisions of the Constitution. 
 
 The questions submitted for my opinion are exceedingly grave and impor- 
 tant, and deserve the most careful and thorough examination. No man 
 should be willing to hazard an opinion on such a subject, without patient 
 thought and faithful research ; justice to himself, to the subject, and the people 
 demand it ; but, the time limited to my use in the resolution, invaded as it 
 has been by other and unavoidable official duties, has necessarily rendered it 
 impossible for me to give these questions the attentive examination I desired, 
 and they deserved. I have, however, thrown a few suggestions into a form, 
 quite crude, it is true, and submit them to the Senate, in answer to the resolu- 
 tion. ***** 
 
 The main question is. Is this bill in conflict with any of the provisions of 
 the constitution of this state ? In construing constitutions, "the safest rule of 
 interpretation will be found to be to look to the nature and objects, of the 
 particular powers, duties, rights, restrictions and limitations, with the aids of 
 contemporary history, and to give to the words of each such operation, and 
 force, consistent with their legitimate meaning, as fairly to secure and attain 
 the ends proposed." To ascertain the proper and legitimaie meaning of such 
 an instrument, words must bo understood in their ordinary sense, and senten- 
 ces must be read as they stand ; the framers of the instrument must be sup- 
 posed to have used the language of the country according to its natural 
 import ; and courts and legislatures must read and understand it as it is read 
 and understood by the millions. Applying these rules of construction, it is 
 important for us to know what were the objects in view, and the ends to be 
 attained by the 7th article of the constitution. This must be gathered from 
 the instrument itself; by a correct reading of each independent sentence; by 
 a comparison of its parts, one with another, and by the aids of contemporary 
 history, 'l^he language of the instrument is unequivocal. The first great 
 object of the provisions of that article, as declared by itself, was to secure the 
 speedy and certain payment of the existing debt of the state, and to that end, 
 certain means of the state were placed beyond the reach of delegated power, 
 and sacredly dedicated to that object. The motive which influenced this 
 object, secured the next. It was reasonable to suppose that the payment of 
 one debt, would be no possible advantage to the community, unless the crea- 
 tion of a future debt was prohibited. The next object, therefore, was to 
 remove from the Legislature the power to create a state debt. To that end 
 the constitution declares, (see 12), -'Except the debts specified in the 10th 
 and 11th sections of this article, no debt shall be hereafter contracted, by or on 
 behalf of this state, unless such debt shall be authorised by a law for some 
 
3 
 
 single work or object to be distinctly specified therein ; and such law shall 
 impose and provide for the collection of a direct annual tax, to pay, and suffi- 
 cient to pay the interest on such debt, and also to pay and discharge the 
 principal of such debt within eighteen years, from the time of the contracting 
 thereof" This law shall not take effect unless adopted by the people at a 
 general election. The debts authorised in the 11th section, are '-debts con- 
 tracted to repel invasion, suppress insurrection, or defend the state in war," 
 and the 10th section allows the state "to meet casual deficits or faikires in 
 revenue, or for expenses not provided for," — to contract debts, which shall not 
 at any time, singly or in the aggregate, exceed one million of dollars. These 
 provisions show the object to be accomplished, and how effectually that object 
 is secured. * # * # * 
 
 The principal object of the convention was to incorporate the substance of 
 The People's Resolutions" in the constitution, and thereby impose restrictions 
 on the debt creating power of the Legislature. This was one of the objects 
 of the 7th article, and if that object was not accomplished, the convention was 
 a signal failure. 
 
 Having been honored with a seat in that body, I think I may speak v/ith 
 some confidence of the views and opinions of the members of it, with regard 
 to the financial policy to be adopted as a part of the fundamental law. When 
 I say, that not a member of that body supposed, that any power was left with 
 the Legislature to contract debt, (beyond the million which was designed as 
 an elastic provision to meet unexpected contingencies), except in the mode 
 prescribed in the constitution itself. I believe the statement will be concurred 
 in by every member who was in his place while the 7th article was uuder 
 discussion. In corroboration of this statement, I appeal to the published 
 proceedings of the convention. There was no compromise of the cardinal 
 principal of compelling a submission to the people of every project for the 
 creation of a debt, beyond $1,000,000. * ^ * ^ * 
 
 The advocates of this scheme are driven to extremities to maintain that this 
 bill creates no debt. The reasoning on which that notion is based is alike 
 puerile and disreputable, and ought never to be heard in the halls of legisla- 
 tion. It is this: "so where a mortgage is given \vithout any covenant or 
 other engagement to pay, no debt is created, and the only remedy is on the 
 property mortgaged ;" '-so where there is a sale with the option of re-purchasing 
 at an advance price, no debt is created." I would ask the author of the above 
 extract, what does the state of New- York mortgage by this bill ? What does 
 it sell, with the right to re-purchase at an advanced price? Is a certificate 
 given on the loan, deposit or delivery of money to the state, declaring that the 
 person delivering is entitled to receive the amount delivered (if that is the 
 least offensive word), in 21 years, with interest semi-annually until paid, a 
 mortgage ? Does such a certificate entitle the state to re-purchase it, or the 
 surplus revenues of the canals, at an advanced price? No, it is a loan, a 
 naked, bald, palpable loan of money on the credit of the state to which it is 
 loaned, and nothing else. * ^ * ^ * 
 
 In my opinion, the receipt of the money for which the "certificates" are 
 to be given, and the giving of the certificates, create a state debt. * ^ * 
 
 The above are the material features and provisions of the bill, and I regard 
 it as directly in conflict with the constitution in its whole scope. 
 
 1st. It creates a state debt, in violation of the 12 section of article 7 of the 
 constitution. * # * * 
 
 2d. This bill is in conflict with sec. 3 of article 7 of the constitution. That 
 section requires the application of the revenues remaining after meeting the 
 appropriations of the 1st and 2d sections to the specific objects provided for to 
 
4 
 
 be made annually. The language of the section will admit of no other con- 
 struction. It is plain, clear and explicit. * # * ^^ 
 
 3d. It is beUeved that this bill is inconsistent with section 6 of the 7th 
 article of the constitution. 
 
 By the bill, the canal revenues are pledged, or moitgaged, to certain public 
 creditors for a probable period of twenty-one years; certainly for a period but 
 a little short of that time; and the management of the canals is so tied up, 
 that they must produce a remainder of revenues applicable to the payment of 
 the debt created by the revenue certificates, of at least $800,000 annually. 
 The term canal, I trust, does not signify, simply, the ditch^ in which the water 
 HoiDs. but all its incidents and appointments, including the revenues. The 
 canals cannot be incumbered, or disposed of, by sale, lease, mortgage, or in 
 any other manner. x\nd by parity of reasoning, the only valuable property of 
 the canals, to wit., their revenues, cannot be disposed of in any like manner. 
 
 * ^ This bill not only mortgages the canal revenues for twenty-one years, but 
 prescribes such a condition in the ma^iagement of the canals, as is wholly 
 inconsistent with this constitutional provision. Such seems to me to be the 
 obvious effect of the provisions of this bill, and I respectfully ask the attention 
 of Senators to the subject. 
 
 4th. This bill is repugnant to section 8 of the 7th article of the constitution. 
 
 ^ ^ * Sections 3, 4 and 5, of the bill, are in direct conflict with the 8th section 
 of the constitution, and cannot be upheld. The appropriations made by these 
 three sections, are also obnoxious to the latter clause of this 8th section — no 
 specific sum being appropriated, and the objects are too general and multifa- 
 rious. I do not claim the right, and, perhaps, in the language of Mr. Spencer, 
 "it would not be respectful," in me to say, that this bill was obviously drawn 
 to foreclose all future legislation in reference to the canal revenues — that it 
 was probably suspected that some future legislature, mindful of its constitu- 
 tional obligations, might neglect to divert the pledged funds of the state, from 
 their constitutional destination, and by that means fatally derange this mis- 
 chievous scheme — that it was important so to frame the bill that it could be 
 carried out without the aid of the representatives of the people, and plunder 
 the treasury, ad-libiium, by the force of its own provisions — that if innocent 
 individuals became public creditors, under its solemn guaranties, it would be 
 thought to be a monstrous violation of the public faith, to interpose so rickety 
 an '-obstacle" as the constitution to their prejudice, and thus, from the neces- 
 sity of preserving the public faith, the bill would be permitted to run its course 
 without interruption. These considerations are always potential with govern- 
 ments, and they become doubly so when the strong bonds of interest encircle 
 the sinews of labor, and the leprous distilment of public corruption has pene- 
 trated all classes of the commonwealth. 
 
 If this bill shall pass, in all human probability, $9 000,000 ol bank bills, 
 resting on the funds represented by these "revenue certificates" for their basis 
 and security, will be scattered broad cast over the state, and will be found in 
 the hands of the people, who receive mono}'- in small amounts, and pay it out 
 for daily subsistence, as well as in those of the more active and enterprising, 
 who mould public opinion to their purposes, and direct it by exciting the 
 apprehensions of the less intelligent. WliBn such a combination of interests, 
 much of it honest but ill-directed, and much of it knavish and corrupt, shall 
 be brought to bear on this question, who will be found to stand by the con- 
 stitution and breast the storm ? Who will be found with courage commensu- 
 rate to the crisis, to stand up in the Legislature of tlie state, and oppose the 
 authority of the constitution to the daring and flagitious robberies of this bill? 
 History answers, no man. No, not one ! 
 
5th. It is submitted that the 10th section ot this bill cannot be constitution- 
 ally adopted, at this time. Whether it can be in 1854, depends on a contin- 
 gency that cannot now be known ; and the present Legislature can make no 
 disposition of the revenues, which may, or may not, be diverted to supply the 
 deficiencies of the general fund, until the period has arrived, when it may be 
 determined that the unappropriated revenues will not be sufficient for the ordi- 
 nary expenses of the government. The Legislature can make no binding 
 provision on that subject until the year 1S54. Although this section is not a 
 very important one ; nevertheless, it is an attempt to do what cannot be con- 
 stitutionally done. 
 
 I have examined all the provisions of this bill, which the time allowed me 
 by the Senate has permitted ; and I have come to the conclusion, unhesita- 
 tingly, that the whole scheme is a direct, open and palpable infraction of the 
 constitution. The sections examined in detail, are harmonious parts of a 
 system., and, I hesitate not to say, a system of bold and daring aggressiop 
 upon the rights of the people, and one which deserves the condemnation ann 
 reproach of all just men. The battle for financial integrity was fought in this 
 state in 1842, and again in 1846, and resulted in the triumph of sound and 
 correct principles. The war is again renewed by this bill; but a new and 
 deeply interesting element mingles in the contest. The preservation of a 
 constitutional governm.ent is involved in this issue ; and although it is by no 
 means the first attempt which has been made to overleap the barriers set by 
 the people, to protect themselves against the rapacity of irresponsible power, it 
 is the last effort which can be made in behalf of the fundamental law of the 
 land. 
 
 The breach made by this bill is too wide to be closed or defended ; and 
 when the pledged funds of the state can be invaded in very contempt of the 
 constitution by which they are surrounded, and should be protected — and that 
 too by the men who have solemnly sworn to guard this trust and respect the 
 instrument which declares it to be sacred," our hopes of the future perish 
 within us, and our confidence in the fidelity of the representative, and in the 
 power of the constitution by which he is created, withers and dies. I have 
 the consolation of being able to reflect, that during the whole of this struggle, 
 I have been upon the ramparts, and stood firmly by the right ; and now, 
 again, I am cheered by your indulgence. Your kindness has permitted me to 
 declare my opinion of this measure. I have done so boldly, and I hope 
 respectfully. I have done what I liave conceived to be a solemn duty, and I 
 have an abiding conviction, that come what will, yours will be done also. 
 
 Respectfully submitted 
 
 L. S. CHATFIELD, AttY General. 
 
 Protest of the Senators who Resigned. 
 
 To the Hon. »J anford E. Church, President of the Senate. 
 
 Sir: The undej signed, members of the Senate of the State of New- York, 
 consider the bill now about to be put to a final vote, authorizing a loan of nine 
 millions of dollars on a pledge of the remainder of the canal revenues in 
 each fiscal year,'' as a clear, direct, and flagrant violation of the plain and 
 intelligible financial provisions of the constitution. The twelfth section of 
 the seventh article of that instrument, and which we were all sworn to sup- 
 port, when we took our seats in this Senate, declares that except the debts 
 
6 
 
 specified in the tenth and eleventh sections of that article, (which are debts 
 to meet casual deficits or failures of revenue, or for expenses not provided for, 
 not exceeding at any time one million of dollars, and to repel invasion, sup- 
 press insurrection, or defend the state in war,) no debt shall hereafter be 
 contracted by or on behalf of the people of this state, unless such debt be for a 
 single work or object, and a tax be imposed sufficient to pay the principal and 
 interest within eighteen years from the time of the contracting thereof, and 
 that every law authorizing such loan shall, before it takes effect, be submitted 
 to the people at a general election, and be approved by a majority of all the 
 votes cast for and against it at such election. 
 
 The sixth section of tlie same article declares that "The Legislature shall 
 not sell, lease, or otherwise dispose of the canals of the state, but they shall 
 remain the property of the state, and under its management forever." 
 
 The third section of the same article provides that "After paying the 
 expenses of superintendence and repairs of the canals, and the sums appro- 
 priated by the first and second sections of this article ($1,650,000 to pay our 
 existing state debt), there shall be paid out of the surplus revenues of the 
 canals to the treasury of the state, on or before the 30th day of September in 
 each year, for the use and benefit of the general fund, such sum, not exceeding 
 two hundred thousand dollars, as may be required to defray the necessary 
 expenses of the state, and the remainder of the revenues of the said canals 
 shall in each fiscal year be applied, in such manner as the Legislature shall 
 direct, to the completion of the Erie canal enlargement, and the Genesee 
 Yalley and Black River canals, until the said canals shall be completed." 
 
 The bill referred to, which is entitled " An act to provide for the comple- 
 tion of the Erie canal enlargement, and the Genesee Valley and Black River 
 canals," clearly violates, according to our understanding, both the letter and 
 spirit of these provisions of the constitutioxi. It authorizes a loan of $9,000,000, 
 without submitting the law to the approval of the people, and without imposing 
 a tax to pay the debt contracted, as the constitution requires. It authorizes 
 the creation of a debt by the state of nine millions of dollars, and pledges the 
 future revenues of the canals, which are by the constitution to be applied to 
 their completion, for its payment. It creates an obligation or pledge on the 
 part of the state, " so to arrange and regulate the tolls on all of our canals, as 
 to produce a surplus of at least eight hundred thousand dollars in each year 
 until the Erie canal enlargement is completed ; and after that, sufficient to 
 produce a surplus of at least one million of dollars in each year until a suffi- 
 cient sum shall have been collected and safely invested to pay the sum 
 borrowed;" thus mortgaging the canals of the state, and binding the state to 
 impose tolls or taxes on transportation on all our canals, so as to produce at 
 least a given amount of revenue to pay the mortgage, however oppressive such 
 impositions may be to the forwarder or destructive to the trade and business of 
 our canals. Such obligations, contracted on the part of the state with its 
 creditors, amount to a conditional disposal of the canals of the state, and 
 violate both the letter and spirit of that clause of the constitution, which 
 declares that the Legislature shall not sell or otherwise dispose of the canals; 
 but they shall remain the property of the state, and under its management 
 forever. 
 
 The bill also violates those provisions of the constitution which direct "the 
 remainder of the revenues of the canals in each fiscal year" to be applied to 
 their completion. 
 
 It appropriates for years to come a portion of the remainder of the revenues 
 of the canals to the payment of interest on money borrowed, instead of applying 
 such remainder in each fiscal year to the completion of the canals. It pledges 
 
7 
 
 this remainder of the revenues in each fiscal year for tlie payment of money 
 borrowed, and which, when borrowed and placed in the State Treasury, may 
 be appropriated with a less violation of good faith than if it is borrowed to other 
 purposes than the completion of the canals. 
 
 The bill also directs portions of the money borrowed, on a mortgage or 
 pledge of the revenues of the canals, to be appropriated to the payment of the 
 interest on the money so borrowed, thus recognizing and establishmg the prin- 
 ciple that the state may borrow money and contract debts to any extent, on a 
 pledge of the future income of our canals^ and may increase that debt by oth- 
 er loans on like security to pay interest on the money previously borrowed, and 
 may bind itself to tax transportation forever on our canals to the extent neces- 
 sary to pay the debts thus contracted. 
 
 The estabhshment of this principle nullifies those provisions of the constitu- 
 tion which plainly and expressly prohibit the Legislature from contracting debts 
 without first obtaining the sanction of the people, and from in any way selling 
 or disposing of the canals, and may in its results impose on the State the obli- 
 gation to tax transportation on all our canals by such high foils as to destroy 
 their usefulness by driving business into cheaper and untaxed channels of 
 transportation, or else compel the State to lay a direct tax on the people to pay 
 the money thus borrowed. 
 
 We are in favor of the enlargement of the Erie canal and the completion of 
 the Genesee Valley and Black River canals, and we desire to have the work 
 done in that manner which the constitution authorizes and requires. But we 
 will not consent, for the purpose of accomplishing that or any other object, 
 however desirable, knowingly to violate the constitution and trample it under 
 our feet. If the policy of the Democratic party adopted in 1835, of enlarging the 
 canal by the application of the surplus revenues to that work, the enlargement 
 could now have been completed, and our state debt so far reduced that the 
 Legislature could at this tune remove the greatest obstacle in the way of the 
 forwarder, high tolls. 
 
 We regret to say that this is not the first instance in which we have felt 
 constrained to differ in the decision of an important constitutional question 
 which this Senate has been called on to decide. 
 
 We allude to the decision recently pronounced here, that a member oi this 
 body duly elected with his consent, and returned as a member of Congress, 
 and not declining to accept the office, was entitled to sit here as a senator 
 after the commencement of his official term as a member of Congress, not- 
 withstanding the constitutional declaration that ''no person, being a member 
 of Congress, shall hold a seat in the Legislature." Whether the decision 
 made by a majority of this body in that case, was in any degree influenced 
 by a desire on the part of the majority to retain the power in this body to carry 
 this and other favorite measures, we will not assume the right to determine ; 
 but will leave the decision of that question to the impartial decision of our 
 constituents. 
 
 We have felt constrained, by the obligation which we feel to support the 
 constitution, to oppose the passage of this bill in every stage of its progress 
 through the Senate. We cannot but regard its final passage as a prostration 
 of all the barriers intended to be erected by the constitution against the abuse 
 of legislative power to borrow money, contract debts, and impose taxes. It 
 now seems that our arguments, our appeals, and our remonstrances are in 
 vain, to arrest the passage of this bill. Under these circumstances, we camiot 
 consent, by longer retaining our seats here, to be accessory to what seems to 
 us a deliberate infraction of the constitution under which our government is 
 formed, and by which it exists. 
 
8 
 
 All other matters before the Legislature, when compared with this, sink into 
 insignificance. We regard the preservation of the constitution, in its full force 
 and meaning, as paramount to all other considerations ; and we do, therefore, 
 for the reasons herein stated, as the only means left to us to prevent this 
 attempted prostration of the provisions of the constitution restricting the debt 
 enacting power of the Legislature, (a quorum of three-fifths (20) of all the 
 members elected being required to be present on its final passage), resign our 
 offices respectively as Senators of this state ; and we submit the propriety and 
 justice of the act to the impartial judgment of those whose interests and rights 
 we were sent here to represent and protect. 
 
 April 17, 185L 
 
 WILLIAM A. DART, 
 
 Senator from 15th District. 
 
 ALANSON SKINNER, 
 
 Senator from 21st District. 
 
 HENRY B. STANTON, 
 
 Senator from 25thDistrict. 
 
 G. B. GUINNIP, 
 
 Senator from 26th District. 
 
 JOHN NOYES, 
 
 Senator from 18th District, 
 
 WM. HORACE BROWN, 
 
 Senator from 1st District. 
 
 To Sanford E. Church, Lieutenant Governor and President of the Senate. 
 
 I hereby resign my office of Senator of the State of New-York for the 20th 
 senatorial district. Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. C. STONE. 
 
 April mil, 1851. 
 
 [From the Albany Ev^euing Atlas of Saturday.] 
 
 Veto of the People on the Canal Bill-the Demo- 
 cratic Senators Sustained. 
 
 There was a great and enthusiastic meeting of the Democracy at the Capitol 
 last evening. The democratic electors — and many good citizens, not parti- 
 zans, who had witnessed with alarm the attempt upon the constitution and 
 the public faith — came forward to express their congratulations at the safety 
 of the constitution and the deliverance of the people, and to offer their thanks 
 and support to the patriotic Senators, who had so nobly relinquished their seats 
 at the call of duty. 
 
 The meeting was organized on motion of P. Cagger, Esq., Chairman of the 
 General Republican Committee, by the nomination of the Mayor of the city, the 
 HON. ELI PERRY, President. 
 
 And on motion of Wm. Davis, Esq., the following Vice-Presidents were in- 
 vited to assist: 
 
 ERASTUS CORNING, CORNELIUS VOSBURGH, JAMES D. WASSON. 
 
 GIDEON HAWLEV, GERRIT Y. LANSING. WILLIAM SMHH. 
 
 NICHOLAS UILL,.Ir.,i PETER GANSEVOOKT, WILLIAM SEYMOUR, 
 
 GEORGE MONTEATH, 
 
 Secretaries. 
 
 WM. MONTEATH, HENRY D. LANSING, 
 
 MATTHEW McMAHON, L STUART ROSE. 
 
 These gentlemen ascended the platform amid enthusiastic cheering, 
 
 JOHN SNYDER, 
 
 Senator from 8th District, 
 
 JAMES C. CURTIS, 
 
 Senator from 9th District, 
 
 GEORGE H. FOX, 
 
 Senator from 16th District. 
 
 SIDNEY TUTTLE, 
 
 Senator from 17th District. 
 
 CHAS. A. MANN, 
 
 Senator from 19th District. 
 
9 
 
 On Motion of Watts Sherman, Esq., the Chair appointed the following gen- 
 tlemen a committee to frame and report resolutions for the consideration of the 
 meeting : 
 
 Watts Sherman, William W. Forsyth, John B. James, Andrew J. Colvin, 
 Hiram Ferry, John Knower, Henry H. Martm, John Tracey, Lemuel Steele, 
 John McRvoy, Geo. Warren, Joseph Courtney, Jeremiah Osborn, Joseph Clin- 
 ton, Anthony Blanchard, Bradford R. Wood, David Mahoney. 
 
 At the call of the assembled crowd, Mr. Shaw, of the Albany Argus, rose 
 and explained the objects of the meeting. At the opening of his remarks the 
 delegations from the First and Seventh Wards, marching in procession, 
 attempted to enter the Hall, already filled to overflowing. It was found 
 impossible to accommodate the multitude, who already filled a large space 
 outside the building, and an adjournment to the Park became necessary. 
 
 Mr. Shaw having concluded, the Hon. Floratio Seymour, of Oneida, was 
 called to speak, and ascended the platform, amid loud and prolonged cheer- 
 ing, and every demonstration of enthusiastic applause. We should do injus- 
 tice in attempting to sketch his remarks, which were an eloquent vindication 
 of the constitution, and an exposure of the Whig pretences of exclusive 
 attachment to the public works, and an analysis of the nine million bill, 
 and of the mode in which it was to be made to operate. He concluded by a 
 manly avowal of his readiness to stand by the Democratic Senators. His 
 remarks, which were frequently playful and humorous, and which were, 
 throughout, lucid and happy, were listened to with profound attention, and 
 elicited great applause. 
 
 Hon. Samuel J. Tilden, of New-York, followed, sustaining the views of Mr. 
 Seymour, to whose legislative experience and whose intimate knowledge of 
 this subject, he made a happ^r and gracefid acknowledgment — and explained 
 some of the features of the Debt Bill and its intended workings, and exposed 
 its gross unconstitutionality. 
 
 At the close of his remarks ^Yatts Sherman, Esq., chairman of the com- 
 mittee on resolutions, reported to the meeting the following, which were 
 unanimously adopted : 
 
 Resolved, That the republican electors of the city of Albany have witnessed 
 with astonishment the origin and progress of the project initiated by the 
 State Administration and nearly consuminated by the Legislature, of adding 
 Nine Millions of debt to the burden of twenty-two millions, under which the 
 energies of the state now labor. That a proposition of this character has 
 struck us with surprise, originating, as it has, in a time of profound peace and 
 prosperity, called for by no public calamity, by no unexpected necessity, by no 
 stringent demand of business, not discussed before the people, nor petitioned 
 for by them ; yet attempted to be forced through the Legislature by a party 
 vote^ and urged with such recklessness as ultimately to disorganize legislation 
 and defeat the passage of important bills, by compelling its opponents to resort 
 to the last act of resistance and resign their seats. And that we are here to 
 express our indignation that so great a jmhlic wrong has been attempted. 
 
 Resolved, That while we know that this project of debt originated in no 
 public necessity, or in any desire to promote the public good, we believe that 
 we can detect in its features the evidence of other motives. It proposes to 
 grasp for more than twenty years in advance, the revenues of the public works 
 in order to form the basis of an expenditure of Three Millions a year tor three 
 years, and setting aside the Canal Commissioners, to place the control of this 
 fund, and of the contracts under the law, in the hands of five Whig politicians, 
 constituting a majority of one in the Canal Board — whose terms are about to 
 expire, and who compose a tribunal, whose past acts of improvidence, whose 
 
10 
 
 inexperience and looseness have forfeited the confidence of the people, and 
 whose only hope of perpetuating power or sustaining further the dynasty of 
 which they form part, rests in the liberal expenditure of Nine MiHions of 
 money in favored localities and among active partizans. 
 
 Resolved^ That the Canal Bill, which has been defeated by the resolute and 
 manly resignation of Democratic senators, is a direct palpable, and audacious 
 violation of the Constitution of this State; that the expedient which it proposes 
 for raising nine millions of dollars, by whatever spacious name it may be call- 
 ed, is in its essential character and practical effect, the creation of a debt ; is 
 inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution which prescribe the mode 
 in which the surplus revenues shall be applied to the canals, and confine that 
 mode to the expenditure of the surplus as it shall be actually received; is in- 
 compatible with the provisions which expressly prohibit the contracting of 
 debts, except in the manner therein specified ; and is in utter disregard of the 
 provision which deprives the Legislature of the power to authorize or direct the 
 application of the revenues for more than two years in anticipation. 
 
 Resolved, That if the Canal Bill were not clearly forbidden by the words of 
 the Constitution, it is undeniably within the meaning and intention of the ex- 
 press prohibition of that instrument, as shown by the controversies which gave 
 rise to the convention, and the discussions which attended the formation and 
 and adoption of the Constitution. 
 
 Resolved^ That the Constitution is binding upon the agents of the people 
 acting under it, in the sense and meaning in which its provisions were de- 
 signed by those who framed them and the people who adopted them, as shown 
 by contemporaneous discussions and history; that the attempt to evade the 
 real intention oi an instrument between private parties by artful construction 
 is universally characterised as dishonest: and that the attempt to evade the 
 real intention of the Constitution by such construction by the Legislative agents 
 of the people, is a betrayal of a high trust, and a violation of the solemn obliga- 
 tion of the official oath. 
 
 Resolved^ That if the Legislature still have the constitutional power to con- 
 tract debts, or to anticipate and consume the revenues for an indefinite period 
 before they accrue, the present Constitution has utterly failed of the object which 
 induced the people to assemble a Convention and to establish a new Constitu- 
 tion : and it is vain to hope that any language will be sufficient to produce 
 the efiect designed by the people in restraining their legislative agents from 
 creating debts and mortgages upon the public revenues ; there is an end to all 
 constitutional limitations upon delegated power, and the very foundation of re- 
 publican government is swept away. 
 
 Resolved, That we are struck with profound amazement by the attitude of 
 our Legislature, sworn to support the constitution, proposing to issue a paper 
 "scrip" or "certificate" on the face of which, all obhgations of payment is 
 expressly disavowed, and to authorise the reception of this as a basis of bank 
 issues^ when the constitution expressly declares that it shall be the duty of 
 the Legislature to see that all such issues are "amply secured." 
 
 Resolved, That the people — the property holders — the laboring and indus- 
 trial classes — all classes — all society — are deeply interested in the paper cur- 
 rency of the state — that it can have no existence but by their will ; and as it 
 affects and measures the value of every man's property, should never be 
 allowed existence unless upon a basis which renders it readily convertible into 
 gold and silver, the only legal standard of valve. 
 
 Resolved, That it is preposterous to suppose or pretend that " certificates," 
 which on the one hand are affirmed to be unconstitutional and void, because 
 they create a debt of liability on behalf of the people of this state — on the 
 
11 
 
 other, are claimed to be legal, only because they create no liability for pay- 
 ment, can be that ample security which the constitution requires — that the 
 issue of paper money upon such a basis as the certificates or scrip which 
 acknowledge no ohligation — no liability — on the contrary disavow both — is 
 an outrage upon all the laws of wisdom and prudence — an outrage upon every 
 sound principle, upon the property and industrial interests of the country, and, 
 above all, upon the constitution of the people. 
 
 Resolved^ That we regard the pledge of the public faith of a state as an 
 obligation upon the honor and conscience of the whole people, never to be 
 made except under the pressure of a vital necessity, and never to be trifled 
 with or violated under any necessity whatever ; that we point with pride to 
 the position assumed by New- York in 1S42, of resisting the increase of debt 
 and devoting its energies to sustaining its credit ; that the influence of that po- 
 sition was felt immediately in the restoration of public confidence, and the 
 elevation of public and private credit ; that the principles of wholesome restraint 
 then adopted were deemed worthy to be incorporated into the constitutions 
 of six states of the Union, as well as in our own organic law ; that to depart 
 from that policy by a violation of the sacred obligations of the constitution would 
 be to set an example of evil, as before we set an example of good, and would 
 be a retraction of the popular expression for which the people have given no 
 warrant: that a stain upon the name of New- York would be a wound upon 
 American credit, the consequences of which, at this time, when Two Hundred 
 Millions of American securities are held in Europe, would be disastrous and 
 irreparable. 
 
 Resolved, That the refusal of the whig majority in the Legislature to sub- 
 mit the question to the people in any form, was inexcusable, inasmuch as the 
 proposition originated with an executive having large and direct personal 
 interests in the expenditure of this money, and was addressed to a Legislature, 
 the majority of which was elected by a minority of the popular vote, and was 
 to be administered by a body of state ofiicers who may desire to conceal 
 present deficits and past defaults under a large loan ; and that we cannot 
 but regard the attempt to hurry this matter through an extra session of such 
 a legislature, so as to escape a popular expression, as the last struggle of a 
 dynasty that fear the people, and knows that in the next general election it 
 will be swept from power and consigned to oblivion. 
 
 Resolved. That we point with pride to the contrast which the history of this 
 state presents in its administration by Whig or Democratic hands. That for 
 more than 30 years the democractic party distinguished itself by the economy 
 and vigor widi which it prosecuted the public works, the sedulous care in the 
 preservation of the public faith, the courage and self-sacrifice in recalling the 
 state from a spendthrift and reckless policy, to that of economy and payment, 
 and the guaranties which it embodied in the constitution to complete these 
 works, and to extinguish the debt and free the business of the canals from the 
 heavy burthen of tolls, and has proved itself the faithful and honest fiiend of 
 the people. That on the other hand, the Whig party, in spite of all its 
 pretences of zeal for the more speedy completion of the public works, has 
 proved itself their greatest enemy, squandering the revenues exacted from the 
 canal interests, upon favorite partizans in idle enterprises, in local speculations, 
 and upon fraudulent claims, and distinguishing itself in the third year of the 
 administration of Seward by a general suspension of the public works, and in 
 the first year of the administration of Hunt by a partial one, and in both by 
 close approach to state bankruptcy. 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of the Republican Democracy of the city, and 
 the whole state^ are due to the patriotic Senators, who, bound by their oaths 
 
12 
 
 and their sense of duty, id obey and preserve the constitution^ which called 
 them into existence, and to protect the people from the evils of profligate 
 legislation, fell back npon the last resources left them to defend the constitu- 
 tion, and to repel the aggressions made upon it, by having recourse to the only 
 expedient left — exhibiting in their willingness to resign their places^ a spirit of 
 self-sacrifice and submission to the people in contrast with the avidity of 
 place, usurpation of power, and distrust of the people, manifested by their 
 opponents ; and that we pledge ourselves, in the name of the united Democracy, 
 to stand by them at all times, as they have stood by the constitution in its 
 moment of peril. 
 
 Resolved^ That out of intended evil sometimes comes good ; and that we 
 find it a source of congratulation that the onset which a reckless and profligate 
 faction have made upon the constitution in this scheme of debt, has had the 
 eftect oi uniting in oiie hody^ and animating with one purpose^ the Democracy 
 of the state ; and that we rejoice that we are able to proclaim, that the united 
 Democracy of New- York are one and indivisible. 
 
 After the reading of the resolutions, and the cheers of assent with which 
 thoy were received had subsided, the Hon. Henry B. Stanton was introduced 
 by the Chairman to the m.eeting, as ''one of the patriotic Senators who had 
 resigned their places, rather than by their presence permit a violation of the 
 constitution." He was received with cheers of approbation. 
 
 [From the B^iffalo Republic of April 22. \ 
 
 The Canal Bill Meeting. 
 
 "The deep interest felt in this community for the enlargement of the Erie Canal, may have induced 
 many.democrats to commit themseh'es in favor of the Canal Bill, who would, had they examined 
 its provisions, have refused to sanction it in any way. Such democrats, now that they cannot fail 
 to see in the protest and resignation of twelve democratic senators, the objectionable and unconstitu- 
 tional features of that bill, and in the tremendous gathering ot the democracy of Albany, the attitude 
 of the party towards it, should not hesitate to repudiate that corrupt and unconstitutional measure, 
 and to array themselves with their party friends on this question. The Canal Bill is a whig measure, 
 though it may have been partially and thoughtlessly sanctioned by a few democrats. It was and is 
 designed to perpetuate whig power at the expense of a broken aud discarded constitution. It is a 
 desperate political movement, to revive the dilapidated fortunes of political leaders. 
 
 If it is so, ought democrats to sanction it in word or deed ? — ought they to go to a meeting, where 
 that iniquitous bill will be endorsed and democratic Senators denounced? We put these questions 
 to the sober judgment of the democracy of Buffalo, and especially to those who have heedlessly 
 given '■ aid and comfort" to the whigs on this question. No one can doubt where the democracy of 
 the St-dte will stand. They will uphold the constitution! — They will protect it fro 7/1 whig 
 assault, and those democrats who place themselves on record in favor of the Canal Bill, will be 
 Compelled to abandon that position or go to the whig party 1 Of this there can be no doubt. 
 
 Elsewhere, there is no division in the democratic party on this subject. Barnburners aud hunkers 
 alike ojipose the Canal Bill. Sectional difterences are obliterated and forgotten in the determination 
 to protect an instrument, which democrats hold to be sacred, from the attacks of desperate political 
 adventurers. Senators I3rown, Skinner and Guinnip, who acted with the hunker section of the 
 party, stand side by side with Senators Mann, Stan'ton and others, who acted with the radical sec- 
 tion, in manfully resisting the contemplated violation of the fundamental law. In this crisis laint 
 hearted democrats hei-e may hesitate as to their course ; but the democrat of principle and nerve will 
 be foimd on the side of the constitution. At least, that will be our position. 
 
 Ready and willing, as we are at all times, to advance to the extent of our power, the interests of 
 this city and of its active and enterprizing commercial population, we can never forget that we are 
 republicans, who revere the constitution and cannot assent to its violation, and that social and selfish 
 claims upon us sink into insignificance when compared to the claims which disinterested patriotism 
 recognizes and enforces. It is so, we doubt not, with the great body of the democracy here, and 
 we look to them to vindicate the democratic policy at this time, instead of aiding to swell the ranks 
 of our political opponents. 
 
13 
 
 iFrom the Daily Republic, Buffalo, April 30, 1851.] 
 
 Tlie Sober Triitli. 
 
 The New-York Evening Post very truly remarks, that any further demonstration of the unconsti- 
 tutionality of the Canal Bill would be wasted upon those who press this measure, knowins it con- 
 templates a violation of the Constitution. They were the unrelenting opponents of the financial 
 policy of that instrument, for the fifteen years that it was under discussion before the people, and 
 they resisted it at every stage of its passage through the convention of 1846. No effort of ingenuity 
 was spared to evade its restriction after it became a part of the fundamental law, and failing of suc- 
 cess in that way, they have finally attempted by brute force to trample the whole restriction under 
 their feet — to burst the doors of the Treasury, and with the nine miUions of which ihey expect to 
 possess themselves, to purchase immunity from the penalties that ought to follf»w their outrage. 
 
 It is not, therefore, with them, a matter of constitutionality, or a question of right; it is a question 
 whether their burglarious design can succeed, whether they can get the money, and with it purchase 
 a Legislature next winter which will sanction this desperate proceeding; whether or not they can 
 succeed in organizing a corps of contractors and bank dependencies, wielding the patronage of nine mil- 
 lions of dollars, and bound by the strongest personal interest to prevent the indignation of the people 
 from reaching them before they have carried away their plunder to a place ol safety. That this is 
 their purpose, the most prominent of them do not wish to conceal. They admit it, and challenge the 
 people to help themselves. The Post adds : 
 
 " The question now is, will the people help themselves? Will they abandon the honest debt pay- 
 ing policy of the state, for which so much has already been sacrificed, the wisdom of which has cost 
 us so much to learn, and which has raised the stocks and credit of New-York to a premium through- 
 out the civilized world; will they consent that the state shall pledge nine millions of her revenues to 
 be used as a find for corrupting the politics of the state ; will they permit the restrictions of the Con- 
 stitution to be mocked at, and all the barriers wisely {)laced around the Legislature to be laid pros- 
 trate ? That is the issue which is now before us, and the time when it is to be decided is Lorrying 
 upon us. Not a day is to be lost by those whj desire to maintain the supremacy of the Constitution. 
 Those who advocate the omnipotence of the Legislature, are impelled to exertion by the strongest 
 inducements which can be addressed to selfishness and cupidity. They see constantly before them 
 a golden prize waiting to reward their success. The friends of the Constitution, have no such re- 
 wards to tempt them and their partizans to exertion. They have that larger and nobler interest in 
 the prosperity and honor of the Empire State, which every citizen s^hares alike ; they know that in 
 common with the mass of the people, they must take their proportion of the disaster and dishonor, 
 which will follow a return to the credit system of 1840, a system which once brought our state to 
 the verge of bankruptcy, and compelled its public officers to go into Wall street to boiTow money 
 upon their personal re3pousil)ility, to meet the current expenses of government Beyond this they 
 have no rewards to expect themselves or to share with partizans. 
 
 Under these circumstances we are aware that the battle between the guardians and the plunderers 
 of the treasury, is, in some respects, an unequal one ; but on that account, the duty imposed on every 
 patriotic citizen, to arm himself at once and at all points for the controversy, becomes more urgent 
 and obligatory. In the country, we are happy to perceive that all these considerations are apprecia- 
 ted, and that the utmost activity prevails, even in districts most likely to sympathize with the bor- 
 rowing movement. Public meetings of the most enthusiastic description, have been held in many of 
 the cities, and many more are announced in the various local journals. 
 
 IFrom the Daily Republic, Buffalo, May 5, 1851.] 
 
 The friends of the constitution and of a sound financial policy in the vacant Senatorial districts, 
 must be on the alert. The whigs and their allies wiil stop at nothing to insure success. The large 
 number of adventurers, who hope to realize large sums of money from the passage of the Canal Bill, 
 will bleed " like martyrs in raising a fund to be used in three or four of the districts. But this will 
 not avail, if the democracy take hold of the matter in earnest. Let each town be thoroughly orga- 
 nized and the bill of abominations fully discussed and understood. I .et it be proclaimed that the struggle, 
 which is to take place at the close of the month, is to preserve the constitution and to maintain the 
 credit of the state. Let the truth, the sober truth, be made known to the electors and the result can 
 not be doubtful. 
 
 \_Fromthe Daily Republic, Buffalo, May 7, 1851.] 
 
 A Card of Tliaiik§. 
 
 Every true friend of the democratic party and the democratic organization in the state is deeply 
 indepted to the whigs for their bold attempt to discard the constitution and to plunder the treasury. 
 Our opponents, in their desire to clutch millions of dollars to be used for corrupt political purposes, 
 have aroused the slumbering democracy to an appreciation of their duty to each other and to the state. 
 Thinking only of the past, of its contentions and divisions, the democrats of New-York were more 
 anxious to be revenged upon each other than to sustain each other in upholding the common princi- 
 ples of the party- But they have been shown, by whig dishonesty and desperation, the folly of this, 
 and the duty of cordial and fraternal action in the future in defence of the organic law of the state. 
 
14 
 
 Our wliig friends, therefore, who have thus unwittingly called us to a sense of duty, are entitled to 
 our most grateful acknoledgraents. 
 
 We need not apply this brief sketch of political history, for the reader will do that. It is enough 
 to suy that the position assumed by the united democracy of this state towards the nine million debt 
 bill is sound, right and will bear the test of discussion and of time. We rejoice that whiggery has 
 compelled the democracy to assume it, and has thus brought a great and patriotic party to forget the 
 follies of the past in the high duties and destinies of the future. 
 
 {From the Buffalo Rejniblic of May 8, 1851.] 
 
 The Twelfth Seetion. 
 
 Let the democracy bear in mind that heretofore all contracts for work on our canals have been 
 given to the lowest bidder, who would give satisfactory security for its performance. But the twelfth 
 section of the whig NINE MILLION DEBT bill proposes to change entirely this safe, judicious 
 and well-tried system, and to authorize a whig board, to give contracts to complete the enlargement 
 to WHOMSOEVER THEY PLEASE, without reference to the prices proposed by bidders. This 
 is done to enable this immense amount of work to be given to FAVORITES at rates which will ena- 
 ble them to realize ENORMOUS PROFITS out of the people. 
 
 {From the Bvffalo Rejnihlic of May,^7 1851.] 
 
 Tlie Special Election. 
 
 The special election, ordered by the Governor, to fill the places made vacant by the resignation of 
 the twelve democratic Senators, takes place to day. Before we issue another paper, we shall be 
 apprised of the results. In each of the districts the democrats have nominated the Senators who 
 resigned, and all, with a single exception, have accepted the nominations. Mr. Stone, of the Madi- 
 son and Oswego district, declined, and Charles Stebbiks, a democrat of high character and ability 
 was placed on the ticket 
 
 We have supposed that the whigs would be able to carry a sufficient number of districts to pass 
 the Canal Bill. We think so now. Desperate efforts have been made to defeat Messrs. Mann, 
 Stanton. Skinner and Stebbins, and we fear they will be defeated. Large sums of money have 
 been sent into their districts, and all kinds of appeals made to the electors to vote for the whig can- 
 didates. It is too much to expect success in these districts under the circumstances. 
 
 In the other districts, the democrats will probably elect their candidates. 
 
 But should the whigs succeed in getting the power and passing the Canal Bill, the struggle will 
 not end there. The banner of repeal will be raised by the democracy, and the next election will be 
 canvassed on that issue. Whether any one will be found to take scrip under these circumstances, the 
 remains to be seen. We do not believe that capitalists will invest their means in scrip authorized by 
 a law which the democratic party of the State brand as unconstitutional, and which it is pledged to 
 repeal when it obtains the power. 
 
 The end is not yet. whatever may be the result of the election to-day. This should be understood 
 on all hands. It should be understood that the democracy of the state will not permit the plunder- 
 ing of the treasury of millions of dollars to be squandered upon political favorites, without at least 
 a bold and determiued effort to prevent it. 
 
 \_From the Daily Republic, Buffalo, May 29, 1851.] 
 
 A Reasonable Requeist. 
 
 The Albany Journal, alluding to the determination of the democracy to repeal the Canal Bill should 
 it pass in its present shape, says : 
 
 " The old game of '42 is to be played over. — The value of Canal Script is to be assailed, and if 
 possible depreciated. A war is to be waged again against the welfare of the people and the prosper- 
 ity of the State. "Capitalists" are to be warned against furnishing means to enlarge the canal by 
 threats of repudiation. " 
 
 That the democracy vvill do all in their power to prevent the success of the corrupt whig scheme 
 to over-ride the constitution and to plunder the treasury, cannot be doubted. They believe the Canal 
 Bill to be unconstitutional and therefore ask the whig majority to submit it to the Court of Appeals, 
 before the scrip is issued, so that the constitutional objections which have been urged against it may 
 be passed upon by that tribunial. Is this an unreasoaable request? — and, especially, when there are 
 scarcly two opinions among democrats in regard to the unconstitutionality of the bill? If not unrea- 
 sonable, then are not the democrats justified in using every effort to prevent its being carried into 
 effect, until the constitutional point is settled 7 
 
 {From the Albany Evening Atlas, of April 17.] 
 
 The Constitution Vindicated. 
 
 The democratic Senators, bavin? exhausted argument and entreaty, have taken the last resort the 
 Constitution gives them, and sacrificing position and power, and with the full consciousness of the 
 responsibility of their coarse, have forced an appeal to the People. The Nine Million Debt Bill i^ 
 
15 
 
 efeated, and the corrupt faction that attempted to break through the Constitution to seize this spoil 
 affled and driven home. 
 
 This is a glorious deed. Tije question which is thus brought to a crisis, was no longer one of 
 expediency or constitutionality. It was a question whether we should have a representative govern- 
 ment or not. 
 
 {^From the Albany Evening Atlas of April 16, 1C.>1.] 
 
 The Debt Bill. 
 
 The struggle against the Constitution will reach its crisis to-day in the Senate. The democrats 
 stand maniully by the C' nstitution. The accidental administration and a corrupt lobby are exerting 
 all their energies to break down the barriers that yet interpose between the Peo[)le and Nine 
 Millions of public plunder. 
 
 On the one side are the Constitution, the oath of office, the public faith, the welfare of the people. 
 On the other. Nine Million of Dollars, and the official speculators who expect to fatten on it. If the 
 question were before the electors, there would be doubt how they would decide. The majority of 
 the people look to the minority of democrats in the Senate as their representatives, and demand of 
 them to defeat this bill. 
 
 [^Frorn the Albany Evening Atlas, of March, 29, 1851.] 
 
 Nine Million Additional Debt and the Canal Enlargement. 
 
 The orders were given in the Evening Journal of Thursday last, that the canal bill " be acted 0% 
 as promptly as will be consistent with an intelligent discussion of the subject,^' which means that 
 no discussion is necessary after it has been pronounced '• unquestionably constitutional and eminent 
 ly practical" by the Evening Journal, whose exposition of the Constitution, will of course, be in the 
 estimation of all true followers, as infallible and authoritative, as are the declarations of the Koraii 
 to all true believers in God, and that Mahomet is his prophet. We may, therefore, expect that the 
 Canal Bill, — to borrow nine millions of dollars on a sale, pledge or mortgage of the canal revenues, 
 and to create a debt of that amount charged on those revenues, in direct violation of those clauses o? 
 the Constitution which declare that no debt shall be contracted by or on behalf of this State, except 
 as provided in the Constitution, and that the surplus canal revenues shall, in each fiscal year, be ap- 
 plied to the completion of the canals, and that the Legislature shall never sell, lease, or otherwise 
 dispose of any of the canals of this State ; but that the same shall remain the property of the State, 
 and under its management forever — will be forced through both branches of the Lej^islature with a 
 rapidity that will astonish even the Chairman of the Canal Committee, who reported this bill, aud 
 who seems to have as little difficulty now in getting around or through the barriers of the financial 
 provisions of the Constitution, as he had formerly in breaking down the safeguards which the Safety 
 Fund law designed to throw around our banking system. 
 
 From the Albany Evening Atlas, of March 31, 1851.] 
 
 The Coni^pirstcy ag^am§t tlie Constitution. 
 
 The demagogues of the Legislature, who during their excursion to New-York, resolved to carry 
 through the Nine Million Debt Bill — "Constitution or No Constitution" — proceeded to the consunv 
 mation of tbpir purpose on Saturday, with as much regard to decency and the dignity of legislation, 
 as could be (4cpected under the circumstances and from the parties. 
 
 It must be recollected that this bill had never been asked for by the people, that it was regarded 
 as uuconstitutional by every sound-thinking lawyer in the State who spoke of it, that it was denourv- 
 ced as such by the legislative minority. Yet without suffering it to be discussed, without calling 
 upon the law officer of the State for his opinion, without even giving time for a public expression 
 upon it, the House on Saturday forced it to a third reading, under the call for the previous questioUj 
 cutting off all debate, suggestion or amendment. 
 
 This is the way in which legislation is trifled with in the Assembly. It would seem as if the two 
 Houses were struggling in a race for popular contempt. 
 
 [_From the Albany Evening Atlas of April 2, 1851.] 
 
 Constitutionality of Mr. Allen's Canal Bill. 
 
 But this law will pass the Legislature. The fiat is issued, and ten Constitutions are no barrier to 
 a Legislature that must cater for a party that has already passed through the second stage of political 
 bankruptcy. Let us, therefore, look at the sequel of this speculation. 
 
 The present Legislature pass a law, authorizing the issue of certificates to the amount of nine mil- 
 lion of dollars, with a provision for their payment after four years, which is contrary to the express 
 language of the 8th section of the 7th article of the Constitution. 
 
 A FUTURE LEGISLATURE (if an honest one) WILL PRONOUNCE THIS LAW UNCON- 
 STITUTIONAL, as creating a debt against the State, contrary to the constitutional provisions, and 
 WILL REFUSE TO PASS ANY ACT MAKING A NEW APPROPRIATION, OR CONTINU- 
 ING OR REVIVING THE ONE MADE BY THIS ACT— and what remedy have the certificate 
 holders ? There will be no act of repudiation by the State in so refusing to redeem, for it is expressiT 
 
16 
 
 ly provided that there is no debt created against the State, or any liability on her part, express or 
 implied, to pay them. The contract in the certificate provides this. 
 
 The whole project is contrary to the spirit and letter of the Constitution, and nnlpss another as 
 corrupt Lejrislature can hereafter be found as the present, it is somewhat difficult to determine where 
 or by whom these certificates will be I'edeemed. It wouM be well, at all events, for s .ockjobbers, 
 and speculators to obtain the opinion of the "special counsel" upon this provision of the Constitution 
 before investing largely in them. -\ jv 
 
 [From the Alhan'^^E 'fining Atlas, April3, 1851.] 
 
 The Career of Folly Fsalselaood. 
 
 The Nine Million Debt Bill w^as the subject of the morning discussion in the Assembly, The 
 whigs, like the Bourbons. " learn nothing, and forget nothing." Experience adds nothing to their 
 knowledge; time abates nothing of their fatuity. In listening to the debate in the Assembly one 
 hears nothing but the reiteration of the vagu^ generalities, the exaggerated estimates, the false alarms, 
 the fallacies in political economy, the slang and jargon which iu former y^ars were breathed into th^ 
 bubble of speculation — till it exploded. ^ 
 
 We venture to say not only that no honest body of representatives, in any country, would tolerate 
 Buch an opetj violation of the Constitution as is here contemplated, but that no civilized government 
 would countenance this scheme — and no legislative assembly would be disgraced by the falsehoods 
 and puerilities which are the arguments used in its behalf. 
 
 No party, except that party of obsolete ideas and sordid instincts — the party in power at Washing- 
 ton and Albany — would ever have concocted this shallow device, or expect to profit by it. 
 
 [From the Albany Evening Atlas of April 1851.] 
 
 The Mine MIMiom Betot. 
 
 This unconstitutional project passed the Assembly yesterday by a vote of 7G ayes (72 whigs, and 
 Burroughs, of Orleans, Hatch, of Oswego, French, of Madison, and Colvin, of Cayuga, democrats), to 
 87 nays — all democrats — and 25 absentees, of whom 15 were democrats and 10 whigs. 
 
 The law is notoriously and grossly unconstitutional — a violation, not of one, but of a nyimber of the 
 most solemn injunctions of the Constitution — and an outrage upon the whole spirit of that instrument. 
 
 The party that is guilty of this wrong is a minority in the State. It never would have had the 
 power to do this but for the divisions in the democratic ranks. It seizes upon this opportunity as its 
 last chance to engross and speculate upon the public moneys. 
 
 [From the Albany Evening Atlas of April 11, 1851.] 
 
 Tlie Uefeiice of tlie Coiastitiitioii^ 
 
 Yesterday the opinion of Attorney-General Chatfield, to whom the nine million debt bill was re- 
 ferred, was read in the Senate. It was" a masterly defence of the Constitution against this scheme 
 of plunder. It was clear, comprehensive and manly, and swept away the sophistpes, in which this 
 scheme had been clcuded, with a bold hand. The bill now stands in the Senate, stamped with the 
 brand of unconstitutionality, by the law officer of the State. Senators must now act ! Before them 
 stand the Constitution and their oaths of office ; beyond is nine millions of dollars — a corruption 
 fund for the party of the majority for the next three years. They have but to break through their 
 oaths and the Constitution, to reach and grasp this glittering treasure. It is a temptation that they 
 cannot resist! 
 
 [From the Onondaga Standard-^ 
 
 MevoliitioM Tlfireatenedo 
 
 Should the reckless partizans and constitution breakers insist upon forcing the iniquitous Enlarge- 
 ment Bill through the Senate, the democratic members of that body would be fully justified by the 
 people iu resigning their seats to prevent such a consummation. That they would do so, we are not 
 prepared to say; but they are bound by their oaths to protect the Constityition in every Constitu- 
 iional way. If to do this it becomes necessary to resign their seats, they should not hesitate a mo- 
 ment in resorting to that extreme course. They would not be justified in retaining their places, and 
 acquiescing in the deliberate violation of the Constitution, which the whigs propose. 
 
 [From the Oswego Palladium of May 20, 1851.] " " i 
 
 "The SSemocraey will still War Mpoii' it.''' 
 
 Should the twelve Senators be re-elected, or men chosen who agree with them in sentiment, that 
 fcill end the matter. But should a sufilcient number c)f Senators be elected to pass the Nine Million 
 Bill, the tvar will then fairly comm.ence. The law will be thrown into the Supi eme Court, and the 
 question of its constitutionality determined- Should it be decided constitutional, which we have no 
 idea will ever be done, the Democracy vnll still war upon it. They would demand its repeal, and 
 fight for if to the last. Every leading Democrat in the State, with two or three exceptions, as well 
 83 every Democratic press, save two, are arrayed against the scheme. Who supposes that all tMs 
 force will peacefully surrender ? No one who is familiar with their history.